The Evolution of France under the Third Republic ... Translated from the French by Isabel F. Hapgood. Authorized edition with special preface and additions, and introdtion by Dr. Albert Shaw

Preface

AND ADDITIONS AND

Introduction

BY DR. ALBERT SHAW, EDITOR OF "THE REATEW OF REA'IEWS " NEAV YORK: 46 East 14th Street THOMAS Y. CROWELL & COMPANY BOSTON: 100 Purchase Street COPTEIGHT, 1897, By T. T. CEOAVELL & CO. XortoooQ 13rrs5 J. S. Cashing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Norwood Mass. U.S.A.

INTRODUCTION.

. Just a hundred years have elapsed since the first French Republic attained apparent stability, with high prestige and virtual paramountcy throughout Europe. The political fortunes of France since that time have been full of a strange and seemingly capricious variety. As one looks back, hoAvever, over the course of things since the revolutionary period, it becomes plain not only that the last quarter of the hundred years has been by far the best epoch for the French people, but also that the caprice and contradiction of French political history have been rather upon the surface of events, while the real life of the nation has unfolded by processes of development which make the present order in some true sense the logical and necessary outcome of all that has gone before. It has not been the task of our author in the present volume to treat of the entire century.

He finds it desirable, nevertheless, briefly to recite his philosophy of the political evolution of France since the first Napoleon. His views seem to me to disclose not merely a typical French aptitude for generalization and the rationale of things, but further than that a justness of judgment and a reasonableness that inspire the utmost confidence. In his prefatory remarks M. de Coubertin frankly admits the difficulties under which the writer of con temporary history must labor ; but he also claims, very rightly, a number of peculiar advantages as respects

INTRODUCTION.

. IV the sources of information. The present volume seems to me a most admirable instance of the judicious use of the current mass of aArailable material, by a student and observer whose methods are thoroughly Avorkman like, Avhose temper is well-nigh perfect, and who possesses a scientific habit of accuracy combined Avith an artistic sense of proportion. M. de Coubertin has giAren us what is at once a discussion of the nature and Avorkings of the French political system, and a A-ivacious narrative of the principal events in the political and general history of France since 1870, with an analysis of the contemporary life and character of the French people. The first French edition of this work (L' 'Evolution Frangaise sous la Troisieme Republique') made its successful appearance in Paris some months ago.

It is to be observed that the present edition — translated for American and English readers by Miss Isabel F. Hapgood with her well-known fidelity and skill — has been extended and reA-ised at various points by the author himself, in order to adapt it the better for America and the English-speaking world. Thus M. de Coubertin has wisely added many notes which supply names, dates, and political details, while also assigning more space to personal characterizations of the men whose names are entitled to appear prominently in a history of these recent times in France. The Baron de Coubertin is abundantly competent thus to give the revisory touches that would adapt his work for students and general readers in the two great English-speaking lands, because he knows both England and America remarkably well, and is in closer sympathy and rela tionship with Anglo-Saxon life and institutions than almost any other of his fellow-countrymen. Although still a young man, M. de Coubertin has

INTRODUCTION.

. V acquired a broad point of view through wide travel and deep study. He is peculiarly qualified, therefore, to interpret the institutions of his OAvn country for the benefit of Americans or Englishmen. No foreigner could have written certain chapters in this book with the insight that the author displays. On the other hand, no Frenchman not exceptionally familiar with the history, politics, and social life of America and England could, in the writing of a book like this, have rendered a direct service to English-speaking readers Avhile primarily addressing his own countrymen. The international and comparative cast of mind has come to be as second nature with M. de Coubertin, — a thing that can be said of very few Frenchmen. In that re gard he is the De Tocqueville of our day. Quite as De Tocqueville, now more than sixty years ago, visited the United States and England in order to write books Avhich should interpret American democracy and Eng lish life to the Frenchmen of the '30's who had just placed Louis Philippe on a "throne surrounded by Republican institutions," even so M. de Coubertin has for some years past been busily studying and interpreting to the young men of the Third Republic certain phases of English and American life which he has believed might well be incorporated into the French scheme of existence.

M. de Coubertin is a philosophical observer and a constructiAre reformer ; and since he is one of the really notable and remarkable young men of our day, — belonging also peculiarly to the student world, — it is fitting that something of his life and career should be knoAvn to Americans. The Baron Pierre de Coubertin is the scion of a family now old in France, where it has been domiciled for somewhat more than four hundred years. It came

INTRODUCTION.

. VI originally from Italy, by favor of King Louis XL, who conferred honors and titles upon the head of the house. The family came to be knoAvn by the name of Couber tin some time after 1650, by virtue of the fact that its principal seigneurie Avas situated at Coubertin, near Versailles, in the renowned valley of Chevreuse. The Baron Pierre de Coubertin, with whom we have to do, Avas born on the 1st of January, 1863. His life and career have thus far been noteworthy chiefly on the educational side. He Avas educated in Paris, first at the Jesuits' day-school in the Rue de Marat, known as the ficole Saint Ignace, and afterwards in the University of Paris, where he obtained successiArely the degrees of bachelor of arts, bachelor of sciences, and bachelor of law. He also took a post-graduate course in politi cal science at the Ecole des Sciences Politiques.

It was in 1881, when only twenty-one years of age, that M. de Coubertin began his visits to England, with the prime object of acquainting himself inti mately with the life of the great public schools, — Rugby, Eton, Harrow, and the others of that type. He had become strongly conA*inced that there was an ele ment in English education that was sadly lacking in the French schools. Obviously and conspicuously, the English training in athletics, and the English devotion to outdoor sports and exercises, were almost totall}* unknown in the French lyceums and collegiate insti tutes. But Coubertin clearly perceived that some thing even more serious was concerned than the mere question of physical culture. He understood that in the rowing, football, and cricket of the English schools, and all their other games, contests, and field-day exer cises, there was involA--ed an element of moral discipline and strength that supplied in some sense a key to the

INTRODUCTION.

. VII secret of England's power. Not merely a manliness expressed in muscular force and physical bearing was developed in the English arena of school sports or neighborhood contests and pastimes, but also a fine spirit of fair play, a hatred of meanness, lying, and all forms of deceit, and that fundamental kind of honor and integrity of character that cause Englishmen to be trusted and respected, even if not greatly beloved, by all races, in all lands. Furthermore, this love of hardy games and contests seemed to Coubertin the best sort of protection to the young men of our times from the temptation to unworthy indulgences that tend to under mine personal vigor and thereby to diminish the vitality of the nation. The drift in France among young men of education Avas towards softness and over-refinement, and the vices that are somewhat dangerously akin to certain phases of æsthetic development.

The ideals of youth in England seemed, as compared with those of France, to make for the clear eye, the steady hand, the firm will, — in short, for self-control and the conservation of energy. It was, therefore, with no mere boyish fondness for the excitement of athletic contest, con sidered as a thing desirable in itself, that M. de Cou bertin devoted himself to the deArelopment or the revival of a high type of manhood among French students. Older men than he had perceived, after the disastrous war with Germany, that French education Avas lamentably behind the age, and that German military superiority Avas due in large part to the high in tellectual training to which the whole nation had been subjected as a part of a far-sighted national policy. The ministers of education could improve the school system by securing better laws and spending more

INTRODUCTION.

. VIII money. But there was also needed the personal devotion of men who could, by giving their best effort and enthusiasm, work a change in the spirit of student life. Happily, M. de Coubertin has not been obliged to do this Avork in isolation and without help and sympathy ; but he has been the most active spirit in it, and has worked Avith such assiduity as well as tact, intelligence, and fine spirit, that already great results are evident. M. de Coubertin was not content with any merely casual study of English school life, nor did he jump at quick conclusions or attempt to propagate theories of French educational reform until he had tested his views and impressions by repeated comparative inspections of the educational life of the two countries. Thus for four years he went back and forth between England and France, making two or three sojourns a year on the English side of the Channel.

In 1887 he began to publish articles in French magazines and journals, dealing Avith the reform of French education, and the r61e that sport should play in school life. Some of these, also, were interpretatiAre studies of the characteristics of contemporary social and educational life in England, Avith particular reference to the schools and universities. He was ready at length in 1888, at the age of twenty five, to publish his book L' Education en Angleterre, an account of school life in England, which, while valua ble on any account, was of particular use in the ad vancement of the cause to Avhich all his efforts Avere really devoted. The book attracted very favorable attention in France, and its success gave the young author and reformer prestige enough for the public launching of his practical movement, this taking the form of a "committee for the propagation of sports and physical exercises in education," with that eminent

INTRODUCTION.

. IX statesman, scholar, and educational authority, Jules Simon, as president of the committee. In the following year occurred the Paris Exposition of 1889, Avith its congresses and its various opportuni ties for the exemplification of progressive ideas and methods. M. de Coubertin Avas alive to the value of the occasion, and he Avas instructed by the authorities of the exhibition, in connection with the displays and exhibits showing educational methods in foreign countries, to organize an international congress on physical education. The congress Avas not only successful in itself, but especially valuable for the influence it was able to exert upon French public opinion. At this time M. de Coubertin published a book on L' Education Anglaise en France; and before the exhi bition season had ended in the autumn he had the satisfaction of receiving a commission from the National Department of Public Instruction to visit the United States and prepare a report for the benefit of France upon the organization, Avork, and life of American colleges.

He accepted the commission and came promptly to this country ; and his visit is remembered pleasantly by numerous Americans who met him at one institution or another. He visited many colleges and universities in New England, in New York and the other Middle States, in the far South, and in the Mississippi valley and the Northwest, and extended his tour to Canada. His observations were embodied in a book published at Paris the folloAving year, entitled Universites Trans atlantiques. He also founded, upon his return to Paris, a monthly magazine, the Revue Athletique, which he con ducted for two or three years as the organ particularly of the athletic interests of French schools and uni- A^ersities.

INTRODUCTION.

. X Meanwhile, all this Avork for the encouragement of the athletic spirit in the French institutions had begun to tell strongly ; and in the season of 1891-92 it was possible under M. de Coubertin's leadership to organize what is now the Avell-known Union des Societes des Sports Athletiques. This central body is a confedera tion of about tAvo hundred French athletic clubs and societies, half of Avhich are in the universities and col leges. With a view to keeping the French student's interest from flagging, M. de Coubertin endeavored to make some plans for English and American competitions. Thus, in 1892, international football matches Avere begun between French and English teams, Lord Duf ferin himself presiding .over the first one held at Paris. M. de Coubertin also succeeded in securing the recognition of the French Union by the Henley Regatta Committee, and the admission of French rowing crews to the university contests on the Thames.

Again, in that same season, he secured the visit to Paris of a team of American university athletes, as the result of the efforts of an American committee which he had or ganized and in which his friend Professor Sloane, then of Princeton University, was especially active. The practical aspects of M. de Coubertin's work for that season of 1892 should be further illustrated by mention of the seven days' athletic and intercollegiate tourna ment in and about Paris, participated in principally by the athletes of the various French universities and schools, under the honorary presidency of the Grand Duke Vladimir of Russia. To crown the work of the year, M. de Coubertin, at the end of November, gave a lecture in the amphi theatre of the Sorbonne, in which he disclosed his plan for the re-establishment of the Olympic games. The

INTRODUCTION.

. XI enlistment of American interest in this ambitious pro ject for a modern quadrennial tournament of games and sports that should be open to amateurs — particularly those of the student class — from all nations, was much facilitated by M. de Coubertin's second visit to the United States, Avhich occurred in 1893. He had the honor to come again Avith a commission from his gov ernment ; for he had been appointed one of the organizing committee of the French section at the World's Fair, while also designated by the World's Fair authorities at Chicago as one of the honorary heads of the Congress on Higher Education. He improved this opportunity to visit the Pacific coast, Avhere he inspected the University of California at Berkeley, the Leland Stanford University, and other institutions. In each of these two California uniA-er sities, as well as at Princeton, and in Tulane at New Orleans, M. de Coubertin founded a debating prize that will make his name familiar to many future gener ations of American students.

This prize takes the form of an annual medal awarded to the best student debater on some subject relating to French politics or political history. M. de Coubertin's object in found ing these very interesting contests in forensics was to promote, among the educated young men of the United States, a better acquaintance with France through a discussion of French politics every year in several uni versities. Before leaving this country in the autumn of 1893 he had aroused a very general interest, especially in the college Avorld, in his plan for the Olympic games. A little later, in the early weeks of 1894, he was actively at work in England holding conferences and forming his committee for the promotion of the idea of

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. XII the quadrennial athletic tournament. In June of that year the subject was taken up by a great conference or congress, held at the Sorbonne in Paris, a dozen or more nations being represented. King George of the Hellenes sent his best wishes; and the eight-day confer ence, Avith its accompanying fetes and sports in the Bois du Boulogne, Avas fairly successful, resulting in the formation of an international committee to carry the Olympic plan into effect. It was decided that the first games should be held in Greece in 1896, with the further understanding by common consent that the com petitions of 1900 would be held at Paris as a feature of the proposed international exhibition, while somewhat more vaguely it was anticipated that the games of 1904 would be held in the United States. M. de Coubertin then betook himself to Athens, with the result of forming an enthusiastic Greek committee and perfecting plans for the first games, with the Crown Prince of Greece as presiding officer for the occasion.

The games as they actually occurred at Athens in 1896 at tracted a world-wide attention ; and the illustrated articles in Avhich they were described in the periodical press of every part of the civilized world would fill a number of volumes. Meanwhile, M. de Coubertin had been married to Mademoiselle Rothan, daughter of the late M. de Rothan, who was a distinguished ambassador and well-knovra author. In the past two years his pen has been unusu ally busy ; for, besides the present work on France under the Third Republic, he has completed a volume on his recent travels, entitled Souvenirs d'Amerique et de G-rece. Furthermore, he has contributed a number of important articles to the leading French journals and revieAvs, besides a series for the (American) Review of

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. XIII Reviews, and still other literary work. As illustrat ing M. de Coubertin's thoroughness as a student and worker, I may be permitted to remark that at my sug gestion he has Avritten some of his articles in English. To have acquired English after attaining manhood, and to be able not merely to read and speak the language, but to write it for publication Avith full command of vocabulary and with an excellent use of idioms, is an unusual thing, particularly for a Frenchman. M. de Coubertin's mastery of English is simply an indication of his earnestness and persistence in all things to which he may have set his hand. Our author's study of the political history of his oavii country during the past quarter-century would seem to me to shoAv a rare talent for political and institutional history.

For the very reason that he belongs to the new generation, and did not therefore participate in the events that followed the catastrophes of 1870, he finds it the easier to render eAren-handed justice to all the men and parties that were active at that time. I have not read any book which shows with such convinc ing logic as M. de Coubertin's the relation of one moA-ement in French politics to another. His charac terization of men is remarkably just and felicitous. Thiers, MacMahon, Gambetta, Jules Ferry, GreVy, De Freycinet, Jules Simon, Carnot, Boulanger, Cle"men ceau, — these and many others stand out in clear relief, and one feels that Avith a few skilful touches the au thor has given us true and trustworthy portraiture. Furthermore, his study of constitutional modes and parliamentary methods shows a remarkable power of analysis and discrimination. Nothing could be better in its way than his argument for parliamentary government as tending by virtue of

INTRODUCTION.

. its very instability and fickleness to give the Republic a real security. With ministerial rigidity there might in France be danger of revolution ; but where it is so easy to make and unmake ministries, the popular emo tions expend themselves harmlessly, and the great mechanism of government goes on undisturbed. M. de Coubertin of course lays due stress upon the value of the permanent organization of governmental business, under chiefs who do not change, and who owe their loyalty to their bureaus or departments and to the country itself, rather than to parties or ministries. Our author would certainly not be so optimistic and easily satisfied as to extol the constant changing of cabi nets as the ideal arrangement ; for he would not fail to admit that better results would be secured from a higher degree of ministerial stability.

Nevertheless, he makes a strong argument to show that, thus far in the life of the Third Republic, the quick responsiveness of ministries to the veerings of public opinion as ex hibited in the chambers has made for strength rather than for weakness. For the vitality of the Third Republic lies precisely in the fact that it has been an essential unfolding of the latent capacities of the nation itself for its own self-ordering and self-direction, — an Evolution, as M. de Coubertin happily phrases it in the title of his book. If the Republic had been a creation rather than an evolution, it might have come to disaster. If indeed, as some men wished, the Third Republic had been placed under the guarantees of a rigid constitution, — which, like our own American organic law, could not be changed at any point without processes practically requiring years of discussion and an almost unanimous consent in the end, — the lack of elasticity would have

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. XV provoked revolution, and the very object sought for would thus have been lost. As our author shoAvs, the Empire, through the force of events, ceased to exist on the 4th of September, 1870. But the organized political life of the French nation went on ; and the Republic was the only normal possibility. It was simply the nation governing itself under a formula for which no adventitious claims were asserted, and AA-hich the nation was at perfect liberty to reject at any moment it chose. After a little time, the organization of the Republic began to take on a higher degree of differentiation. A second chamber seemed to correspond well to the facts and conditions of the national life, and a Senate was provided. This has thus far shown itself a valuable balance-Avheel, because less impulsive than the Chamber of Deputies, more sober and deliberate in its methods, and more stably representative of the main trend of the nation's best opinion and intelligence.

It has been capable of firm influence, while avoiding, for the most part, the obstructive and irresponsible attitudes that have in recent years so justly brought criticism upon the American Senate and the English House of Lords. Our author shows himself thoroughly appreciative of the value of the Senate in the mechanism of the Third Republic. The practical evolution of the office of the Presidency, from M. Thiers and Marshal MacMahon, through the long period of M. Gr6vy, down to the assassination of President Carnot, is presented most instructively. Nothing better illustrates M. de Coubertin's method in this volume than his treatment of just such a sub ject. There is not a paragraph devoted to abstract discussion of the question of presidential responsibility,

INTRODUCTION.

. XVI or the relation of the head of the state to the prime minister and the cabinet ; but every delicate phase of that very important matter of constitutional laAV and practice is set forth, with all the author's unfailing lucidity, by the more attractive method of concrete narration. Thus Ave are shown hoAV the able, experienced, and conscientious Thiers conceived of the nature of his presidential duties ; and the principles involved are duly revealed as the events recited by our author brought these principles into eA'idence and caused them to be tried and discussed. M. de Coubertin's light upon the character and aims of Marshal MacMahon is especially Avelcome, because its high praise of the man himself, as a patriot Avith an unfailing sense of his duty under the constitution as President, is tem pered at all points by full recognition of the errors of judgment Avhich MacMahon undoubtedly committed.

One's confidence, indeed, in M. de Coubertin's com petency as historian of the Third Republic increases from page to page, as one notes the eAridences of fair ness, and sees ho ay calm and objectiA'-e is his discern ment. It is so rare a thing to find the sympathetic faculty and the constructiAre imagination, conjoined with the trained and alert employment of the critical habit of mind. It is this combination of gifts, — sym path)*- to interpret, imagination to unify and correlate, analytical insight to make just distinctions, together Avith industry in research, accuracy in detail, and the sense of form, proportion, and style, — that has given me a high regard for the work of this author, and a belief that it is entitled to international recognition. But to return from the author to his present work, it is enough perhaps to remark that we are led step by step in the course of the narration to see how, from

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. XVII a Republic which stood for self-government in the sim ple form of the National Assembly, there came to be definitely evolved the two chambers with their appro priate functions ; the presidency with its influence and dignity ; and the cabinet, — responsible not to the president but to the legislative chambers, representing the governmental policy of the day, and yielding, with a responsiveness that from some points of A-iew might seem demoralizing, to the demands of public opinion as expressed through the deputies. It was the purpose of Gambetta, whose qualities and patriotic services are fully appreciated by our author, to consolidate factions into main parties, in order to give more meaning and dignity to parliamentary cabinet gOA'ernment. He be lieved that much could be accomplished in that direc tion by the mere electoral device of choosing deputies in groups on general department ticket, rather than singly in the arrondissements.

But parties are not the outcome of mere election arrangements. Greater stability in French cabinet goArernment must needs come by the slower evolutionary processes, working in the sphere of public opinion. The late M. de LaAreleye, in conversations upon this point some years ago, assured me that he Avas one of many European students of com parative constitutional government who had lost faith in the system of parliamentary responsibility. He preferred the American system of a cabinet responsible to the president, doing executive tasks for a fixed term, and carrying on their work in their own offices without either the right or the duty of appearing from day to day in the legislatiAre chambers, there to seek support for policies, or to initiate, defend, or explain. But if the parliamentary system has its disadvantages, — and we certainly haA'e no occasion to seek its introduction in

INTRODUCTION.

. the United States, — there is much force in our author's answer. This continual process of the making and unmaking of cabinets, far from evidencing the weakness and uncertain footing of the republic, is the best present deA'ice for enabling the ship of state to keep its buoyancy and seaAVorthiness. Under such a system, the republic itself comes to be an object of common loyalty and patriotism. Assaults which might, under other conditions, be directed against the State are merely aimed at the captain and the crew. Obviously, hoAvever, a good deal of incidental harm results from too frequent changes of the captain and the crew, even though such facility of change may make it sure that nobody will attempt to scuttle the ship. For the change of captain means often the shifting of the ship's course, and the abandonment of one de sired port for another.

These inconveniences are par ticularly to be noted in respect of the country's external relations. They have made it comparatively difficult for the Third Republic to take and hold its place in the councils of Europe. They have made alliances more difficult to arrange and maintain, and they haAre caused some regrettable mishaps in the field of diplomacy, while also rendering colonial expansion more precarious and uncertain. Thus France at a critical moment sacrificed her equal influence in Egypt ; and England, with her greater stability of policy, seized the advantage. Thus again Jules Ferry was discredited through a misapprehension of the value to France of his great colonial policy, at the very time Avhen of all men his retention at the helm was most important for the fut ure of France. In the further evolution of the French Republic, therefore, it Avould seem likely that a way will be found to giA-e firmer tenure and better opportu-

INTRODUCTION.

. XIX nity to the administration of the day. It would seem likely also that the Third Republic will continue to pur sue the policy of developing provincial and local life in France by further relaxing the bonds of centralization. The absolute denial of local home-rule under the First Empire had in the main survived until the establish ment of the present Republic. Reforms in that field can be safely urged, with advantages to the national life that will groAv constantly more apparent. The gradual fading out of the monarchical factions in France until all dynastic pretensions had become harm less, is Avell shoAvn by our author through the happy method of his narrative. His treatment of the Bou langer episode is rounded, complete, and just ; although it would seem to me that his recital at this point falls a little short of its accustomed A'ividness.

He does not perhaps quite reveal the depth of the momentary dis may and apprehension that fell upon loyal republican hearts in France when Boulanger won his great elec toral victory in the Department of the Seine and stood at the summit of his brief popularity. I happened to be in Paris through that season, with opportunities which brought me someAvhat behind the political scenes ; and I shall not soon forget that turbulent night at the close of the election, when tried and dignified republican leaders gathered their families about them in uncontrollable tears, and when such cool-headed and veteran statesmen as the late Senators de Pressense and Jules Simon admitted to me that they expected to be banished from France within six months. But if M. de Coubertin has not made the climax, or the apogee, as he calls it, quite dramatic enough, he has certainly drawn the anticlimax in true and firm lines. For he shows us how quickly, under the strong hand