XXXVII. GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS (part 2 of 2)

XXXVII. GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS (part 2 of 2)

[XXX‑22] These men did not appear, though Harris was sent to the Santa María in search of them. On the 15th of March they fell in with a bark with five or six Englishmen on board commanded by Henry More. This vessel belonged to Captain Knight, who was cruising off the coast of Mexico, and, as the men said, had parted company with his ship one night. Swan, in order to promote Harris, professed to believe that the men had deserted, and deposing More, gave the command to Harris. Id., 197.

[XXX‑23] Divided as follows: Captain Davis' ship, 36 guns and 156 men; Captain Swan with 16 guns and 140 men; these were the only vessels that had artillery. Townley with 110 men; Harris with 100 men. These were nearly all English. Captain Grogniet with 308 men; Captain Branly with 36 men; Townley's bark with 80 men; and two tenders with a crew of eight men each. They had also a 30-ton bark converted into a fire-ship. Id., 208. Lussan, Journal du Voy., 60-1, gives the same number of vessels; with regard to the men he says: 'Ils se trouverent monter à environ onze cens hommes.'

[XXX‑24] 'First the Admiral, 48 Guns, 450 Men; the Vice-Admiral, 40 Guns, 400 Men; the Rear-Admiral, 36 Guns, 360 Men; a Ship of 24 Guns, 300 Men; one of 18 Guns, 250 Men; and one of 8 Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fire-ships, 6 Ships only with small Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; besides 2 or 3 hundred Men in Periagoes.' This account was obtained afterward from Captain Knight, who, when off the coast of Peru, gathered the information from some captives. Dampier's Voy., 207-8.

[XXX‑25] Grogniet sailed away when the Spaniards came in sight. He afterward urged as an excuse that his men would not let him join in the fight. He was cashiered, but was eventually allowed to depart with his ship and men. Id., 208-9. Such is the English account. Lussan, however, states that because Grogniet's ship had no guns and was intercepted by a vessel carrying 28 cannon he was unable to join in the engagement. Journal du Voy., 85-6.

[XXX‑26] The loss of Spaniards in this engagement is not known, but Dampier makes the doubtful statement that the pirates lost only one man. Voy., 209. The account given by Lussan, who was on Harris' ship, differs materially from that of Dampier. He asserts that the treasure-fleet succeeded in getting to Panamá unnoticed by the buccaneers, and that seven vessels then sailed out and engaged with them, with nearly the same results as those described by Dampier. Harris' ship received above 120 common shot, and those of Davis and Swan suffered severely. Journal du Voy., 79-88. The difference in dates between Dampier and Lussan is explained by the fact that the French had three years before made a change of ten days in their calendar which the English government had not done. Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 177.

[XXX‑27] 'We were glad to escape them; and owed that too, in a great measure, to their want of Courage to pursue their Advantage.' Dampier's Voy., 209.

[XXX‑28] While thus occupied they sent a detachment against Pueblo Nuevo where Sawkins was killed in 1580. The town was easily taken, but little booty was obtained. On the 5th of July they were joined by Captain Knight, whose cruise had not been profitable. Id., 213-4. The descent upon Pueblo Nuevo was the cause of the defection of the Frenchmen, who still remained to the number of 130. The French thought the English took advantage of their small numbers and refused to put up with their domineering, 'quand nous vîmes qu'ils continuoient à prendre sur nous les mêmes hauteurs, nous debarquâmes cent trente François.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 93-4.

[XXX‑29] Their force now consisted of 640 men and eight ships, under captains Davis, Swan, Townley, and Knight. Captain Harris had lost his vessel, which 'being old and rotten fell in pieces' while he was careening her. Dampier's Voy., 215.

[XXX‑30] According to one authority only two men were on the lookout. One of these perceived the buccaneers and hastened to the city to give warning. His story was not believed; he was arrested and it was the intention to have him publicly flogged. This occurred August 21, 1685. Morel, Visita, MS., 47-8.

[XXX‑31] 'Townley, with 80 of the briskest Men, marched before, Captain Swan with 100 Men marched next, and Captain Davis with 170 Men marched next, and Captain Knight brought up the Rear.' Dampier's Voy., 219.

[XXX‑32] There is a discrepancy in the account of Dampier, who states that 59 men were left with him, which would raise the number of those who left the fleet to 530, without counting the four captains.

[XXX‑33] Townley took the town at 3 P. M., Swan arrived at 4 P. M., and Davis at 5 P. M. Knight did not come up till an hour later, leaving many tired out, who afterward came straggling in. The Spaniards killed 'a stout old Grey-headed Man aged about 84, who had served under Oliver in the time of the Irish Rebellion.' He had refused to remain with the canoes, and when surrounded by the Spaniards would not accept quarter, but discharged his gun at them, 'so they shot him dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was a very merry hearty old Man, and always used to declare he would never take Quarter.' Id., 219-20. According to Morel de Sta Cruz, Visita, MS., 48, the buccaneers entered the town at 11 A. M., opposed by only 50 men, 49 of whom fled, the remaining one fighting until disabled by many wounds.

[XXX‑34] One Smith who had dropped behind and was captured so exaggerated the numbers of the freebooters that the governor was afraid to attack them, though Smith estimated his forces at over 1,000 men. Smith was afterward exchanged for a lady of high position. Dampier's Voy., 220. Lussan states that the French, having arrived at the port of Realejo some months later, learned that succor had been sent from towns in Nicaragua and Salvador, and that the English freebooters 'avoient envoyé plusieurs fois offrir à ces gens de secours, le combat en raze savana, ce qu'ils avoient toujours refusé, disant qu'ils n'étoient pas encore tous ramassez.' Journal du Voy., 112-3.

[XXX‑35] 'Our Captains demanded 300,000 Pieces of Eight for its Ransom, and as much Provision as would victual 1,000 Men 4 months.' Dampier's Voy. According to Voy., A New Col., iii. 78, 30,000 pieces of eight.

[XXX‑36] Swan was accompanied by Townley with his two barks. Knight and Harris followed Davis. Dampier cast his lot with Swan 'to get some knowledge of the Northern Parts of this Continent of Mexico.' Dampier's Voy., 223-4. Swan after an eventful cruise on the Mexican coast steered across the Pacific homeward bound, having parted company with Townley. After enduring great privation he reached the Ladrone Islands, and thence proceeded to the Philippines, where his men mutinied, and left him with more than 40 others on the island of Mindanao. He was afterward murdered by the natives. Id., 375, 445-6.

[XXX‑37] 'À cause de l'excommunication qu'ils avoient eux-mêmes fulminée contre elle.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 119.

[XXX‑38] 'Après quatre jour d'une abstinence fort étroite.' Id., 126.

[XXX‑39] About 20 leagues distant from Chiriquita, and about 24 leagues west of Panamá. Id., 88, 131.

[XXX‑40] Lussan nearly lost his life by falling with four others into an ambuscade. But he escaped unwounded, though two of the party were killed and a third lay hors de combat. The faith of this freebooter in the protection of providence is refreshing: 'je ne fus garanti du massacre,' he says, 'sans être seulement blessé, que par une protection du Ciel toute manifeste.' Id., 135.

[XXX‑41] During the month of February 14 died. Id., 143.

[XXX‑42] The pirates lost in this encounter 4 killed and 33 wounded. Id., 146.

[XXX‑43] 'Nous fîmes en suite des Ordonnances par lesquelles nous condamnions à perdre leur part de ce qui se prendroit en ce lieu, ceux d'entre nous qui seroient convaincus de lâcheté, de viol, d'yvroynerie, de desobeïssance, de larcin & d'être sortis du gros sans être commandez.' Id., 151.

[XXX‑44] According to Morel, Visita, MS., 32, and Robles, Doc. Hist. Mex., ii. 435, the sacking of Granada occurred in 1685. But Lussan's date is supported by his mention of the fact that Leon and Realejo had been sacked by the English pirates before the arrival of the French on the coast, Journal du Voy., 112; and Dampier states that those cities were captured in August 1685. Voy., 216-21.

[XXX‑45] Lussan, Journal du Voy., 154. Robles says 900 men entered Leon and Granada. Diario, ii. 435.

[XXX‑46] Lussan states that the people of Granada had been warned three weeks previously by the authorities of Esparza. Journal du Voy., 154-5.

[XXX‑47] Burney states that Granada was not regularly fortified, but had a place of arms surrounded by a wall. Discov. South Sea, iv. 267. Lussan says this was capable of holding 6,000 men. Journal du Voy., 160.

[XXX‑48] 'Ils foncerent dans la ville les yeux fermez, chantans dançans comme des gens qui vont à un festin.' Lettre du Gouv., in Lussan, Journal du Voy., 256.

[XXX‑49] Morel, Visita, etc., MS., 33, says without more loss than 13 men.

[XXX‑50] The absurdity of practical religion is reached when we find it stated on good authority that one of the principal causes of the rupture between the French and English pirates was the impiety of the latter, 'ne faisant point de scrupule, lorsqu'ils entroient dans les Eglises de couper à coups de sabre les bras des Crucifixs, & de leur tirer de coups de fusil & de pistolet, brisant & mutillant avec les mêmes armes, les image des Saints en derision du culte que nous autres François leur rendions.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 94.

[XXX‑51] All the wealth of the city had been placed on board two ships and conveyed to an island in the lake, but the pirates having no canoes could not seize it. Id., 163-4.

[XXX‑52] Id., 162. The Spaniards believed the pirates' message a mere threat, and did not try to redeem the city. Morel, Visita, MS., 33.

[XXX‑53] Vetancurt states that this year, 1686, the English entered Granada and rifled the tomb of Bishop Alonso Bravo de Laguna, and that having stripped the ornaments from the body, which they found perfectly preserved, set fire to the cathedral, with which the prelate's remains were burned. Menolog., 136.

[XXX‑54] They had carried off from Granada a cannon, but were obliged to abandon it the first day owing to the oxen dying of thirst. Lussan, Journal du Voy.

[XXX‑55] 'They came upon Ria Lexa unexpectedly, and made 100 of the inhabitants prisoners.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 269.

[XXX‑56] In all only 7,600 pesos, and this sum was divided among the crippled and wounded. Lussan, Journal du Voy., 177.

[XXX‑57] 'Qui est à trente lieües sous le vent de Panama.' Id., 179-80.

[XXX‑58] At San Lorenzo, near Pueblo Nuevo, 'le Commandant du lieu vint nous offrir une somme d'argent pour la rançon des prisonniers; ce que nous refusâmes, parce que nous avions beaucoup plus besoin de vivres: Nous luy dîmes que s'il ne nous en apportoit, ... qu'il n'avoit qu'à envoyer sur l'Isle y chercher leurs têtes.' Id., 244-5.

[XXX‑59] On one occasion a mounted Spaniard displayed his hatred for the pirates by reviling them and making grimaces at them from a safe distance. The intruders placed five men in ambush and continued their march. The unfortunate Spaniard fell into the hands of the concealed party. Lussan, with his usual flippancy when treating of barbarities, thus describes what followed: '& luy fimes faire la grimace tout de bon. On l'interrogea avec les ceremonies ordinaires, c'est à dire en luy donnant la gêne, pour sçavoir où nous étions.' Id., 264-5.

[XXX‑60] Grogniet died on the 2d of May following from the effect of a wound which he received at Guayaquil, where the pirates captured a large quantity of booty in merchandise, pearls, precious stones, and silver-plate. Id., 302, 308.

[XXX‑61] The padres persuaded them that the freebooters were not even of human form, and that they would eat them and their children. On one occasion a Spanish lady fell into the hands of Lussan, and with tears in her eyes exclaimed: 'Segnor, por l'amor de Dios no mi como' (sic). Id., 304-5.

[XXX‑62] They carried with them plunder in gold, silver, and jewelry, valued at £200,000. The silver was held in little esteem on account of its weight, and for an ounce of gold 80 and 100 piastres in silver were given. Many of the men had lost their share of the booty by gambling and a plot was formed by these to murder their rich companions. Lussan, however, who had accumulated in gold and precious stones about £7,000, divided his wealth among the most needy, on the condition of their returning a certain proportion to him when they arrived at their destination. Archenholtz, Hist. Pir., 218-21; Lussan, Journal du Voy., 385-6.

[XXX‑63] The sick and wounded with the baggage and horses were left with a guard in camp, with orders to fire their muskets frequently during the night that the enemy might think them all there. Lussan says there were 80 thus left in camp, but as there were only 280 in the first place, and some had died, there must have been a mistake. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., iii. 312-4.

[XXX‑64] Lussan, Journal du Voyage, 411. Nevertheless this author rather inconsistently adds: 'Cependant touchez de compassion par la quantité de sang que nous voyons couler avec l'eau de la ravine, nous épargnâmes le reste.' This same authority, who was one of the assailants, states that the pirates had only one killed and two wounded, which statement Archenholtz, Hist. Pir., 226, seriously questions.

[XXX‑65] This stream is or was known by a variety of names. On different maps I find it called Rio Grande del Coco, Rio de Oro, Rio Herbias, Rio Segovia, Wank River, Yare River, and Cape River. Archenholtz remarks: 'This river, whose name does not occur in any of the historical materials we have consulted, but which appears to be the river Magdalen, derives its source from the mountains of New Segovia.' Hist. Pir., 230. Burney, Discov. South Sea, iv. 292, says: 'according to D'Anville's map ... it is called Rio de Yare. Dampier ... names it Cape River.'

[XXX‑66] Lussan calls them piperies. They were constructed of four or five pieces of light timber lashed together with lines of the bejuco plant. Journal du Voy., 422.

[XXX‑67] Lussan says there were at least a hundred waterfalls, the larger ones with tremendous whirlpools. These cataracts could be passed only by portage. 'In short, the whole is so formidable, that there are none but those who have some Experience, can have right conceptions of it. But for me ... who, as long as I live, shall have my Mind filled with those Risques I have run, it's impossible I should give such an Idea hereof but what will come far short of what I have really known of them.' Bucaniers of America, i. 171.

[XXX‑68] Six Frenchmen concealed themselves behind the rocks and fell upon five Englishmen who were known to be well supplied with booty and massacred them. 'Nous trouvâmes mon compagnon & moy, leurs corps étendus sur le rivage.' Lussan, Journal du Voy., 430-1. The murderers escaped and their companions never saw them again.

[XXX‑69] Lussan states that they left 140 behind finishing their canoes.

[XXX‑70] Twelve leagues distant, to the east of Cape Gracias á Dios.

[XXX‑71] The English buccaneers remained for a time with the Mosquito Indians near Cape Gracias á Dios. The greater part of the Frenchmen reached the settlements, but 75 of them who went to Jamaica were imprisoned by the duke of Albemarle, the governor. On his death the following year they were released; but neither their arms nor plunder were returned to them. Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 293-4.

[XXX‑72] Lussan, in Bucaniers of Amer., iii. 180; and Journal du Voy., 448.

[XXXI‑1] Paterson, the son of a Dumfriesshire farmer, was born in 1658. There are no authentic records as to his early career. In Francis' Hist. Bank of England, and Strain's Inter. Com., 15, it is stated that he went out as a missionary to the West Indies and afterward joined the buccaneers. The statement is not so improbable as it may seem, for the freebooters while robbing and murdering the Catholic Spaniard imagined they were serving God, as did the Spaniard when he plundered and slaughtered the natives. Wilkes, Hist. Oregon, 48, says he was supposed to have been originally a South American buccaneer.

[XXXI‑2] See Orig. Papers and Letters relating to the Scots Company, 50.

[XXXI‑3] Id., 53. It will be observed that his Majesty's ministers then as to-day were not always very proficient in English grammar.

[XXXI‑4] The anonymous author of 'A Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien,' Edinburgh, 1699, 3. His nom de plume is Philo Caledon.

[XXXI‑5] The writer of '_A Just and Modest Vindication of the Scots Design, For the having Established a Colony at Darien_,' 1699, anon.

[XXXI‑6] In December 1698 the company granted to a council constituted from its members certain rights conferred on them by the Scotch parliament and confirmed by William IV. In An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of the Scots Colony, Glasgow, 1700, anon., 67, the full text of the declaration of the council is given. This work was published in answer to a charge that the failure of the company was wholly due to the Scots themselves, and especially to the officers of the company. The English commons declared it 'false, traitorous, and scandalous,' and ordered it to be burned by the common hangman, and the author imprisoned. The Scots were no less incensed and equally clamorous for the punishment of the offender.

[XXXI‑7] English opposition and high prices compelled them to go to Amsterdam and Hamburg, where they ordered six ships with 50 guns each. Darien, Enquiry, 82. Four ships only, one of which was sold before the first expedition started. Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 362. The 17th of July 1698 the first expedition, consisting of the three ships, the Caledonia, the St Andrew, and the Unicorn, and two tenders, carrying about 1,200 men, left the frith of Edinburgh. Id., 363. July 26, 1698, and same number of vessels. The expedition sailed from Leith. Winterbotham's Hist. U. S., iv. 124; Strain's Inter-Com., 16. In beginning of Sept. 1699, Seemann's Hist. Isth. 46. The last named is evidently wrong and contradicts himself in later quotations. Winterbotham is probably correct as to date and point of departure.

[XXXI‑8] Sir William Beeston, governor of Jamaica, issued a proclamation in keeping with these instructions on the 8th of April 1699, and similar orders were issued by the governors of Barbadoes and New York. Darien, Orig. Papers, 42-6.

[XXXI‑9] Up to this time the king had partly concealed his policy. June 28, 1697, the council of the company complain to the king of the action of his resident in Hamburg. Aug. 2d, the secretary of state replies that the resident has been directed not to obstruct the company's negotiations. On the 28th of September 1697 the company's directors complain that the resident has received no such order. July 22, 1698, parliament was besought to assist in procuring from the king such action as would deter his resident at Hamburg. An inquiry by the council, Jan. 13, 1699, is answered by the secretary of state Feb. 7, 1699, requesting information about the settlement. Darien, Orig. Papers, 10, 20, 34; confirmed in Darien, Enquiry, 26-33; and in part in Macpherson's Annals, ii. 666.

[XXXI‑10] For full description of these people see _Native Races_, vol. i., this series.

[XXXI‑11] His reason was restored after he returned home, and he lived until 1719. Four years before his death he was awarded the sum of £18,241 as indemnity for his losses in the Darien expedition.

[XXXI‑12] Winterbotham, Hist. U. S., 125, gives 1698 as the date of this memorial. There is a copy of the original in Defence, Scots Settlement, 2, where the date is given as in the text.

[XXXI‑13] In August 1699.

[XXXI‑14] The capitulation was signed March 31, 1700.

[XXXI‑15] When news arrived in Mexico of the capitulation of the Scotch, the church bells were rung and a solemn thanksgiving observed. Robles, Diario, iii. 254.

[XXXI‑16] Ariza, Darien, MS., 18-21. In this work the career and fate of García are told.

[XXXI‑17] This information was furnished by the dean of the cathedral of Panamá.

[XXXI‑18] He died in prison at Madrid. Alcedo, Dic., iv. 45; and Haya, in Datas para la Historia del Istmoa.

[XXXI‑19] Giro del Mondo, 240. Captain Seeman mentions that the largest and most beautiful pearl ever found on the coast of Panamá measured three quarters of an inch in diameter, and was perfectly round. It was obtained at the Puerdes Islands. Voy., i. 268.

[XXXI‑20] The asiento was to last 30 years, to May 1, 1743. The contractors were to export 4,800 negroes annually and to pay to the crown of Spain 33⅓ escudos for each one; and also to advance his Catholic Majesty 200,000 escudos payable in 20 years. Should more negroes be required, 4,800 extra might be exported, for each of whom 16⅓ pesos were to be paid. Negroes carried to the windward coast were not to be sold for more than 300 pesos each, but there was no limit to price in Tierra Firme or New Spain. No other company was to be allowed to engage in this traffic, and no merchandise could be carried under penalty of confiscation. The ships of the contractors could sail from either British or Spanish Ports. Salmon's Mod. Hist., iii. 219-22.

[XXXI‑21] Reales Cédulas, MS., i. 192; Haya, _Informe al Rey_, 4; Robertson's Hist. Amer., ii. 394-9.

[XXXI‑22] Letters of marque were issued on July 21st, and Vernon's squadron sailed on the 20th, touching, perhaps, at Portsmouth for orders.

[XXXI‑23] The governor of the city, Francisco Martinez de Retzez, underwent bitter humiliation if we may believe Sir Edward Seaward, who was at the time a prisoner in Portobello. Seaward and his friend Captain Knight had been arrested on account of an altercation with the governor and for refusing to apologize to the king of Spain for having in the previous year released certain captives imprisoned in Portobello. Both were ill treated, and when they reported the matter to Vernon the admiral ordered the governor and themselves to appear before him. 'I have no quarrel with Don Francisco Martinez de Retzez on my own account,' said Seaward, 'but I have, and ever shall have, a quarrel with him on account of the king my master, whom he most grossly insulted by disrespectful words, in the presence of Captain Knight and myself.' 'What did he say?' asked Vernon. 'He first insulted Sir Edward Seaward, by the most insolent and contemptuous behavior,' replied the captain, 'and when I remonstrated, telling him, that he should recollect that Sir Edward Seaward was equal in rank to himself, holding honourable commissions under the king of England, he replied, "I do not consider the king of England himself equal in rank to me; for he is little better than a Dutchman." 'You damned poltroon!' roared the admiral, 'with all your long yarn of hard names, what shall I call you? Down on your marrow-bones, you scoundrel, and beg pardon of the king our master, or I'll kick you from hell to Hackney!' The don asked pardon of his late captives, but would do no more. This would not satisfy Vernon, and throwing down a guinea he grasped him by the neck and forced him into a stooping position, shouting, 'There is the king's picture! down on your knees, you blackguard, and ask forgiveness.' The governor took up the coin and exclaiming in a low tone, 'Yo he ofendido,' laid it down again. This was considered a sufficient apology. Seaward's Narr., edited by Jane Porter, 3d ed., London, 1841, ii. 280-1, 290-2. The work, no doubt largely fiction, purports to have been compiled from the MSS. of Seaward's diary.

[XXXI‑24] The crews of the guardas costas and other Spanish vessels in the harbor fell to plundering Portobello on the night of its capture and the inhabitants begged the admiral's protection. Geog. and Hist. Descrip. W. Ind., 109, London, 1741. This work gives a brief sketch of the history of Cartagena, Portobello, Vera Cruz, Habana, and San Agustin up to the beginning of 1740, with a description of each of these cities. It is claimed that the book was compiled from authentic memoirs, and as it was published less than two years after the capture of Portobello it is probably worthy of some credence, especially in matters of detail, although biassed in the main.

[XXXI‑25] Id., 108. In Douglas' Summary Hist. and Pol. (London, 1755), 46, it is stated that Vernon seized the Spanish factory and carried off goods to the value of £70,000. March y Labores, in Hist. Marina Española, ii. 662, says; 'No encontró allí el vencedor la riqueza que se prometia.'

[XXXI‑26] Soon after Anson left England the Spanish government despatched under Admiral Pizarro a squadron of six vessels to defeat Anson's purpose. The two armaments sighted each other near the straits of Magellan, but during the storm mentioned in the text three of the Spanish vessels were wrecked, two of the others reaching the mouth of La Plata with a loss of half their crew, and the remaining ship arriving there with a loss of 300 out of 450 men.

[XXXII‑1] For physical, social, and moral description of the Mosquitos, see Native Races, i. 711, this series; and of their language, Id., iii. 571-2, 782-90.

[XXXII‑2] Using the word navel somewhat in the sense it is applied to a portion of a shield, that is a projecting part.

[XXXII‑3] The Mosqueto Kingdom, written about 1699, by M. W. in Churchill's Coll. Voy., vi. 309 et seq., London, 1757. It is not improbable that M. W. was a buccaneer, one of those who crossed through Honduras.

[XXXII‑4] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 294 et seq., this series.

[XXXII‑5] There is a copy of this cédula and of another one dated the same year authorizing the audiencia of Guatemala to allow such a contract. Calvo, Traités, xi. 196-203.

[XXXII‑6] Mosquitolandes, 25. 'Since 1670 the Mosquitos have solicited the protection and sovereignty of Great Britain.' Museo Mexicano, 2da ép. 194.

[XXXII‑7] Mosq. Terr., Offic. Corr., in Mosq. Doc., 60-3. This treaty was ratified by the legislative assembly of Jamaica.

[XXXII‑8] Aranz, Informe sobre los Mosquitos, MS. The report is copied from the archives of the captain-general of Guatemala.

[XXXII‑9] A council was appointed of which the superintendent was president, a court of common pleas, and justices of the peace. Mosq. Terr., Off. Corr., app. iv.

[XXXII‑10] In January 1775, an embassy consisting of Young George, son of the Mosquito king, Isaac his brother, and two Mosquito chiefs, arrived in England. Their main object was to obtain redress for wrongs inflicted upon natives in the interior, whence free men were being continually carried off to the slave markets. On their return voyage they narrowly escaped capture by Spanish cruisers. After landing the passengers at Cape Gracias á Dios the vessel proceeded to her destination at Black River, and was seized while at anchor in the roadstead. Id.

[XXXII‑11] In 1777 some of the principal settlers sent to England two assorted cargoes of sugar, rum, indigo, bark, sarsaparilla, tortoise-shell, and other articles. The sugar on board each vessel was refused admission at the customs. Id.

[XXXII‑12] The English fleet was composed of two line-of-battle ships, six war frigates, a schooner, and two brigs. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., iii. 127.

[XXXII‑13] While the treaty was under discussion it was a vexed question whether the term Spanish or American continent should be used. It will be remembered that the surrender of Cornwallis occurred during the preceding year.

[XXXII‑14] The full text of this treaty is given in Castellon, Mosq. Question, 52-6.

[XXXII‑15] The number of English settlers, with their slaves, who left the Mosquito Coast, was 3,550. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 2da ép., i. 393-400.

[XXXII‑16] Soon after the departure of the English, the king of the sambos and some of his chieftains proceeded to Cartagena and signified their desire to be baptized. Their request was granted, and the ceremony was performed in the cathedral by the archbishop of New Granada July 8, 1788. Missionaries were also sent to Mosquitia at their instance, but their labors were fruitless. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., iii. 151.

[XXXII‑17] After his term of office expired, Loyala went to Mexico and became a Jesuit. Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., iv. 800.

[XXXII‑18] Nic., Nueva Discusion, 6-7. He is also in Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 177.

[XXXII‑19] Relacion Punctual, MS., 18. Pelaez says that the same name appears in the book of sentences of the audiencia, June 18, 1765, but his own allusions to the two next named make his date inadmissible, unless there was a reappointment, or Lynch was mistaken.

[XXXII‑20] He had previously governed in Comayagua, Florida, and Yucatan, and was promoted from the governorship of Nicaragua to the presidency of Guatemala. Juarros, Comp., 269.

[XXXII‑21] His name occurs as the officer in command in Barroeta, Relacion sobre Mosquitos, 5, no. 34.

[XXXII‑22] The number given in a diary of 1780, reprinted in Nic., Bol. Ofic., April 27, 1857, p. 7, is 2,500.

[XXXII‑23] Now Bartola.

[XXXII‑24] Four hundred Mosquitos, and the smugglers brought several pieces of cannon with them. Nic., Bol. Ofic., 29th April, 1857, p. 7.

[XXXII‑25] Nelson in his autobiography thus modestly states his share in the expedition: 'In January 1780 an expedition was resolved on against San Juan. I was chosen to command the sea part of it. Major Polson, who commanded, will tell you of my exertions; how I quitted my ship, carried troops in boats 100 miles up a river, which none but Spaniards, since the time of the Buccaneers, have ever ascended. It will then be told how I boarded (if I may be allowed the expression) an outpost of the enemy situated on an island in the river; that I made batteries and afterwards fought them, and that I was a principal cause of our success.'

[XXXII‑26] In 1803 Nelson writes: 'The fever which destroyed the army and navy attached to that expedition was invariably from thirty to forty days before it attacked the new comers, and I cannot give a stronger instance than that in the Hinchinbrook [Nelson's ship], with a complement of 200 men, 87 took to their beds in one night.'

[XXXII‑27] Statements differ as to the losses of the British. 'This expedition cost the English 5,000 lives and £1,000,000.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 174. Three million dollars and 4,000 men. Nic. Gac. Sup. Gob., 92, 'Les Anglais furent obligés de se retirer honteusement après avoir perdu 4,000 hommes et dépensé plus de trois millions de piastres, selon le témoignage du colonel Hodgson.' Belly, Nic., i. 30.

[XXXII‑28] Nic., Cor. Ist., in Cent. Am. Pap., iii. 322. News of his appointment, was received in Mexico Nov. 2, 1701. Robles, Diario, iii. 332, 495. It is added that he resigned the office and no allusion is made to any promotion.

[XXXII‑29] Alcedo, Dic., iii. 325. It is simply said: 'He did not go to his diocese,' in N. Esp., Breve Resúmen, ii. 387; but in Nic., 'He was elected in 1727, and died in the city of Seville while preparing to embark.' Correo del Istmo, in Cent. Am. Papers, iii. 322.

[XXXII‑30] Castro, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. iv. 235-7, 239-41, 253; v. 6-7, 12-13, 39-40, 109; vi. 27. Alcedo, Dic., iii. 326, with his usual carelessness, says he died in 1757. In Flores y Rivera, Elegios, in Pap. Var., 75, it is said: 'Very warm eulogies were pronounced upon the deceased at the university of Mexico on the 29th of October 1756.'

[XXXII‑31] Not mentioning the lesser ones, 10 large volcanoes came in the following order: Tortuga, Rincon de la Vieja, Heridenda, Miravalles, Cuecualapa, Thenorio, Pelado, Buenavista, Chomes, and Aguacate. Nouv. Annales de Voy., cli. 9.

[XXXII‑32] Mr Squier inclines to the belief that the Guatusos are of the Aztec stock, but little more is known to-day of their origin than was the case a century ago, as they have been left almost undisturbed. In the Cronica de Costa Rica, Dec. 9, 1857, appears the following by an officer in the Costa Rica service: 'It is pretended that the Guatusos are descended from the colonists who fled from Esparza when that city was taken by early filibusters. Such as have chanced to see them affirm that they are white, bearded, and practise a system of military discipline.... Twice we accompanied the general of the Rio Frio with the intention of exploring the territory, but without finding a landing-place.'

[XXXII‑33] He attended a meeting of the Royal Patriotic Society of Guatemala, held on the 15th of June, 1798, and was made an honorary member. Soc. Catálogo, in Pap. Var., no. 45, p. 1.

[XXXII‑34] He was accused Feb. 4, 1704, of carrying on commerce with foreigners. He was afterward lieutenant of royal officers of the province, and then maestre de campo by decree of Aug. 31, 1716. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 172-3.

[XXXII‑35] Father Andrade, in a letter of Nov. 16, 1706, says that they gathered from Urinama 41, from Cavecar upwards of 700, from San José 336, and 150 others. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 30-1.

[XXXII‑36] Similar cédulas were issued Sept. 1, 1713; June 16, 1714; Aug. 6, 1717; Dec. 20, 1737; May 21, 1738, and afterward, showing the importance attached to the matter. Bejarano, Informe sobre la Talamanca.

[XXXII‑37] Many of them fled, others died, and the rest remained in the service of the Spaniards at and near Cartago. Haya, Informe al Rey, 15.

[XXXII‑38] Diego de la Haya Fernandez is mentioned as governor of Costa Rica on Nov. 10, 1718, and again on July 7, 1722, when his predecessors are named. There is a discrepancy even in the report of Haya himself—in the beginning it is written out in full that he took possession of the government at Cartago in 1718: 'El año pasado de mil setecientos diez y ocho tomé posesion.'

[XXXII‑39] So the governor appoints lieutenant-generals for the two cities, four judges for the neighboring valleys, and a teniente in Matina, Boruca, and Barba. There is not an escribano in all the province. Haya, Informe al Rey, 9.

[XXXII‑40] This governor's reports, and his encouragement of trade and agriculture, went far to avert the worst consequences. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 54.

[XXXII‑41] Even this poverty-stricken country was not poor enough to escape despoiling by sambos and corsairs.

[XXXII‑42] 'During my sojourn, 1752, two notorious prisoners, after sending threats of punishment to their captors, freed themselves and disappeared. No steps were taken for their recapture, even the governor expressing relief when no more mischief was done.' Morel de Sta. Cruz. See also Nic. and Costa Rica, MS., 3-4.

[XXXII‑43] He is referred to in the Cuaderno Historial de Misiones. Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 173. According to the same authority Navarro was governor in 1748, but according to Lynch, Relacion Punctual (1757), MS., 3, Pastora was governor until he lost his life in 1756, being slain by Mosquito Indians at the mouth of the river Maya. In the reports on missions in Talamanca, brigadier Luis Diez Navarro is mentioned as the governor of Costa Rica in 1748 and Manuel Soler in 1759.

[XXXIII‑1] An account of the abandonment of this town has been given in Hist. Mex., this series.

[XXXIII‑2] Peniche, Belice, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 217-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 136, 140; Stout's Nic., 258. Squier, Stat. Cent. Am., 575-6, states that the name was also said to be derived 'from the French balise, a beacon.' This he is disposed to accept as correct, 'since no doubt some signal or beacon was raised here to guide the freebooters to the common rendezvous.'

[XXXIII‑3] Peniche, Belice, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 220-2. According to Martin, Hist. West Indies, i. 138, and Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 140, a large force from Peten attempted to dispossess the wood-cutters of the Belize River, but intimidated by the bold front of the English, they contented themselves with building a fort on its north-west branch, which, however, was abandoned after four years' possession.

[XXXIII‑4] A portion of the colony had already arrived in 1736. Salcedo, Carta, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 225.

[XXXIII‑5] The date of this expedition is uncertain. Sierra, Ojeada sobre Belice, places it in 1727, but cites no document in support of his assertion. Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 416, who follows him closely, is doubtful as to its correctness, although this latter's opinion that it occurred before the visit of Figueroa to Bacalar and caused the occupation of this place is apparently founded on conjecture.

[XXXIII‑6] Sierra, Efemérides, says Belize was attacked February 22, 1733, and in his Ojeada sobre Belice the same author states that the expedition was formed and carried out between 1726 and 1730. Lara, Apuntes Históricos, gives no date. Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 223-5, follows Sierra, but gives a copy of a letter from Governor Salcedo to the king of August 7, 1736, in which 1733 is given as the date of Figueroa's expedition. Ancona, Hist. Yuc., has accepted the date given by this letter.

[XXXIII‑7] Sierra, Ojeada Sobre Belice; Lara, Apuntes Históricos, and Peniche, cited above, say that on his way to Bacalar Figueroa was joined by the colonists from the Canary Islands; in which statement they are followed by Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 415-17. This is evidently a mistake, as the letter of Salcedo already cited shows that even in 1736 but a portion of them had arrived.

[XXXIII‑8] Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 140-1.

[XXXIII‑9] Salcedo, Carta, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 225-6. I reproduce here 'A Map of a part of Yucatan, or of that part of the Eastern shore within the Bay of Honduras allotted to Great Britain for the Cutting of Log-wood, in consequence of the Convention. Signed with Spain on the 14th July 1786. By a Bay-Man.'

[XXXIII‑10] On his way to Mérida from Bacalar Figueroa was seized with illness and died. On the 10th of August 1733 Lara, Apunt. Hist., affirms that at the demands of the English government Figueroa was reprehended by the crown for this attack, which so mortified him as to cause his death. This version is accepted by Sierra in his Ojeada sobre Belice, and also by Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 226-7, but as these statements are mentioned by no other authority and are discredited by Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 419-21, I am disposed to reject them.

[XXXIII‑11] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 222-7; Salcedo, Carta, in Id., 225-6; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 413-22.

[XXXIII‑12] Peniche in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 228-31.

[XXXIII‑13] Squier's States Cent. Am., 576-7.

[XXXIII‑14] Peniche in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 231-4.

[XXXIII‑15] 'Y Su Magestad Católica no permitirá que los vasallos de Su Magestad Británica ó sus trabajadores sean inquietados ó molestados con cualquiera pretexto que sea en dichos parajes, en su occupacion de cortar, cargar y trasportar el palo de tinte ó de campeche; y para este efecto podrán fabricar sin impedimento y occupar sin interrupcion las casas y almacenes que necesitaren para sí y para sus familias y efectos.' Calvo, Recueil Traités, ii. 371.

[XXXIII‑16] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 235-6.

[XXXIII‑17] Anderson, Hist. Commerce, iv. 47, quotes the London Gazette of this date, in which it is stated that the English government had received a duplicate of an order censuring the government of Yucatan.

[XXXIII‑18] Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 240-3; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 269-73. Squier, States Cent. Am., 577-8, erroneously attributes this attack to the prevalence of 'smuggling and other illicit practices' among the wood-cutters, making no mention of the fact that England and Spain were then at war.

[XXXIII‑19] Castellon, Doc. Nic. Hond., 51-2; Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 243-50; Squier's States Cent. Am., 578-80; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 472-77.

[XXXIII‑20] Full text of treaty may be found in Castellon, Doc. Nic. Hond., 52-6. See also Peniche, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 251-6; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., 477-82.

[XXXIII‑21] Grimarest, Informe, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 394-402.

[XXXIII‑22] Henderson's Hond., 9; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 503-8; Peniche, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ép., i. 380; Squier's States Cent. Am., 581; London Soc. Geog., xi. 81.

[XXXIII‑23] Squier's States Cent. Am., 581; _London Soc. Geog._, xi. 81.

[XXXIV‑1] Page 294, this vol.

[XXXIV‑2] John Twitt, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 568-9.

[XXXIV‑3] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 194-6.

[XXXIV‑4] Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 601. In Ogilby's Amer., 231, the year 1576 is given as the date of this expedition; and it is there stated that soon afterward Trujillo was captured by Van Horn, a Hollander, and two thirds of the town destroyed by an accidental fire, the spoils of the raid being insignificant.

[XXXIV‑5] The date of this transfer is variously given as 1558, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 468; 1561, Juarros, Hist. Guat., 333, and Calle, Mem. y Not., 127; 1562, in Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 306; and 1588 in Ogilby's Amer., 230.

[XXXIV‑6] See p. 303 et seq. this vol.

[XXXIV‑7] Cerda was promoted to Las Charcas in 1577. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 306.

[XXXIV‑8] His administration was one of great benefit to the diocese. Soon after his arrival he wrote the king concerning its urgent necessities, and his Majesty sent him 50 pictures and 50 missals, and instructed him to found a professorship, which was done Sept. 29, 1602. The bishop made many gifts to the principal chapel of the Merced convent, and was buried there. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 307.

[XXXIV‑9] Id., 305. The total number of these Indians is stated at 8,000 in Calle, Mem. y Not., 126.

[XXXIV‑10] In 1629 Galdo solicited the padre-general of the Jesuits to send a few of his order to Honduras; but the experience of the Jesuits in Granada and Realejo a few years before led to a refusal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 176.

[XXXIV‑11] See p. 446 et seq., this vol.

[XXXIV‑12] The name of the prelate who was in charge at the time is a matter of doubt. In 1651 Doctor Juan de Merlo was consecrated bishop of Honduras in Mexico, but did not proceed to his diocese until December of the following year. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 190, 228. How long he held office is not known. In 1671 the see was offered to Pedro de Angulo, who declined the mitre. Robles, Diario, in Id., série i. tom. ii. 114. The next appointment mentioned is that of Martin de Espinosa, who died suddenly in 1675, while in the act of dispensing alms after mass. He was a centenarian, but apparently in good health. Id., 210. According to Vasquez, he foretold his death eight days before; its approach being revealed to him in a vision. Chron. de Gvat., 215-16. No other reference is made to the episcopate of Honduras until the close of the century, when it is stated that Angel Maldonado, who had received the mitre, was transferred to Oajaca. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. iii. 256-7.

[XXXIV‑13] 'Y aũque se libraron despachos, para que remitiesse lo actuado el Señor Obispo, ... no los remitio, porque quizas podian reconocerse falidos ... y post tot discrimina rerum, fuè declarado el Señor Obispo por estraño.' Chron. de Gvat., 215.

[XXXIV‑14] The names of the governors of Honduras in the order of their succession from 1561 to 1781 are given in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 177-80.

[XXXIV‑15] Neither Pelaez nor Zamacois makes any mention of this first attack, but D. Galvez in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. ép. 243-5, is so clear and specific in his narrative that we must consider it an omission on their part.

[XXXIV‑16] Carta de Galvez, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 2da ép. Very different accounts of this affair are given by Pelaez and Cavo. The first in Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 107, says that the commander and the rest of his officers made no resistance, but left as hostages the second in command and two chaplains; the soldiers and many of the inhabitants were banished. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 35-6, says that on the last day of the defence, when the drums were about to beat to quarters in the castle, the British scaled the walls, and before the guards had recovered from their surprise over 100 Englishmen had already mounted the battlements; at the sight the negroes fled, leaving the English masters of the fortress. He adds that the castellan forseeing such a disaster had carried off 40,000 pesos and other valuables by a road unknown to the enemy, and would have saved all else had he been permitted to do so.

[XXXIV‑17] The three merchant ships taken had on board 3,000,000 pesos, belonging to merchants of Guatemala. Zamacois, Hist. Méjico, v. 628.

[XXXIV‑18] In Zamacois, Hist. Méj., v. 631-4, it is stated that 500,000 pesos were sent from Mexico for war purposes. Cavo, in Tres Siglos, iii. 37, says that the viceroy sent 200,000 pesos, though 1,000,000 were asked for, but that he had quite recently expended 600,000 pesos on the other provinces.

[XXXV‑1] Page 383 this vol. Juarros says, 'Gobernó con toda equidad.' Guat., i. 262.

[XXXV‑2] They claimed the right of direct address and petition to the king, which was restricted in every way by the audiencia; and on April 19, 1601, petitioned his Majesty to issue a cédula to the effect that they might send a procurador to the court without the necessity of the audiencia's approval. They, moreover, complained that the alcaldes ordinarios were constantly opposed in matters of jurisdiction by the corregidor del Valle, who was always a relative or friend of the president. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 90, 100-3. This office of corregidor del Valle de Guatemala had been previously suppressed. By royal order of July 7, 1607, his duties were assigned to the alcaldes ordinarios of Guatemala in rotation. Calle, Mem. y Not., 118. The leading citizens had always been in the habit of taking cushions to kneel upon in church, whether oidores were present or not. This the audiencia had forbidden. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 93. The president was also accused of having appropriated the principal apartments of the cárcel de corte and entertaining there the oidores by night and day. Id., 95.

[XXXV‑3] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Juarros, Guat., 316.

[XXXV‑4] So called from an Indian village of that name. The inhabitants were of the Toquepa nation. Id., 314.

[XXXV‑5] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 728; Squier's MSS., xvii. 1-11; Calle, Mem. y Not., 119.

[XXXV‑6] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 100-1.

[XXXV‑7] Remesal, ubi sup., gives the number of vessels as 12, and states that hostilities lasted 11 days. Juarros says 9 days. But a more reliable version of the affair is to be seen in a letter of the cabildo to the king: 'This year at the new port of Santo Tomás two or three small fragatas manned by 35 or 40 men with very little artillery defended themselves against eight Dutch ships of the Conde Mauricio, most of them vessels of from 400 to 500 tons, well supplied with artillery, and having over 1,000 men. Our people did the enemy much damage, sinking one of his ships and driving him off, themselves receiving but little hurt, for they were sheltered by a great rock near the shore, on which rock part of the artillery was placed.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 106-7.

[XXXV‑8] 'Fué sepultado en la Iglesia Catedral.' Juarros, Guat., i. 262.

[XXXV‑9] Thomas Gage states that when he retired from office he was 'worth Millions of Duckats.' New Survey, 282.

[XXXV‑10] He enlarged and beautified the plaza de la Candelaria so extensively that it acquired the name of plaza del Conde. This president was the first to whom was given the title of 'Muy Ilustre Señor' instead of 'Magnífico Señor.' Juarros, Guat., i. 262-3. According to Escamilla, Not. de Guat., 3, he held office till 1627, when he returned to Spain.

[XXXV‑11] Gage, who was in Guatemala at the time, in New Survey, 267-8, 282-4, is specific in his statement concerning Guzman as the immediate successor of Gomera and is minute in other references to his conduct. By Juarros the name of Guzman is not mentioned, but 'Diego de Acuña, formerly president of San Domingo,' is named as succeeding Gomara, Guat., 263; and as also in Escamilla, Not. Guat., 3, without any additional particulars however. These authors evidently refer to the same person.

[XXXV‑12] Called by Gage, ubi sup., 'Gonzalo de Paz y Lorençana.' According to Juarros, he entered office in 1634, the year after the retirement of Guzman, who, Juarros states, was president for seven years. loc. cit.

[XXXV‑13] Gage, New Survey, 282. An incident of his administration was the founding of San Vicente de Austria. Juarros, Guat., i. 263.

[XXXV‑14] Gage remarks that 'the city of Guatemala was so well supplied with provisions and they were so cheap that a mendicant was not easily found.'

[XXXV‑15] Gage states that there was in his time 'a Grazier that reckoned up going in his own Estancia and ground, forty thousand heads of Beasts.' New Survey, 278-9.

[XXXV‑16] New Survey, 278, 280-81.

[XXXV‑17] In 1604 the city contained 890 principal families, comprising encomenderos, merchants, traders, machinists, agriculturists, and others. The tax-list aggregated 4,500 tostones. The amount fell less than 2,000 tostones during 1607 to 1612, inclusive; and increased to 5,195 in 1613. In 1614 the amount was 7,180 tostones, and in 1626 it reached 15,980 tostones. The mode of assessing the people was so offensive that in 1625 dissensions became rife and the complaints against the assessors were so bitter that one of them, Márcos Estopiñan, alcalde ordinario, was thrown into prison. The excessive taxation ceased soon after; for in a cédula dated August 3, 1629, the alcabalas were rented for eight years to the cabildo for 10,000 tostones annually. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 226-9.

[XXXV‑18] The president's salary was 5,000 ducats yearly; that of each of the oidores 2,000 ducats. Calle, Mem. y Not., 117. Gage says 12,000 ducats was the president's salary. New Survey, 282.

[XXXV‑19] The salary of each of these officers was 300,000 maravedís. Calle, Mem. y Not., 118.

[XXXV‑20] Each corregidor received 200 pesos de mina a year. Id.

[XXXV‑21] In 1617 the office of alguacil mayor was sold for 18,000 tostones, and in 1643 for 49,000 reales. In 1645 the receivership of fines and court fees was sold for 6,000 pesos, while the offices of the escribanos de camara were regularly sold for 20,000 pesos each. Other offices commanded corresponding prices. Id., 119.

[XXXV‑22] Selecting a few instances to illustrate these sales, I find that in 1636 the office of alférez real sold for 3,998 ducats; that of escribano publico was sold in the same year for 11,000 pesos; of the receiver-general of fines and fees in 1616 for 28,500 tostones, and in 1642 for 6,000 pesos. Id.

[XXXV‑23] They were the following: 'Procurador Sindico ... Mayordomo, Fiel Executor, Correduria, Portero, con 30,000 marauedis de salario. Mojoneria, Pregoneria.' Id.

[XXXV‑24] Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 136, 448; Juarros, Guat., 150.

[XXXV‑25] The provincial of the Dominicans, writing in 1724, says that to repair the damage to their convent and church at Guatemala by the late earthquake cost the order more than 25,000 pesos; that the loss of yearly income has been at least 9,000 pesos; and that it took a considerable sum to repair the mills and put in order the estate belonging to the order. Guat., Sto Domingo, en 1724, 10

[XXXV‑26] Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 4. His appointment was made in 1653 for eight years; he arrived at Vera Cruz Sept. 30th; and on Jan. 15, 1654, left for Guatemala. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 261, 274.

[XXXV‑27] 'He espoused the party of the "Mazariegos,"' says Juarros, Guat., i. 264, meaning probably one of the active participants.

[XXXV‑28] The right to bear the city flag on public occasions belonged to the officers of the cabildo, but the audiencia usurped the momentous prerogative and gave it to the alguacil mayor. The king was requested to interfere. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 126-7.

[XXXV‑29] These cédulas bear date Nov. 6, 1604; Nov. 6, 1606; July 7, 1607; May 23, 1673; and Dec. 10, 1687. Philip II. had named the city 'most noble and most loyal,' and styled the corporation 'Muy Noble Ayuntamiento,' and Felipe III. gave the city the privilege of having mace-bearers on all occasions of public ceremony. Juarros, Guat. (London, 1823), 129-30.

[XXXV‑30] In a letter dated Jan. 30, 1667, from Guatemala, it is said that Caldas arrived and took possession of the office Jan. 18th in that year. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 1. In Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 4, 1668 is given as the year in which he became president.

[XXXV‑31] Caldas in his letter to the king suggests that his Majesty should order the viceroy of Mexico and the governor of Campeche to gather together all vagabonds and evil-doers, and send them to Caldas, as also the lesser criminals, that they might serve in the conquest; moreover, negro slaves and mulattoes, whose owners desired it, would be enrolled. He also states that Guatemala and Campeche are the most directly interested, as their commerce could be conducted by a direct road of 80 leagues instead of 600, the length of the existing route. Caldas, Carta sobre el Lacandon, 5-6. Briefly confirmed by Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 297; Ximenes, lib. v. cap. xx.

[XXXV‑32] It was the first official document printed in Guatemala. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 261.

[XXXV‑33] The cabildo in a letter to the king dated April 1, 1669, speak of Caldas as 'gobernador tan atento y cristiano.' About Santillan they remark, 'semejante Ministro como el suspenso, nunca serà conveniencia, Señor, lo sea en esta Ciudad.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 128.

[XXXV‑34] He died in 1673 and was buried in the cathedral. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 4.

[XXXV‑35] The government was now composed of the following officers: The president, governor, captain-general, and five oidores, to be at the same time criminal judges, a treasurer, alguacil mayor, and other necessary ministers and officers. To the jurisdiction of the audiencia belonged Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chiapa, Higueras, Cape Honduras, Vera Paz, Soconusco, and the islands on the coast. The limits in the east were Tierra Firme; on the west, Nueva Galicia; on the north and south, the oceans. Recop. de Ind., i. 325-6.

[XXXV‑36] During the interval between the death of Caldas and the installation of Barrios, the presidency had been held by the bishop of Guatemala, Fray Fernando Francisco de Escobedo, and Enrique de Guzman. Escobedo's administration gave great dissatisfaction, and he underwent a residencia; but before it was completed he was called to Spain as grand prior of Castille. Later Escobedo became a member of the council of the Indies, and as such, favored the petition of Guatemala for free trade with Peru and like measures. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 209. In Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. ii. 416, it is said that Escobedo was made grand prior de San Juan, and was mulcted in the sum of 32,000 pesos as the result of his residencia.

[XXXV‑37] Gavarette, Cop. Doc., MS., 46; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 259.

[XXXV‑38] Especially as to the performance of rites in the new districts of Ocotenango and Chimaltenango. Several parishes were taken from the Mercenarios and Dominicans, it being alleged that there were none among them acquainted with the native speech. Ayetta, Informe, in Prov. del Sto Evang., MS.

[XXXV‑39] May 28, 1688, a shot was fired at the oidor Pedro de Selva, and while the audiencia was in session discussing the matter, the bishop called on the president and informed him that under the seal of confession it had been revealed to him that the carabine had been loaded with blank cartridge only. The shot was meant as a warning to the oidor to amend his views regarding a case then pending, wherein many innocent persons were interested. When the president endeavored to show that the oidor had acted throughout with fairness, the bishop gave way to anger and left the palace, exclaiming with a loud voice: 'The country is being ruined by the iniquity of its rulers!' Gavarette, Cop. Doc., 55.

[XXXV‑40] In Gavarette, loc. cit., it is said that the bishop was removed, but all other authorities describe his proceedings as bishop of Guatemala until his death in 1701, or 1702.

[XXXV‑41] Scals requested that an order be issued to the effect that Venegas 'en sus peticiones y escritos trate con decencia al señor presidente,' and states that Venegas repeatedly asserted that he, Scals, had usurped the presidency. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 209-10.

[XXXV‑42] One expedient was to plead ignorance concerning matters discussed, and refusing therefore to vote. This the president met by ordering that the oidores be notified of motions about to be made. Another was the pretence of illness, and consequent inability to attend; to obviate this he directed that votes should be accepted in writing. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 269-70.

[XXXV‑43] Oviedo brought his claims before the council, but notwithstanding his appointment was dated first in order of time, they decided against him. Diego Oviedo y Baños, sobre Presidencia. This pamphlet, the date of which is not given, was probably published in or about 1705, and seems to be part of a larger work containing the full case of Oviedo, edited by the licentiate Baltasar de Aseredo.

[XXXV‑44] Robles, Diario, iii. 252.

[XXXV‑45] According to Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., MS., 5, he was restored to office in 1700 and returned to Spain in 1701. Juarros, Guat., i. 268, says 'el Señor Berrospe murió, antes que se serenase la borrasca.'

[XXXV‑46] See p. 380, this vol.

[XXXV‑47] In a session of the cabildo during 1607, his Majesty is informed that Bishop Ramirez has for some time past kept the chapter in great excitement by his conversation and sermons in which he uses harsh and terrible language. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 112. Compare Juarros, Guat., i. 279-80; Calle, Mem. y Not., 116.

[XXXV‑48] The date given by Pelaez is 1607. Mem., i. 295; Morelli, Fast. Nov. Orb., 348; and Calle, Mem. y Not., 116. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 46, the year 1608 is named; and Squier in Cent. Am., 561, states 1609. Remesal suggests a later date.

[XXXV‑49] Gonzalez Dávila, Hist. Ecles., 164.

[XXXV‑50] Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 168, says he was appointed July 5, 1645, and arrived in Guatemala September 16th of the same year. In Juarros, Guat., i. 283, the date given for the king's appointment is 1641, which is the year Dávila gives for the transfer of Saravia. According to Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 9, Bishop Soltero entered Guatemala at the end of the year 1644 or the beginning of 1645. He agrees with Dávila in stating that he took possession of the office Sept. 16, 1645. We may conclude that there was an interval between the administrations of Saravia and Soltero of some three or four years.

[XXXV‑51] On the 31st of May 1647 the Santiago cabildo in a letter to the king stated that during the recent pestilence he rose from a sick-bed to visit all parts of the province and care for the people, dispensing alms, and by his example inciting others to good works. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 119-120.

[XXXV‑52] In 1608 the king released this hospital from an indebtedness of 17,411 tostones which had been loaned to it by the crown. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.

[XXXV‑53] A mine of silver was made over to it in 1633; its income was at that time at least 30,000 ducats a year. Gage, New Survey, 283.

[XXXV‑54] Obtained entirely from contribution. President Escobedo was especially liberal and donated more than 55,000 pesos toward the expense of the new buildings. He also secured to the order a revenue of 300 dollars: 'pues dexò situados de renta segura mas de trecientos pesos.' García, Hist. Beth., ii. 28-31; also Medina, Chron. San Diego Mex., 37.

[XXXV‑55] The bishop Saenz Mañosca having endeavored to soften 'the severe rules of the order against the wishes of Fray Rodrigo, the latter resolved to prevent any alteration by obtaining the pope's ratification of the rules. One of the Bethlehemite brothers, at that time in Spain, was ordered to proceed with that object to Rome, where he succeeded, according to the bull signed by Pope Clement X. on May 2, 1672.' García, Hist. Beth., ii. 60-70.

[XXXV‑56] The bishop's rejoinder is very voluminous and controverts most of the statements made by his adversary. Ribera, El Maestro, no. i. 1-42; no. ii. 28; no. iii. 1-56.

[XXXV‑57] In Medina, Chron. S. Diego Mex., 241, it is said he died in Guatemala on the date given in the text, and Juarros, Guat., i. 285, adds that he was buried in the cathedral there. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 4, states that he had left for La Puebla before his decease. The author last cited gives his name as Mallorca y Murillo, and Juarros as Mañosca y Murillo.

[XXXV‑58] 'I may say it,' Chiapas, 'exceedeth most Provinces in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yieldeth to none except it be to Guatemala.' Gage's New Survey, 219.

[XXXV‑59] According to an official census taken in 1611 the population of Chiapas amounted to a little over 100,000. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 400-35.

[XXXV‑60] Speaking of the inhabitants of the town of Chiapas, Gage says 'they are as dexterous at baiting of Bulls, at juego de Cannas, at Horse-races, at arming a Camp, at all manner of Spanish dances, instruments, and musick, as the best Spaniards.' New Survey, 234.

[XXXV‑61] Consisting of not more than 400 Spanish householders and about 100 Indian houses. Id., 221.

[XXXV‑62] The poison was administered in a cup of chocolate or some sweetmeat; hence arose the proverb, 'Beware of Chocolatte of Chiapa.' While Gage was in Ciudad Real—called by him Chiapa Real—the bishop Bernardino de Salazar died with every symptom of having been poisoned. The ladies of the capital were accustomed to have chocolate served to them in the cathedral during mass. This habit the bishop attempted to suppress, and even proceeded to excommunication, but without effect. Then a disgraceful tumult occurred in the cathedral, and shortly afterward the bishop was taken ill, and the physicians agreed that he had been poisoned, which opinion he fully believed in at his death. Gage calls Ciudad Real 'that poisoning and wicked city.' Id., 229-33.

[XXXV‑63] For a list of the governors of Chiapas who ruled from 1590 to 1713, see Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 183.

[XXXV‑64] 'He,' the governor, 'tradeth much in Cacao and Cochinil, and domineers over both Spaniards and Indians at his will and pleasure.' Gage's New Survey, 228.

[XXXV‑65] Gage estimated the bishop's stipend, derived chiefly from offerings received from the great Indian towns, at 8,000 ducats a year. The account of one month's offerings was kept by Gage; they amounted to 1,000 ducats, besides fees due from sodalities and confraternities. Id., 229.

[XXXVI‑1] San Miguel Manche contained about 100 houses; Asuncion Chocahaoc the same number; the other villages less. Juarros, Guat., 270.

[XXXVI‑2] The meaning of Peten is island. 'La palabra Petenes, que es lo mismo que Islas.' There were five petenes in the lake, one large and four smaller ones. When finally subdued the population of these islands was estimated at 24,000 or 25,000 persons. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 279, 401-2.

[XXXVI‑3] Situated on the large island.

[XXXVI‑4] 'Tziminchac, q̃ quiere dezir, Cavallo del Trueno, ò Rayo.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 100. For an account of the origin of this idol see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 561, this series.

[XXXVI‑5] The canek does not seem to have regarded the action of Orbita with anger, having merely told them that the time for their work had not yet come, permitting them meanwhile to depart in peace. An Itza chieftain, however, pursued them, and they would have been slain but for the intercession of the Tipu cacique, to whom the Itza leader replied 'con grande enojo: Pues no traygas mas acá otra vez à estos Xolopes, que assi llaman à los Españoles, à desde que vieron à los primeros comer Anonas.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 107.

[XXXVI‑6] 'Mitotes, ò bailes, y borracheras.' Id., 121. Consult also my Native Races, ii. 289.

[XXXVI‑7] Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 505-6, 'Llevaronlos ... como arrastrando ... al Embarcadero: Embarcaron el primero al Padre Orbita tirandole en la Canoa por muerto.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 123.

[XXXVI‑8] Villagutierre says: 'Esto dizen las Historias que seria, porque debian de estar sin Armas;' but he does not believe it credible that Spanish soldiers would go unarmed. Id., 136. Compare Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 544.

[XXXVI‑9] Squier's account of this expedition is quite at variance with that of Villagutierre. He says that the priests, who accompanied it, alone crossed over to the island. Mirones then retreated; and being pursued, the whole Spanish force was destroyed. He, moreover, gives the date as 1662. Cent. Am., 548. Consult Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 544.

[XXXVI‑10] Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 547.

[XXXVI‑11] 'Cerrando los Caminos, poniendo en ellos Estatuas, à traza de Españoles ridiculos, y delante de ellas otras de Idolos formidables, diziendo, eran los Dioses de los Caminos, y que se los estorvavan à los Españoles, para que no passassen à sus Tierras.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 144-5. Pinelo, Rel., 4-5, gives a brief though incorrect account of Mirones' expedition.

[XXXVI‑12] 'Otras mercedes para despues de conseguida la pacificacion de aquellos naturales.' Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 684.

[XXXVI‑13] The proceeds of his encomienda were deposited in the royal treasury of Guatemala, 'como en deposito, para el gasto que se auia de hazer en ella,' that is the expedition. Id., 685.

[XXXVI‑14] This messenger was a Spaniard, whom Vilvao almost succeeded in poisoning: 'teniendo modo como echar veneno en el pinole, que auia de beber por el camino, con que despues estuuo muy cercano à morir.' Id., 689.

[XXXVI‑15] 'Y viẽdo los Soldados que tenia, quan remiso estaba, se le huyeron en aquel tiempo, que solos cinco quedaron en su compañia.' Id., 696.

[XXXVI‑16] Infante and Gabaldá had some time previously been submitted to much ill-treatment by the Indians of Nohhaa, who after an idolatrous debauch compelled them to leave the town and betake themselves to the woods, whither the natives presently brought them their robes and the church ornaments. Id. Fancourt, Hist. Yuc., 232, erroneously states that the father was despoiled of his effects.

[XXXVI‑17] 'Que es tambien del Beneficio de Vçumaçintla, y distante de èl veinte y dos leguas.' Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 698.

[XXXVI‑18] 'Natural de la Imperial Ciudad de Toledo, y Cauallero de la Orden de Calatraua.' Id., 684.

[XXXVI‑19] Villagutierre states that one of the chief difficulties the missionaries had to contend with was the opposition of native pseudo-christians who monopolized a profitable trade with the more remote nations, whom they prejudiced against the Spaniards, that their gains might not be impaired. Hist. Conq. Itza, 161-2. Chico states that in consequence of the extortions practised on the christianized natives, they abandoned their settlements and relapsed into idolatry. Restitucion de los Chamelcos, in Doc. Orig. Chiap., 7.

[XXXVI‑20] The most outlying town of Vera Paz.

[XXXVI‑21] 'Y estando dormidos, bolvieron los Choles, y les dieron de palos, y aun debieron de matar al Indio Christoval, su Amigo, que nunca mas pareciò; y entonçes, solo vno bolvió.' Id., 171. Juarros states that the messengers were severely beaten with clubs and dismissed without reply. Guat., 278.

[XXXVI‑22] Fancourt conjectures that it 'was most probably the Selegua, known nearer its junction with the sea ... as the river Grijalva or Tabasco.' Hist. Yuc., 243. For map of the Lacandon territory see p. 362, this vol.

[XXXVI‑23] For copies of these orders and particulars, see Id., 192-9. Consult also Elorza y Rada, Nobil., 216.

[XXXVI‑24] The entire force was divided into 9 companies—5 Spanish and 4 Indian; 3 Spanish and 2 Indian companies made up the command of the president, and one of each, those of the other divisions. Juarros, Guat., 280.

[XXXVI‑25] According to Villagutierre the command of the Huehuetenango division was first given to Captain Tomás de Mendoza y Guzman, but later Guzman was put in command of one of the president's companies, and Mazariegos, who had volunteered to serve without pay, was placed in charge of the above named force. Hist. Conq. Itza, 229, 234, 245.

[XXXVI‑26] Id., 268. Fancourt states that 'there was nothing to fix its identity, not even a hut.' Hist. Yuc., 253.

[XXXVI‑27] 'Dexando doze Soldados, con algunos Indios de Guerra, en el Sitio de San Juan de Dios.' Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 270.

[XXXVI‑28] 'Con solo vna grande Viga, ù Madero por Puente.' Id., 272. Fancourt thus regards this sentence: 'where had formerly been a wooden bridge, in all probability one of those constructed by Cortés, but of which only a single beam or plank remained.' Hist. Yuc., 254.

[XXXVI‑29] This village had been named by Fray Diego de Rivas, San Pedro Nolasco.

[XXXVI‑30] The appointment of Amézqueta was strongly opposed by the fiscal, but ratified by the council on full deliberation. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 301, apparently from Ximenez, série v. tom. lxxvi.

[XXXVI‑31] Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 361, says 140 leagues.

[XXXVI‑32] The men began to sicken and provisions to fall short, and the rainy weather having begun they returned. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 301.

[XXXVI‑33] Velasco and his company are supposed to have been induced by proffers of friendship to cross over to the island in small canoes. They were then either drowned in the lake or massacred as they landed. Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 370-1. Another account states that hearing signal shots fired by some of their party, 15 Spaniards rushed to arms, believing that an engagement had opened. They were assailed and slain. Id., 433. Fancourt accepts this story as probable. Still another statement is that the Itzas, 'avian muerto, ... à los de Guatemala, cogidos durmiendo en la Sabana, y que se los comieron, y las Cavalgaduras.' Id., 456. Their bones were afterward found and buried. Id., 485-6.

[XXXVI‑34] 'Y à aquel Parage de Chuntùqui, se le puso por Nombre, y por Patrona à Santa Clara.' Id., 319.

[XXXVI‑35] 'Y aora te remito vn Machete, muy lindo, con su Bayna, y su Cuchillo, y su Cinta ancha, y tres varas de Tafetàn encarnado, para que te põgas en mi Nombre.' Id., 336.

[XXXVI‑36] 'En cuya señal diò el Rey Canek dos Coronas, y vn Abanico.' Id., 394.

[XXXVI‑37] 'Se hallaron con mas diez mil Indios Infieles, que salian flechandolos; de las Canoas que estavan escondidas en los Manglares de la Laguna.' Id.; 405.

[XXXVI‑38] A private letter of Count Adanero, then president of the council, to Ursua, is exceedingly courteous and complimentary. Elorza y Rada, Nob., 243-7. Copies of the cédulas are given in Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 438-9.

[XXXVI‑39] 'Que ningun Cabo ... ni otra Persona alguna, de qualquiera Calidad que fuesse, pena de la Vida, ... fuesse ossado à romper la Guerra contra Indio alguno, aunque le diesse motivo para ello, hasta tener nueva orden de su General.' Id., 473.

[XXXVI‑40] A picture of Saint Paul also miraculously floated on the waves down upon the galliot. 'Y por este Prodigio, se le puso à la Galeota el Nombre de San Pablo.' Id., 474.

[XXXVI‑41] 'Desde el Rey, hasta la mas pequeña Criatura, que era capàz de executarlo, para ir à ganar la Tierra firme.' Id., 479.

[XXXVI‑42] 'Y se echavan al Agua; de tal suerte, que no se veìa otra cosa por la Laguna, desde la Isla, à Tierra firme, que no fuesse cabeças de Indios, Varones, Mugeres, y Muchachos, que iban nadando, como à porfia.' Id.

[XXXVI‑43] Copies can be found in Villagvtierre, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 532-63.

[XXXVI‑44] The king says: 'Hè resuelto daros muy particulares gracias, por el desvelo, aplicacion, y cuidado con que vuestro valor, y constancia se dedica à conseguir Obra tan del servicio de Dios.' Villagvtierre, 556.

[XXXVI‑45] Eight missionaries and 25 Indian families, to be settled in the islands, with more than 1,200 head of cattle and horses, accompanied the expedition. A great quantity of tools, seed, and grain, as well as pay for the soldiers, was also sent. Id., 592.

[XXXVI‑46] Id., 591-658. Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, conde de Lizarraga-Vengoa, was a member of one of the most noble houses of Navarre, and a native of Olariz in the district of the Valle de la Valdorba. He was knight of the order of Santiago, conquistador of Itza, and perpetual governor and captain-general of its provinces. Elorza y Roda, Nobiliario de el Valle de la Valdorba, 210-11.

[XXXVI‑47] After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the Spanish settlement in Peten was for half a century only a military outpost, with a small garrison from Guatemala. Afterward it became a criminal colony. Berendt in Smithsonian Report, 1867, 424. The conquest seems to have been completed, however, for in 1759 there were in the Peten district 7 villages, besides the principal settlement. Juarros, Guat. (Lond. ed.), 299.

[XXXVII‑1] See Native Races, i. 645; v. 603-4.

[XXXVII‑2] Cosío entered upon the presidency in 1706, having been preceded by Alonso de Ceballos y Villagutierre, who was president after Berrospe from 1702 to 1703, and by José Osorio Espinosa de los Monteros. Juarros, Guat., i. 268.

[XXXVII‑3] Garcia, Sublevac. Zend., 47-8.

[XXXVII‑4] 'Que fueron al pueblo de Cancuc á remover á la Virgen Sma en la cruz en que habia muerto su hijo Jesus porque ya los Indios salian de Ciudad Real á matarla, y que fuesen á defenderla, y que supiesen que ya no habia tributo ni ley, ni Padres ni Obispo que alla los tomara á cargo para defenderlos.' Id., 61-3.

[XXXVII‑5] At Cancuc they had erected 34 whipping-posts, and the Spaniards were given 50 blows at each post, provided they held out so long against death. Some of the captives with their hands tied behind them were suspended with the neck in the fork of a whipping-post and scourged to death. Others again were simply hanged. Such as had been friendly to Spaniards were suspended over a slow fire until their feet were roasted. The fiscal of Oxchuc and friars Jorge and Marcos, together with other Spaniards, were thrown by the Indians into pits and stoned to death. Id., 65-7.

[XXXVII‑6] The proclamation said: God was angry with the world because he was not venerated and feared as he ought to be, old customs being abandoned and new ones introduced. As murmurs had been heard because tribute, the order of Sto Domingo, the king, and the dominion of the Jews had not been done away with, San Pedro had ordered priests to be ordained for all the pueblos who should be responsible to God for their parishes. But for the masses celebrated by these priests the world would come to an end, and through them only would God's anger be removed. Children must be sent to the church to be instructed in God's law. The vicar-general would presently visit each pueblo in order to see if this order were obeyed. He who refused obedience should be brought to Cancuc and given 200 blows, after which he should be hanged. García, Sub. Zend., 74-5.

[XXXVII‑7] Secular distinctions were also conferred. Titles of 'Don' were given, the patents being signed by the priestess thus: 'Doña María Angel, Procuradora de la Vírgen Santisima.' Id., 77.

[XXXVII‑8] At a later date the rebel Tzendales considered that it was necessary to form their government on the plan of that of the Spaniards. They determined to found an audiencia with president and oidores at a place called Hueiteupan, to which they gave the name of Guatemala. Id., 82-3.

[XXXVII‑9] The Tzendales buried the silver belonging to the churches, and it has never been found. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 350.

[XXXVII‑10] 'The Tzendales, 15,000 strong, encamped at Huistlan with the further intention of marching on Ciudad Real.' Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., iii. 349. This estimate probably includes the other force which was to have started simultaneously against Ciudad Real, as mentioned later.

[XXXVII‑11] They had about 30 escopetas taken at Chilun. Their other weapons were long spears, the heads of which were made of tools taken at Ococingo, and other arms of ancient usage. Each Tzendale, moreover, carried a basket of stones. García, Sublevac. Zend., MS., 85-6.

[XXXVII‑12] The Spaniards lost nine killed and about the same number wounded. Id., 91-3.

[XXXVII‑13] Four of the Sinacantlan ringleaders were afterward hanged by Gutierrez. Id., 95-6.

[XXXVII‑14] When his force reached San Pedro Chimalco it consisted of 400 men; 150 of whom were arquebusiers, and the rest Chiapanec and Mexican Indian lancers, residents of Guatemala City. Id., 100-3.

[XXXVII‑15] These forces were sent by Gutierrez, who, after a small body of his troops had been repulsed by the enemy, had called a council of war, at which it was decided to return to Ciudad Real and send aid to Segovia.

[XXXVII‑16] The Dominican prior of Tecpatlan, Fray Franco Montoya, happened to be at Ciudad Real during Segovia's preparations for the campaign. He had never seen artillery other than that which was on the ship that brought him from Spain, but he offered to construct either a mortar or a cannon. He made a mortar which was of much service, chiefly because of the horror it caused among the Indians, who called it the madre de escopetas. Id., 99.

[XXXVII‑17] The president, who with the auditor de guerra, Diego de Oviedo, had arrived at Ciudad Real, sent to thank Segovia and his force at Occhuc and the Dominican padres with him for their success there. He also requested that Segovia and the padres would come to Ciudad Real as he wished to consult them.

[XXXVII‑18] This portion of García's manuscript here ends abruptly.

[XXXVII‑19] During the Tzendales' revolt the town of Chamolla was the most loyal of all in the province, although it had been the most injured by the city. At first some of the Chamolltecs had been inclined to rise, but this partial defection soon died out, and the people gave many proofs of loyalty. Id., 111. During this period a female leader had arisen at Guatinpan and greatly aided the priestess of Cancuc in infusing religious fanaticism into the insurgents. Id., 109.

[XXXVII‑20] The work from which I have chiefly gathered material for this sketch, quoted as 'Garcia, Sublevacion de los Zendales,' has for its full title Informe sobre la Sublevacion de los Zendales, escrito par el Padre W. Pedro Marselino García de la orden de Predicadores, Predor. General, Calificador del Santo Oficio y Vicario Provincial de San Vicente de Chiapa, dirigida al Ilmo. Señor Obispo desta diocesis y fecho en 5 de Junio de 1716, MS., 1 vol. in imperial 8vo, pp. 154. It contains a copy of testimony taken by PP. Frs Maxelina, García, and Diego de Cuenca, by direction of the bishop, concerning the death of the several Dominican friars at the hands of the revolted Tzendales; the details of these murders are given. The manuscript also contains copies of letters and journals of Padre García written at the time, which contain a very full account of the origin of the Tzendal rebellion, the singular religious schism which they sought to establish, and the various proceedings, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, which led to the final suppression of the rebellion. The continuity of the events related is not easily followed, since the manuscript was carelessly arranged for binding. In places, moreover, it is wanting, and is somewhat worm-eaten. It is therefore difficult at all times to decipher the facts, which are moreover hidden in the verbosity common to an ecclesiastical writer of that time.

[XXXVII‑21] Chiapas, Informe del Intendente, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 3d ép., ii. 326-7. In 1800 the office of alcalde mayor at Ciudad Real was sold for 4,687 pesos, those of eight regidores for 400 pesos each. The position of notary public and secretary of the cabildo sold for 627 pesos and at a later date for 1,110 pesos. Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 45.

[XXXVII‑22] 'No se descubria otra cosa que pesadas Cruzes, agudas espinas, abroxos, crueles imbenziones de diziplinas, arrastrados por los suelos los Hombres, lagrimas, y humilidad.' Arana, Relacion Estragos Guat., 383.

[XXXVII‑23] The missions were now closed with a 'prosesion de sangre.' Most of the shocks lasted for the space of an Ave María. Arana, Rel. Estragos Guat., 380-98. The volcano threw up stones, ashes, and other matter. Letters could be read distinctly in the dead of the night, although the volcano was at least two leagues distant from the city. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 179.

[XXXVII‑24] Out of the 40,000 inhabitants who resided in the city before these earthquakes, scarcely 1,500 could be counted when they had ceased. On the plaza mayor on the 5th of Oct. were the president and five or six families. On the plazuela de San Pedro were Diego de Oviedo and Tomás de Arana, the oidores, the nuns of Santa Clara, and two other families. In the Jesuit square remained the members of that order and some other persons. Under the porch of Santo Domingo were some monks and a few seculars. In the potrero of the apostolic missionaries were six religious and a few others. There were a few more at Jocotenango. Arana, Relacion Estragos Guat., 380-98.

[XXXVII‑25] The bishop, on one occasion of unusual alarm, being sick in bed, was brought to the centre of the plaza mayor by the hands of the president himself, who remained steadfastly in the city, and, with others, rendered whatever assistance was in his power. Id., 398. [XXXVII‑26] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 146-8, contains the lengthy document in extenso, in addition to its recital of the dire consequences of the visitations. Arana's report of the matter is briefly referred to in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 179. See also Juarros, Guat., i. 208-9; and ii. 208; Alzate, Gaceta Literatura, iii. 442; Album Mexicano, i. 418.

[XXXVII‑27] It was especially prayed that Indians might be allowed to work on the indigo plantations, this being the chief reliance of the provinces of Guatemala. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 148, 151-2.

[XXXVII‑28] In Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 6, he is styled D. Echevers y Subija. He had been chamberlain to his Majesty and was a knight of Calatrava.

[XXXVII‑29] Alluding to these disturbances, we find in Gac. Mex., Jan. 1728, and in Arévalo, Compend., 5-6, that these riots were suppressed by the prudent determination and dignified but firm measures of the marques de Casa Fuerte, viceroy of New Spain.

[XXXVII‑30] In this instance the alcaldes were deprived of their offices by the king, and made to pay a fine of a thousand reales de ocho. Providencias Reales, MS., 300-9.

[XXXVII‑31] In 1723 Bishop Juan Bautista Álvarez de Toledo was succeeded by Nicolás Cárlos Gomez de Cervantes. During the administration of the former the king had found it necessary to issue a cédula, dated November 15, 1717, ordering that no new churches, convents, or hospitals should be founded without his permission, since they were already so numerous as to interfere with each other's usefulness. Providencias Reales, MS., 207-8.

[XXXVII‑32] Among other charges made against the clergy of this period may be mentioned the following: sick persons were compelled to go to the church to receive extreme unction, many dying on the road thither; Indians were compelled to marry at a tender age in order to increase their contributions; fraternities were organized, to the members of which great pecuniary loss was occasioned; curates absented themselves without permission, and the priestly office was sold to the highest bidder. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iv. 155-7.

[XXXVII‑33] Up to 1730 the tithes collected in the bishopric had never exceeded 3,000 pesos; but from that time they increased, until in 1750 they amounted to 30,000, and ten years after they were estimated at 60,000 pesos. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 78. Pedro Pardo de Figueroa, seventeenth bishop and first archbishop of Guatemala, was born in Lima of noble parentage. He assumed the religious habit of the Franciscans at the age of sixteen. Having filled the chairs of philosophy and theology, he was sent by his order to the courts of Madrid and Rome, occupying the position of secretary-general of his order. He was elected bishop of Guatemala in 1735, and on the 13th of September of the same year was consecrated by the archiepiscopal viceroy of New Spain, Juan Antonio de Vizarron y Eguiarreta. In these dates the Concil. Prov., 1-2, 297, is followed according to Juarros, Guat., i. 291. Figueroa was consecrated on September 8, 1736, and on Nov. 18th Manuel Falla, precentor of the cathedral, took possession of it in his name. On the 22d of September 1737 the bishop made his public entry into the cathedral. Escamilla, Not. Cur. de Guat., 16, confirms Juarros.

[XXXVII‑34] Dec. 17, 1740, the king decided that at all receptions of bishops the two alcaldes should occupy the chairs of the dean and archdeacon in the choir. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 9-13.

[XXXVII‑35] Concil. Prov., 1-2, 297-8. Juarros, Guat., i. 292, states that the bull was issued in December 1743. A copy of it is given in Nueva España, Breve Resúmen, 370-5.

[XXXVII‑36] Two prominent bishops of Honduras maybe mentioned: Antonio Guadalupe Lopez Portillo, a native of Guadalajara and delegate to the general council held at Rome in 1723, Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 75, and Francisco Molina who was elected in 1743; but of the events of their administrations no records exist.

[XXXVII‑37] Guat., Sto Domingo en 1724, 22-4.

[XXXVII‑38] The following is a copy of this curious edict: 'Vengan sobre ellos, y á cada vna de ellos, la ira, y maldicion de Dios todo poderoso, y de la Gloriosa Vírgen Santa María su Madre, y de los Bienaventurados Apostoles San Pedro, y San Pablo, y de todos los Santos del Cielo. Y vengan sobre ellos todas las plagas de Egypto, y las maldiciones que vinieron sobre el Rey Pharaon, y sus gentes por que no obedecieron, y cumplieron las Mandamientos divinales; y sobre aquellas cinco Ciudades de Sodoma, y Gomarra, y sobre Datàn, y Abiròn, que vivos los tragó la tierra, por el pecado de la inobediencia, que contra Dios Nuestro Señor cometieron; y sean malditos en su comer, y beber, y en su velar, y dormir, en su levantar, y andar; en su vivir y morir, y siempre estèn endurecidos en su pecado; el diablo esté á su mano derecha; quando fueren en juizio siempre sean condenados; sus dias sean pocos, y malos; sus bienes, y hazienda sean traspassados en los estraños; sus hijos sean huerfanos, y siempre estèn en necesidad.' Ordenes de la Corona, MS., vi. 143-4.

[XXXVII‑39] The northern limit of the government of Guatemala was established as early as 1549. At this date the licentiate Gasca, commissioned by the viceroy of New Spain, and aided by president Cerrato, of Guatemala, fixed as the boundary between New Spain the provinces subject to the audiencia of the Confines, 'a line beginning at the bar of Tonala, in 16° north latitude, and running thence in the direction of the gulf of Mexico, between the towns of Tapana and Maquilapa, leaving the former on the left and the latter on the right, to a point opposite San Miguel Chimalapa; thence turning and running as far as the Mijes Mountain, situated in 17° 21' of the same latitude; thence to the town of Sumazintla (modern spelling Usumasinta), situated on the river of the same name; thence following up this river to a point opposite Huehuetlan, in 15° 30' of the same latitude, and thence to Cape Three Points in the Gulf of Honduras.' In 1599 the line was again changed, leaving to Guatemala the territory lying between 8° and 18°, more or less, north latitude. In 1678 another change was made by the viceroy of New Spain, which took from the captain-generalcy of Guatemala many towns on the coast, as far as the river Huehuetlan, and also extended the boundary of Yucatan. Finally, upon the establishment of the intendencias in 1787, the boundary line was again fixed, and the captain-generalcy of Guatemala made to include the territory within 7° 54' and 17° 49' north latitude. These limits were confirmed by subsequent commissions in 1792, 1794, and 1797, and adopted by the Spanish government in its map of 1802. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 3da ép., iii. 78-9. Although these boundaries were approved by the crown, the exact location of the dividing line between Chiapas and New Spain appears to be a matter of dispute among many authorities. Pineda, Descripcion Geog., 17; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 1-2.

[XXXVII‑40] Guat., Apunt., 8. The Nueva España, Breve Resúmen, MS., ii. 349, says, 'it extends for more than 300 leagues along the coast of the South Sea, but in a straight line from east to west it is but 240, its greatest width being 180;' and again, 'from the limits of Tehuantepec, the last of the provinces of New Spain, to the Escudo de Veraguas, the limits of the kingdom of Tierra Firme (via the cities of Santiago, Leon, Nicoya, Cartago, Boruca), it is 650 leagues.'

[XXXVII‑41] Nueva España, Breve Resúmen, MS., ii. 349.

[XXXVII‑42] Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 3da ép., iii. 78-9. In the enumeration of provinces but twelve are mentioned, that of Guatemala being omitted also. Eco de España, Aug. 27, 1853; García, Reseña Geog., 7.

[XXXVII‑43] A junta of ministers was appointed by the king, whose duty it was to oversee the actions of the various viceroys, presidents, etc. This junta gave instructions to the regents. Cedulario, MS., i. 34-6; iii. 81-91. The functions of the regents are described in Reales Cédulas, MS., ii. 159. Previous to arriving at their place of duty the regent was to notify the ruling authority, president, viceroy, etc., and they were required to meet him one league from the capital. The archbishop and clergy were required to call upon him. The enumeration of their duties fills 78 articles.

[XXXVII‑44] After Herrera came Juan Antonio de Uruñuela, a knight of the order of Cárlos III.; Juan José de Villalengua y Marfil, minister of the supreme council of the Indies; Ambrosio Cerdán, knight of the royal order of the Immaculate Concepcion; Manuel Castillo Negrete, and José Bernardo Asteguieta y Sarralde. Juarros, Compendio, 356. According to Gomez, Diario, 151, the second regent was Orihuela, actual oidor of the audiencia of Mexico when appointed to this office.

[XXXVII‑45] In 1767 the salaries of the various officials were: governor, captain-general, and president of the audiencia, 5,000 ducats; the four oidores, and the fiscal of the audiencia, each 750,000 maravedís; the royal accountant and treasurer, each 300,000 maravedís.

[XXXVII‑46] 'De èstas, quatro tenian titulo de Gobíerno, que eran: Comayagua, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Soconusco; Alcaldías Mayores, San Salvador, Ciudad Real, Tegucigalpa, Zonzonate, Verapaz, Suchiltepeques, Nicoya, Amatique, y las Minas de San Andrés de Zaragoza; Corregimientos, Totonicapán, Quezaltenango, Atitán, Tecpanatitán ó Sololá, Escuintla, Guazacapán, Chiquimula, Acasaguastlan, el Realejo, Matagalpa, Moninbo, Chontales, Quesalguaque, Tencoa, Quepo, Chirripo, Pacaca y Ujarraz, y el Valle de Guatemala.' The governors, and the alcaldes of the first six alcaldías mayores named, were appointed by the crown; the president of the audiencia making the appointments for two years, to the remaining districts, except that of the Valley of Guatemala, which was conferred by the Ayuntamiento of Santiago on their common alcaldes, who with the title of corregidores exercised the office alternately for six months each. Juarros, Guat., ii. 37-8.

[XXXVII‑47] The corregimientos of Quepo, Chirripo, Ujarráz, and Pacaca, owing to the decreasing population of Costa Rica, were incorporated into that government; the corregimiento of Tencoa was absorbed by the government of Comayagua; and to the government of Nicaragua were united the corregimientos of Moninbo, Chontales, and Quesalguaque. Juarros, Guat., ii. 38.

[XXXVII‑48] In the beginning of the century the alcaldías mayores of Amatique and San Andrés de la Nueva Zaragoza were suppressed; a few years later the corregimientos of Escuintla and Guazacapan were consolidated to form the alcaldía mayor of Escuintla; and that of Sololá was formed of the corregimientos of Atitlan and Tecpanatitlan; in 1753 the alcaldías mayores of Chimaltenango and Sacatepeques were formed of the corregimiento of the valley of Mexico; in 1760 the corregimiento of Acasaguastlan was annexed to that of Chiquimula; and in 1764 the provinces of Chiapa and Zoques was separated from the alcaldía mayor of Ciudad Real and formed into that of Tuxtla. Juarros, Guat., ii. 38. About the middle of the century, according to Nueva España, Breve Resúmen, MS., ii. 349, there were nineteen governments in nine provinces and ten districts; and Cadena, Breve Descrip., 9, writing in 1774, says there were twenty-four governments and alcaldías mayores.

[XXXVII‑49] As intendencias were first established in Mexico their functions are described in the history of that country.

[XXXVII‑50] Guat., Apunt., 106. According to Juarros, Guat., ii. 38-9, the districts of Realejo, Matagalpa, and Nicoya were united to the government of Nicaragua to form the intendencia of that name; the alcaldía mayor of Tegucigalpa was united to the government of Comayagua to form the intendencia of Honduras; and to the government of Soconusco were united the alcaldías mayores of Ciudad Real and Tuxtla to form the intendencia of Chiapas. The fourth intendencia was San Salvador. Forty subdelegaciones are by this author assigned to the four intendencias, as follows: To the intendencia of Nicaragua six: Granada, Realejo, Subtiava, Segovia, Matagalpa, Nicaragua; to the intendencia of Chiapas eleven: Ocozingo, Simojovel, Palenque, Tonalá, Soconusco, Tila, Istacomitán, Tuxtla, Guista, Comitán, and San Andrés; to the intendencia of Honduras nine: Gracias á Dios, Olancho, Olanchito, San Pedro Sula, Yoro, Santa Bárbara, Trujillo, Tegucigalpa, Choluteca; and to the intendencia of San Salvador fourteen: San Miguel, San Vicente, Santa Ana Grande, Chalatenango, Olocuilta, Cojutepeque, Texutla, Opico, Metapas, Usulutan, Gotera, San Alexo, Sacatecoluca, Sensuntepeque. Under this former system in later times all appointments were made by the crown, the president of the audiencia having the power to make temporary appointments only. Usually, however, the presidents were authorized to fill all the offices under the government and in the city, some ad interim, others permanently. After the establishment of the intendencias the president had the privilege of appointing as subdelegado, one of three persons proposed to him by the intendente, whenever a subdelegacion became vacant.

[XXXVII‑51] José Vazquez Prego Montados y Sotomayor, of the order of Santiago, lieutenant-general of the royal armies, and commander-general of the forces before Gibraltar, assumed office January 17, 1752. He died at Guatemala June 24, 1753, from the effects of a cold contracted during an official visit to Omoa, whose fortress he had ordered built. From the date of his death the senior oidor, Juan de Velarde y Cienfuegos, governed until October 17th of the following year, when his successor, Alonso de Arcos y Moreno, arrived. He was a knight of the order of Santiago, mariscal de campo, and subsequently lieutenant-general of the royal armies. This latter appointment, however, did not arrive until after his death, which occurred October 27, 1760. The oidor Velarde again assumed charge of the presidency, and when relieved in the following year was transferred to the audiencia of Mexico, subsequently to that of Granada, and eventually became a member of the council of the Indies. On the 14th of June 1761 Alonso Fernandez de Heredia, mariscal de campo, took possession of the presidency. He had already served as governor in the provinces of Nicaragua, Honduras, Florida, and Yucatan. Joaquin de Aguirre y Oquendo was appointed to succeed him, but the latter dying at Guatemala April 9, 1764, when about to take possession of office, Heredia continued in charge till Dec. 3, 1765, when he was relieved by Pedro de Salazar y Herrera, Natera y Mendoza. He remained in Guatemala, where he died March 19, 1772, while undergoing his residencia. President Salazar was a knight of the order of Monteza, commander of Vinaroz and Benicarlo, captain of grenadiers of the royal Spanish guards, and mariscal de campo of the royal armies. Like President Sotomayor, he, too, experienced the fatal effects of the climate of Omoa, for he died May 10, 1771, from a disease contracted while on a visit to that port. His successor, President Mayorga, did not arrive till June 1773, the government in the interim being administered by the senior oidor, Juan Gonzales Bustillo y Villaseñor. This officer was subsequently transferred to the audiencia of Mexico, thence to the India House at Cádiz, and finally to the supreme council of the Indies. Juarros, Guat., i. 270-1; Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 157-9; Escamilla, Not. Cur., 7; Cadena, Breve Descrip., 26.

[XXXVII‑52] 'It stood under a cupola, supported by 16 columns, faced with tortoise-shell, and adorned with medallions in bronze of exquisite workmanship; on the cornices were statues of the virgin and the 12 apostles.' Juarros, Guat., i. 86.

[XXXVII‑53] In 1795 it was 23,434. Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 497.

[XXXVII‑54] Cadena, Breve Descrip., 4-9; Juarros, Guat., i. 85-7.

[XXXVII‑55] The Jesuit church suffered most. Alegre, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, iii. 295-6. See also Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 154; Escamilla, Not. Cur., 17; Cadena, Breve Descrip., 7, 11.

[XXXVII‑56] Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 154. According to Cadena, Breve Descrip., 11, the two shocks in 1765 occurred on June 21st and October 24th, respectively.

[XXXVII‑57] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 157-9.

[XXXVII‑58] During the alarm caused by the threatened outbreak the authorities of Santiago armed a force, and the royal officials had their valuables removed to one of the churches for safety. Before this excitement had subsided a Jesuit priest was cruelly murdered in the jail by three negro criminals whom he was confessing. The jailer gave the alarm by ringing the bell of the jail, and thereupon the people, in the belief that a riot had broken out, seized their arms and hastened to the principal square, even the women flocking thither with stones. The three negroes were captured after a determined resistance, and one of them having been killed in the scuffle the other two were hanged the same afternoon. A few days later a Dominican was found murdered in his cell. Escamilla, Not. Cur. Guat., MS., 18-19.

[XXXVII‑59] Iturriaga, El Dolor del Rey.

[XXXVII‑60] Batres, Relacion de las Fiestas.

[XXXVII‑61] Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 153-4.

[XXXVII‑62] From the incidents narrated by old residents, eye-witnesses of the event, and the appearance of the city in his time, Juarros, Guat., ii. 266-8, concludes that even the official reports of the effect of this earthquake were grossly exaggerated, probably owing to the interested reports of engineers, architects, and notaries. He quotes from two pamphlets published at Mexico in 1574, to show instances of exaggeration in the details of this calamity. In one that appears in Cadena, Breve Descrip., 40, the statement is made that trustworthy persons affirmed that during the earthquake they saw the mighty Volcan de Agua opened from cone to base by the first shocks, and again united by those that succeeded. This and other vagaries equally absurd, the effects only of a terrified imagination, form part of every description of this disaster, but do not necessarily impair the truthfulness of the account as a whole. The work of Cadena here quoted has been used as the base of the present account, and from the fact that its author was a prominent churchman, an eye-witness of the events related, and that his book, which received the sanction of superior authority, was published within a year of the occurrence, its trustworthiness can hardly be doubted. The work, a reprint of the original made in Guatemala in 1858, is a small 12mo of 56 pages, and describes the events of the period extending from June 11, 1773, to March 10, 1774, including a detailed description of the city of Guatemala, its destruction, and the measures for its removal up to the last date. It is written in the usual inflated religious style. The author, Fray Felipe Cadena, was a Dominican, professor of theology in the university of San Cárlos, synodal examiner of the archbishopric, and secretary of his order in Guatemala. There are other accounts, however, whose exaggerations are gross, and whose narrative could not have been obtained from any reliable source. According to Russell's Hist. Amer., i. 390, the city of Guatemala, with 40,000 to 50,000 inhabitants, and nearly 15,000,000 pesos in treasure and merchandise, was so completely swallowed up in April 1773 that not even a trace was left of it. Flint's Hist. and Geog. gives the date of the earthquake as 1779, and says that it was accompanied by terrific and destructive phenomena; the sea rose from its bed; one volcano poured out boiling water, another waves of blazing lava; and 8,000 families were swallowed up in a moment.

[XXXVII‑63] According to Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 25-7, the soldiery were guilty of pillaging the convents. Succecion chronologica de los Presidentes que han governado este Reyno de Goatha. Obispos de Goathemala y Noticias Curiosas Cronologicas destas Indias is the title of a manuscript volume in folio of 78 pages, usually attributed to José María Escamilla. It was begun in 1777. It opens with a list of the governors up to that date, taken from the cabildo records of the city of Guatemala. This is followed by a list of bishops and archbishops, though from what source is not stated. Beginning with the dates of the discoveries of America and the South Sea and with the conquests of Mexico, Guatemala, and Peru, a brief chronological list is given of the more important events in Guatemala and its dependent provinces from 1525 to 1762. From the latter date until 1779 the events are described with more fulness, especially the account of the destructive earthquake in 1773, the consequent removal of the city, and the bitter controversy to which it gave rise. It is uncertain whether the author was in Guatemala previous to 1777, as the minuteness with which he describes the events of the preceding four years may have been the result of information obtained from the residents of the city. Nor is there anything to indicate the name of the compiler. The manuscript was presented to the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg in 1856 by Escamilla, according to notes in the handwriting of the abbé on the title-page, and at the end of the volume, and in his Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatemalienne, p. 60. Its chief value is the account of the destruction and rebuilding of Guatemala City.

[XXXVII‑64] Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 157.

[XXXVII‑65] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 160-71.

[XXXVII‑66] Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 24-65; Juarros, Guat., i. 85-9; ii. 266-72; Cadena, Breve Descrip., 10-53.

[XXXVII‑67] Juarros, Guat., ii. 353-4; _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 493-4.

[XXXVII‑68] Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond., 1823), 157-8.

[XXXVII‑69] Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 4.

[XXXVII‑70] Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 86-94.

[XXXVII‑71] Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., iii. 106-29.

[XXXVII‑72] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 171-6.

[XXXVII‑73] Juarros, Guat., i. 272-3.

[XXXVII‑74] He was a native of Granada, precentor, and bishop of Popayan, to which he was raised in 1740. His appointment to the archbishopric of Guatemala was dated 1751; his bulls issued January 23, 1752. On the 10th of May 1753 Doctor Agustin de la Caxiga, chancellor of the cathedral, took possession in his name, and on the 13th following inducted him into office. Juarros, Guat., i. 292-3.

[XXXVII‑75] The manner of proceeding was somewhat summary. The clergyman who was assigned to the curacy without previous notice suddenly appeared, accompanied by the alcalde mayor of the district, who gave him possession, and the friar in charge was compelled to transfer everything to his successors under inventory. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 20.

[XXXVII‑76] Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 20; Juarros, Guat., i. 293.

[XXXVII‑77] Guat., Constit. Coleg. Xpto, i. 292.

[XXXVII‑78] Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 348-9.

[XXXVII‑79] Juarros, Guat., i. 292-3; 1776 is given as the date of his death by Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565, 298; and Alcedo, Dic., ii. 315.

[XXXVII‑80] A native of Belchite in the kingdom of Aragon, professor of sciences in the university, and subsequently canon in the cathedral of the city of Saragossa. He was appointed to the archbishopric of Guatemala in 1767. Juarros, Guat., i. 294.

[XXXVII‑81] The motives and nature of this measure are fully treated in my History of Mexico, this series.

[XXXVII‑82] Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 19-20; Jesuits, Colec. Gen., 24, and Pelaez, Mem. Guat., iii. 66-8, give a somewhat different version. According to these authorities the decree was given to the alcalde mayor, who notified the friars at two o'clock in the morning. The statements of Escamilla, who was present in Guatemala at this time, are to be preferred.

[XXXVII‑83] Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 65-74; Juarros, Guat., i. 294-5; Id., Compend., 292-4.

[XXXVII‑84] Francos was a native of the Villa of Villavicencio de los Caballeros, and was canon of the cathedral of Plasencia when appointed to the archbishopric of Guatemala. He died on the 17th of July 1792. His successors were Don Juan Felix de Villegas, who ruled from May 8, 1794, to February 3, 1800; and Don Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas who entered office on June 3, 1802. Juarros, Guat., i. 295-7. Although Juarros is justly regarded as the chief historian of the Central American provinces for the conquest and colonial period, he has failed to describe in a connected form the political, social, and moral development of those countries during that period. This omission has, in part, been filled by the assiduous labors of the presbyter Francisco de Paula García Pelaez. Residing for many years, as parish priest, at the old city of Guatemala, known as the Antigua, he devoted his leisure time, from 1833 to 1841, in examining as opportunity permitted the public and private archives of the province, and in studying the principal ancient and modern writers on that territory. The result of this research was a work of three volumes in small quarto, entitled Memorias para la Historia del Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala, which was published in Guatemala in 1851. It is divided into the aboriginal and the colonial epochs. The former treats of the origin of the natives and the degree of civilization they had attained at the time of the conquest, and consists of a brief and systematically arranged compilation of facts, with the corresponding references to the authorities from which they were obtained, each chapter being devoted to a separate topic. This occupies but 32 pages of the first volume, the remainder of the work being taken up with the political history of the country to the beginning of the nineteenth century, and with the general condition and progress of the people and their institutions from the conquest to 1821. The manner of treatment, though more connected, is similar to that of the first epoch. The style is terse and clear, though somewhat dry, as few comments are made, and those of an impartial nature. It contains a multitude of valuable facts not found elsewhere; yet Pelaez deplores the incompleteness of his work; for, though he examined many of the original documents in the public archives of Guatemala, the want of an assistant to aid him in extracting notes compelled him to leave the bulk of them untouched. The author subsequently became archbishop of Guatemala.

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