Letters from Greece: with remarks on the treaty of intervention

Front matter

LETTERS FROM GREECE. PRINTED HY A. A. PARIS, 44, liOl.YW l.U. STREET, siKANIi, LONDON LETTERS FROM GREECE: WITH REMARKS ON THE TREATY OF INTERVENTION. BY EDWARD BLAQUIJERE, Esq. AUTHOR OF AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION, *c. *c. " The question, as it appears to me, is this— There is a Treaty not framed in a corner, but openly avowed to the world — a Treaty, known and acknowledged by other Courts ; and I am sure that neither can His Majesty refuse to act in accordance with it, nor can the House of Commons consistently refuse to support His Majesty in maintaining the national honour and character." Speech of Mr. Canning, Dec. 12th, 1826. LONDON: JAMES ILBERY, GREAT TITCHFIELD STREET. 1828.

Introduction

. Having in my late Visit to Greece, as on for mer occasions, made a point of transmitting* an account of passing events to England, I have here reproduced such parts of my Correspond ence as reached its destination, with some additional letters which never arrived ; and such new matter, as the hurry of travelling and difficulty of communication, prevented me from subjoining at the time. To these materials, I have added a variety of documents elucidating the political and military transactions of the Confederacy, subsequent to the Congress held at Epidaurus in 1826, and down to the fall of the Acropolis ; thus presenting, as I hope, a faithful sketch o^ Greek affairs during one of the most interesting

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. periods of the Contest. Without presenting this sketch to the public, I should have considered the task proposed to myself, when I embraced the Cause of our oppressed and suffering co-religionists, as altogether incomplete.* With respect to the concluding portion of the Volume, consisting principally of some com munications made to the public, connected with the object of my return to England, they are inserted more with a view of placing on record, my humble efforts to fulfil the promises made on my departure from the seat of war, than from any intrinsic importance they can possess. Hav ing espoused this cause from principle, and as a British question to all intents and purposes, I have adhered to it through its cruel vicissi tudes, as a matter of duty ; without contesting * Those of my Letters which reached England appeared ip the Morning Herald.

And here it is but justice to say, that however the Conductor of that Journal may differ from the Advocates of the Greek Cause, in some of their con clusions, my communications have been always inserted with scrupulous exactness.

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. IX the opinions, or animadverting on the conduct of those, who may have imagined that any thing which has occurred during the progress of the struggle, diminished its importance, or rendered the obligation to follow it up, less sacred. In deed I have always considered the great interests involved in the regeneration of Greece, to be of so paramount a nature, that the misconduct or inefficiency of many of the actors in this memorable effort, could not justify its abandonment. * Referring more particularly to the communications in question, it is scarcely necessary to * Those who oppose the Greeks, as they do every effort at human improvement, omit no opportunity of attempting to throw ridicule on the sentiment which induce the friends of the Cause, to attach any importance to it on the score of their " classical recollections."

If it were not easy to trace equal ignorance and vulgarity in these brutal taunts, levelled as they are, against the first of social virtues, gratitude; it would be worth while asking our opponents, upon what principle of equity or justice, the Greek people ought to be deprived of that sympathy, which arises from the incalculable benefits con ferred on posterity by their ancestors? — The frequent allusions made to this subject, by certain anonymous scribblers, place them on a level so low, that they are assuredly too contemp tible for a serious refutation. X

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. repeat, that their object was to obtain some assistance for the gallant leaders, to whom the Greek people have confided the command of their naval and military forces. On quitting Greece, I confess that I entertained very sanguine hopes of succeeding in this object. Notwithstanding the malversation and misman agement of the tw o Loans, it struck me that the fact of two British officers being placed, as it were, at the head of the Confederacy, would not only have rallied the early Friends of the Cause, but induced the Bondholders to come forward. It required but a short time to con vince me, that I had formed anticipations the most delusive on these points. Although individuals were not wanting to offer their services, or deprecate the prevailing apathy, I have found it utterly impossible to fulfil the object of my return. * Since the sympathy which existed * It may be proper to state, that those who took an interest in the success of my efforts, flattered me with considerable hopes of obtaining aid. And more than one Bondholder ex pressed a readiness to come forward, whenever a General Meeting should be called.

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. XI at one period of the war, at least to a certain extent, has ceased to operate in favour of the Cause, it is hoped that the very first financial measure of the Greek Government, after the cessation of hostilities, may be such as to restore confidence among the Creditors of Greece in this country. At all events, I can only repeat, in contradiction to Mr. Green and the other enemies of the Cause, that Greece possesses ample means of liquidating her debts, were they even much larger than their present amount With regard to the operations of Lord Coch rane and General Church, it was impossible for them to be carried on to any extent, deprived as they have been of resources of every kind. Had it been otherwise, and these gallant officers possessed the means of acting on the offensive, they might have effected wonders, even before the Treaty of Intervention was promulgated. As it unfortunately happened, the sum brought by his Lordship was exhausted, in the well meant endeavours to save the Acropolis ; and

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XII since that time, the General in Chief has been in total want of every thing ; his troops frequently remaining two and three days without bread ! Under such circumstances, what could he pos sibly effect ? The consequences of not receiving that coun tenance and support, which he naturally antici pated in this country, have been infinitely more acutely felt by General Church than Lord Coch rane. In addition to the funds supplied to his Lordship by the Continental Committees, there has been a second supply raised on the sale of some Greek bonds in London : while, I have reason to know, that with the exception of the assistance afforded by Lord Cochrane, in the effort to save Athens, the General and his troops have been exposed to the greatest privations. It is not, however, for me to enter into details, which will more properly form the subject of future inquiry.

I shall, at present, merely say, that the mode of distributing the supplies, both of money and provisions, sent out by the Com mittees during the last two years, has been

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. XIII marked by the utmost partiality, and not unfre quently, the greatest injustice. As connected with this subject, it is truly lamentable to reflect on the folly which could have dictated the ex pedition to Scio, at a moment when the Allied Fleets were endeavouring to put an end to hos tilities in the Morea. This absurdity, -which will be more apparent when all the facts are known, besides having exposed the Greeks to fresh obloquy, has absorbed a sum, that would have gone a great way towards establishing military organization in the Morea; a measure, without which, I repeat for the twentieth time, no perma nent Government can be formed in Greece. It is, indeed, melancholy to reflect, that a Cause unequalled in its own justice, and the inter esting associations by which it is surrounded, should have been more grossly abused and mis managed, than any other for which a people ever took up arms ! But to recur to another subject. On my first visit to the seat of war in 1823, I instantly per ceived, that the Greeks had thrown off their

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. yoke, without possessing either those physical means, or elements of military organization, necessary to ensure success, unless powerfully assisted from without. Nor was I for a moment blinded to those imperfections of character and improprieties of conduct, among the leaders, which have since become such a fertile theme of vituperation to the enemies of the Cause. But when I reflected that this was indeed a case, in which the sword once drawn, could never be sheathed without incurring the risk of extermi nation; while I saw the sympathies of the whole civilized world ranged on the side of our Chris tian brethren, both religion and humanity dictated the course I have since pursued without devi ation. Where, however, so much difference of opinion seems to have prevailed among some of the Friends of Greece, while her enemies, though few* in number, have continued not only to misrepresent the circumstances which led to the struggle, but the events attendant on its progress ; it was hardly to be wondered at, that one who like myself, wished to give the Greeks the benefit of whatever good qualities they pos-

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. XV sess, should be sometimes an object of ridicule, and not unfrequently taxed with exaggeration. The publication of Mr. Green's book, has afforded me an opportunity of replying* to these charges. Having in the course of my examin ation of that extraordinary production, * had occasion to notice the mismanagement of the affairs of Greece in this country, a subject on which the Public has been tormented to satiety; 1 beg it to be understood, that while I hold the conduct of the real authors of so many calamities in just abhorrence, 1 have never participated in the censures so unsparingly bestowed on those Members of the Greek Committee, who have been the subject of animadversion during the discussions to which the misapplication of the Loans gave rise. Having witnessed the unceasing exertions of the individuals in question, I am bound to say, in addition to my previous asser tion, that had their counsels been followed, the * It has been very pompously announced, that the first Edition of Mr. Green's volume was sold in a fortnight. I can only say, that if there is a syllable of truth in this assertion, it pays but a very sorry compliment to the taste of the Public.

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. XVI second Loan, instead of proving a sourceof irre parable misfortune, would have enabled Greece to drive the enemy from her soil. In offering this as my own conviction, I may truly say, it is that of the most enlightened men in the Confederacy. From a topic so calculated to excite the strongest feelings of indignation and disgust, I turn with inexpressible pleasure to an event, which must be a source of the most heartfelt congratulation, not merely to the friends of Greece, but to the whole civilized world, — an event which I have not ceased to invoke during the last six years ; and without which, I never imagined the Greeks could have effected their emancipation. It will be readily conceived, that I allude to the Treaty of Intervention. If the efforts of the Greek people to shake off a yoke which had become intolerable, was the natural result of the progress of knowledge and spirit of the age ; it is no less certain, that this great compact, of which the immediate effect went to save a Nation from perishing, will form one of

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. XVII the most memorable epochs in the history of Europe ! It was to be expected, that a measure so un exampled in European diplomacy, would become a subject of universal discussion and inquiry. Like all other great deviations from the beaten track, the Treaty of Intervention, though in finitely consoling to the great majority of every civilized country, has found its detractors. Without attempting to trace the motives, or im pugn the conduct, of those who have laboured to render it unpopular, by denying its justice and expediency; all I require, in recording my own humble opinions, is an extension of the can dour and indulgence which the opponents of the Treaty, doubtless claim for themselves. Having on every occasion, since taking up the Greek question, endeavoured to separate it from the politics of any particular party, the following observations will be offered in the same spirit. For, notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, it is no less fallacious than cruel, to confound the efforts of a people struggling to b

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. throw off such a yoke, with other popular move ments of the same period : or to deny, that their claims ought to be exclusively estimated with a view to the general interests of humanity. The most equitable mode of discussing the justice and expediency of the Treaty, is shortly to state the Case of the Greeks, in its relation with Public feeling throughout Europe ; and then advert to the situation in which the Great Powers stood towards each other, at the period of its ratification. In despite of all the sophistry and falsehood, which a few isolated individuals have put forth, relative to the mild treatment of the Greeks by their Ottoman masters ; I can never be persuad ed that these writers themselves, believe that the former were not fully justified in their attempt to throw off the yoke.

Without recapitulating any of the numerous facts in proof of this as sumption, recorded by so many travellers, and the most eminent men in Europe ; the universal sympathy manifested in their favour when they

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. XIX took up arms, is in itself, a conclusive evidence as to the admitted justice of their Cause. By a singular coincidence, though perhaps a natural one in other respects, the first efforts in favour of Greece were made under the most despotic Governments of the Continent ; and where it would have been easy to suppress every impulse in support of popular freedom. In Russia it was impossible, owing to the fact of the late Monarch being at the head of the " Holy Alliance?' to encourage, or admit, of any demonstrations in behalf of a people, to succour whom, one of his Chamberlains is known to have sold his jewels. * But it was far otherwise in Germany, where associations were formed, and the humblest peasant came forward with his mite, to aid the victims of Turkish oppression and barbarity.

From Germany, whence supplies of every kind, * When I look at the liberal policy of the reigning Emperor, I can no longer fear to name Count Bulgari. In doing so, I am bound to add, that he is an honour to his Country, and justly entitled to its gratitude. b

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. XX and to a great extent, were sent to Greece, the flame spread to Switzerland ; whose sons being themselves the hereditary heirs of freedom, nobly emulated the generous example of their neighbours. It was not till the Contest had continued nearly three years, that any effort was made in this Country, also the bOasted land of freedom, in behalf of the struggling people of Greece : and there is but too much reason to believe, that the Cause might have remained neg lected for a much longer period, had it not been for the arrival of M. Luriottis, whose visit was more accidental than otherwise. * From a * In common with others, I had written to some old Greek friends, soon after the Insurrection broke out, urging them to send an agent to England. Such, however, was the decided manner in which Lord Castlereagh declared against the Cause, that no person came till the early part of 1823.

And even then, M. Luriottis was merely on his return to Greece from Spain. His reception among the Spanish Liberals was not very creditable to men who had so recently engaged in a struggle by no means dissimilar to that of the Greeks. But they were, perhaps, not in a state to render any effectual assist ance to others. They might, however, have shewn a disposition to do so ; whereas I have reason to know, that M. Luriottis not only failed iu the object of his Mission, but was treated with great neglect by certain individuals, who

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. XXI variety of circumstances, needless to repeat, when the Greek Cause became a party question, that of humanity was either sacrificed or forgotten. And on looking back into the history of British charity, it was found that more than a hundred thousand pounds had been subscribed in a few short months in aid of the Russian peasantry ; while not even a fifth of this sum, could be raised to succour a Nation of Christians, struggling not merely for freedom from a most galling slavery, but for their very existence ! Though I mention this fact with feelings of poignant regret, it is done without any view of depreciating our claims to benevolence. Nothing, however, can be a stronger illustration of the baneful effect, which party spirit can produce on the most generous impulses of our nature. Although it must ever be a source of regret, that with a few honourable exceptions, the Minis-. ters of Religion, (I speak in the universal sense without reference to sects) could never be are now in poverty and exile, though they were then in the zenith of power.

Should they ever return to it, I trust adver sity will have taught them to feel a little more sympathy for those who are occupied in the same glorious pursuit.

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. XXII persuaded, that the success of the Greek Cause, was intimately connected with the great interests of Christianity ; it would be preposterous to deny, that a very large sum might have been collected in this Country, had it not been for the fact to which I have alluded. The history of the two Loans, and their ill-fated misappli cation, does not enter into the object of the present remarks. * • Though the feeling in favour of Greece which prevailed for some time in the United States, was much more intense than in England, the subscriptions there, have not been so liberal as might be expected. With respect to the transaction of the frigates, it was fully as disgraceful to all the parties concerned, as the most flagrant acts of their coadjutors on this side the Atlantic : and like them, reflects as much discredit on the National character of America as on that of England.

It is really lamentable to think, that men should be found in either Country, capable of thus sacrificing every principle of integ rity and honour to their avarice and rapacity. I am aware that many persons, for whose opinions I entertain the utmost respect, -will censure me for not entering into more ample details on the subject of the Greek Loans : but I still feel that they will more properly form a separate Work; and as already stated, I shall leave the task of more minute exposure to others. A friend of the Greek Cause, who is intimately acquainted with all the facts, especially those relative to the Second Loan ; after expostulating with me on the determination I had formed, exclaimed — " You are the best

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. No sooner had England relaxed in her endea vours to befriend Greece, and the scanty pro ceeds of the Loans had been dilapidated to so little purpose, than an irresistible spirit of sym pathy burst forth in France; as if that Provi dence which seems to have manifested itself so strikingly throughout this singular Contest, had prompted the sudden impulse ; the more remarkable, since it extended to all parties : and took place under a Ministry, which had, as it has since been, decidedly favourable to the views of the Porte, and more especially to those of Mehemet Ali. If the succours received from Germany and Switzerland, in the early part of the Contest, enabled the Greeks to sustain their arduous struggle till the arrival of aid from this Country; it would be an act of great injustice to deny, judge; but 1 can only say, that if you omit this necessary inquiry, you conceal one of the most nefarious transactions that ever occurred in any Country !"

Happily for the friends of virtue and humanity, the disgrace brought on the National character of England, by these transactions, has been neu tralized, if not obliterated, by the Treaty of Intervention.

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. that those administered by France and a few Continental Committees, during the last two years ; and since the remnant of the Loans were locked up for the purpose of private specula tions, have been incalculably beneficial. So much so, indeed, as to have enabled the poor Christian population to hold out, until the final interposition of the Divinity in their behalf ! In thus cursorily noticing the progressive adoption of the Greek Cause throughout Eu rope, it is worthy of remark, that the excesses which its most enthusiastic advocates admit to have thrown a deep shade over the struggle, did not prevent the manifestation of public sympa thy. From this fact it is evident, that those who took up the subject in France — and as already stated, they consisted of the most dis tinguished men of every party — very properly considered that a whole people, of whom three fourths were women and children incapable of carrying arms, and consequently guiltless of those excesses, ought not to be abandoned, on account of atrocities in which they could not

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. XXV possibly have had any share. To these facts, it may not be irrelevant to add, that the Greeks who have been engaged in the struggle, from the Palicari whose days and nights were passed on the summits of snow-clad mountains, or amidst the burning heats of summer, without adequate food or raiment, to the helpless mother and her children driven from their homes and famishing from mere want, have never for one instant aban doned the belief of their Cause being in the hands of an overruling Providence ! When this seeling is coupled with the progress of popular sympathy in the rest of Europe, and the con clusion of the Tripartite Treaty, just as there was reason to apprehend the efforts of the Sul tan, aided by foreign intrigue which will ever remain a blot on the age, are considered ; I do not hesitate to say, that it requires no very great stretch of thought to believe, that the conviction so generally entertained by the Greek peo ple, is not without its share of probability. * * I am aware that the frequent abuse of the awful name of Providence, and its application to the most atrocious poli tical crimes, may subject the observations I have made to

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. The march of policy adopted by the Great Powers presents a series of facts, which are particularly calculated to excite curiosity and inquiry, as connected with my previous obser vations. When the insurrection of Alexander Ipsilanti broke out, every circumstance connected with it, induced those most competent to judge, to affirm that it met the approbation, if it was not actually prompted, by the Russian Cabinet; which, however, lost no time in disavowing it. The policy of Austria in such an affair, might have been easily anticipated. England too, some degree of ridicule. But if the most sceptical in such matters do not admit of exceptions to the general rule, I shall of course hardly expect their concurrence. If has been a theme of incessant and general remark in Greece, that whenever the Cause has reached a certain point of depression, something has occurred to revive the hopes of the people.

The destruction of the Turkish army in 1822, had all the appearance of a miracle to the eyes ofthe lower classes. The naval successes at the commencement of the struggle, produced a similar feeling. And as to the Treaty of Inter vention, the least superstitious among the Greeks may be excused from attributing that measure to supernatural Agency.

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. XXVII linked as she was with Continental politics, and under an influence needless to name, declared against the struggling Christians of the East. The French Ministry, was from its very nature opposed to any popular movement ; and were it otherwise, France was still too much fettered by her neighbours to adopt a different system. Thus were all the Great Powers of the Universe opposed, in sentiment at least, to the Greeks : while public opinion among the People of every Country, was decidedly favourable to the Cause. Matters remained in this anamolous state until the death of Lord Castlereagh. Not long after that singular event, the accession of Mr. Canning gave a new turn to the Foreign policy of England : as this policy, when properly di rected, that is to say, in accordance with the wishes and interests of the Nation, must always be favourable to freedom and humanity all over the world, no wonder that the new Foreign Secre tary should have cast his eyes towards the suffering Greeks. While he perceived all the difficulty

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. and inconvenience of our interference, and could not be indifferent to the excesses which had marked the progress of the Contest on both sides, there is no doubt but Mr. Canning saw the Greek Cause with the eyes of a philosopher and statesman. After having considered the universal sympathy manifested towards it, and thus found a powerful motive for inquiry, he naturally examined the question in its political bearings. Might not the Minister have said — " Here are a handful of Christians driven to the necessity of taking up arms by ages of an in tolerable tyranny, bearing up for several years against the whole power of Turkey. Surely there are interests connected with such an un exampled struggle, which requires the inter ference of England on principles altogether distinct from those of mere humanity?" — Such would certainly have been a very natural reflec tion for a Stateman like Mr. Canning, who fore saw all the consequences of suffering the Contest to proceed. What was the probable result of his inquiries, when he approached the subject still closer? With regard to the Porte, an

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. XXIX old ally of England, and who had long been threatened with invasion by Russia ; — she had exhausted her resources, both naval and mili tary, without having made any sensible impres sion on the insurgents. It is true, that when joined by the whole power of Mehemet Ali, the success of the Sultan was more decisive. But who will deny, that the Egyptian Satrap had em barked in a war which could not fail to produce similar effects on his treasury. In contemplating the entire success ofthe Sultan over his Christian vassals, another dilemma presented itself. Will any person who has the slightest acquaintance with the invariable policy of the Turks, and who is aware of the feelings they entertain towards the Greeks, maintain that they could have ever for gotten previous excesses ; or that a system of relentless persecution would not have followed submission, and thus have furnished the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh with a justificatory plea for entering into the long meditated war ?

I shall confine myself to this question alone, without re ferring to the general feeling throughout Europe, as to the necessity of interference on the part of

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. the Great Powers, if only to put a stop to so murderous and unnatural a Contest. While the Minister was pursuiug his inquiries and indulging in those reflections to which the existing state of affairs naturally gave rise, he was hurried into action by events as unforeseen as they were uncontrolable ! The sudden death ofthe Emperor Alexander, in an obscure corner of his vast dominions, was followed by the discovery of a conspiracy more extensive than any which had ever been formed in Europe, whether as regards the numbers engaged in it, or their high rank in the State. Without entering into an examination of the motives which led to this wide spread combination, it is notorious that the forbearance of the late Emperor on the Greek question, was a prominent source of dis content throughout the Empire, and especially among military men of all ranks.

It is equally certain, that the first subject of diplomatic in tercourse between the two Courts, related to the necessity of interfering in the concerns of Greece. I do not pretend to be in the secret of

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. XXXI what really passed ; but, having closely watch ed the progress of events, and combined appearances with information received from what I considered as an authentic source at the time, I really believe it was notified to the Cabinet of Saint James's, that the new Emperor could no longer refrain from taking up a subject on which the greatest excitement continued to prevail all over his Empire ; not to mention the non-ratification of the Treaty of Bucharest, and other grievances of long standing. There is every reason to believe, that the motives ad duced for the proposed policy, on the part of Russia, were such as left no doubt of the sin cerity of the new Monarch. Here I will ask the most violent opponent of Mr. Canning's policy, whether he would have said to Russia, under all the circumstances of the case, " If you declare war against Turkey, we must join her against you?"