The King's Secret: being the secret correspondence of Louis XV. with his diplomatic agents, from 1752 to 1774

Preface

. As this work, which was composed in part shortly before 1870, has no bearing, however remote, upon those matters of a totally different kind with which my name has been recently connected, I will briefly explain how I have been led to present it to the public. The existence of a secret correspondence carried on by Louis XV. with his diplomatic agents, without the knowledge of his Ministers, is a singular but certain fact, which was suspected during the lifetime of that monarch, and afterwards officially made known by a statement of his successor. All the writers of the time, all the historians of the reign of Louis XV., make mention of it. But what was this mysterious correspondence ? What was this " secret affair," this " secret of the King," as it is habitually called in contemporary documents ? What were its aim and object ? Who were the King's confidants ? What was the action of this clandestine diplomacy upon the political events of

PREFACE.

. that unhappy epoch ? On these points only vague and often false ideas prevailed until a recent date. A few years ago a portion of the veil was lifted by M. Boutaric, Sub-Keeper of the State Becords, a man of learning and distinction, whose death is a great loss. In 1866 M. Boutaric published two in teresting volumes, compiled from the vast national collection of which he had the charge, under the title of " Correspondance secrete inedite de Louis XV., sur la politique etrangere avec le Comte de Broglie, Tercier, &c." But, in imparting to the public that which he found in the archives, the learned editor himself called attention to the gaps which had hindered him from completing his work. He had under his hands only the instructions given and the answers made by the King to his agents, merely orders, or acknowledgments of the receipt of communications, generally brief, and couched in involved phrases.

The correspondence of the agents themselves was not before him ; so that, notwithstanding all the pains he has taken in his admirable introduction to elucidate these incoherent and disjointed documents, and connect them together, many unexplained facts, many hazardous conjectures, much confusion and obscurity, are necessarily found in the work.

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. V The publication of M. Boutaric, which included in its very title the name of one of the members of my family, aroused my curiosity without satisfying it. I had in my childhood often heard my grand-uncle and his secret relations with Louis XV. spoken of, and I felt tolerably sure, from certain indications contained in my father's papers, that the Count's correspondence with the King, as well as that of the other secret agents (the same which M. Boutaric regretted that he did not possess), were in existence at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I formed the design of verifying that fact, and I succeeded in doing so, not without trouble (for the scattered originals were very difficult to find), thanks to the zealous assistance of M. Faugere, the Keeper of the Records of that Ministry. This quest, commenced at a leisure moment, and without any ulterior purpose, led me much further than I had intended, because I found, to my surprise, on reading the documents, that they were of great interest from the point of view of general history.

Those with whom historical research is both an instinct and a taste, know with what eager ness a discovery of the kind is pursued, and will understand how I have been led on without premedita tion, to give to this one its somewhat formidable dimensions. VI

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. I have been furnished with several curious documents taken from the Records of the Ministry of War by M. Camille Rousset, who was the first to reveal the importance of the deposit that was formerly so wisely entrusted to, and has recently been so unwisely withdrawn from, his keeping. Others have been collected from among the papers of my relatives, descendants of Count de Broglie or (like myself) of the Marshal, his brother. Owing to these various items of information acquired from different sources, I am enabled to lay a complete picture of the origin, the aim, and all the vicissitudes of the secret diplomacy of Louis XV. before my readers. I shall greatly deceive myself if they do not share my impressions, and regard this narrative with interest other than that which attaches to the development of an amusing intrigue, if, especially, the character of the chief actor in this little drama, Count de Broglie, do not, in spite of its many weak nesses, present to them the always pleasing spectacle of a mind to which lofty political views were familiar, and of a soul filled with passionate desire for the public welfare.

Unfortunately, I cannot say so much for the other personages who figure alongside of him, and especially for Louis XV., whose reputation (which had nothing to

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. VII lose) will not gain, I fear, by the new light that is thrown upon it. I have not thought it right to suppress any of the miserable truths revealed by the documents, and I am under no apprehension lest a true picture should harm the great memories of the French monarchy. An institution such as that monarchy, wrhich counts ten centuries of duration and of glory, is strong enough to bear the full light of history ; and its discriminating admirers (I hope I am of the number) have no interest in disguising either the faults of the sorry monarch who precipitated its fall, or the evils of that arbitrary power which too often violated its principle and impaired its beneficence. The authenticity of the documents of which I have made use is indisputable, for they are almost all originals in perfectly well-known handwritings, but their history is none the less difficult to understand, as any reader who has sufficient patience to follow me to the end will perceive.

In fact, Louis XVI. had, as we shall see, given directions that all those written records of his grandfather's strange wdiim, which had been handed over to him, should be destroyed. The commands of Sovereigns not being invariably obeyed, it is not very surprising that, notwithstanding this formal interdict, the greater part of the original documents, signed by

PREFACE.

. VIII the hand of Louis XV. himself, still remain in the State archives. The history of those correspondences which are preserved in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is still more singular; for they did not always belong to the repository in which they are now placed, but, in fact, came there by accident, after having passed through the hands of Giraud Soulavie, a writer of some renown in his day, a great collector of more or less authentic documents, and an industrious compiler of more or less authentic narratives. In 1810, Soulavie offered to cede, for a pecuniary consideration, a vast quantity of papers to the Government of Napoleon I. Among them were included some which he pompously describes as " the Records of the Secret Ministry of Louis XV." The negotiation which was entered into with him was not concluded until after his death.

His widow and his heirs received twenty thousand francs from the Ministry, for an acquisition which was in truth worth a larger sum. How had Soulavie obtained possession of these important documents ? Were they originals preserved by Count de Broglie without the knowledge of the King, then entrusted by him to some faithless custodian, who parted with them after the death of the Count, and when all his family had been dispersed by the

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. IX emigration? Were they, on the contrary, abstracted from some public office during the stormy days of the Revolution? It is difficult to arrive at a solution of these questions, as the explanations given by Soulavie are not by any means satisfactory. At all events, let him have come into possession of what was legitimately State property how he may, we may be thankful that he made restitution. In conclusion, I may state, with respect to those documents which have been taken from among family records, that, previous to the study I have made of them, their value was little known and little appreciated by those among us who had inherited them. In order to bring their importance to light, it was necessary to elucidate them by the aid of contemporary history. I am convinced that studies of the same kind might be undertaken with much profit by many of the descendants of families whose names link them with the recollections of old France.

Probably the muniment rooms, not to say the garrets, of more than one ancient chateau, contain historical treasures of great price, hidden under the dust of centuries. Those who possess such documents, perhaps unknown to themselves, can not be too strongly urged to undertake a voyage of discovery, which must redound to the honour of

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. X their ancestors, and would enrich our national annals. In any case, I can assure them, from my own expe rience, that they will find in such an exploration useful employment for their leisure, and most instructive pastime. CONTENTS.

Chapter I. Origin Of The Secret Diplomacy

General Character of the Secret Diplomacy — Position of France and Europe in 1748, after the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle — Importance of Poland in the Balance of Power in Europe — Weakness and Decline of French Influence in Poland — Some Polish Gentlemen offer Prince de Conti to procure his Election to the Throne — Character of the Prince — He Communicates the Proposal to the King — The King permits him to entertain it, and promises to aid him without the knowledge of his Ministers — The Prince designates Diplomatic Agents, to whom the secret may be communicated, and who are authorised to correspond with him — English Intrigues in Poland, and necessity for the French Government's taking a Course — Despatch of a New Ambassador — Choice of Count de Broglie — His Character, the Position of his Family — The Abbe de Broglie, his Uncle — The Prince gives the Count Secret Instructions — His Hesitation — He ends by Accepting the Mission — He passes through Silesia — His Conversation with Frederick II. — Arrival in Poland — Reception at Bialystock, at the house of Count Branicki — State of Poland — The Count's Bold and Skilful Conduct — Influence of the Czartoryski employed in the Service of England and Russia — Diet of Grodno — The Count manœuvres to prevent the Czartoryski from procuring the Breaking Up of the Diet and the Proclamation of a Confederation — The Rule of Mokranowski — The Plan of the Czartoryski is foiled, and a French Party re-constituted — Uneasiness of the French Minister at this Eesult — Count Briihl, Minister to the King of Poland, complains to Versailles of the Count's attitude — The Abbe de Broglie reproves his Nephew — The Count haughtily demands an increase of Salary, and tenders his Resignation — Conti Intervenes, and the Increase of Salary is granted — Disputes with the Court — Success of the Count CONTENTS.

PAGES in Polish Society — The Osrog Estate given in Trust to the Czartoryski ■ — Discontent of the Nobility — Count de Broglie fosters this sentiment, and turns it to advantage — He wins over Count Briihl, who withdraws the Trust of the Osrog Estate from the Czartoryski — Con fusion of the Russian Party, and Triumph of the French — Scheme of General Policy conceived by Count de Broglie — He wants to break the Alliance between King Augustus and the House of Saxony, and England, and to connect them with France — Conti is displeased with this Design — The Count gets Leave of Absence, and goes to Versailles to have his Ideas approved — He returns to Dresden with the Draft of a Treaty 1—97

Chapter II. Change Op The System Of The Political Alliances Of France

— THE ROLE OF SECRET DIPLOMACY SUBSEQUENT TO THAT CHANGE. The Diplomatic Revolution of 1756 — Its Causes easy to determine — The Details have remained obscure — Contradiction between the Narrative of Duclos and that of Frederick the Great — The Action of Madame de Pompadour exaggerated — Frederick II. took the first Steps towards the Rupture — The Treaty of Westminster — Count de Broglie might have foreseen the Alienation of Prussia from France — He is nevertheless taken by surprise by the Event — He acts with sang-froid — His Political Plan is overthrown — He immediately substitutes another, and proposes an Alliance with Austria against Prussia under stated Conditions — The French Minister does not reply to him — The Treaty of Versailles — The Count approves the Principle, but points out Omissions ; also Dangers in its Execution — Russia enters into an Alliance with Austria and France — The Peril in which this Triple Alliance places the French party in Poland — Prince de Conti appears unmoved by it — Secret Manœuvres of the Chevalier Douglas in Russia — Count de Broglie is unaware of them — Sudden Invasion of Saxony — Frederick exacts the Incorporation of the Saxon Troops with the Army — King Augustus, by the Advice of Count de Broglie, takes Refuge with his Army in the Camp of Pirna — The Count reports his Conduct at Versailles, and again suggests a Political Plan — The Minister perseveres in Silence — Hesitation of Frederick — He requires a Communication of the secret Documents of the Saxon Chancellery from the Queen of Poland — The Queen resists, but yields in the End, after a Scene of Violence — Memoir upon the Causes of the Invasion — CONTENTS.

XIII . PAGES Austria advances her Troops in order to assist King Augustus — Count de Broglie wishes to visit the Camp at Pirna — The King of Prussia refuses him a Safe Conduct — He endeavours to pass the Prussian Lines, and is taken — Frederick encounters the Austrians at Lobkowitz, and repulses them — King Augustus is blockaded at Pirna, and being beaten in a Sortie, is obliged to yield — The Saxon Troops are forcibly incorporated in the Prussian Army — Perilous Position of Count de Broglie at Dresden — He remains in order to support the Queen — Frederick sends him an Order to depart — He refuses — The Order is twice repeated — The Count does not leave until he has received his Dismissal from Versailles and accredited a Charge d' Affaires to the Queen — He remains at Prague — His Letter to Count d'Estrees at Vienna, and Reply of the latter 98—192

Chapter III. The Secret Diplomacy Opposed To The Russian Army In Poland

1756 — 1758. Return of Count de Broglie to Versailles — His triumphal reception — He nevertheless perceives that he is kept aloof from all real influence — His zeal for the new alliance is suspected — He wishes to offer his resignation, and return to the army — The King does not consent — He asks for instructions upon the new situation, but cannot obtain them — Prince de Conti ceases to manage the Secret Correspondence ; he is replaced by Tercier, First Clerk of Foreign Affairs — Part taken by First Clerks in the diplomacy of the ancien regime — Count de Broglie returns to Warsaw by way of Vienna — He reaches Vienna after the defeat of Marshal Browne before Prague, and during the siege of that place by Frederick — The Court of Vienna consults him upon the management of military operations — Victory of the Austrian general at Kolin — It is attributed to the advice of Count de Broglie — Gratitude of Maria Theresa — The Austrian Cabinet refuses, however, to pledge itself to support the Poles — Return of the Count to Warsaw — Alarm of the national party in Poland — Entrance of the Russian army on Polish territory — The Count tries to reassure the Poles and to defend them against the Russians — Count Briihl complains to Versailles of the Count's attitude — Chevalier Douglas, French Minister in Russia, conveys these complaints — Cardinal de Bernis, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs in France, receives them — Character of that Minister — He at CONTENTS.

PAGES first tries to restrain Count de Broglie by friendly warnings — The Count maintains his attitude — He exacts and obtains the recall of Stanislas Poniatowski from St. Petersburg — Character of that young nobleman — Battle of Rossbach — Rout of the French Army — Ruin of the French influence in Poland — Poniatowski remains at St. Petersburg — Count de Broglie is deserted, and afterwards severely reprimanded by Bernis — He appeals to the King, who returns an evasive answer — He asks for his recall, and obtains it . . . . . 193 — 260

Chapter IV. The Secret Diplomacy With The Army. 1758—1762

Embarrassment of the Narrator — The Secret Diplomacy has neither a Precise Object nor a Serious Motive — It continues nevertheless — Count de Broglie is ill-reeeived on his return to Versailles by Cardinal de Bernis and Madame de Pompadour — The King does not defend him — The Count is ready to accept his Dismissal, but does not offer to resign — The King withdraws him from Poland, but employs him to continue to direct the Secret Correspondence with M. Durand — The Count does not conceal from himself the impossibility of the Task laid upon him — His motive for persevering in it — His Brother, the Duke de Broglie, aspires to the Command of the Army — The Enmity of Marshal de Belleisle, Minister of War, towards the whole Family of Broglie prevents him from obtaining it — The Count hopes that the Secret Correspondence will permit him to overcome this obstacle — He asks permission to rejoin his Brother with the Army — Madame de Pompadour opposes this — Defeat of Count de Clermont, and Passage of the Rhine by the German Army — The Count requests Service in a Post of some kind — Marshal de Contades succeeds Count de Clermont — Annoyance of the Duke de Broglie — The Count soothes him, and prevents him from resigning — He is attached to him in the quality of Quartermaster- General — Count de Stainville replaces Bernis, and is made Duke de Choiseul — The relations of this Minister with Count de Broglie — The Resemblance between their Origin, but difference between their Characters — Choiseul abandons Poland, and orders Durand to abstain from all interference — He suspects the Relations of Tercier, Count de Broglie, and the King — He deprives Tercier of the Post of First Clerk — The Prince of Brunswick is beaten at Bergen by the Duke de Broglie — Goethe's reference to this Battle — Great Effect produced in France by CONTENTS.

XV PAGE8 the Victory— Defeat of Marshal de Contades at Minden — Public Opinion demands that the Duke de Broglie be placed at the Head of the Army — It is designed to place Prince de Conti there in conjunction with him — He is informed of the Intrigues of the Count by his Uncle, the Abbe de Broglie — He writes to the Abbe to inform him of his Motives for refusing the Command unless it be single — His Letter is sent to the King by the Count unknown to him — The Duke de Broglie is made General- Commandant, Marshal, and Prinoe of the Holy Empire — Marriage of Count de Broglie — The Marquis de Paulmy is appointed Ambassador — to Poland — Count de Broglie condemns this Appointment — The Marquis de Paulmy is not initiated into the Secret, which is confided to M. Hennin, Resident at Warsaw — Instructions of the Duke de Choiseul, who interdicts all action in favour of Poland on the part of the new Ambassador — Strange Instructions to Baron de Breteuil, Ambassador to Russia — The Secret is communicated to M. de Breteuil — Marshal de Broglie prepares for the Campaign — Marshal de Belleisle creates Diffi culties for him — The Abbe de Broglie employs himself in smoothing them away — Correspondence between the Abbe and the Marshal — Com position of the Marshal's Staff — Victory at Corbach — The Reverses of the Austrians and the Russians in Germany prevent the Marshal from profiting by his successes — Engagement at Kloster Kampen — Siege of Cassel, and Letter from Count de Broglie — The Marshal comes to his aid — Discontent and Breach of Discipline in the Army of the Marshal — Dismissal of M. de Saint Germain — Denunciation of the Marquis de Castries — The Duke de Choiseul succeeds Belleisle at the Ministry of War — The Army of the Rhine is defeated, and one division is confided to Marshal de Soubise — Defect of this arrangement — The two Divisions united at Vellinghausen — A lost Battle — The Two Marshals mutually accuse one another — Choiseul takes the part of Soubise — Disastrous Close of the Campaign in 1761 — Marshal de Broglie is accused of this Failure — Letters from Count de Broglie to the Duke de Choiseul and to the King, in Justification of his Brother — The Marshal asks permission to come to Versailles to justify himself — His Return — He submits a Memoir to the King — Choiseul disousses this Memoir in the Council — The Marshal and the Count are exiled to Broglie — Popularity of the Marshal — Incident of the Representation of Tancrede at the Theatre Francais 261—389

Chapter I. Origin Op The Secret Diplomacy

General Character of the Secret Diplomacy — Position of France and Europe in 1748, after the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle — Importance of Poland in the Balance of Power in Europe — Weakness and Decline of French Influence in Poland — Some Polish Gentlemen offer Prince de Conti to procure his Election to the Throne — Character of the Prince — He Communicates the Proposal to the King — The King permits him to entertain it, and promises to aid him without the knowledge of his Ministers — The Prince designates Diplomatic Agents, to whom the Secret may be communicated, and who are authorised to correspond with him — English Intrigues in Poland, and necessity for the French Government's taking a Course — Despatch of a New Ambassador — Choice of Count de Broglie — His Character, the Position of his Family — The Abbe de Broglie, his Uncle — The Prince gives the Count Secret Instructions — His Hesitation — He ends by Accepting the Mission — He passes through Silesia — His Conversation with Frederick II. — Arrival in Poland — Reception at Bialystock, at the House of Count Branicki — State of Poland — The Count's Bold and Skilful Conduct — Influence of the Czartoryski employed in the Service of England and Russia — Diet of Grodno — The Count manœuvres to prevent the Czartoryski from procuring the Breaking Up of the Diet and the Proclamation of a Confederation — The Role of Mokranowski — The Plan of the Czartoryski is foiled, and a French Party Re-constituted — Uneasiness of the French Minister at this Result — Count Briihl, Minister to the King of Poland, complains to Versailles of the Count's attitude — The Abbe de Broglie reproves his Nephew — The Count haughtily demands an Increase of Salary, and tenders his Resignation — Conti Intervenes, and the Increase of Salary is granted — Disputes with the Court — Sucoess of the Count in Polish Society — The Osrog Estate given in Trust to the Czartoryski — Discontent of the Nobility — Count de Broglie fosters this sentiment, and turns it to advantage — He wins over Count Briihl, who withdraws the Trust of the Osrog Estate from the Czartoryski — Confusion of the Russian Party, and Triumph of the French — Scheme of General Policy conceived by Count de Broglie — B He wants to break the Alliance between King Augustus and the House of Saxony, and England, and to connect them with France — Conti is dis pleased with this Design — The Count gets Leave of Absence, and goes to Versailles to have his Ideas approved — He returns to Dresden with the Draft of a Treaty.

I give notice to my readers that this book does not contain matter of a kind which its title may perhaps lead them to expect. They will find in it no romantic history, very few court intrigues, and not a scrap of scandal. I do not deal with the mysteries of Versailles, and I throw no new light upon the amours of Louis XV., the number, the charms, and the characters of his mistresses. I take this precaution be forehand, because the reputation of that sorry sovereign is so thoroughly established that to undertake to deal with the history of his time is to lay one's self open to reasonable suspicion of a compromising nature. What lively and startling disclosures in the region of clandestine policy might not be expected from a narrative of a reign whose official policy was openly governed by Pompadours and Du Barrys !

I have, however, none such to make, and the very natural presumption which ordinarily divines the hidden from the revealed, would in this instance be completely at fault. By a singularity perhaps unexampled, that which the feeble Louis XV. carefully concealed for twenty years from his subjects as well as from his Ministers, was the best that was in himself If he indulged in the strange whim of employing two ministries at the same time, the one active, and the other for consultation, at TWO BINDS OF DIPLOMACY. 3 least he did not resort to that complication for the sake of securing relays of flatterers, and establishing a rivalry in subserviency between the two orders of his servants. On the contrary, while he too frequently abandoned the exercise of his authority to courtiers who were favoured by his own favourites, he privately sought the advice (though not indeed that he might act upon it) of stern politicians, who were frank with him, even to harshness; and it was under the triple seal of a correspondence in cypher that he gave vent to sentiments worthy of a king, and to such passing desires for the public good as still remained at the bottom of his heart.

Hence arose a contrast upon which I reckon for the interest of the following picture. I shall constantly have to set forth the acts of ministerial diplomacy and the opinions of confidential diplomacy, in connection with the same events. On the one side levity and lack of foresight reign almost uninterruptedly ; on the other, severe language which anticipates the judgment of posterity is uttered by unknown counsellors. Upon the stage struts licentious frivolity ; behind the scenes, good sense, morality, and patriotism will frequently be found. One error in particular — at once political and moral — will always be remembered against Louis XV. ; but, unless I am mistaken, the discovery of the secret corre spondence completely alters, if not the gravity, at least the nature of that error. My readers will divine that I am about to speak of the Partition of Poland, of that b act of diplomatic brigandage which was committed under the eyes of indifferent Europe, while the sovereign of France lacked either discernment to detect the design or, at the last moment, courage to arrest its execution.

France will never pardon those who made her a careless or powerless spectator at the destruction of an ancient ally, by one of the most criminal outrages by which the law of nature and of nations has ever been violated. A generous and intelligent people cannot be reconciled, even after the lapse of a century, to the mingled treachery and weakness which were exhibited in such an abandonment of a most righteous cause. From one of the two reproaches brought against Louis XV. on this subject, the following pages will, I think, completely clear him ; although, indeed, only by aggravating the other. The misfortunes of Poland did not take Louis XV. by surprise. He had always foreseen them, and made them the object of constant, though barren and inert, solicitude. Warned of the danger in good time by his private advisers, while his Ministers disregarded alike its gravity and its imminence, he was under no delusion.

His gaze was continuously fixed upon the victim struggling in the grasp of the ravishers ; and it will presently be seen that Poland was in reality the chief, almost the only, object of the secret diplomacy. The first mission of the secret agents was to prepare the way for the accession of a French prince to the throne of Poland, with the avowed purpose of extend ing the influence and protection of France over that POSITION OF FRANCE IN 1748. 5 unhappy country; and when the design had to be abandoned, and the circle of relations, established once for all, was widened to admit other countries and other affairs, Poland still remained the central point to which all the clues of this mysterious plot were carried back. Regarded from this point of view, which is the true one, the secret diplomacy becomes a monument to the sound sense and the good intentions of Louis XV., while at the same time it records his incurable weakness of character.

It reveals without disguise, and enables us to follow step by step, all that Louis contemplated doing, but did not do, to save his reign from an ineffaceable stain, Europe from a source of trouble which is not yet closed, and the conscience of nations from a scandal which has severely shaken the foundations of public law. I. The political history of the eighteenth century (and in certain respects its philosophical and moral history also) may be divided into two distinct portions, by the treaty, concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, which put an end to the great European struggle familiarly known as the war of the Austrian Succession. The origin of that war, and the conditions under which it came to a close, are well known. For France and her allies it was only the natural continuation of the great political tradition inaugurated by Francois I., reduced to a system by Henri IV., carried on with ability and success by Richelieu and Mazarin, at first elevated, but after wards perverted and endangered by the ambition of Louis XIV.