XVI. REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS…

XVI. REVOLT OF THE CONTRERAS BROTHERS

1550.

CAUSE OF THE REVOLT—PREPARATIONS OF THE CONSPIRATORS—ASSASSINATION OF BISHOP VALDIVIESO—THE REBELS DEFEAT THE MEN OF GRANADA—THEIR PLAN OF OPERATIONS—THE EXPEDITION SAILS FOR NATÁ—GASCA ARRIVES AT THE ISTHMUS WITH THE KING'S TREASURE—CAPTURE OF PANAMÁ—BLUNDERS OF THE REBEL LEADERS—HERNANDO DE CONTRERAS MARCHES TO CAPIRA—HE IS FOLLOWED BY HIS LIEUTENANT BERMEJO—GASCA'S ARRIVAL AT NOMBRE DE DIOS—UPRISING OF THE INHABITANTS OF PANAMÁ—BERMEJO'S ATTACK ON THE CITY—HIS REPULSE—HIS FORCES ANNIHILATED—FATE OF HERNANDO AND HIS FOLLOWERS.

[Sidenote: REBELLION IN NICARAGUA.]

After the downfall of Rodrigo de Contreras, his sons, Hernando and Pedro, the former a licentiate, and both held in high esteem among the colonists of Nicaragua, resolved to regain by force of arms the wealth and station of which they deemed themselves unjustly deprived. Of noble birth and reared in luxury, they found themselves in early manhood reduced to comparative poverty and their ancient name sullied by their sire's disgrace. They knew well that they had the sympathy of the greater portion of the settlers, and in the province were many exiles from Peru, veterans who having fought under Carbajal and Gonzalo Pizarro, were always ready for fresh enterprise, no matter how dangerous or treasonable, provided only that wealth were in prospect. Chief among them were Juan Bermejo and Rodrigo Salguero, whom Gasca had banished for attempting to raise an insurrection after the execution of Gonzalo. Bermejo was an old friend of the Contreras family, being a native of the same city in Spain, and it was at his instigation that the two brothers, who at first were bent only on recovering their father's rights and property in Nicaragua, now determined to attempt a feat the audacity of which has no parallel in the history of Spanish colonization. This was nothing less than the conquest of Tierra Firme and Peru. In the event of success Hernando was to be proclaimed monarch of the latter province, which was believed to contain more wealth than all the world besides. Preparations were made at Granada; men were secretly enlisted; arms and ammunition were procured; and when the news arrived that the sentence of the deposed governor was confirmed by the council of the Indies the conspirators removed to Leon, the younger brother remaining at his mother's residence in Granada to convey the impression that they had departed on some peaceful errand.

Hernando with his companions took a house in Leon, and thence messengers were despatched to invite those who were thought most likely to join them to a pretended merry-making. When all were assembled the youthful rebel pointed out how hard was their present condition in life, and how hopeless their chance of bettering it. He denounced the conduct of the audiencia, by whose ordinances those who had conquered and peopled the province were now well nigh reduced to beggary. He represented to them that he was entitled to the government of Peru, which province, he claimed, belonged to his family by certain rights inherited from his grandfather Pedrarias Dávila;[XVI‑1] and he concluded by inviting them to join him in an expedition by which wealth in abundance might fall to their lot if they had but the courage to grasp it. No further persuasion was needed, and all at once gave their assent, electing Hernando as their captain.

Bishop Valdivieso was the only man who was likely to offer serious opposition; and as a measure of prudence as well as to avenge the disgrace of Rodrigo de Contreras it was resolved that he should be put to death. The conspirators marched in a body to the episcopal residence. Some who held religious scruples tried to excuse themselves under pretence that they were without arms, but were compelled by their leader to accompany the rest.[XVI‑2] Hernando in company with an apostate friar, named Castañeda, entered the house, while one stood guard at the door, and the remainder of the band surrounded the building. The bishop's companion, Fray Alonso, who had noticed their approach, at once notified the prelate, but his fate was sealed. He endeavored to conceal himself, suspecting the intention of the intruders, but was discovered and instantly stabbed to death in the presence of his aged mother, the point of Hernando's dagger breaking off in the victim's breast.[XVI‑3] The dwelling was then plundered; several boxes containing gold and jewels were stolen, and the party marched to the plaza, where Hernando was proclaimed "captain general of liberty." A messenger was despatched to Pedro de Contreras to inform him of his brother's success, and the rebels proceeded to the treasury building at Leon, and breaking open the royal chest divided among themselves its contents.

The leaders of the revolt separated their forces into three companies; and it was decided that Salguero should be despatched with a small band to Nicoya to seize the ships and enlist all the men he could find there, while Hernando marched with the main body to Realejo for a similar purpose, and Bermejo with about thirty men returned to Granada to gather recruits and destroy all the vessels on Lake Nicaragua, thus preventing any tidings of the rebellion from reaching Tierra Firme by way of Nombre de Dios.

[Sidenote: GRANADA TAKEN.]

As soon as news of the conspiracy was known in Granada, a corps of one hundred and twenty men was hastily organized under Captain Luis Carrillo, and when Bermejo approached the city he found himself opposed by a greatly superior force; but so skilfully had young Pedro won over most of the settlers to his brother's cause, that many of the loyal party deserted their ranks and joined the revolutionists. After a brief contest, in which Carrillo and several of his men were killed and others wounded, Bermejo took possession of the city. All the shipping on the lake was destroyed, and the rebels marched to Realejo accompanied by Pedro, who, notwithstanding the entreaties of his mother, had resolved to join the expedition. Hernando, meanwhile, had captured there two vessels laden with merchandise for Peru, and impressed their crews into his service. Salguero had been equally fortunate at Nicoya, having entered the town without opposition and enlisted some sixty recruits. The forces of the revolutionists now mustered more than three hundred men.

Knowing that success depended on promptness of action, the rebel leaders determined to embark immediately for Tierra Firme, and at once arranged their plan of operations. From certain exiles recently arrived from Peru it was ascertained that the licentiate Gasca was then on his way to Spain with a large amount of treasure. To seize it was to be their first endeavor. If this were successful Gasca and the governor of Panamá were to be put to death. An army of at least six hundred men was to be levied at the Isthmus. Ships were to be fitted out and a squadron despatched to cruise off the coasts of Nicaragua and Guatemala and destroy all the vessels they could capture. The settlers who were unfit for military service were to be plundered of their goods and sent, together with all the women and children, to Cartagena. Panamá, Nombre de Dios, and Natá were then to be burned to the ground. The cattle were to be killed and the crops destroyed, so that if an army should be sent against them from Spain there should be found neither means of subsistence nor ships for transport. The expedition was then to sail for Peru, where Hernando was to be proclaimed king; and Spain was thus to lose the richest portion of her dominions in the New World.[XVI‑4]

Soon after the conspirators had taken their departure from Granada, the alcaldes ordered a bark to be built with the intention of sending news of the threatened invasion to Nombre de Dios; but alarmed by the threats of Doña María, who declared that her sons had information of their purpose, and were even now returning to destroy the city, they requested her to assure them that no tidings of the revolt should be sent to Castilla del Oro. Meanwhile the revolutionists, having completed their preparations, set sail from Nicoya for Punta de Higuera, in the district of Natá.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ENTRANCE INTO PANAMÁ.]

On the 12th of March 1550 Gasca arrived at Panamá, and at once proceeded to land the royal treasure, which was valued at eleven million castellanos. He was bid to use all expedition in shipping it to Spain, for as he learned from his despatches it was sorely needed to defray the expenses of the emperor's European wars. His instructions were that he himself should remain at the Isthmus to await the arrival of the newly appointed viceroy, Mendoza. Though somewhat uneasy under his responsibility, vague rumors of the coming raid having already reached him, he had no great fear of being attacked, as he had with him a force of one hundred and fifty veterans, and the seamen on board the ships mustered about four hundred and fifty men. No fleet from Spain had yet arrived at Nombre de Dios, but nineteen trading-vessels, found at anchor off the town, were seized and provisioned, and armed with the artillery brought from Peru.[XVI‑5] Twelve hundred mule-loads of gold and silver were soon conveyed to the town of Cruces on the Chagre, there to be shipped in barges, under Gasca's charge, for transportation to the North Sea, and still a large amount of treasure awaited means of conveyance at Panamá.

* * * * *

The rebel expedition had now arrived at Punta de Higuera, where a caravel was captured, laden with corn—a welcome prize, as the revolutionists were already in want of provisions. Continuing their voyage toward Panamá they captured another vessel returning thence to Nicaragua, and were informed by her crew of the licentiate's arrival and of the strength of his forces. It was now determined to attack the city at dead of night, surprise the garrison, put the governor to death, and thus create a panic among the settlers. As to Gasca, "they swore," says Vega, "to make powder of him, an article of which they were much in need."

Some hours after nightfall on the 20th of April 1550 Hernando de Contreras and Bermejo with the main body of the revolutionists landed at a small inlet about one league from the city, and under cover of the darkness made their entrance without opposition, shouting "Death to the traitor!" and "Long live Prince Contreras, captain general of liberty." The governor's home was surrounded, but as he had departed for Nombre de Dios the rebels contented themselves with plundering his residence. A party was now ordered to secure the treasurer Amaya and seize the royal treasury,[XVI‑6] while the remainder dispersing themselves through the streets, seized all the arms and ammunition they could discover, being instructed by Bermejo to tell the people that they had come not to sack the town but to seize the king's treasure and to inaugurate a reign of liberty. Some of them nevertheless broke open the stores and houses, and helped themselves to whatever they most coveted. A large stock of rich apparel was found among other merchandise, and many of the lawless gang now, for the first time since they had arrived from Spain, attired themselves in a suit of new garments.[XVI‑7]

A force was stationed in the plaza in front of the cathedral, where the bishop had taken refuge. As he refused to show himself, being in fear of assassination, Bermejo entered the sanctuary and dragged him into the square. Meanwhile Ruiz de Marchena, the assistant treasurer, had been arrested, and by threats and maltreatment forced to deliver up additional treasure to the amount of four hundred and fifty thousand pesos.

Bermejo urged that the bishop, the treasurer, the regidores, and other principal officials be put to death; but Hernando, not wishing to shed blood unnecessarily, accepted their promise under oath to join the cause of the revolutionists, whereupon the former remarked to the rebel leader, "If you are in favor of your enemies and against yourself you will find that these very same men whose lives you now spare will upon the first opportunity turn about and hang you and all your followers." Hardly had the words been uttered when Marchena, disregarding his vow, despatched messengers to apprise Gasca of the invasion.

[Sidenote: SEIZURE OF SHIPS.]

While the city thus fell into the hands of the conspirators, Pedro de Contreras with fifty men had seized all the ships in the harbor of Panamá, and Salguero with twenty mounted arquebusiers had been despatched to Cruces with instructions to slay the licentiate and the governor and to bring back all the treasure they could secure. The latter arrived too late to execute his intent; but five hundred bars of silver were found stored in the village, and there Salguero's men remained till noon of the following day, amusing themselves by plundering the custom-house and making merry over brimming goblets of choice wine, paying the merchants for their goods from the stolen treasure.

Thus far all had gone well; and had the rebels had a skillful leader they might have accomplished their purpose almost as effectually as did Hinojosa when by his superior strategy he made the conquest of the province, a few years previously, without the loss of a single life. But success had made them overconfident. Already they had roused the ill-will of the people by plundering them of their goods, and now they were about to commit the serious blunder of dividing their forces into small detachments, thus rendering themselves liable to be attacked and overpowered in detail. Hernando with only forty men set forth from Panamá for Nombre de Dios, thinking this slender band sufficient to cope with Gasca's command.[XVI‑8] Arriving at a place called La Venta de Chagre he captured one Gomez de Tapia, who had in his possession a letter informing the licentiate of what had transpired. He at once caused him to be hanged, attaching to his feet a paper on which was written, "This man was hanged for carrying advices to Gasca." By some fortunate chance, however, he was rescued. A mulatto boy who when asked where his master lay concealed directed his captors to a spot where they found only his sword, was put to death in the same manner by order of a captain named Landa.

At Capira, within a distance of three and a half leagues from the town, the men were ordered to encamp until Gasca with the king's treasure should arrive at Nombre de Dios. Bermejo in the mean while determined to leave Panamá unguarded and marched to the support of Hernando, hoping to crush the foe in a single encounter and thus end all opposition. Believing that Pedro's slender force was more than sufficient to prevent any uprising in the city, he even withdrew some of the men, and enlisting a few volunteers among the citizens began his journey across the Isthmus.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: GASCA IN ARMS.]

On the day after Bermejo's departure Gasca and the governor arrived at the mouth of the Chagre, and here were met by a party of armed men from Nombre de Dios, with news that Panamá was in possession of a ruffian horde, though who they were or whence they came none could yet determine. Thus after crushing the rebellion in Peru, and bringing these vast stores of wealth in safety to the shore of the North Sea, the licentiate found himself in danger, at the last moment, of losing not only the king's treasure but his own reputation as an able and trustworthy servant of the emperor. He resolved to proceed at once to Nombre de Dios, and after placing his gold and silver beyond reach of the invaders, to collect all the men he could muster and march to the rescue of the capital. Encountering a heavy gale after putting out to sea he was compelled to land at a small inlet some leagues distant from the town, and thence despatched one of his officers to inform the settlers of his approach and encourage them to make preparations for defence. Two days later he arrived in person, and was received with open arms by the terror-stricken citizens, most of whom had closed their stores and dwellings and placed their effects on board the ships in readiness for flight. It was now ascertained that Hernando de Contreras was in command of the rebels, and that their intention was to declare him king of Peru. Gasca ordered his treasure-fleet to be brought round from a neighboring island, where it had been left at anchor, and by thus showing that he had no fear of the invaders soon restored confidence. Many of the inhabitants had fled to the mountains, but now returned, and others brought their valuables on shore from the vessels, saying that if the licentiate ventured to store the king's treasure at Nombre de Dios they need have no fear for their own property. Finding that no attack was made on the town Gasca supposed that Hernando had returned to Panamá, and collecting his forces, amounting in all to five hundred and sixty men, prepared to recross the Isthmus; but when on the point of departure news arrived from the capital that the rebellion was already extinguished.

* * * * *

After Bermejo had evacuated the city, certain of the inhabitants, knowing that Gasca was in command of a strong force and would probably overpower the invaders, determined to take up arms and attempt to bar their retreat. A messenger was despatched to inform the licentiate of their purpose. The church bells were tolled to call the citizens to arms, and the royal standard was hoisted amid shouts of "Long live the king!" and "Death to tyrants!" Pedro de Contreras, who still remained with the fleet, hereupon sent a boat on shore to ascertain the cause of the uproar. The crew were instantly made prisoners, and the men of Panamá now resolved to attempt the capture of the vessels, and thus cut off the rebels from all chance of escape. One of the captive seamen was placed in the boat securely bound, and it was then rowed back toward the fleet followed by three others filled with armed men, the sailor being ordered on pain of death to answer the challenge of the rebels with the words "Hernando de Contreras, the prince of liberty." After a sharp struggle the assailants were repulsed, six of their number being killed and several wounded. During the conflict the prisoner managed to shake off his fetters, and plunging into the sea saved himself by swimming back to his ship. Preparations were now made for the defence of the city; intrenchments were thrown up; the main street was barricaded; and the women and children lodged in the cathedral where the last stand would be made in case of defeat.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF BERMEJO.]

On hearing of this emeute in the city, Bermejo, who had now arrived at the village of Cruces, determined at once to retrace his steps, vowing that he would hang and quarter every one of those who had broken their promise not to take arms against him. Messages were sent to Hernando and Salguero informing them of what had transpired, and urging their instant return; but without waiting for his assistance the rebel leader marched at once on Panamá, making the journey of fourteen leagues in a single day. Again he committed an unpardonable error, and one that soon caused the destruction of his forces. In his foolish haste to join Hernando he had left the strongest city on the Isthmus without a garrison, and now while his men were worn out by their forced march he resolved to make the attack that very night. Had he but waited for the arrival of reënforcements, or even allowed his soldiers time for rest, all might yet have been well; but anger overcame his judgment, and in his thirst for vengeance he would hear of no delay. Entering the main street he found the people fully prepared for defense, and on arriving at the barricade rocks were hurled down from the house-tops, while bowmen and arquebusiers opened a sharp fire, causing him to retreat and devise other plans of operation.

After consulting with his officers it was resolved to set fire to the city at several points during the following night, and to fall on the inhabitants while they were engaged in extinguishing the flames. No quarter was to be shown, and orders were given that every inhabitant over twelve years of age should be slaughtered without regard to sex or condition. While the rebels were in council one of the captives, overhearing their conversation, secretly despatched his negro servant to give information of their design. Notwithstanding the advice of the bishop, who deemed it best to await the arrival of Gasca from Nombre de Dios, the men of Panamá determined to attack the enemy before they had time to execute their plans. Their forces mustered in all 550 men, of whom 100 were veterans who had fought in Peru, 200 were raw recruits, and the remainder negroes, armed with lances or cross-bows, under command of Spanish officers. About noon they sallied forth to encounter the foe. All knew that they were about to engage in a doubtful and desperate struggle, but the veriest coward among them felt that it was better thus to risk his life than be tamely butchered by the rebels; and as the battle was to be fought in open daylight, none could shirk duty.

Bermejo was greatly astonished at the audacity of the citizens, but his discomfiture of the previous night had made him a little more cautious and he withdrew his forces to a neighboring hill, where being joined by Salguero's band,[XVI‑9] which at that moment arrived from Cruces, he awaited the onslaught. After a desperate struggle the rebels were overpowered. Ninety of them were stretched dead upon the field,[XVI‑10] among them Bermejo and Salguero, the latter by a lance-thrust from the treasurer Amaya, who during the fight managed to escape from his guards. The remainder were captured to a man and conducted in shackles to the jail, where the alguacil mayor, Rodrigo de Villalba, caused them all to be stabbed to the heart, plunging his own dagger into many, and not even allowing them the consolations of religion.

On the very day that Bermejo's command was defeated, Hernando receiving news of his proposed attempt to recapture Panamá, sent a message approving of his intention, and for the purpose of causing a panic in the city, ordered him to spread the report that Nombre de Dios had been taken and Gasca and the governor slain. Leaving twenty-five men under the command of Landa to guard the passes at Capira, he set forth with the remainder to support his lieutenant. Arriving the first night at Venta de Chagre, he found that one Lozano, a settler in that district, had gone to warn the citizens of his approach, and ordered all his property to be destroyed. On the following day he was informed of the disastrous result of the battle before Panamá, and at once disbanded his men, bidding them make their way to the coast, where they might, perchance, be rescued by his brother's fleet, himself with three companions going in the direction of Natá. Meanwhile the men left at Capira, fearing an attack from Gasca's troops, abandoned their post and marched across the Isthmus. On approaching Panamá they were attacked by a strong force, but made their escape during the night and also directed their course toward the sea-shore.

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[Sidenote: THE REBELS EXTERMINATED.]

When Pedro de Contreras heard of the defeat of Bermejo, he at once put to sea with his two best ships, and, abandoning the remainder, sailed for Natá, but no sooner was his departure known than four vessels started in pursuit; and Gasca, who arrived from Panamá a day or two later, despatched a strong force by land to prevent the embarkation of the survivors. At Punta de Higuera the rebels' ships were overtaken and captured, most of their crews escaping in the boats, a portion of them being captured later, and the remainder dying as was supposed by starvation or being killed by the natives. Nothing was afterward heard of their fate. Landa's men were slain or taken prisoners, and he himself was hanged and quartered at the same tree from which he had suspended the mulatto boy. The man who had attempted to strangle Tapia met with a similar fate, and the bodies of these two rebels were displayed piecemeal along the road between Capira and Venta de Chagre. Twelve only among all the captives were spared, and these were sent to Spain to end their days at the galleys. Hernando and his comrades reached the coast, and being hotly pursued, put to sea in a canoe hoping to fall in with Pedro's ships, but were driven back by stress of weather. After wandering along the shore for two days, the rebel chief, now enfeebled by hunger and exposure, was drowned while attempting to ford a river, and thus probably escaped the hangman. When his body was afterward discovered it was recognized only by the clothes and by a golden ornament suspended from the neck. The head which was so soon to wear a crown, was severed from the body and placed in an iron cage in the plaza at Panamá. Thus ended a rebellion which under more able leadership might have subverted Spain's empire in the western world several centuries before the term of her dominion was accomplished.[XVI‑11]

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XVII. AFFAIRS IN HONDURAS

1537-1549.

FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO APPOINTED GOVERNOR—REVOLT OF THE CACIQUE LEMPIRA—DASTARDLY ARTIFICE OF THE SPANIARDS—ESTABLISHMENT OF NEW COLONIES—CONDITION OF THE SETTLEMENTS—MINING IN HONDURAS—RETURN OF PEDRO DE ALVARADO—MONTEJO DEPOSED FROM OFFICE—ALONSO DE MALDONADO THE FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE AUDIENCIA OF THE CONFINES—MALTREATMENT OF THE NATIVES—RIVAL PRELATES IN HONDURAS—THEIR DISPUTES—LAS CASAS PRESENTS A MEMORIAL TO THE AUDIENCIA—HE IS INSULTED BY THE OIDORES—HIS DEPARTURE FOR CHIAPAS—MALDONADO'S GREED—HE IS SUPERSEDED BY ALONSO LOPEZ DE CERRATO—THE SEAT OF THE AUDIENCIA MOVED TO SANTIAGO DE GUATEMALA.

In answer to the petition of the settlers at Trujillo, the emperor appointed as ruler of Honduras and Higueras Francisco de Montejo, the governor of Yucatan. It is not recorded that he brought with him either reënforcements or supplies in aid of the fast decaying colony. On his arrival he found a small band of starving men, destitute of all resources. The Spaniards who were able to make their way out of the province had already taken their departure. Even Juan de Chavez, appointed by Alvarado as his successor, not finding in Honduras any profitable field for his enterprise, had abandoned the territory and returned to Guatemala.[XVII‑1] The governor first proceeded to San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, where he at once annulled the repartimientos granted by Alvarado, bestowing them on his friends or appropriating them to his own use,[XVII‑2] and despatched an expedition to the neighboring sierra for the purpose of pacifying the Indians. As no attempt was made to enslave or maltreat them, many returned voluntarily to the settlement. Montejo then visited Gracias á Dios, where he ascertained that certain Spaniards, journeying from Comayagua toward Guatemala, had been murdered by the natives in the province of Cerquin. He repaired to the spot, and arresting the ringleaders caused them to be punished in the presence of their caciques, who were then dismissed to their homes, professing to be satisfied that their penalty was deserved.

[Sidenote: LEMPIRA AND HIS STRONGHOLD.]

But their satisfaction was only feigned, and the colonists, who now imagined that they had established friendly relations with the Indians, were quickly undeceived. The most warlike and implacable of their enemies was the chief Lempira, a name signifying the Lord of the Mountains. He had long been a terror to the settlers, and a warrior of note among his own countrymen. With his own hand he was reputed to have slain in a single conflict with a hostile tribe one hundred and twenty of his foes. Such was the terror which his presence inspired that his enemies fled before him as from one bearing a charmed life, for in all the innumerable battles which he had fought he had never received a wound. Occupying a stronghold, known as the rock of Cerquin, in close proximity to Gracias á Dios,[XVII‑3] he had bid defiance to Alvarado when on his way to the relief of Cereceda at the head of a strong party of Spaniards and two thousand friendly natives. Juan de Chavez before his return to Guatemala had attacked Lempira's fortress with all the forces he could muster, but was foiled in his attempt, and the natives now believed their position to be impregnable.

Fired with the ambition to deliver his country, the cacique assembled the neighboring chieftains—their followers mustering in all some thirty thousand warriors—and invited them to join him in an effort to exterminate the invaders. He pointed out the disgrace of allowing themselves to be held in subjection by a handful of strangers, urged them to take arms against the Spaniards, and offering to place himself at their head promised to lead them to victory or lay down his life in the attempt. It was resolved to open hostilities at once, and a number of settlers were killed before any tidings of the revolt reached Gracias á Dios. Captain Cáceres with a well equipped force was despatched by Montejo to quell the insurrection, whereupon Lempira retired to his stronghold and put to death the messengers sent to require his surrender, stating that he acknowledged no master and obeyed no laws other than those of his own people.

Cáceres then laid siege to the place, but although assistance was summoned from Comayagua and San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos the Indians made good their defence. For six months the Spaniards beleaguered the fortress, their numbers rapidly diminishing from want, exposure, and ceaseless encounters with the natives. So untiring were the latter in their efforts that the besiegers, who were divided into eight parties, found little time to rest, being harassed day and night by sorties from the garrison. At length Cáceres, seeing no prospect of taking the stronghold, resolved to gain by a base stratagem the success which he had failed to win by force of arms. A horseman was ordered to approach within arquebuse-shot of the rock and summon Lempira to a colloquy under pretence of opening negotiations for peace, while a foot soldier who accompanied him, screened from view by the mounted man, was bid to take deliberate aim at the cacique and fire upon him when sure of his mark. The artifice succeeded only too well. The unsuspecting chieftain came forth to meet the messenger and while held in parley was brought to the ground by a shot from the arquebusier. His lifeless body rolled over the rock, and his followers, panic-stricken, made no further resistance, most of them taking to flight, and the rest giving themselves up to the Spaniards.[XVII‑4] It is but just to add that the captives were well treated and that the governor, who does not appear to have been responsible for this outrage, succeeded by his humane policy in pacifying many of the fugitives and inducing them to return to their abodes and till the soil.

During the administration of Montejo the settlers of Honduras again enjoyed an interval of repose,[XVII‑5] though his conduct was distasteful to many of the colonists, who still remembered with regret the time when slave-hunting was permitted throughout the territory. The arrival at Gracias á Dios, in 1538, of the licentiate Cristóbal de Pedraza, bearing the title of protector of the Indians, was of material service to the governor in settling the many difficulties that arose with the encomenderos. He was cordially welcomed and received every assistance in the discharge of his duties.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: INTEROCEANIC HIGHWAY.]

Montejo now turned his attention to the construction of roads and the development of the resources of his province which had already given promise of a prosperous future. Wheat had been successfully cultivated and the prospects of a largely increased production were encouraging, while the same favorable results had attended the planting of the vine. In 1539 the governor addressed a letter to the emperor, urging the expediency of constructing a road for pack-animals between the bay of Fonseca and Puerto de Caballos, by way of Comayagua. The whole distance was but fifty-two leagues, and it was pointed out that the road might afterward be improved, so as to be available for wheeled vehicles. It was claimed that this would prove a more favorable route for the transport of merchandise between Spain and Peru than that by way of Nombre de Dios and Panamá, the harbors on either side being safe and easily accessible. The country through which it was to pass, moreover, possessed an excellent climate, rich mines, a fruitful soil, good pasturage, and many fine streams of water. His Majesty was asked to furnish negroes for the prosecution of the work, as the natives were not to be relied on for such labor. A few of the colonists were soon afterward induced to form a settlement near the spot abandoned by Gil Gonzales Dávila and Sandoval's party.[XVII‑6] To this was given the name of San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. The site was in many respects favorable for a commercial emporium, but its sickly climate was already too well known to the Spaniards.

Soon after the Indian revolt, which terminated with the death of Lempira, the governor determined to establish a settlement in the district of Comayagua, and with that view despatched Cáceres to find a suitable location midway between the two oceans. A spot was selected in the centre of a fertile valley, distant about twenty-six leagues from either sea, and connected by a good road with an Indian village, whence a navigable river flowed northward toward Puerto de Caballos. Here was founded, in 1539, the town of Comayagua,[XVII‑7] and so prosperous were the affairs of the new colony that a few years later[XVII‑8] it was raised to the rank of a city.

The settlements founded by the early colonists of Honduras were slow of growth. In a letter addressed by Pedraza to the audiencia of the Confines, dated May 1, 1547, he states that the seven Spanish towns which the province then contained[XVII‑9] "were always increasing as were the villages;" and yet we find that Trujillo, which had then become the largest of them, contained but fifty settlers, while none of the others numbered more than thirty. The absence of communication with the South Sea, and the distance from the highways of commerce between Spain and the new world, no doubt retarded greatly the increase of population; for the agricultural and mineral resources of the territory were not inferior to those of other provinces which contained more than ten times the number of inhabitants. The want of good roads and of facilities for travel was also a serious drawback; and it is probable that to make a tour of the different settlements in Honduras, all lying within a radius of less than forty leagues, occupied, in the middle of the sixteenth century, almost as much time as would now be required to accomplish the circuit of the globe.[XVII‑10]

[Sidenote: GOLD-MINING.]

The mines of Honduras had already begun to yield a moderate amount of treasure, and but for the wholesale destruction of the natives and the want of negro labor could have been made to produce far greater returns. As far back as the days of Pedrarias Dávila it was known that those in the Olancho valley were extremely rich, but for want of the necessary tools they could not be worked. With only their stirrup irons the Spaniards in two months scraped up gold to the value of sixteen thousand pesos de oro, and "with proper implements," Herrera states, "they might have taken out two hundred thousand pesos." The early prosperity of Gracias á Dios was due to the discovery of rich mines in its vicinity, and it soon became one of the most prosperous settlements in the province. The richest one was that of San Andrés de Nueva Zaragoza, in a mountain west of the town and east of the Copan valley. Gold could here be scratched out of the earth with a stick. In another mine, belonging to one Bartolomé Martin de Sanabria, more than a pound of gold was daily collected by himself and a single slave. Later the yield became so large that alcaldes mayores were appointed to collect the royal fifth, with power to compel one fourth of the Indians within a circuit of twelve miles to labor in them. "Near Comayagua," says Oviedo, "they took out and smelted ore which yielded sixty thousand pesos de oro, and forty thousand more were supposed to have been stolen."[XVII‑11]

While Montejo was engaged in various projects for promoting the welfare of the province, Pedro de Alvarado arrived at Puerto de Caballos in command of his powerful and well appointed force,[XVII‑12] and proceeding thence to San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, soon afterward despatched a messenger to Gracias á Dios to notify the governor of his arrival. Montejo was at a loss how to conduct himself under this changed aspect of affairs. As ruler of Yucatan his career had been unsuccessful, and in Honduras he found himself unpopular. With his few and scattered followers ill-fed, ill-clad, and obliged to maintain a constant struggle with the natives, he was in no position to cope with a powerful rival. Although holding his authority by appointment from the crown, he was ignorant as to what extent the visit of Alvarado to Spain affected his government. He knew not what representations had been made to the emperor by his rival and had every reason to fear that the worst construction had been placed on his conduct. He had indeed never felt quite secure in his position. More than a year before it had been the intention of the crown, in answer to the petition sent from Trujillo, to place Honduras under the jurisdiction of the audiencia of Española. This measure had been abandoned only on account of the great distance and infrequency of communication; and now after some previous negotiation for an exchange of territory[XVII‑13] Alvarado had landed in person to demand the annexation of his province to Guatemala. He had long before expressed his opinion that Honduras could not stand alone, but that if joined to the adjacent province it would contribute to the emperor's treasury a hundred thousand castellaños yearly, whereas at that time it yielded almost nothing.[XVII‑14] Montejo on the other hand had ridiculed the other's views. "In the hour of trial," he said, "when the whole country was overrun by hostile natives, he sent many urgent requests to Guatemala for help, but aid was refused him, although he asked only for the assistance of two hundred friendly Indians, and he had to fight his battles as best he might." He declared his belief that if Honduras were annexed to Guatemala, not an Indian would be found in the province in a few months, and that in less than two years the territory would be beggared.

[Sidenote: ALVARADO AND MONTEJO.]

After more than a month had elapsed since the despatch of his message without any reply being received, Alvarado determined to set forth toward Gracias á Dios; and, collecting his forces, marched in the direction of the capital. Montejo meanwhile was ill at ease. He knew well that any attempt at intimidation would but work his own destruction, and yet was unwilling to throw himself on the generosity of his rival. Acting on the advice of his friends, however, he resolved to receive him courteously, and on his approach to the settlement went forth to meet him. At a spot distant about fifteen leagues from the city the rival governors met, and Montejo found that his worst fears were more than realized. "His Majesty had been informed," said the conqueror of Guatemala, "of the manner in which he had entered Honduras and of his subsequent career, and was further advised that Alvarado had at great cost and labor saved the province from destruction. It was therefore ordered that Montejo should immediately deliver up all the property which he had wrested from the people of the province and all revenues received by him since his assumption of office."

* * * * *

Among the ecclesiastics then resident in Honduras was one already mentioned whom Montejo styles "The padre Cristóbal de Pedraza, the protector of the Indians, and calling himself bishop." His official appointment to the see of Honduras Alvarado brought with him on his return from Spain. When Pedraza first arrived in the province, the governor received him cordially, placing at his disposal his own residence and a large number of slaves. To him he now appealed for aid in this his dire distress, and through the prelate's intercession[XVII‑15] with Doña Beatriz matters were adjusted without further dispute. The revenues derived from lands and mines during the governor's term of office were estimated at twenty-eight thousand ducats,[XVII‑16] and "of this sum," says Herrera, "Alvarado without solicitation immediately remitted a moiety, and two months later was easily persuaded to forgive the other half." It was agreed that Montejo should surrender to him all claim to the government of Honduras and Higueras, and that Alvarado should cede in return the Ciudad Real de Chiapas and the town of Suchimilco in Mexico, giving also a money compensation of two thousand castellanos.

[Sidenote: ALONSO DE CÁCERES.]

In a despatch to the emperor, written soon afterward, the ex-governor complains bitterly of the wrongs which he had suffered through the machinations of his enemies; but, as he himself remarks in his letter, "a little favor at court is of more avail than the most faithful service." The agreement was ratified by the crown, and about the close of 1539 Montejo departed from the province after a brief and somewhat inglorious career, while about the same time Alvarado returned to Guatemala, leaving Alonso de Cáceres as his representative in Honduras, and Pedraza a year or two later took ship for Spain where, after some delay, he received the papal bull of confirmation and was duly consecrated, occupying his time meanwhile by making contracts for negro slaves in the name of the crown, with a view of utilizing their labor in the development of the mines.[XVII‑17]

On his return to the province in 1545, the bishop[XVII‑18] undertook a pastoral tour through the province, lasting eighteen months. He complains bitterly of the hardships which he endured and of the demoralized and poverty-stricken condition of the colonists. "The natives," he says, "have nearly all fled to the mountains, being in terror of the Spaniards, who have continued to enslave them for so many years. Many Portuguese, Italians, and other foreigners have propagated disease and vice among them so that even Indian maidens of tender age are corrupted to a sad extent, while bigamy and polygamy are of frequent occurrence." Valdivieso, who was residing at the time at Gracias á Dios, awaiting consecration as bishop of Nicaragua, also relates that the church was held in contempt, that the Spaniards were as a rule extremely lax in their observance of all religious duties, and that they led a more vicious life than had ever been known among Christians.

Though Pedraza brought with him from Spain a number of friars, they do not seem to have been very zealous in the work of reforming the settlers or converting the natives. At times many days passed during which no divine service was held, and the cabildo attributed the omission to the neglect of the bishop, "who," they said, "was too busy with his worldly affairs to attend to his duties properly." The ecclesiastics appear, however, to have been very successful in selling papal bulls among the Indian villages, a practice which was continued till 1547, when a royal cédula put an end to this shameful traffic. Their charges for saying mass or for funeral services were exorbitant. To confess a person residing at a distance of one league cost thirty castellanos, and to watch for a single night by the bedside of a deceased cacique, one hundred and thirty xiquipilli of cacao. Desirous of making at least some show of missionary zeal the prelate recommended that a cathedral be erected and schools established in all Indian towns which were in the neighborhood of Spanish settlements. The former recommendation was adopted, and notwithstanding the protestations of the audiencia of the Confines, the site selected was at Trujillo,[XVII‑19] the bishop's salary being fixed at five hundred thousand maravedís, though soon afterward he petitioned that his stipend be increased to two thousand ducats.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: AUDIENCIA DE LOS CONFINES.]

When the new code of laws abolished the audiencia of Panamá and appointed the audiencia of the Confines,[XVII‑20] Alonso de Maldonado was elected its first president[XVII‑21] through the recommendation of Las Casas, the remaining oidores being the licentiates Diego de Herrera, of whom mention has been made in connection with the province of Nicaragua, Pedro Ramirez de Quiñones, and Juan Rogel. Maldonado was directed to establish the seat of government at Comayagua, which was thenceforth to be known as Nueva Villa de Valladolid, but finding that location unsuitable he selected as a more favorable site Gracias á Dios, where in 1545 the first session of the tribunal was held.[XVII‑22] The arrival of Maldonado was celebrated with much rejoicing among the settlers; but their joy was short-lived, for one of the first measures of the audiencia was the publication of the new code of laws which, they declared, was to be strictly and immediately enforced so far as it related to the manumission of the Indians.

In Honduras the new code was regarded with no less disfavor than in the other provinces, and it was probably due only to the sparse population of this territory that we read of no such outbreak among the colonists as that of Gonzalo Pizarro in Peru, and of the Contreras brothers in Nicaragua. The settlers were fain to content themselves with making ineffectual protests, and with sending procurators to advocate their cause at the court of Spain. It does not appear that the natives were at all benefited by the regulations enacted in their favor; for a year or two later, on the arrival at Gracias á Dios of Las Casas and Valdivieso, the former declares that despite all the royal ordinances to the contrary, the Indians placed under the protection of the crown were so grossly maltreated that they preferred to return to the service of their former masters rather than enjoy their new and doubtful liberty.

* * * * *

On the first of June 1549 a royal cédula was issued ordering that the natives should not be used as pack-carriers, except in cases of extreme necessity, and that all employed in whatever capacity should receive payment for their services. These regulations appear, however, to have made their lot still more grievous, for the Spaniards, no longer owning them as human chattels and caring not for their lives, treated them even more harshly than before. At Gracias á Dios we learn that they were offered for hire at public auction, and after being disposed of to the highest bidder were sent to the mines or to the sea-shore forty miles distant. They were driven together, Las Casas tells us, within a circuit of ten or fifteen leagues, and a guard being placed over them, were enclosed in a corral like cattle. They were then divided by an alguacil among the settlers, and after working hard for a month received two reales, sometimes being required to serve an entire year for a single peso. When used as beasts of burden they were compelled to carry a load of seventy-five or one hundred pounds through a country abounding in swamp and forest. Their food consisted of a few hard cakes of maize, and at night, their blankets being taken from them to prevent their running away, they were often left to sleep in the open air almost naked and without shelter.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]

In addition to Las Casas and Valdivieso, the latter of whom was sojourning at the capital awaiting consecration as bishop of Nicaragua, there were now present at Gracias á Dios the prelates Marroquin of Guatemala, and Pedraza of Honduras.[XVII‑23] It was not of course to be expected that all these dignitaries of the church should work in harmony with each other, and much less with the members of the audiencia. While Las Casas and Valdivieso strove to enforce the unconditional liberation of all Indians, Marroquin and Pedraza, who themselves possessed several encomiendas, were exceeding loath to part with them; and when Las Casas threatened with excommunication all who should refuse to give up their bondsmen, Marroquin assured the settlers that he would grant them quick absolution. The removal of the latter was then demanded by his opponents, who wrote to the emperor denouncing him as "one undeserving of royal favor, having made his fortune at the expense of his honor and that of the people, in violation of the law and the emperor's orders." Pedraza, on the other hand, while discussing the question of establishing schools in the native villages, exclaims: "Would to God that to this purpose the efforts of Las Casas were applied, instead of to the general perdition of the province, his discourse being like that of one demented with rage, himself blindly covetous and ambitious of honor profane. For thirty years was he striving for a bishopric until at length he obtained one by the force of a hundred thousand lies."

The colonists of course had no sympathy with Las Casas, leaving him to complain and sometimes almost to starve unheeded. Those who were secretly his friends, through fear of exposing themselves to persecution, were unwilling to minister to his necessities. The oidores refused to listen to him or to afford him redress, and on one occasion when a certain colonist threatened to assassinate the prelate he was allowed to go unpunished.[XVII‑24] In a letter to the emperor Maldonado states that "Las Casas has become so proud since his return from Spain that it is impossible to deal with him, and the best place for him would be in some convent in Castile." It was proposed by Marroquin to settle the long-vexed Indian question by referring the matter to a commission composed of the viceroy of Mexico, the audiencias, the bishops, and other competent persons both lay and clerical, or to a committee to be chosen by them, and that their decision be submitted to the crown for approval; but Las Casas would admit of no such compromise and insisted that the new laws be immediately enforced. It was finally agreed that the bishops should present to the audiencia a memorial embodying their grievances, asking for redress, and stating explicitly their demands in reference to the treatment and disposition of the natives. Soon afterward Las Casas read this document before the oidores, who, as he now had the support of all his fellow-bishops, did not venture to refuse him an audience. They were requested to render assistance to the ecclesiastical authorities in the exercise of their jurisdiction, and to aid them in punishing all who sinned against God and the church, by committing sacrilege or holding in contempt the episcopal dignity. It was demanded that the natives should not be forced to pay excessive tribute, should not be used as beasts of burden, or required to render any but voluntary service, and that all who were illegally enslaved should be liberated and placed under the protection of the bishops; for it was claimed that Las Casas and his colleagues were their protectors and held the right of adjudication in all cases of alleged maltreatment. It was urged that officials in charge of Indian villages should be held strictly responsible for their trust and punished in case of malfeasance as the new laws prescribed.[XVII‑25] The memorial concluded by threatening the president, oidores, and other officials with excommunication, should they neglect to obey these orders within the space of three months.

[Sidenote: ILL-FEELING TOWARD LAS CASAS.]

Great was the indignation of the members of the audiencia toward the prelate who thus dared place himself above the highest tribunal in the land. They were accustomed to regard the ecclesiastics as men whose presence must indeed be tolerated for appearance' sake, but whose duty it was only to conduct religious services in which the wives and children of the colonists might perhaps wish to participate, and to make such progress as they could in the conversion of the natives. That they should presume to interfere with their own schemes for self-aggrandizement was not to be tolerated. Maldonado and the oidores gave vent to their ire in such abusive language that three days later Las Casas and Valdivieso addressed a letter to the emperor, stating that neither in the days of Alvarado or Nuño de Guzman, nor during the rule of any of the former tyrants, were the ministers of the church so insulted and oppressed, nor were ever such enormous crimes committed as under the present audiencia of the Confines. The bishops, moreover, expressed their belief "that the devil had filled the oidores with ambition and covetousness when they came to the country," and declared that unless the enforcement of the new laws were intrusted to their own hands the province must go to ruin.[XVII‑26] Meanwhile Marroquin, who was in secret a bitter foe to Las Casas, also sent a despatch to the court of Spain, wherein he speaks of him as one filled with pride, envy, and hypocrisy, and denounces his assumption in daring to present so offensive a memorial to the audiencia.[XVII‑27]

Las Casas waited in vain for an answer to his demands. Not discouraged, however, by the studied inactivity of the oidores he pressed his claims with untiring zeal, exasperating them by his pertinacity, and frequently exposing himself to gross insult and contumely. On one occasion, while entering the hall of the audiencia, he was greeted with shouts of "Throw out that lunatic!" At another time he was coarsely affronted by the president himself;[XVII‑28] and when, notwithstanding all rebuffs, he made a final appeal, demanding compliance with the new laws, and administering to Maldonado a public rebuke, the latter replied: "You are a knave, a bad man, a bad priest, a bad bishop, one lost to all shame and worthy of punishment!" Though stunned, for a moment, by this answer from one whose appointment was due to his own recommendation, the prelate meekly bowed his head, and with the words, "I very well deserve all that your worship says, Señor Licenciado Alonso Maldonado," quietly withdrew from his presence.

[Sidenote: EXCOMMUNICATION.]

All now expected that the president would be excommunicated. As the consecration of Valdivieso was to take place two days later and none could be present who were under the ban of the church, Maldonado resolved to make some effort at reconciliation. To repair to the house of the bishop and there tender an apology was a humiliation which his pride would not tolerate, while it could not be expected that Las Casas, after all the indignities he had suffered, would consent to visit the other's residence. Through the intervention of friends it was finally arranged that the two should meet, as though by accident, at the president's dwelling. Uncovering, and speaking in a respectful tone, Maldonado began to express his sorrow for what had occurred, but the prelate at once burst forth: "Hence! Away! You are excommunicated!" and took his departure without uttering another word.

While yet engaged in his controversy with the audiencia, Las Casas received news from Ciudad Real that disorder was rife in his own diocese, and, wishing to return to Chiapas as soon as possible, once more urged the oidores to render a decision. In order to rid themselves of his ceaseless importunity they at length compromised the matter by conceding a portion of his demands, but refused to recognize him or his colleagues as protectors of the Indians. As this was the main point in his memorial, and without this concession the new laws must be inoperative, or at least difficult of execution, the prelate found that like other premature reformers, he had gained little, and had added greatly to his unpopularity.[XVII‑29]

* * * * *

Toward the close of the year 1545 the bishops departed for their several provinces. Of the oidores, Rogel accompanied Las Casas to Ciudad Real;[XVII‑30] Quiñones was soon afterward engaged in levying a force in aid of Gasca's expedition to Peru; and the president, who, together with Herrera, still remained at Gracias á Dios, busied himself in accumulating wealth, fearing that the day was not far distant when he would be required to render an account. He met with little opposition, for the remonstrances of the cabildo were entirely unheeded, and Pedraza the bishop was a man too much after his own heart to throw any serious obstacles in his path. Maldonado with his friends and relatives already owned about one third of all the encomiendas in the province, and received besides his share of the tribute obtained by the oidores from the Indian villages, the ownership of which was for appearance' sake placed in the name of certain alcaldes and alguaciles. The latter received one third of the gross income, and those employed to collect the tribute also received a portion and were permitted to wring what else they could from their hapless victims, whom they hunted like blood-hounds, day and night, enslaving all who were unable to contribute their share.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ALONSO LOPEZ DE CERRATO.]

The condition of affairs in the province of Honduras soon became known to the council of the Indies, and by the recommendation of Las Casas the licentiate Alonso Lopez de Cerrato was appointed judge of residencia and president of the audiencia of the Confines. For several years he had presided over the audiencia of Santo Domingo, and had there made the acquaintance of the bishop, who well knew his worth and the zeal with which he labored in behalf of the Indians. It was one of his principles always to suppose them to be in the right until the contrary were proven, and little cared he for the good or bad opinion of the Spaniards. Neither threat nor promise nor supplication could divert him from the execution of his purpose. Being himself a priest he was of course a good friend to the ecclesiastics, and assisted them in their endeavors to alleviate the sufferings of the natives; so that the settlers exclaimed, after he had been a short time in the province: "Our day has passed and that of the friars has begun."[XVII‑31]

In 1548 the licentiate arrived at Gracias á Dios, and at once proceeded to take the residencias of the president and of the oidores Rogel and Herrera. After concluding his investigation he reports to the emperor that since the establishment of the audiencia no royal decree nor any of the new laws have been executed or enforced. On the contrary, the president and oidores have been the first to disregard them in order to ingratiate themselves with the settlers; they have never thought of liberating any slaves or of abolishing the use of the natives as beasts of burden.[XVII‑32]

Cerrato had undoubtedly expected to find matters in a better condition, for he brought with him none to supersede the oidores who might be displaced. Maldonado, however, appears to have escaped all punishment other than loss of office.[XVII‑33] Herrera, although Las Casas and Valdivieso had previously declared that he alone among the oidores was worthy of his position, was the only one that was fined, and with the exception of the president, the only one that was not reinstated.[XVII‑34]

Although Cerrato was accused by the settlers of partiality in the administration of justice, he enjoyed the full confidence of the emperor,[XVII‑35] who gave orders that all matters of grave import pertaining to the government of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Guatemala should be referred to his decision. Moreover, the bishops of Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Chiapas showed their appreciation of his worth by begging him to visit their dioceses and aid them in their labors on behalf of the natives, as the oidores sent to those provinces were unable to enforce the new laws. During the brief term of Cerrato's residence in Honduras nothing occurred that is worthy of note, with the exception of a revolt among the negro slaves at San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, which was promptly quelled by a force despatched against them by the audiencia.

In 1549 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was removed from Gracias á Dios to Santiago de Guatemala. The former town, now containing but eighteen settlers, was situated in a neighborhood where food for man and beast was difficult to obtain, and was far remote from the more important colonies. In other settlements the condition of affairs was little more prosperous. In Honduras, as elsewhere in Spain's western dominions, the apathy of the Spanish monarch and the disorders caused by the ceaseless struggle for wealth, or the craving for insignificant authority, added greatly to the misery and privation which the early history of colonization throughout the world seldom fails to present.

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XVIII. PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN GUATEMALA

1541-1550.

MOURNING FOR ALVARADO—GRIEF OF DOÑA BEATRIZ—AN ANOMALOUS GOVERNMENT—A FEMALE RULER—A BEAUTIFUL BUT TREACHEROUS MOUNTAIN—A NIGHT OF HORRORS—DEATH OF DOÑA BEATRIZ—DESTRUCTION OF SANTIAGO—A RUINED CITY—BURIAL OF THE DEAD—GLOOM OF CONSCIENCE-STRICKEN SURVIVORS—JOINT GOVERNORS—REMOVAL OF CITY RESOLVED UPON—A NEW SITE DISCUSSED—ANOTHER SANTIAGO FOUNDED—MALDONADO APPOINTED GOVERNOR—ACTION OF THE AUDIENCIA RELATIVE TO ENCOMIENDAS—CONTROVERSIES AND RECRIMINATIONS—REMOVAL OF THE AUDIENCIA TO SANTIAGO—PRESIDENT CERRATO OFFENDS THE SETTLERS—HIS MODE OF ACTION.

When the news of Alvarado's death arrived in Santiago[XVIII‑1] during the last days of August 1541, demonstrations of sorrow were on every side; the cathedral was draped in black,[XVIII‑2] and the city put on habiliments of woe; for however bad the man there are few who do not take pleasure in conventional mourning.

But the effect of the intelligence upon the adelantado's wife, Doña Beatriz, was so severe as apparently to affect her reason. She beat her face and tore her hair, weeping, screaming, and groaning in a very ecstasy of grief. For days she neither ate nor slept, refusing all consolation. She caused her house to be stained black, both inside and out, and draped it in deepest mourning. All efforts to appease her met with passionate outbursts expressed in language accounted impious,[XVIII‑3] and she repulsed alike the appeals of friends and the religious consolation offered by the priests—all of which was quite pathetic on the part of the bereaved woman. Meantime funeral obsequies were celebrated by Bishop Marroquin with all possible solemnity, prayers being offered each day for the repose of the late conqueror's soul.

But while due observance of mourning was shown for the loss which the colonists had sustained in Alvarado's death, it was necessary to decide upon the important matter of the government of the province. Francisco de la Cueva had been left lieutenant-governor, but although this appointment was approved by the viceroy[XVIII‑4] and the cabildo was ordered by him to recognize Cueva until his Majesty's wishes should be known, the members took the matter into their own hands and elected Doña Beatriz governor. This anomalous proceeding was discussed at a special session, and the reasons assigned for taking such a step were that it was deemed necessary for the peace, security, and interest of the country. As soon as the decision was reached the cabildo went in a body to the house of Doña Beatriz and tendered her the appointment. Her violent grief for the loss of her lord did not prevent her from assuming rulership according to the wish of the authorities. Thanking the municipality for the honor, she accepted the position and promised to serve his Majesty with zeal and devote herself to the welfare of the province in the prescribed form of words. The ceremony of installation immediately followed in the presence of the bishop and Francisco de la Cueva, after which the widow of Alvarado took the oath in due form, and thereupon appointed her brother, Francisco de la Cueva,[XVIII‑5] lieutenant-governor, giving him full power to act for her in all matters pertaining to the government, except the disposal of repartimientos of Indians which might become vacant; this prerogative she reserved to herself. Her brother's appointment was recognized by the cabildo on the following day, Saturday the 10th of September.[XVIII‑6]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF SANTIAGO.]

But it was not fated that this unfortunate lady should long enjoy her high position. Her doom with that of many others was sealed. The rains during this year had been excessive, and from Thursday the 8th of September until noon of the following Sunday it rained continuously, while an unusually violent wind prevailed.[XVIII‑7] The reader is aware that the city of Santiago was situated on the slope of the lofty volcan de Agua.[XVIII‑8] This mountain is a beautifully symmetrical cone nearly fifteen thousand feet above the sea, and in its enormous crater was a small lake, which, owing to the heavy rainfall, had risen to the top of the enclosing sides. On the 10th of September,[XVIII‑9] about two hours after nightfall, a volcanic eruption dislodged an immense volume of water, or the imprisoned lake burst its barrier. However that may have been, at this fearful moment down came the impetuous flood upon the doomed city, ten thousand feet below, and not more than a league distant from the top, bringing great trees and masses of rock[XVIII‑10] and hurling them upon the inhabitants. The wind and rain and darkness rendered the disaster all the more appalling. Many were killed, not knowing what had come upon them. There was no selection of victims; Spanish colonist and Indian servant were stricken down, the gambler at his dice and the worshipper kneeling at the shrine. In that night of horror each, as he struggled solitary from the seething torrent, might fancy himself the only survivor. Numbers perished, and many were cast from its embrace upon firm ground, with mangled limbs and bodies crushed.[XVIII‑11]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF DOÑA BEATRIZ.]

Doña Beatriz—truly La Sin Ventura, the hapless one, as she had signed herself the day before—at the first alarm, gathering her maids around her, hastened to the oratory. But of what avail was prayer? The waters were upon them, and at the second outburst swept down the chapel and buried beneath its ruins the lady-governor and her handmaidens.[XVIII‑12] Before striking Alvarado's house the flood had washed away two others with their occupants. There were in the dwelling other members of the household, and among them Doña Leonor, the eldest natural daughter of Alvarado. These Doña Beatriz sent for, but most of them were carried away by the torrent, though Doña Leonor and some others escaped. A large number of Indians of both sexes belonging to the household were also drowned. Two chaplains who were in the house were swept through a window and carried for some distance to the plaza where they were rescued. Several attempts were made during the night to reach Alvarado's house, but only one person, Francisco Cava, succeeded. Doña Beatriz' apartment which she had left was the only portion of the building left standing. Had she remained there, instead of rushing to the church, she and those with her would have been saved. Many supernatural horrors were reported to have occurred during the night, the particulars of which are related by Bernal Diaz.

While this blow was falling upon Alvarado's house and household, his kinsman Francisco de la Cueva was in extreme peril. At the first roar of the descending flood, heard above the raging tempest, he imagined that some violent disturbance had occurred in the town and rushed out lance in hand, only to be driven back, however, by the avalanche of water. Retiring with the Spaniards of his house to his study, he escaped the danger, though that apartment was the only portion of the building left standing.[XVIII‑13]

When day dawned the scene of desolation was heartrending. The water had passed away, and on all sides the ruins of the city were exposed to view. Most of the houses had been overthrown or swept away, and the few which remained were so filled with mud that they were untenantable. Whole families had perished.[XVIII‑14] The streets were choked up with accumulated debris, trunks of mutilated trees, and huge rocks. Scattered in all this wreck lay disfigured corpses and carcasses of drowned cattle.[XVIII‑15]

[Sidenote: GATHERING UP THE DEAD.]

And now began the sad, sad search for the dead, followed by mournful burial. Many of the lost were never found. The bodies of Doña Beatriz and those who perished with her were recovered with one exception. Her remains were interred with due solemnity near the high altar of the cathedral,[XVIII‑16] and those of her companions in death were reverently laid side by side in one common grave.[XVIII‑17] While the last rites of the church were duly performed for the behoof of this hapless lady, the stricken community regarded the catastrophe which had befallen them as a manifestation of divine wrath; and though most of the survivors looked upon it as a merited punishment for their own sins, there were not wanting those who attributed the cause of God's anger to the intemperate language made use of by Doña Beatriz in her frenzied grief.[XVIII‑18] So much insane foolishness can be wrapped in words of wisdom! The bishop endeavored to encourage his flock though in such deep dejection. A penitential procession was held and the litany chanted before the high altar. He enjoined them, moreover, to fast and pray on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. Further to cheer them he recommended all mourning to be put aside.

Nevertheless the gloom which had fallen upon the community was not soon dispelled, and at every threatening change of the sky the panic-stricken settlers sought safety on the hills. A unanimous desire to abandon the spot prevailed; many of the inhabitants left it and went to reside on their farms,[XVIII‑19] while those who remained[XVIII‑20] expressed their determination to go elsewhere. To arrest total abandonment and dispersion the cabildo, on the 22d of October, issued a decree prohibiting any citizen from leaving under a penalty of one hundred pesos de oro.[XVIII‑21] And long after the capital had been removed to another site, a penitential procession, attended by the civil and ecclesiastical orders, left the new city at daybreak on each anniversary and visited the former capital in mournful commemoration of this calamity. Bearing crosses in their hands, chanting the litany, and praying for the safety of their city, the people marched in all humility to the former cathedral.[XVIII‑22] There mass was celebrated and the graves of the dead were decorated, after which the procession dispersed.[XVIII‑23]

[Sidenote: CUEVA AND MARROQUIN.]

The death of Doña Beatriz had left the province without a ruler. Cueva's position at the head of the government was no longer recognized, and in the crisis of affairs the cabildo met on the 16th and 17th of September, and after some discussion elected Cueva and Bishop Marroquin joint governors provisionally.[XVIII‑24]

The bishop in a letter addressed to the king, dated February 20, 1542, informs his Majesty that in accepting the appointment he had not been influenced by any desire of wealth, honor, or power but by the actual state of affairs, and at the same time urgently brings before his notice the necessity of his appointing a governor of great influence and ability. He had previously suggested certain individuals,[XVIII‑25] whom he deemed fully capable and worthy of filling the office. These recommendations he now reiterates, holding himself responsible should the king be pleased to act in accordance with his views. The bishop, moreover, intimates that the municipal government had fallen into unworthy hands, owing to the resignation or death of honorable regidores who had been members of previous cabildos. The necessity of selecting men of good judgment and zealous in the royal service, is pointed out, and of such vital importance is the election of such men to the welfare of the province, that Marroquin implores his Majesty to order that those who had resigned should resume office.[XVIII‑26]

While describing the country as tranquil he pictures the colony as almost in a state of dissolution. The late calamity had involved the settlers in great poverty,[XVIII‑27] and the contrast between their present condition and the state of prosperity to which they had arrived under Alvarado's rule induced them to meditate leaving the province altogether. To obviate this evil Marroquin distributed a portion of the Indians which had belonged to the adelantado among a few of the most deserving who were thus induced to remain.[XVIII‑28]

[Sidenote: THE NEW SANTIAGO CITY.]

After the election of the joint governors the important question of removal was discussed by the authorities and citizens. That the interests of the country demanded such a step was the almost unanimous opinion,[XVIII‑29] and the selection of a new site at once occupied general attention. On this matter opinions were more varied and several localities were proposed. The argument in favor of the valley of Tianguez in the plains of Chimaltenango was again revived and found supporters, while by others the valley of Petapa or that of Mixco were preferred. There were, however, objections to the removal of the city to any great distance from its existing site. It was borne in mind that the valley of Almolonga was already cultivated, and that in its vicinity were cattle farms which owing to the prevailing poverty and the necessities of the inhabitants should not be abandoned;[XVIII‑30] and after a careful investigation of the advantages offered by different localities,[XVIII‑31] those of the valley of Panchoy were considered to be so superior that in cabildo held on the 22d of October it was ordered that the future city should be there erected.[XVIII‑32]

At no greater distance therefore than half a league from the ruins of Santiago, on the site occupied by the present Antigua Guatemala, the Spaniards once more laid out a city. The customary assignment of lots was made, town commons set apart, and the natives again made to toil in the erection of buildings for their oppressors.[XVIII‑33] Nevertheless the work did not progress with the rapidity which the authorities seem at first to have expected,[XVIII‑34] and though during 1542 some progress was made, even the house of the cabildo had not been completed in April 1543. The exact date of the formal removal of the municipality to the new city is not known,[XVIII‑35] but on the 10th of March 1543 a session was held there.[XVIII‑36] On the 12th of June following the host was transferred from the church of the ruined town in solemn procession, attended by the civil authorities, and all the people present in the city.

At a session held on the 21st of May 1543 a decree was passed by the cabildo that the city should retain the title of the one destroyed,[XVIII‑37] and the notaries were ordered to use in all documents the heading Ciudad de Santiago and no other, under penalty of a fine of ten pesos de oro. This decree was publicly proclaimed on the 13th of June following.[XVIII‑38]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ALONSO DE MALDONADO.]

Meantime another change had taken place in the government. On the 2d of March 1542 the viceroy of New Spain appointed the oidor Alonso de Maldonado provisional ruler of Guatemala, pending instructions from the crown, and on the 17th of May following the new governor presented his commission to the cabildo and was placed in office the same day.[XVIII‑39]

During the following year excitement prevailed in Guatemala owing to information having been received in October of the new code of laws and the establishment of the audiencia of the Confines. It was at once resolved to make an appeal to the throne, and on the 12th of the same month the cabildo met to appoint procurators to Spain. The opinion of the inhabitants having been taken,[XVIII‑40] a committee invested with power of electing representatives was appointed,[XVIII‑41] but it was unable to agree, and on the 29th of February 1544 Hernan Mendez presented a petition to the cabildo proposing that a mass meeting be held in the principal church in order that the general vote of the people might be taken.[XVIII‑42] Nevertheless considerable delay occurred, and it was not until the following August that the appointments were decided upon, when an examination of the votes showed that Hernan Mendez and Juan de Chavez were elected. The latter, however, declined to accept, and a still further delay was caused by Mendez insisting upon proceeding to Spain by way of Vera Cruz instead of through Puerto de Caballos. At length, on March 16, 1545, Mendez received his papers and instructions, and departed for Spain.[XVIII‑43]

[Sidenote: INDIAN POLICY.]

The bitter controversy which took place during the sessions of the audiencia in 1545 has been described in the preceding chapter, but it remains to be added that Maldonado and the oidores, although they had avowed their intention of enforcing the new laws, practically discountenanced their enforcement so far as they related to repartimientos. In a letter addressed to the king dated the 30th of December 1545 they state that if all Indians were liberated whose owners had no legitimate title none would be left to serve, and many Spaniards would be reduced to poverty. The same result would occur to those who were married and had families, if encomiendas as they became vacant were transferred to the crown.[XVIII‑44]

In 1545 the new laws were repealed, and at a somewhat later date the concession of perpetual repartimientos was granted to the colonists of Guatemala.[XVIII‑45]

Meanwhile the controversy relating to the treatment of the Indians was being vigorously carried on. The tribute which had been imposed upon them by Marroquin and Maldonado was a ground of complaint against those functionaries,[XVIII‑46] and I find that Marroquin considered himself obliged to explain that it had been levied without sufficient knowledge of facts, and that some changes were necessary.[XVIII‑47]

Among other suggestions made by Marroquin for the amelioration of the condition of the natives was that the authority of the bishop over them should include the right to inflict corporal punishment and to settle their difficulties. He moreover strongly recommended that for the purposes of better instruction and government Indian towns should be consolidated and subjected to a system of police.[XVIII‑48]

Meanwhile Alonso Lopez Cerrato had been appointed president of the audiencia of the Confines. It was already admitted that Gracias á Dios was not a suitable place for the seat of that body, and both Cerrato and bishop Marroquin made representations to the king advising its removal.[XVIII‑49] Accordingly his Majesty by royal cédula authorized the president and oidores to move to the city of Santiago,[XVIII‑50] where they arrived in 1549, and according to Remesal accepted Bishop Marroquin's offer of his palace for their use.[XVIII‑51]

[Sidenote: ATTITUDE OF THE SETTLERS.]

Cerrato's administration as president of the audiencia caused grievous offence to the settlers of Guatemala, and in a representation to the king they charge him with being ungenerous, undignified, wanting in zeal for the honor of God, and unconscientious.[XVIII‑52] The grounds of their objection to him naturally originated in his action regarding the protection of Indians, and they bitterly complain of his nepotism in assigning encomiendas to relatives of various degrees. Justice at his hands they could not obtain; consequently many of the best colonists had left the province and others were preparing to do so. Bishop Marroquin's remonstrances with Cerrato only developed hostile feelings in the latter, which were publicly evinced by his absenting himself for a long time from the services of the church,[XVIII‑53] conducted by the prelate.

But the settlers in Guatemala were obstinately opposed to any measures which clashed with their own views, and consequently represented matters from their own point of view. Under the first audiencia of the Confines, divided as it was against itself, they had to a great extent maintained their previous position relative to the natives;[XVIII‑54] but in Cerrato they perceived one who recognized them as merciless taskmasters,[XVIII‑55] and possessed both the determination to arrest the existing destructive system, and the courage to inflict punishment upon them for any gross infringement of the law.[XVIII‑56]

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XIX. THE ECCLESIASTICS IN CHIAPAS

1550.

A CONVENT FOUNDED BY THE MERCED ORDER—CIUDAD REAL APPOINTED A CATHEDRAL CITY—LAS CASAS A BISHOP—HE ATTEMPTS TO ENFORCE THE NEW LAWS—HE REFUSES ABSOLUTION DURING HOLY WEEK—HIS CONTROVERSY WITH THE AUDIENCIA OF THE CONFINES—HE DEPARTS FOR SPAIN—HIS DISPUTE WITH SEPÚLVEDA—HIS APPEAL TO THE CONSCIENCE OF PHILIP—THE AUDIENCIA TRANSFERRED FROM PANAMÁ TO GUATEMALA—DEATH OF THE APOSTLE OF THE INDIES—HIS CHARACTER—THE DOMINICANS IN CHIAPAS.

[Sidenote: CIUDAD REAL.]

The province of Chiapas was at first included in the see of Tlascala, and paid tithes to that bishopric till it was transferred to the diocese of Guatemala in 1536. When Ciudad Real was laid out, under the direction of Mazariegos, an allotment was assigned for a church building, and its erection was begun almost immediately.[XIX‑1] The first parish priest of Ciudad Real was Pedro Gonzalez, who was appointed by the cabildo in 1528, with a salary of three hundred pesos de oro. On his death Pedro Castellanos succeeded to the benefice in 1532.[XIX‑2] In 1537, through the exertions of Bishop Marroquin, a convent of the order of La Merced was founded by frailes Pedro de Barrientos and Pedro Benitez de Lugo. On the 18th of May these friars petitioned the cabildo for an allotment of land on which to found a monastery, but though their request was granted they remained but a short time.[XIX‑3] In 1539 Fray Marcos Perez Dardon, as superior, in company with Fray Juan Zambano took possession of the deserted building. Finding that it was situated too far from the settlement, the former petitioned for a new site and for contributions and assistance in erecting a new convent. His request met with a liberal response, and the friars who arrived in after years were well supplied with the means of support.[XIX‑4]

By a papal bull issued on the 19th of March 1538,[XIX‑5] Ciudad Real was appointed a cathedral city, the diocese to be subject to the archbishopric of Seville, and the pope reserving to himself the appointment of the first prelate. The salary of the bishop was fixed at two hundred ducats a year, payable from the revenues of the province, while the privileges and revenues of the bishopric were to be based on the system prevailing in Spain. The church patronage and the choice of dignitaries were conceded to the crown of Spain. The limits of the see were also left to the decision of the emperor.[XIX‑6]

On the 14th of April 1538, Juan de Arteaga y Avendaño, a friar of the order of Santiago, was appointed to the charge of the newly created bishopric, but it was not until nearly three years later that he was consecrated at Seville, whence he issued a document framing the constitution of his diocese.[XIX‑7] The prelate did not like to take possession, for on his arrival at Vera Cruz in 1541 he was attacked with a severe fever, and though he succeeded in reaching Puebla de los Angeles he died there shortly afterward,[XIX‑8] his diocese remaining in charge of the bishop of Guatemala until the arrival, in 1545, of Bartolomé de las Casas.

[Sidenote: ARRIVAL OF DOMINICANS.]

Lying between the territory under the jurisdiction of the audiencias of New Spain and the Confines were the provinces of Chiapas, Soconusco, Yucatan, and Tezulutlan, so remote, even from the latter court, that a strong hand was needed to enforce therein the new laws. In 1543 the apostle of the Indies after refusing the bishopric of Cuzco, lest his avowed disinterestedness should be doubted, accepted the prelacy of this extensive diocese,[XIX‑9] one fourth of the tithes of his bishopric and an additional sum of 500,000 maravedís payable by the crown being assigned him as salary. He was consecrated at Seville, on passion Sunday of 1544, and having by virtue of a royal decree caused the liberation of all the Indian slaves brought to Spain from the New World he embarked at San Lúcar on the 11th of July.[XIX‑10] He was accompanied by his constant companion, Father Rodrigo de Ladrada, and forty-five Dominican friars, including Father Tomás Casillas, their vicar, and his successor to the bishopric of Chiapas. After touching at Santo Domingo where he was detained over three months awaiting a vessel, he sailed for Campeche, where he arrived on the 6th of January 1545. Las Casas soon aroused the opposition of the colonists by insisting on the enforcement of the new laws, so exasperating them that they refused to acknowledge him as their bishop, on the ground that his papers were defective. They could not, indeed, prevent him from taking possession of the bishopric, but they could and did withhold the tithes, thus compelling him to send to Ciudad Real for money to defray his expenses. His messenger reached Ciudad Real early in February and the cabildo's answer is dated the 12th of the same month. They sent him a few hundred pesos which had been advanced by the public administrators on the security of one of the citizens.[XIX‑11]

From Campeche, Las Casas despatched by sea to Tabasco ten of the friars, but the vessel being overtaken by a storm foundered off the island of Términos, and nine of the ecclesiastics together with twenty-three Spaniards were drowned. Las Casas and the remainder of the Dominicans soon afterward departed for Ciudad Real, where his reception was cordial and enthusiastic. He was escorted into the city under the pallium; a house had been prepared for his reception, and thither all classes flocked to pay him homage.[XIX‑12]

The cathedral chapter consisted, on Las Casas' arrival, of the dean, Gil Quintana, and the canon, Juan de Perera, besides which dignitaries there were three priests in the diocese. The Dominicans, who were also kindly received, having reported their arrival to the provincial in New Spain, established a temporary convent and began their labors.

[Sidenote: ARBITRARY MEASURES.]

In the enslavement of the natives, the settlers of Chiapas, if we are to believe Las Casas, committed many excesses,[XIX‑13] and there is abundant evidence that in their subsequent treatment of them there was much harshness and cruelty.[XIX‑14] Daily appeals were made to him by the Indians for protection, but the futility of any exhortations to the settlers, where the natives were concerned, he well knew, and therefore resolved on vigorous measures, firmly believing that his efforts would be seconded by the audiencia in their enforcement of the new laws. Las Casas, however, had misjudged the character of the oidores, as we shall see hereafter.

Upon the approach of holy week he took the bold but injudicious step of refusing absolution to all who should not forthwith liberate their slaves,[XIX‑15] and made this the chief of certain sins for which he reserved to himself the right of granting absolution. The publication of this measure caused great excitement among the settlers, which was further increased by his refusal to listen to any compromise. In their despair they applied to the dean, who, failing to influence the bishop, took upon himself the responsibility of granting absolution in certain cases. Las Casas sent for the dean purposing to place him under arrest, but the latter suspecting his design refused to obey; whereupon the former, determined not to be thus thwarted, sent his bailiff and a few attendants with orders to bring the contumacious dignitary, if necessary, by force. The dean resisted, and with this object drew a sword, with which he wounded himself in the hand and the bailiff in the leg.[XIX‑16]

At this juncture an alcalde, who among others had been attracted by the disturbance, added to the excitement by loudly shouting: "Help in the name of the king!" Thereupon the citizens hurriedly gathered from all sides with arms in hand and prevented the arrest of the dean. Las Casas was beside himself with rage, and the settlers were equally exasperated. That throughout holy week they should be deprived of the sacraments for no other reason than that they held slaves was a measure without precedent in the New World, and their indignation was increased by the numerous letters of sympathy and condolence received from all parts of New Spain. The dean in the mean time had escaped to Guatemala where he was absolved by Bishop Marroquin and permitted to say mass. Las Casas made a requisition for him, but it was ignored,[XIX‑17] and he was obliged to content himself with declaring him anathematized and excommunicated.[XIX‑18]

Las Casas was baffled but not defeated. He received an invitation to assist in the consecration of Bishop Valdivieso at Gracias á Dios, which it will be remembered was then the seat of the audiencia of the Confines, and thither he repaired. The news of the occurrences at Ciudad Real had, however, preceded him, and with the exception of Herrera all the oidores were prejudiced against him.[XIX‑19]

Las Casas found little sympathy from his brother prelates, Bishop Marroquin, as has already been shown, entertaining a bitter dislike toward him. Indeed, the apostle of the Indies was in some respects ill-fitted for the noble work to which he had devoted his life, his impetuous fearless character and ardent zeal blinding his judgment and making him impatient of opposition and heedless of the rights of others. Thus he made enemies where the interests of his cause demanded friends and active supporters. Few if any of the prominent ecclesiastics in the New World viewed the question of slavery as he regarded it, and they resented his unqualified condemnation of it as a reflection on their learning and piety.

Under these circumstances it is not strange that, as before stated, his appeals to the audiencia were disregarded and that, meeting only with rebuffs, he departed in disgust for his diocese. In the mean time the settlers of Ciudad Real had by their importunities driven the vicar general of Las Casas from the city. The bishop was not disposed, however, to renew the struggle. His faith in the efficacy of the new laws had received a severe shock, for by this time he had heard of the determined resistance to them throughout the provinces. He had expected that they would be opposed, but not to this extent, and now there was no mistaking the hostile attitude of the settlers.

Over the turbulent inhabitants of Ciudad Real he had no further desire to rule, and had already for the third time asked the emperor to allow him to be transferred to Vera Paz, and that bishops be appointed for the provinces of Soconusco, Chiapas, and Yucatan.[XIX‑20] No further troubles appear to have occurred between the bishop and the colonists.[XIX‑21]

[Sidenote: REVOCATION OF THE NEW LAWS.]

In 1547 Las Casas embarked for Spain. The revocation of the new laws of which he must have heard before his departure, was a death-blow to his hopes in the new world. During the first two years after his arrival his efforts in behalf of the natives appear to have produced nothing more than a few decrees, comparatively unimportant. Later he resigned his bishopric, and retired to the college of San Gregorio de Valladolid, still continuing, however, to take an active interest in Indian affairs, although he had already passed his seventy-fifth year. From this retreat he soon issued to defend the principles which it had been his life-long labor to maintain.

The conquerors had found a champion in Doctor Juan Ginés Sepúlveda, who contended that it was lawful to make war on the natives and enslave them in order to promote their conversion and prevent human sacrifices. Las Casas presented thirty propositions in refutation of this view in which he maintained that over a nation whose only sin was idolatry no authority could be justly exercised save by peaceful conversion. Though this was clearly a condemnation of the policy of Spain in the New World, the sincerity of Las Casas and the justice of his cause prevented the king from taking offence at his boldness, and induced him to permit the unrestricted publication of his works while those of his opponent were forbidden to be printed. Henceforth he continued to be consulted on all questions of importance concerning the Indians, his time being devoted mainly to the writing of his history.

In 1555 Philip, who had lately ascended the throne, and was then in England, proposed to sell the right of the crown to the reversion of the encomiendas. Las Casas, ever on the alert, saw that this meant perpetual slavery, and determined to exert all his powers to prevent the measure. Through the king's confessor, who had written to him on the subject,[XIX‑22] he made a bold and earnest appeal to the royal conscience. The appeal was not in vain, and he thus paved the way for the final emancipation of the natives.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF LAS CASAS.]

His last service to the New World was his representation to the council of the Indies of the great inconvenience and prejudice caused to the settlers and natives of Guatemala by the removal to Panamá of the audiencia of the Confines. In 1569, partly owing to his influence, the audiencia was reëstablished in Guatemala. He did not live to see this accomplished, however, for falling ill at Madrid, he died in July 1566, in his ninety-second year. He was buried with becoming honors in the convent chapel of Our Lady of Atocha.

Judged by his works Las Casas was the greatest philanthropist of his age. Like all vigorous reformers, he was treated as a visionary by most of his contemporaries, a conclusion which they deemed warranted by the unflinching courage and tenacity with which he maintained his opinions. His compassion for the natives, and his abhorrence for their oppressors, were increased from year to year by his failure to alleviate their sufferings, until it had become the all-absorbing idea which colored his every act and word. In pursuit of this ambition no obstacle could intimidate him. To resolve was to act. He hesitated not in the advocacy of his cause to brave the anger of an emperor, or that of an excited populace, and for this cause he endured persecution, insult, loss of friends, the enmity of countrymen. It must be admitted that he was resentful, and even bitter against his opponents, and to this reason may also be attributed his frequent exaggeration, his misrepresentation, the readiness with which his judgment was biassed, his unfitness for dealing practically with the condition of affairs then existing in the New World. By his contemporaries he is accused of harshness, arrogance, uncharitableness, but it must not be forgotten that this was probably due to the intolerant religious and scholastic spirit of his times. The purity of his motives none can doubt, and while no defence can vindicate the name of his adversaries from the charge of injustice and cruelty, the errors of Bartolomé de Las Casas are forgotten, and his spirit of noble self-devotion and high-souled philanthropy will make him known to all posterity as one of the greatest benefactors of his race.

* * * * *

The establishment of the audiencia of the Confines and the attempted enforcement of the new laws produced the same excitement in Chiapas as in other territories, but the transfer of this province to the jurisdiction of the new audiencia caused no change in its local government. The alcalde mayor, however, still the chief authority, ruled with greater rigor, and by the appointment of deputies in all of the native towns greatly increased the burden of their inhabitants.[XIX‑23]

Through the solicitation of Las Casas, Diego Ramirez, of whom mention has been made in connection with the history of Mexico,[XIX‑24] was sent to investigate the alleged oppression of the natives and their opposition to their Dominican teachers. He appears to have been an upright judge, and favorable to the Indians, but even his efforts, supported as they were by various decrees in their favor, did not accomplish the desired object.[XIX‑25]

After the departure of Ramirez, matters relapsed into their former condition. Within less than a year, however, Cerrato having taken charge of the audiencia determined to remedy these abuses, declaring that the natives continued to be destroyed without pity, the previous official visits having accomplished nothing.[XIX‑26]

[Sidenote: ANTONIO DE REMESAL.]

Before the arrival of the Dominicans, little seems to have been done to improve the religious and social condition of the natives, except to baptize such as were encountered by the ecclesiastics in the principal towns, or during their journeyings from point to point. Indeed, if we are to believe Remesal, and in this instance we may certainly do so, the Indians were morally and religiously more degraded under Christian than under pagan domination. Idolatry was openly practised, and to their former vices were added those of the Spaniards, which their chiefs, now deprived in great part of their authority, were powerless to restrain. Little cared the encomendero for the souls or bodies of the Indians if the required tribute were but promptly paid. The labors of the Dominicans were of course interrupted by the persecution to which they were subjected because of their bold support of Las Casas. Alms were refused them, and their supplies soon becoming exhausted they abandoned their temporary convent and proceeded to the native town of Chiapas whence, having fixed upon this point as their base of operations, they gradually extended their labors over the province. The settlers placed in their way every obstacle that self-interest and ingenuity could devise, but the energy and devotion of the friars overcame all opposition, and when in 1549 Cerrato came to their support they had already established several convents including that of Ciudad Real, and had visited and carried their teaching to the remotest parts of the province.[XIX‑27]

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XX. MARROQUIN AND LAS CASAS IN GUATEMALA AND VERA PAZ

1541-1550.

A NEW CATHEDRAL WANTED—A POOR PRELATE AND UNWILLING TITHE-PAYERS—TWO CONTENTIOUS BISHOPS—CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS FOUNDED—DOMINICAN CONVENT ORGANIZED—FRANCISCANS ARRIVE—THEIR LABORS—MOTOLINIA FOUNDS A CUSTODIA—DISPUTES BETWEEN FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS—LA TIERRA DE GUERRA—LAS CASAS' SYSTEM—HIS FIRST EFFORTS IN VERA PAZ—HE GOES TO SPAIN—DECREES OBTAINED BY HIM AND AN INDIGNANT CABILDO—LAS CASAS RETURNS—PROGRESS IN VERA PAZ—PEACEFUL SUBMISSION AND HEAVY TRIBUTES—CANCER'S EXPEDITION TO FLORIDA—OMINOUS OPINIONS—AN INDIFFERENT CAPTAIN—A DOMINICAN MARTYR.

After the destruction of Santiago and the removal of the city to a new site the erection of another cathedral and episcopal residence was necessary.[XX‑1] The means, however, for the construction of these edifices could not be immediately procured. The bishop therefore caused to be built a hermitage, called Santa Lucía, which served temporarily as the parish church in the new city.[XX‑2] The removal of the episcopal seat was, moreover, a matter which did not depend upon either the decision of the cabildo or the prelate, and both his Majesty and the pope had to be consulted on so momentous a question. The necessity of permission to make such a change was pointed out to the cabildo by the bishop, who during a visit to Acajutla was informed by that body that the roof of the old church had been removed.[XX‑3] With regard to the building of the new cathedral few particulars are known, other than that the bishop was compelled for a number of years to appeal to the king for aid in its completion.[XX‑4]

Marroquin's bishopric, indeed, was not a rich one. In 1542 he represents to the king the objection of the settlers to pay tithes, which they regarded as an unheard of demand, and implores his Majesty to enforce the payment to the church of one tenth of all tributes.[XX‑5] He, moreover, assures him that his salary of five hundred thousand maravedís was not sufficient to meet the demands of hospitality and charity, and requests that a portion of the revenues of Honduras and Soconusco be granted to him.[XX‑6]

But the colonists were not easily compelled to pay their tithes of cacao,[XX‑7] maize, and feathers, and in 1545 the bishop again brought the matter before the notice of the throne, declaring that the frequency of disputes between the clergy and the colonists on this account was prejudicial in the extreme. He represented the poverty of his church and his own indebtedness, and asked that some compensation might be made him for his services, and the expenses which he had incurred in his visits to Honduras and Chiapas. Nevertheless the colonists maintained a stubborn opposition, and in 1548 matters had so little improved that Marroquin once more asks for aid from the crown.[XX‑8]

[Sidenote: QUARRELLINGS OF THE BISHOPS.]

The effort of Marroquin to obtain Soconusco as a district of his diocese widened the breach between him and Las Casas, the particulars of which have already been given, and was one of the causes of the abuse which these prelates heaped upon each other. The prince regent had issued a cédula assigning Soconusco to the bishop of Chiapas on the ground of its proximity to that province. This decision Las Casas communicated to Marroquin in 1545, and hence arose mutual vituperation, charges of grasping after territory, and misrepresentations, if not untruthfulness, on either side. The bishop of Guatemala writes to the people of Soconusco urging them to appeal against the royal cédula, and in a letter to the king dated June 4, 1545, describes the diocese of Las Casas as extending from sea to sea, and broad enough to contain half a dozen bishoprics, while Las Casas reports that the bishop of Guatemala had appropriated districts extending almost to Nicaragua, and states that his see is the asylum of vagabond clergymen.[XX‑9]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FRESH ARRIVALS.]

But though Marroquin was thus involved in difficulties with his flock and disputes with his brother bishop, he labored hard for the welfare of the former by founding various charitable institutions. Under his auspices was established between 1546 and 1548,[XX‑10] the convent of La Concepcion, the first lady superior being Doña Beatriz de Silva, a nun of the Dominican convent of Madre de Dios in Toledo.[XX‑11] This institution was liberally aided by the crown.[XX‑12]

About the same time the hospital of San Alejo was founded by the Dominicans,[XX‑13] and in 1849 Bishop Marroquin founded that of Santiago. This latter establishment was designed for Spanish and native patients of both sexes. It was a spacious building containing four wards, so that the races and sexes could be kept apart. Marroquin, retaining the office of administrator, ceded the patronage of this institution to the crown; hence it was known as the royal hospital of Santiago.[XX‑14] While the bishop thus studied the temporal welfare of his flock, its spiritual good was ever in appearance, at least his anxious care, and I find his requests for more ecclesiastics almost as frequent as his petitions for more money. From both Franciscans and Dominicans he received great assistance. This last named order had with the rest of the settlers removed to the new city,[XX‑15] having received from the municipality an assignment of four lots of ground whereon to rebuild their convent.[XX‑16] In 1547 the provincial chapter of the order in Mexico recognized and accepted the convent of Guatemala as regularly organized, and appointed Friar Tomás Casillas as a prior. At this date there were thirteen members of the community besides the prior. In 1550 Fray Tomás de la Torre succeeded Casillas, by which time the number had increased to only fifteen.[XX‑17]

[Sidenote: THE FRANCISCANS.]

Meantime the rival order of the Franciscans had appeared upon the field of labor. When the first members arrived it is not possible to decide. According to Torquemada, Fray Toribio Motolinia was sent in 1533, by the custodia of the order in Mexico, to found monasteries in Guatemala,[XX‑18] but the first permanent establishment of Franciscans in Santiago was due to the efforts of Marroquin. At the entreaty of that prelate six friars were sent from Spain in 1539,[XX‑19] and arrived at Mexico in 1540, their expenses having been paid by him.[XX‑20] After remaining six months at that city they proceeded by land to Guatemala, but at Tepeaca, six leagues from Puebla, their prelate Casaseca fell sick and died.[XX‑21] The rest continued their journey and were received at Santiago with every demonstration of welcome. By private contributions and with the assistance of the bishop they were enabled to erect a humble dwelling,[XX‑22] in which they discharged the duties of their calling with as punctual and strict observance as if it had been a convent of the highest order. After the destruction of Santiago appropriate ground was allotted to them for the erection of their convent, church, and other buildings,[XX‑23] and by June 1542 an unpretending monastery had been built. When the Franciscans had acquired some knowledge of the native tongues, they engaged in missionary labors throughout the country.[XX‑24]

The need of more friars was, however, urgent, and ere long Fray Valderas, with the approval of the bishop, went to Spain in order to procure more members of his order. He soon accomplished his mission and returned with twelve brothers to Mexico. Unhappily in their haste to engage in their labors most of them broke down on the long and toilsome journey to Santiago, and died.[XX‑25] At a later date, however, the want was somewhat relieved by the arrival of Motolinia with a considerable number of his order.[XX‑26]

The Franciscan order was now firmly established in Guatemala. Motolinia erected the convents which had been founded[XX‑27] into a custodia, despatched friars to Yucatan,[XX‑28] and visited different parts of the country. He then returned to Mexico and was succeeded in his office of custodio by Fray Gonzalo de Mendez.[XX‑29]

The jealousy which existed between the Dominicans and Franciscans was exhibited in Guatemala as strongly as elsewhere, and the bickerings which occurred, and opposition offered by the earlier established order to the new-comers, were so discouraging that many of the Franciscans left the province.[XX‑30] But for the efforts of Bishop Marroquin they would have abandoned the field.[XX‑31]

In 1547 the comisario general states that there were only twelve Franciscans in Guatemala, and requests that young members of the order, capable of acquiring the native language, be sent out.[XX‑32] He also impresses upon the emperor the necessity of assigning separate fields of labor to the two orders, and it is to be noted that the Franciscans were inimical to the Mercenarios, who are described as being detrimental rather than beneficial to the cause of the church.[XX‑33]

[Sidenote: MEASURES CONCERNING NATIVES.]

The disagreement between the two highest regular orders was not based entirely upon a struggle for supremacy. Each had its distinct views with regard to the method of implanting Christianity in America. The Dominicans, led by their unyielding chief Las Casas, would not recognize wholesale baptism as practised by the Franciscans, and they would not admit that the interests of the conquerors were compatible with the welfare of the conquered races. The Franciscans, with Motolinia as their leader, imagined that a system of ecclesiastical and civil policy could be adopted which would conduce to the interests of both the dominant and conquered races. This order did not object to the sword being called into operation; the Dominicans denied it as a means of advancing the gospel. The Dominicans were uncompromisingly opposed to slavery; the rival order not so, and I am inclined to think that the Franciscans honestly believed that under the pressure of the encomenderos and the impossibility of rapid manumission, more benefit could be obtained for the natives by a tolerant system of servitude, supervised by the religious orders, than by a sudden change. It is unnecessary to relate the bitter denunciations that each leader uttered against the other. While it is to be regretted that Motolinia in his fierce attack on Las Casas appears to have been guided by a spirit not altogether free from jealousy,[XX‑34] it cannot be disputed that the indiscreet zeal of Las Casas gave dissatisfaction to eminent men even in his own order.[XX‑35]

It was through the exertions of Bartolomé de Las Casas that the pacification of Vera Paz was achieved without the aid of an armed force. The native name of this territory was Tuzulutlan. The Spaniards after their entrance into Guatemala made several unsuccessful attempts to subdue it, and from this cause and the fierce character of the natives they called it Tierra de Guerra.[XX‑36] Its dimensions at the time the Dominicans entered it nearly corresponded with its present limits. In 1574 friars of the convent at Coban reported that Vera Paz, as already bounded by royal decree, extended sixty leagues from east to west, measured from the river Nito[XX‑37] to the river Zacapulas, and fifty leagues from south to north, commencing from the northern slope of the Canal and Rabinal mountains.[XX‑38] The surface was rugged and mountainous; roads were almost unknown, and the inhabitants active and warlike.[XX‑39] Nevertheless Las Casas proposed to penetrate it in defiance of danger, exposure, and hardship.

[Sidenote: PEACEFUL CONQUESTS.]

Previous to 1536 he had published a treatise,[XX‑40] in which he condemned conquest by force of arms, and urged that to civilize and convert the Indians was the true system of subjugation. These precepts he incessantly upheld in Santiago both from the pulpit and in conversation, and his teachings only drew upon him general ridicule and enmity, and eventually the people of Santiago dared him to put his principles in practice by accomplishing the conquest of Tuzulutlan. The undaunted padre accepted the challenge, and in conjunction with Fray Rodrigo de Ladrada and Fray Pedro de Angulo, agreed to undertake the perilous enterprise on the condition that the natives should never be assigned in encomiendas, and that for a period of five years, dating from the entrance of the friars into the province, no Spaniards should be permitted to enter the country.[XX‑41]

Las Casas at once proceeded to put his designs in execution, and by the employment of converted Indians and the establishment of frontier posts, opened friendly relations with the hitherto exclusive inhabitants of Vera Paz,[XX‑42] and laid the basis of the future acknowledgment of the sovereignty of Spain.[XX‑43]

Nevertheless the work of conversion could not be straightway accomplished. Though Las Casas was convinced of the practicability of his scheme, the small number of friars in the country rendered its immediate execution impossible. Moreover much opposition was offered to his broad and uncompromising views, and although the work was begun under the best auspices, so far as the action of the native chiefs was concerned, he felt himself compelled to suspend operations until he had had a personal interview with the emperor.[XX‑44] Accordingly he left Guatemala and proceeded by way of Mexico to Spain.[XX‑45]

On his arrival at court he advocated his system of peaceful conquest with his usual vigor, but his action gave great offence to the cabildo of Guatemala. Two indignant letters were addressed to the emperor attributing to him the existing troubles and turmoils.[XX‑46] The direct cause of these despatches was the receipt of two decrees obtained by the representations of Las Casas, the first of which was addressed to the bishop and governor of Guatemala and intended to remedy the prevailing neglect in the religious instruction of the Indians and negroes. It ordered that at a stated hour each day, all such as were not already instructed should be taught their religious duties.[XX‑47] The second guaranteed to Las Casas and his companions, in their labors in Tuzulutlan, freedom from interference on the part of the Spaniards.[XX‑48] At the same time he obtained other documents authorizing him or his companions to take such Spaniards as they themselves might select into the converted regions. Letters of thanks, also, were sent to such caciques as had aided in the work begun, and lastly as a precaution against the interference of Alvarado, the assistance of certain caciques was secured to the Dominicans, and the adelantado and his lieutenant commanded not to interfere with them.[XX‑49]

But Las Casas was aware that the promulgation and execution of a decree in the western world were two different matters. He had learned by experience that subterfuge was commonly resorted to in order to prevent the enforcement of a cédula or delay its operation until there was no longer necessity for it, and this without the charge of disloyalty being incurred. The ceremony of kissing the royal order and placing it upon the head was duly and submissively performed, but if it could be alleged that his Majesty had been misinformed, ground for appeal was at once established, and its execution postponed until a truthful statement of the question could be submitted to the king. This delayed the arrival of the final decision until it became inoperative, and the evasion of royal orders was at this time severely felt by the ecclesiastics. Las Casas consequently represented these abuses to the council and procured a final cédula which entrusted the enforcement of the preceding ones to the audiencia of Mexico, authorizing that court to punish disobedience to previous decrees.

[Sidenote: SUCCESS OF THE FRIARS.]

In 1541 Fray Luis Cancer returned to Guatemala, and continued in Vera Paz the work of conversion inaugurated by Las Casas. From this time the pacification proper may be considered to have begun.[XX‑50]

The exertions of Las Casas during the time he remained in Spain were, as the reader is already aware, mainly directed to the promulgation of the new code of laws. In 1545 he again arrived in New Spain to take charge of his diocese as will be hereafter related, and in July, being anxious to witness the progress that had been made in Vera Paz, he visited that province. He found the condition of affairs to be so satisfactory that he caused the depositions of six Spaniards to be taken for the purpose of reporting to the emperor the true nature of the conquest of this formerly warlike region. From the statements of these deponents it appears that previous to the entrance of the Dominicans the inhabitants of these districts opposed all attempts to subdue them,[XX‑51] but that by infinite labor and care the friars had overcome their ferocity and exasperation. In his progress through the country the bishop everywhere met with a kind welcome. Escorted by Don Juan, a son of the lord of Coban, with many of his subjects, he proceeded from town to town,[XX‑52] receiving offerings and presents at each place. At Coban he was gratified to find that a substantial wooden church had been erected, and that every day many natives eagerly received religious instruction. Proceeding thence to the town of Tuzulutlan he there met Bishop Marroquin, who was making a similar visit[XX‑53] and I apprehend that the two prelates did not entertain such friendly feelings to each other as had been displayed to both of them by the natives.

But Las Casas had still to learn that however successful his own efforts had been he could not ward off the oppression of his countrymen. The Spaniards now began to enter the region, impose tributes, and make slaves as was their wont, and in October following Fray Luis Cancer wrote to him—the prelate being then at Gracias á Dios—stating that more than seven hundred slaves of both sexes had been taken from the town of Tuzulutlan alone, and that the tribute which the natives of Vera Paz were called upon to pay was intolerable.[XX‑54] Moreover he was soon to find, greatly to his mortification, that his peaceful system of conversion was not necessarily unattended by bloodshed, as was shown a few years later by the martyrdom of Luis Cancer and two brothers of the Dominican order.

[Sidenote: FURTHER EFFORTS.]

In 1547 Fray Cancer and Las Casas returned to Spain, and by their representations induced the emperor to consent to an expedition to Florida to be conducted by the former on the system by which the pacification of Vera Paz was accomplished. His Majesty extended every facility to the friar, supplying him with funds and issuing an order which would enable him to obtain every encouragement and aid from the authorities in Mexico.[XX‑55] The friar made his preparations with great enthusiasm; yet he met with considerable delay, caused by the unfavorable light in which his dangerous enterprise was regarded in Spain. He had great difficulty in obtaining a pilot, and indeed, although he had hoped to procure the assistance of four or six colleagues, two only were found ready to risk their lives in the cause. "All Seville," he wrote, "is surprised at this undertaking; those who most fear God approve of it; others think that we are going to the slaughter-house."[XX‑56]

[Sidenote: MARTYRDOM.]

Writing these prophetic and ill-omened words on the very day of his departure Fray Luis sailed on his last voyage from Spain. Few particulars of his expedition are known, except the manner of his death. On his arrival in Mexico he obtained the assistance which the king ordered to be extended to him, and about the middle of 1549 set sail from Vera Cruz, accompanied by Frailes Gregorio de Beteta, Juan García, Diego de Tolosa, and a lay brother named Fuentes. Contrary to his express desire the captain of the vessel landed him at a part of the Florida coast where Spaniards had previously committed depredations and thus exasperated the natives. Unconscious of this act of carelessness,[XX‑57] Fray Cancer, accompanied by Tolosa and the lay brother, proceeded on his mission, but the ill-fated ecclesiastics had not advanced far from the shore when they were assailed by Indians, and immediately beaten to death with clubs.[XX‑58]

This disastrous termination of an enterprise from which Las Casas and his advocates had expected so much was a bitter cup which his opponents did not fail to hold out to him. Yet this stout combatant for the system of bloodless pacification yielded not an iota in his principles, and ably defended himself against Sepúlveda by maintaining that the previous cruel conduct of the Spaniards on the coast was the cause of the tragedy in Florida.[XX‑59] The career of Las Casas in Chiapas and the appointment of Cerrato as governor of Guatemala have already been mentioned.

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XXI. GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS

1551-1600.

QUESADA'S ADMINISTRATION—THE OIDOR ZORITA GATHERS THE NATIVES INTO TOWNS—EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LACANDONES—ITS FAILURE—LANDECHO APPOINTED QUESADA'S SUCCESSOR—HIS RESIDENCIA TAKEN BY THE LICENTIATE BRIZEÑO—FAMINE, PESTILENCE, AND EARTHQUAKE IN GUATEMALA—THE AUDIENCIA OF THE CONFINES REMOVED TO PANAMÁ—AND AGAIN TRANSFERRED TO GUATEMALA—GONZALEZ APPOINTED PRESIDENT—HE IS SUCCEEDED BY VILLALOBOS—CHANGES IN CHURCH AFFAIRS—DEATH OF BISHOP MARROQUIN—QUARRELS BETWEEN THE DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS—BISHOPS VILLALPANDO AND CÓRDOBA—FRACAS BETWEEN TWO ECCLESIASTICS—ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENTS VALVERDE, RUEDA, SANDÉ, AND CASTILLA—INDUSTRIAL CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE.

[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION OF INDIAN TOWNS.]

Cerrato's successor was Doctor Antonio Rodriguez de Quesada, an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, and a man of learning and ability. Though appointed November 17, 1553, he did not assume office until the beginning of 1555.[XXI‑1] The residencia of the former president and oidores was soon begun, and completed some time in May.[XXI‑2] Quesada was active in establishing reforms, and it was to the Indian question that his principal efforts were directed. The president determined to complete the organization of Indian towns, hoping thus to compel the natives to adopt a civilized mode of life and establishing in them a municipal government similar to that of Spanish settlements, the offices being confided to their hereditary chiefs according to rank.[XXI‑3]

At the request of the bishop and the Dominican provincial, the audiencia ordered Oidor Zorita to call a meeting of friars; and although we have no direct information as to its object, we may conclude that it related to the president's policy, for it was condemned by the settlers,[XXI‑4] and, as we shall see hereafter, the carrying into effect of Quesada's plans was in great part due to the efforts of Zorita who was commissioned for this purpose.

The work of organizing the native towns had already been begun in Nicaragua as early as February 1555, by the licentiate Cavallon, appointed alcalde mayor of that province by the audiencia.[XXI‑5]

In the beginning of March, Zorita set forth on his official tour through the province. From the letters of the Dominicans we learn that during six months he visited on foot the most rugged portions of the province, moderated tributes, and corrected abuses. In gathering the natives into towns he found much difficulty, force being necessary in some instances to accomplish their removal. This, however, was not the only opposition encountered, for as might be expected he incurred the bitter hostility of the settlers. Finding him incorruptible they had recourse as usual to false reports. Witnesses for any purpose could be cheaply bought; and since he would not yield the Spaniards determined to drive him from the province.[XXI‑6] There is no evidence as to the result of this hostility, nor have we any further records of events which occurred during Quesada's administration, save the mention of a fearful epidemic which swept over the country in 1558,[XXI‑7] and the seizure and pillage of Puerto de Caballos by four French ships during the same year.[XXI‑8]

In the letters of the Dominicans already cited, no special mention is made of Quesada, but in February 1558, the cabildo, in a despatch to the king, urge the appointment as governor of some person who should be a gentleman by birth, and have the sole management of affairs.[XXI‑9] This would seem to indicate that, whatever the president's subsequent policy, it was satisfactory neither to the ecclesiastics nor to the settlers.

Quesada died in November 1558, and the oidor and licentiate Pedro Ramirez de Quiñones took temporary charge of the presidency. Ramirez' rule was brief, and the only event of importance of which we have any record was the expedition in 1559 against the hostile provinces of Lacandon and Acala. Of the vast extent of unconquered territory lying beyond Vera Paz, nothing definite was known at this time except from the accounts of the march of Cortés to Honduras, nor had its conquest been attempted.

As early as 1550 attempts at the pacification of the adjacent province of Acala were begun by the Dominicans of Vera Paz. For a time their efforts were successful, but finally, incited by their neighbors and allies, the majority of the natives refused to receive the friars, and in 1555 the combined tribes destroyed the only mission thus far established and murdered Father Vico, the originator of the attempt, together with his companion Father Lopez, and a number of converted Indians from Vera Paz. There is no evidence that their pacification was again attempted.

[Sidenote: THE LACANDONES.]

Chief among the wild tribes of this region were the Lacandones, who though few in number were brave, hardy, daring, and implacable in their hatred of the white race. Their territory extended from the northern frontier of Vera Paz along the eastern border of Chiapas as far as the province of Tabasco. Their chief town and stronghold was on a rocky island, in Lake Lacandon, distant a few days' journey from the provinces of Chiapas and Vera Paz. From this point they issued in organized bands, and sweeping along the border of these two provinces fell suddenly on the defenceless settlements, leaving a track of desolation and blood. These depredations continued for many years, nor is there any record of a single instance of pursuit or punishment previous to 1559. Emboldened by continued success, they extended their incursions to the interior. In 1552 they destroyed two towns in Chiapas, one of them within fifteen leagues of Ciudad Real. The attack was made at night, and but few of the terrified inhabitants escaped. While sacrificing their captives the natives shouted derisively: "Christians, call upon your God to defend you!"

The bishop of Chiapas made overtures of peace to the Lacandones, but they were treated with contempt and his messengers killed. He then appealed to the audiencia; but the oidores, foreseeing in these disasters the failure of the much-vaunted peace policy which had in a measure excluded the civil authority from the territory ceded to the Dominicans, coldly replied that the crown had strictly forbidden the making of war on this province. Reports of the critical condition of affairs were accordingly made to the crown both by bishop and friars. In consequence a cédula dated January 22, 1556, ordered the audiencia de los Confines to investigate the matter, punish the Lacandones as far as practicable, and report the result to the crown. The instructions, however, were unheeded, for the audiencia well knew that nothing short of an armed force would suffice, and this decree did not expressly authorize a disregard of the existing interdict.

In the mean time the depredations of the Lacandones continued unchecked, and threatened to cause the abandonment of Vera Paz. Aroused at last to a full sense of their danger the Dominicans were fain to acknowledge that the coöperation of the sword was necessary to the planting of the cross, and so far diverged from the principles laid down by Las Casas as to declare in the provincial chapter held at Coban, in 1558, that because of the sacrileges and murders they had committed, it was not only lawful for the king to make war on the Lacandones, but if need be, in order to protect his subjects, to exterminate them.[XXI‑10]

In pursuance of this declaration they wrote to the king and suggested as the only efficient remedy the removal of the hostile natives to certain unsettled districts beyond Ciudad Real, thus placing this city between them and the settlements of Chiapas and Vera Paz. In order to reduce the expense of their removal it was further suggested that an expedition be authorized and the Spaniards induced to join it at their own expense under promise that the Lacandones should be granted to them in repartimiento. In accordance with these suggestions a royal cédula dated March 16, 1558, directed the audiencia de los Confines to take steps for the immediate removal of the Indians. If practicable it was to be done peaceably, but if force were necessary all harshness was to be avoided, though the prisoners taken were to become the lawful slaves of their captors.

[Sidenote: MUSTERING OF FORCES.]

This decree was published in Santiago in the beginning of 1559; and attracted by the prospect of gain thus held out, and the charm of adventure and mystery which attaches to the invasion of an unknown and hostile province, large numbers of settlers in Guatemala and Chiapas offered to accompany the expedition. President Ramirez was appointed commander-in-chief, as he had already certain military renown not altogether merited. Early in the same year the respective forces arrived at Comitlan, the appointed rendezvous. The total Spanish force is not stated but is said to have included many persons of quality. The troops from Chiapas were commanded by Gonzalo Dovalle, and besides the colonists, comprised a native contingent of eight hundred warriors. A thousand Indians are said to have accompanied the Spanish from Guatemala. Supplies of all kinds were collected, and two brigantines were built in sections, each vessel being capable of holding a hundred men. A small army of carriers and attendants was required to transport the baggage and wait on the Spaniards, and preparations were on a scale better befitting a conflict with Europeans than with Americans. At Comitlan a review was held which, according to Remesal, presented one of the most brilliant spectacles ever seen in those parts, for no expense had been spared by the Spaniards in their dress, equipments, and arms. At last, the flags having been blessed and mass said, the army set out.

Fifteen days of toilsome march, during which a path had to be cut through the dense vegetation, brought them to the shores of Lake Lacandon. At their approach the natives retreated to the island, after catching and sacrificing a negro boy who was out after some corn which grew in the gardens on the borders of the lake.

From their retreat the Lacandones closely watched the movements of the Spaniards, who in turn eagerly scanned the high bare rock with its white houses and dusky inhabitants, lest any signs of hostile preparation should escape them.

While the work of putting together one of the brigantines was progressing, a few of the natives approached the shore in canoes and demanded of the Spaniards their object in thus invading their country. Returning they made offers of peace, but as they denied having more than eleven canoes, the Spaniards suspected their design. It was believed that they wished to induce the Spaniards to accompany them to the island, a few at a time, where they could easily be despatched. The brigantine was soon afterward launched and as the Lacandones saw it bearing down upon them they took to flight.[XXI‑11] Many were captured, including the principal chief and the high priest. The houses and other defences of the island having been destroyed, a force was then despatched to pursue the savages, and to reduce the stronghold of the Puchutlas, which was also an island fortress, though its exact position cannot now be ascertained.[XXI‑12]

[Sidenote: ILL-ADVISED EFFORTS.]

Near the town of Topiltitepeq this force fell into an ambuscade, and a few of the Spaniards were wounded, but the savages were finally put to rout, and a large supply of provisions was found in the deserted town. Arriving at Puchutla they found the natives in readiness for defence. Preparations were immediately made for the attack, and a raft was built as the second brigantine had been abandoned in the woods, and the one used against the Lacandones had sunk in the lake. No sooner had the Spaniards started from shore than the Indians advanced in their canoes to meet them, and midway between the island and the bank there was a sharp encounter which resulted in the defeat and flight of the Puchutlas. The fortress was found to be deserted, the savages having taken the precaution of removing their families and property to a place of safety.[XXI‑13] No attempt was made to punish the natives or to occupy any portion of their territory, and the expedition returned to Guatemala about Christmas, bringing with them one hundred and fifty prisoners.

In conjunction with the Spaniards, a large force of christianized Indians under the native governor of Vera Paz invaded the province of Ácala, administering a severe punishment, taking many captives, and hanging the principal accomplices in the murder of fathers Vico and Lopez.

Thus ended an expedition which had cost the crown nearly four thousand pesos de oro de minas, but seems to have been without any fixed plan, and was productive of no practical result other than to keep the savages in check for a time.[XXI‑14] Its failure proved most disastrous to the colonists; for, though some are said to have received a reward for their services, the majority were left hopelessly involved in debt for the cost of their outfit, a few miserable slaves being the only spoils obtained in return for the expense, hardships, and peril incurred. It was not long, however, before all the slaves, including their chief, effected their escape and returned to their country. Re-occupying their stronghold, it was not many years before they resumed their depredations, and, as we shall see, successfully resisted all subsequent attempts to subdue them.

In 1564 the Puchutlas were induced, through the efforts of the Dominican Father Laurencio, to submit to the friars, and settled in Vera Paz. This success gained for Father Laurencio the title of the Apostle of Puchutla.[XXI‑15]

* * * * *

In August 1559 the licentiate Juan Martinez de Landecho, Quesada's successor, arrived in Guatemala,[XXI‑16] and entered upon office early in September, Ramirez being appointed an oidor of the audiencia of Lima, and after undergoing the investigation of his residencia embarking at the port of Acajutla, whither he was accompanied by the principal authorities and citizens, who thus showed their recognition of his worth.

The petition of the cabildo of Santiago that a gentleman by birth and education should be sent to govern them, had at last been answered, and the members were profuse in their thanks to the crown for this favor. Experience had taught, however, that in order to protect and further the interests of the colonists, they must control a majority of the oidores, and as this was extremely difficult, they had determined to make an effort to have the political administration and distribution of the Indians vested exclusively in the president. As we have seen, the crown had already been petitioned to make this change, and it was expected that the new president would come with the additional title of governor.

This petition was repeated in the latter part of 1560, and was successful; for in May of the following year we find the cabildo attributing the increasing prosperity of the country to the granting of their request.[XXI‑17]

[Sidenote: MEJÍA AND THE DOMINICANS.]

The colonists were jubilant that the humane measures of Cerrato and of Zorita, which their constant efforts had hitherto failed to accomplish, were now certain of defeat. Doctor Mejía, one of the oidores, was ordered to make an official tour of the provinces, as Zorita had been under the former administration. His measures counteracted the benefits of Zorita's labors. The regulation of tribute was entrusted to the encomenderos and caciques, and as these latter were often but the creatures of the former, the result may be readily inferred.[XXI‑18]

The Dominicans were the object of Mejía's special dislike, and he subjected them to such annoyance and persecution that they were on the point of abandoning the province of Guatemala. The alcaldes and other officers interfered with them in their control of the Indians, secretly charged them with usurping the royal authority and receiving money from the natives, and, though the audiencia, in answer to the complaints of the friars, promised to protect them, little appears to have been done. Even the cabildo sought to make it appear to the crown that the religious exercised an arbitrary and prejudicial authority in the municipal council and elections held by the Indians. The deplorable condition of the natives and the persecution of the friars were made the subject of numerous letters to Las Casas, who represented these abuses to the crown in strong colors, urging the removal of Mejía and the adoption of relief measures for the natives.[XXI‑19]

Some relief was afforded by a royal decree which declared the natives no longer subject to the Spanish alcaldes, and which, according to Remesal,[XXI‑20] was issued about 1563 at the petition of the friars.

Landecho is represented as haughty, capricious, wedded to his own opinions, and unscrupulous in money matters.[XXI‑21] Certain it is that though favoring the interests of the colonists he did not neglect his own, and they soon found that he was neither pliant nor considerate. They never ceased to extol his tact and vigilance, and declared him fit to govern Peru; yet within a year of this declaration, and while assuring the king that they had no cause to change their mind, they observed that it would be well for the crown to instruct the president-governor to have a special care for the welfare of the people.[XXI‑22]

The continued complaints against Landecho at last induced the crown to decide on his removal, and Licentiate Francisco Brizeño,[XXI‑23] oidor of the audiencia of Santa Fé,[XXI‑24] was commissioned to take his residencia. He arrived in Santiago on the 2d of August 1564.[XXI‑25] The residencia of the president was terminated in December of the same year, and resulted in the suspension of the president and the oidor Loaisa.[XXI‑26]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FAMINE AND EPIDEMIC.]

During Landecho's rule, a drought, which occurred in 1563, was followed by such great scarcity of corn as to cause much suffering among the natives,[XXI‑27] and in the early part of 1565 the country was visited by pestilence and earthquake. The epidemic appears to have been confined to the Indian town of Cinacantlan, in Chiapas, which it nearly depopulated, but the effects of the earthquake were more extended. In Santiago and the adjacent country it was destructive both to life and property.[XXI‑28] To mitigate the wrath of God the terrified inhabitants of the city chose the martyr Saint Stephen as their advocate, and erected in his honor a hermitage, to which a yearly procession was established.[XXI‑29]

A matter of greater moment than the change of governors now occupied the attention of the colonists of Guatemala. The transfer of the audiencia de los Confines to Panamá had been decided on by the crown, but for what cause is not recorded by the chroniclers.[XXI‑30] A decree to this effect was issued early in 1563, and confirmed by a second one dated the 8th of September in the same year in which its jurisdiction was defined.[XXI‑31]

A line extending from the gulf of Fonseca to the mouth of the river Ulúa formed the northern limit of the territory made subject to the new audiencia of Panamá. This did not include, however, the cities of Gracias á Dios and San Gil de Buenavista with their districts, which together with the provinces of Guatemala, Chiapas, Soconusco, and Vera Paz were made subject to the audiencia of New Spain.[XXI‑32]

[Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF GOVERNMENT.]

Doctor Barros de San Millan, oidor of the audiencia of Panamá, was commissioned by the crown to remove the audiencia de los Confines, and before the end of December 1564 was on his way to Panamá with the seal, the visitador Brizeño having brought the order and published it soon after his arrival.[XXI‑33]

This change, which seriously affected the interests of Guatemala, was vigorously opposed by its inhabitants. Though informed early in 1564, as we have seen, that this measure had been resolved on, the cabildo refrained from decisive action till the arrival of Brizeño, when the publication of his orders would perhaps reveal its origin. In this, however, they were disappointed, for in their letter of December 20, 1564, they write: "Your Majesty, for certain causes which have moved you, has been pleased to order that the audiencia de los Confines be removed to the city of Panamá."

By making the audiencia of New Spain the court of appeals for Guatemala and the other provinces, under the former jurisdiction of the audiencia of the Confines great inconvenience and injustice resulted owing to distance. These facts were dwelt upon in the petitions to the crown, and were supplemented by the reports of the Dominicans, who represented the ill-treatment to which the natives would be exposed without the restraining presence of the audiencia. Las Casas, as we have seen, also employed his voice and influence at court to bring about its restoration, and the result was to induce the crown, by decree of 1568, to order its reëstablishment in Santiago, Doctor Antonio Gonzalez, oidor of the audiencia of Granada, being appointed president and arriving in Santiago with the oidores early in 1570.[XXI‑34]

During the absence of the audiencia the country was governed by the visitador Brizeño, whose administration appears to have been just, and with the exception of church affairs, uneventful. There is no evidence that Gonzalez was given the extraordinary powers granted to Landecho, perhaps because the experiment had not proven satisfactory, but according to Pelaez, a fiscal had been added to the officers of the audiencia during its absence.[XXI‑35] Brizeño's residencia was taken sometime in March, and the only charge brought against him was the granting of certain repartimientos at the suggestion of the cabildo of Santiago. The findings in the case were transmitted to the crown, and the cabildo immediately wrote defending the measure as necessary, and asking for his acquittal.[XXI‑36]

Gonzalez ruled until February 1572, when he was relieved by Doctor Pedro de Villalobos, who came as president and governor. We have no record of any event of importance during Gonzalez' administration; but that it was a just one is proven by his honorable acquittal in the residencia taken by his successor.

* * * * *

About the middle of the sixteenth century the affairs of the church underwent several important changes. Soconusco, which as we have seen was assigned to the bishopric of Chiapas, was subsequently included in the see of Bishop Marroquin, though again affiliated with the bishopric of Chiapas in 1596. Soon after their arrival the Dominicans sent to Soconusco a mission of several friars; but unable to withstand the excessive heat most of them fell sick, and the death of one of their number so dispirited the remainder as to cause the abandonment of the province.

The see of Chiapas remained vacant until 1550, when Father Tomás Casillas, at the suggestion, no doubt, of Las Casas, was appointed to fill it. He visited the greater part of his diocese, including Tabasco; built an episcopal palace, and attended the provincial councils in Mexico in 1555 and 1565. After his decease in 1567, the see again remained vacant until 1574, when Fray Domingo de Lara was designated as his successor. The intelligence of the honor fell strangely upon the recipient; he prayed that he might die before it was confirmed; and curiously enough before the pope's bull came to hand, and while in the midst of preparations for consecration, he expired.[XXI‑37]

[Sidenote: AN HONEST BISHOP.]

The next occupant of the see, Pedro de Fería, was called from the convent of Salamanca, and early in February 1575 was actively engaged in diocesan work. At his invitation the Franciscans sent some friars into the province, and a convent and church were soon erected. Chiapas had the rare fortune to possess in Fería a bishop who was an honest man, and one not greedy for gold or power. Finding himself too feeble for the work he begged the king to name another. In consequence of an order of the king that secular priests must not be displaced by Dominicans, or others who held a temporary dispensation from the pope, Fería appointed seculars to several vacancies to the no small chagrin of some of the friars. In 1592[XXI‑38] Don Fray Andrés de Ubilla was appointed successor to Fería, and continued in office until 1601, when he was promoted to the see of Michoacan.

At a Dominican provincial chapter held in 1576, at Ciudad Real, the convent of Santo Domingo de Chiapas was accepted as that of the province, and Pedro de Barrientos chosen as first vicar. At chapters held in Chiapas and Guatemala prior to 1600, it was forbidden the friars to sign their family name; to write to the president of the audiencia or to the oidores without showing the letters first to the superiors, and so in regard to writing to Spain under penalty of fifteen days' imprisonment. No moneys were to be sent to Spain through the hands of the religious.

Ciudad Real, where the last provincial chapter was held, had in 1580 two hundred Spanish vecinos. There were about ninety Indian towns in the province, within a radius of sixty leagues, containing some twenty-six thousand tributaries. The largest one, Chiapas de los Indios, had twelve hundred Indian vecinos.

In 1559, through the influence of Las Casas, the bishopric of Vera Paz was established, and Father Angulo appointed its first bishop. He accepted the charge and repaired to his see a year or two later, but died early in 1562 before proceeding to consecration.[XXI‑39] The establishment of this see was unwise in the extreme, and must be attributed solely to the representations of Las Casas. As already shown the country was barely capable of sustaining its inhabitants, and in 1564 the cabildo declared to the crown that it would be well to suppress the bishopric as it could not support a prelate; an opinion borne out by subsequent experience.[XXI‑40]

Angulo was succeeded by Father Tomás de Cárdenas, a Dominican. The date of his appointment according to Gonzalez Dávila was April 1, 1565, and according to Remesal he continued in possession until his death, in 1580.[XXI‑41]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: DEATH OF MARROQUIN.]

In 1555 Bishop Marroquin, now old and wearied with over twenty-five years of constant service as priest and bishop, sought to retire, but though President Quesada recommended to the crown that his petition be granted it was refused, and he died at Santiago on holy Friday of 1563,[XXI‑42] and was buried with the highest honors in the cathedral of Santiago.[XXI‑43] His successor was Bernardino de Villalpando, bishop of Cuba, who arrived in Santiago in 1564.[XXI‑44]

The Franciscans and Dominicans in the mean time had made but little progress owing to petty rivalries and dissensions between them, and the interference of the secular clergy. Though the Dominicans had always been the principal confessors and preachers in Santiago, they were less popular than the Franciscans, who were also favored by Bishop Marroquin. As early as 1550 a strong rivalry sprung up between the two orders in regard to the right of possession of sites for churches and convents. These being then determined by the simple act of taking possession, many towns and districts were seized upon by the ecclesiastics which they could not attend to themselves, and would not permit their rivals to control. Dissensions and mutual detractions followed, which the prelates of the respective orders were powerless to suppress in their subordinates.

This scandalous example estranged both the civil authorities and the citizens, and Marroquin, finding his efforts to settle these quarrels fruitless, began to appoint persons to the vacant and neglected towns, in some cases depriving the ecclesiastics of those in their charge. This condition of affairs was duly reported by the authorities, and as a result the religious were reproved, and the selection of sites for convents and the appointment of clergy made subject to the approval of the audiencia, and the bishop was instructed to respect the privileges of the friars and treat them with due consideration.[XXI‑45]

In 1551 the Dominicans of Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Chiapas were organized into an independent provincia with the title of San Vicente de Chiapas. Father Tomás de la Torre was appointed provincial, and the first provincial chapter was held at Santiago in January.[XXI‑46] Several convents were founded, mostly in Guatemala, churches built among the Zoques and Quelenes, and with the arrival from time to time of additional friars the organization of new districts was begun. In Chiapas the Dominicans in their labors continued to suffer occasional molestation from the colonists. The provinces of San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica were visited, a convent was founded in the city of San Salvador, and two attempts were made to establish the order in Nicaragua.[XXI‑47]

In 1559 a custodia was formed of the Franciscans in Guatemala and Yucatan, by which provinces the vicar was alternately chosen. This lasted until 1565, when the religious of Guatemala were authorized to establish a separate provincia with the title of The Holy Name of Jesus. Their first provincial was Father Gonzalo Mendez, and the first provincial chapter was opened in Santiago on the 12th of October, 1566.[XXI‑48]

Owing to the dissensions with the Dominicans and among themselves, many friars left the province, so that in 1566 there were but thirty ecclesiastics and seven convents. In 1574 the audiencia issued a decree permitting the Franciscans to found convents in the provinces of Izalcos, Cuscatlan, and Honduras. About the same time convents were established in the villas of San Salvador and San Miguel.[XXI‑49]

[Sidenote: VILLALPANDO AND CÓRDOBA.]

One of the first acts of Bishop Villalpando was the publication of the decrees of the late council of Trent. Among other measures these restricted the privileges of mendicant friars, and believing or affecting to believe that this extended to a total deprivation of their right to administer the sacraments, the prelate began to secularize the towns in their charge. In vain were the protests of the Franciscan and Dominican provincials and the audiencia, and the representations of all that the secular priests, ignorant of the Indian languages, regardless of their interest, and in many cases of disreputable character, were unfit to succeed the regular orders in the charge of a numerous people, the majority of whom were yet new in the faith. The bishop absolutely insisted on obedience. In consequence recourse was had to the crown, but in the interim the prelate persistently carried out his measures notwithstanding the opposition of the friars, the colonists, and the natives, the religious being prevented from abandoning the province only at the entreaties of the colonists, and the Indians in some instances refusing to receive them in their towns.

At the solicitation of the king the pope restored the privileges of the friars, the extreme measures of the bishop were condemned, and the archbishop of New Spain ordered to send a visitador to examine into certain serious charges made against Villalpando.[XXI‑50] When notified of these decrees, Villalpando is said to have replied: "I have received my church not from the king but from God, to whom I am prepared to render an account." According to Juarros he left Santiago soon after and died suddenly at Chalchuapa, four days' journey from the capital.[XXI‑51] Francisco Cambranes, dean of the cathedral of Santiago and after him Father Alonso de Lamilla, a Dominican, appear to have been appointed to succeed Villalpando. The former died before his appointment reached him and the latter declined the mitre. The see remained vacant until the appointment in 1574 of Bishop Gomez Fernandez de Córdoba who was transferred from the bishopric of Nicaragua.[XXI‑52]

Córdoba was a man simple in habit, humble in spirit, and pure in life. Foppery troubled some of the clergy, and the prelate, who could be stern when needful, took occasion to call up one of the would-be clerical gallants, and severely admonished him upon the extravagance of his dress. The mortifying lesson was not without effect, and he, with not a few others, carefully avoided such display ever after.

[Sidenote: FIGHTING FRIARS.]

In 1575 Córdoba set out on his official visits, and everywhere met with complaints from the natives concerning their priests, especially among the Ochitepiques, who asked to have the Franciscans put in charge. But those in possession were not always willing to gracefully yield as was shown by an incident which occurred in the same year. Father Pedro Diaz, visiting Guatemala for the purpose of founding Franciscan convents, arrived in the little town of Zamayaque, and called to pay his respects to the priest. His advances were coolly received, and the padre, seeking to conciliate him, asked his permission to say mass in the town and confess some of the Indians. From indifference the latter became fiercely indignant, and expressed himself in very unclerical language. His words were violent and his speech so loud that a number of the Indians were attracted to the spot. Thereupon Diaz assumed a humble attitude and deferentially withdrew, after making his apologies, and repaired to the cabildo, where the people flocked to him. Improvising an altar beneath a cotton-tree close by, he then insisted upon performing service, taking care that the priest should be informed and begging him not to interfere. At the consecration, the latter, accompanied by a few armed favorites, rushed in and gave unbridled license to his tongue, calling the people dogs and the Franciscan a madman. It was a strange spectacle—an angry priest wildly gesticulating in his black robe, surrounded by armed men, who momentarily threatened assault, and a padre calmly reciting his orisons, holding the host in uplifted hands in the midst of the people. The priest, exasperated beyond control, ordered his men to charge, which they did, wounding not a few and causing a general stampede.

At this point the encomendero Leon Cardena interposed between the contestants, and the Franciscan tried to assuage the tumult with words of peace. The priest would not be pacified until the Indians tried their skill at stone-throwing, when he ignominiously turned and fled to his house, where he had to undergo a siege until he promised to depart for Guatemala taking all his paraphernalia with him.[XXI‑53] The Franciscan remained master of the field, and was eventually appointed guardian of Zamayaque, but the consequences of the unseemly quarrel were far-reaching, and the discussions to which it gave rise went far to reform the character of priests put in charge of the natives.

Bishop Córdoba labored in Guatemala for twenty-three years, Fray Antonio de Hinojosa being appointed his colleague two years before the decease of the former, which occurred in 1598. During his administration the king gave orders that no expense should be spared in supporting all the religious who might be needed for the conversion of the natives, and that money should be placed at the disposal of the friars for the purpose of administering the sacrament to the Indians in places remote from the settlements. The Franciscans especially multiplied in Guatemala, sixty-six arriving in that province between 1571 and 1573. In 1576 the audiencia was directed by the crown to make an annual grant of fifty thousand maravedís for each mission established by them. In 1578 García de Valverde, who during that year was appointed president of the audiencia, undertook the rebuilding or enlargement of several Franciscan convents[XXI‑54] and the erection of several churches. Such was his enthusiasm that he was often seen carrying stone and mortar for the workmen, and his example spread among the inhabitants of Santiago, men of noble birth imitating the prelate's example.

In the year 1600 when Juan Ramirez was appointed bishop there were in Guatemala twenty-two convents of the Franciscans and fourteen of the Dominican order.[XXI‑55] In 1578 a nunnery was completed and occupied, the funds having been provided by a bequest from the first bishop of Guatemala. In 1592 a college was opened in Santiago, and we learn that the cabildo, encouraged by its success, desired to have a university established there in order that students might complete their education without proceeding to Mexico as was then the custom among the wealthier class of Spaniards.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: VALVERDE AND RUEDA.]

During Valverde's administration the news of Drake's expedition to the South Sea, of which mention will be made in connection with the raids of that famous adventurer, spread consternation throughout the provinces. On this occasion the president of Guatemala showed himself worthy of the trust imposed in him. Ships and cannon were procured; small arms and ammunition were obtained from Mexico, and an expedition was quickly despatched in search of the enemy. No encounter took place, however, and the commander of the fleet was placed under arrest for non-fulfilment of his orders, which were to proceed in quest of the intruders to the gulf of California where they were supposed to be stationed. In 1586 when news arrived of Drake's capture of Santo Domingo a review was held in the plaza of Santiago, and it was found that the city could put into the field five hundred foot and one hundred horse.[XXI‑56]

Valverde's decease occurred in September 1589, and when on his death-bed he received intelligence of his promotion to the presidency of the audiencia of Nueva Galicia. His successor was Pedro Mayen de Rueda, a man of strong but narrow views, and one who by his injudicious measures soon made enemies both of the oidores and the ecclesiastics, the members of the municipality, however, remaining firm in their allegiance to him. "Rueda," writes the cabildo to the king in 1592, "has given vacant encomiendas to the deserving, and strictly carried out royal cédulas. He has embellished the capital with many a fine building so that it is far other than it was." Nevertheless his enemies were too strong for him, and in the following year he was superseded by Doctor Francisco Sandé, who came to the province vested with the authority of a visitador, but appears to have found nothing specially worthy of censure in the former's administration.[XXI‑57]

The new president incurred the enmity of the cabildo by abolishing one of its most cherished privileges,[XXI‑58] and by causing the office of alférez, the holder of which became ex officio the senior member of the cabildo, to be disposed of for five thousand ducados to one Francisco de Mesa, whose chief recommendation seems to have been that he was a kinsman of the president's wife. In November 1596 Sandé departed for New Granada, of which province he had been appointed governor.[XXI‑59] His successor was Doctor Alonso Criado de Castilla, who assumed office in September 1598, the reins of power being during the interval in the hands of the senior oidor, Alvaro Gomez de Abaunza.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MINING AND COMMERCE.]

During the closing years of the sixteenth century it was the policy of the cabildo in their reports to the king to represent the industrial condition of Guatemala in as unfavorable a light as possible. Nevertheless there is sufficient evidence that trade was restricted, mining almost neglected, and that agriculture received little attention. Rich mines were discovered in various places, but Indians could not be procured to work them, and mine-owners becoming every day poorer, threatened altogether to abandon the field, thus causing the cabildo to petition for the importation of slaves for the purpose of developing them. So great was the falling-off in receipts at the smelting-works that the royal officials resolved to exact only one tenth instead of the fifth of the proceeds which had before been collected as the king's dues.

The possibility of extending the commerce of the province by the opening of the port of Iztapa, ten or twelve leagues from Santiago, and the point where it will be remembered Alvarado's vessels were built and equipped for his promised expedition to the Spice Islands, was the subject of many petitions to the king. It seemed to present many facilities for an extensive traffic on the South Sea, and its contiguity to Guatemala would afford merchants and speculators an opportunity of dealing in the products of the country. Ship-building especially might become an important industry. Woods of finest quality and in limitless quantity could be had in the district. Large cedars were abundant; while cordage could be had in inexhaustible quantity. The pita, which furnished excellent material for ropes and cables, grew profusely all over the coast. Pitch and tar could also be procured in the valley of Inmais, only a short distance from the port. So far, however, little success had attended the various attempts made to utilize these advantages, but in after years further efforts were made. In 1591, measures were also taken for opening another port named Estero del Salto, seven leagues from Iztapa and capable of accommodating vessels of a hundred tons.[XXI‑60]

While thus struggling for new avenues of trade, the members of the cabildo were tenacious of those already in their possession. Neither the importation of slaves nor a reduction of the royal dues would satisfy them, while cacao, the only product which really did pay and thus preserved the balance of trade, was improperly taxed. Writing in 1575, they alleged that for two years past this once highly profitable trade had been nearly destroyed by excessive taxation and that in consequence the prosperity of Santiago had been greatly diminished.[XXI‑61]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.]

But commercial decadence was not the only misfortune from which the province suffered. In 1575 and the two subsequent years earthquakes occurred in Guatemala,[XXI‑62] attended with great destruction of property. In December 1581 a violent eruption occurred in the volcano west of Santiago. The land for miles around was covered with scoriæ; the sun was darkened, and the lurid flames darting from the cone spread terror throughout the neighborhood. The inhabitants, believing that the day of judgment had come, marched in penitential procession loudly bewailing their sins. Presently a sharp north wind dispersed the gloom and scattered the ashes. On this occasion no lives were lost. In 1585 and 1586 there were numerous earthquakes, the most violent one occurring just before Christmas of the latter year. Hill-tops were rent, wide chasms appeared in the earth, and the greater part of the city was destroyed, many of the inhabitants being buried in the ruins. In 1587 we hear of another severe earthquake by which fifteen lives were lost and fifty buildings shaken down, among them the old Franciscan convent.[XXI‑63]

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XXII. AFFAIRS IN PANAMÁ

1551-1600.

REVOLT OF THE CIMARRONES—PEDRO DE URSUA SENT AGAINST THEM—A SECOND REVOLT—BAYANO CAUGHT AND SENT TO SPAIN—REGULATIONS CONCERNING NEGROES—COMMERCIAL DECADENCE—RESTRICTIONS ON TRADE—HOME INDUSTRIES—PEARL FISHERIES—MINING—DECAY OF SETTLEMENTS—PROPOSED CHANGE IN THE PORT OF ENTRY—ITS REMOVAL FROM NOMBRE DE DIOS TO PORTOBELLO—CHANGES IN THE SEAT OF THE AUDIENCIA—TIERRA FIRME MADE SUBJECT TO THE VICEROY OF PERU—DEFALCATIONS IN THE ROYAL TREASURY—PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE AGAINST CORSAIRS AND FOREIGN POWERS.

[Sidenote: THE CIMARRONES.]

It has already been stated that Las Casas was the first to urge the substitution of African for Indian slavery, and as early as 1517 such a measure was authorized by the crown. The natives lacked the physical strength needed to meet the demands of their taskmasters, and negroes from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Guinea were largely imported into the Spanish West Indies. Numbers of them were driven by ill-usage to take refuge in the forests and mountain fastnesses, where they led a nomadic life or made common cause with the natives, and when attacked by the Spaniards neither gave nor accepted quarter. About the middle of the sixteenth century the woods in the vicinity of Nombre de Dios swarmed with these runaways, who attacked the treasure-trains on their way across the Isthmus, defeated the parties sent against them by the governor of the province, and lurked in wait for passengers, assailing them with poisoned arrows, and cutting into pieces those who fell alive into their hands. Organized as marauding companies they became widely known as cimarrones[XXII‑1] or Maroons as they were called in Jamaica and Dutch Guiana. At times they would unite their forces and ravage a wide extent of country, leaving ruin on every side. Houses were burned, plantations destroyed, women seized, merchandise stolen, and settlers slain. Such was the attendant terror that masters dared not chastise their slaves, nor did merchants venture to travel the highways except in companies of twenty or more.[XXII‑2] In the year 1554 many hundreds of them were thus banded in Tierra Firme alone.

About this time the new viceroy of Peru, Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, marqués de Cañete, opportunely arriving at Nombre de Dios from Spain, en route for his capital, resolved on the subjugation of these outlaws. Not long before his arrival, Pedro de Ursua, a brave and distinguished soldier, had taken refuge from his enemies in the province of Cartagena, where he had founded the city of Pamplona and made discoveries. The viceroy, believing Ursua to be unjustly persecuted and recognizing his eminent fitness, authorized him to raise troops and march against the offenders. Accordingly Ursua equipped upward of two hundred men, and set out from Nombre de Dios. The cimarrones had mustered under Bayano,[XXII‑3] a man of their own race, of singular courage, who had been elected king by those occupying the mountains between Plagon and Pacora, and whose number now exceeded six hundred.

Bayano retreated slowly and warily, posting ambuscades at every favorable point, and engaging the foe in frequent encounters, the negroes fighting with desperation and the Spaniards advancing with the coolness of well disciplined soldiers. For two years Ursua[XXII‑4] carried on the campaign with unwearied patience, and at last surrounded the remnant of the cimarrones and compelled them to sue for peace. Bayano was sent a prisoner to Spain. In 1570 his followers founded the town of Santiago del Príncipe. A cédula of June 21, 1574, declared that on full submission and on condition of their leading a peaceful life the negroes should be free men. One of the articles of a treaty which was concluded at Panamá binds the emancipated slaves to capture runaways and return them to their masters.

After a short-lived peace the cimarrones again took the field, reënforced by maltreated or discontented negro fugitives from the mines, and committed such depredations that the king resolved on a war of extermination against them and their allies. In a cédula dated 23d of May 1578 he appointed his factor and veedor Pedro de Ortega Valencia, captain general of the forces levied for that purpose, with instructions not to desist until the rebels were vanquished. Funds were to be drawn freely from the royal treasury. Panamá and the adjoining provinces of Quito and Cartago were enjoined to provide all necessary supplies, and the Casa de la Contratacion de Seville was to furnish four hundred arquebuses and a supply of ammunition. The Spaniards were only partially successful, and in the following year the king found it necessary to address the president and oidores of the audiencia, urging them to renewed efforts, but in vain. In 1596 the cimarrones, in concert with buccaneers, opened a road from their own town to the Chagre River only a league below the highway to Venta de las Cruces, their object being to steal and secrete treasure and merchandise. On the 25th of August the king peremptorily orders the destruction of the road and the execution of the ringleaders, but nevertheless the cimarrones in collusion with English corsairs for years set the Spaniards at defiance.

[Sidenote: SLAVE-DEALING.]

The regulations framed during the sixteenth century concerning negroes, whether bond or free, prescribed with the utmost minuteness their deportment, their social relations, and the restrictions under which they were to live.[XXII‑5] It was provided in the case of runaways that pardon should only be extended once, and never to the leaders of a revolt. One fifth of the cost incurred in their capture was to be met by the royal treasury and the remainder by the owners; and all expeditions were to be conducted by experienced officers, the property value of the negro being so great that his recovery could not be intrusted to inferior hands.

To engage in the importation of slaves it was necessary first to obtain a royal license, a privilege jealously guarded, and seldom if ever granted to Spain's ancient rivals, the Portuguese, but freely bestowed on the English, who gradually monopolized the trade. So great were the profits that Portuguese and English alike were found continually violating the law and setting the king at defiance.[XXII‑6] The regulations embraced also their intercourse with Indians, so as to discourage as much as possible their association with lawless bands, dangerous to Spanish security, and prejudicial to peaceable natives; for, with the presumption so common among lower races and classes, the negro failed not to take advantage of any privilege he might obtain over his red-skinned neighbor.[XXII‑7] Such checks proved of little use, however, since they also applied in part at least to Spanish task-masters. Indeed, in a royal cédula issued in 1593, attention is called to the fact that no one had been brought to justice for any of the extortions or cruelties to which the Indians had been subjected.[XXII‑8] Other stringent laws were issued, but they came too late, or were neglected like the rest. Under the yoke of their various oppressors the native population of the Isthmus gradually disappeared, and toward the close of the century their numbers had become insignificant.

* * * * *

In the affairs of Panamá, we enter now an era of decline. Progress hitherto on the Isthmus has been on no permanent basis. For a time the gold and pearls of seaboard and islands kept alive the spirit of speculation, which was swollen to greater dimensions by the inflowing treasures from Peru and Chile, and from scores of other places in South and North America. When these began to diminish, commerce fell off, and as it had little else to depend upon there was necessarily a reaction.

Panamá had comparatively but little indigenous wealth and was largely dependent for prosperity on Spain's colonial policy. Unfortunately this was characterized by a short-sightedness which eventually proved disastrous both to the province and the empire. The great fleets which arrived from Spain came in reduced numbers, at longer intervals, and with depleted stores. In 1589, ninety-four vessels reached the Isthmus laden with merchandise; sixteen years later the fleet mustered only seventeen ships.[XXII‑9] To the depredations of buccaneers which will be hereafter described this state of affairs may in part be attributed, but other causes were at work. The king of Spain had already appeared before his subjects at Panamá in the character of a royal mendicant;[XXII‑10] and now he laid restrictions on their trade which could not fail to prove disastrous to the commercial interests of the city.

[Sidenote: ASIATIC TRADE.]

Hitherto there had been a large and lucrative traffic with the Philippine Islands, yielding often six-fold increase to the fortunate trader.[XXII‑11] But the cupidity of the monarch prompted more and more restrictive measures, until it was altogether forbidden to Panamá, and indeed to all the West Indies save New Spain, the king being determined to have what was known as the Asiatic trade monopolized by Castilian merchants.[XXII‑12] No Chinese goods were to be brought to Panamá and the other provinces, even from New Spain. None were to be used there, except such as were in actual use at date of the royal commands, and any surplus was to be carried to Spain within four years.

Of course the American provinces were gradually developing home industries, and bringing into the market home productions that displaced to a certain extent goods from which Spain had hitherto made large profits. Thus Peru supplied wine, leather, and oil; soap was manufactured in Guayaquil and Nicaragua; Campeche yielded wax, Guayaquil, Riobamba, and Puerto Viejo, cordage for ships, and Nicaragua a good quality of pitch. Quito and other places manufactured cloths, and New Spain silken and woolen goods. Had Philip adopted a generous colonial policy he would have fostered and profited by these new industries, but all fiscal regulations looked to the advancement of Spanish commerce without regard for the development of trade within the colonies.

[Sidenote: WINE AND TOBACCO.]

Two commodities were watched and guarded with peculiar jealousy—wine and tobacco. Peru produced a wine that found favor with many and obtained a ready sale. In an ordinance of Philip II. dated the 16th of September 1586, no wine but that imported from Spain was allowed to be sold on the Isthmus; nor was it to be mixed with wine obtained elsewhere. The penalties attached to infringements of this law were heavy fines and even perpetual banishment. The reason assigned for these measures was the injurious effect of Peruvian wine upon the public health, but the real motive was the prejudicial effect of its sale upon the Spanish wine trade.[XXII‑13] Tobacco was a monopoly of the crown, and one rigidly protected, its sale, importation, or cultivation being forbidden under severe penalties.[XXII‑14]

Panamá imported most of her provisions, and the difficulties in obtaining a regular and cheap supply were augmented by the monopolies acquired by wealthy merchants who were enabled to control the market. New measures to correct this abuse were continually adopted, and as often evaded or violated.[XXII‑15] The scarcity of provisions sometimes caused distress approaching to famine, and at certain seasons was liable to be aggravated by the crowds of travellers and adventurers who crossed the Isthmus.[XXII‑16] Peru was the great source of supply and the trade with that country was the subject of frequent cédulas addressed to the viceroy.[XXII‑17]

[Sidenote: PEARLS AND GOLD.]

Pearls and gold were still among the leading productions of the Isthmus, and the most valuable fisheries were at the old Pearl Islands of Vasco Nuñez de Balboa.[XXII‑18] Diving for pearls was performed by negroes chosen by their masters on account of their dexterity as swimmers, and their ability to hold their breath under water. From twelve to twenty under charge of an overseer usually formed a gang. Anchoring in twelve to fifteen fathoms of water, they would dive in succession, bringing up as many shells as they could gather or carry. It was a laborious calling, and attended with great danger because of the sharks that swarmed around the islands and with which they had many a fierce struggle, often losing limb or life in the encounter. The divers were required to collect a certain quantity of pearls, and any surplus they were at liberty to sell, but only to their own masters and at a price fixed by them.[XXII‑19]

Ever since their first discovery these fisheries had maintained their fame, and there was obtained the largest pearl then known in the world; one that became the property of Philip II., and was described by Sir Richard Hawkins[XXII‑20] as being "the size of a pommel of a ponyard;" its weight being two hundred and fifty carats, and its value one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. It was presented by the king to his daughter Elizabeth, wife of Albertus, duke of Austria.

The number and variety of pearls were such that this trade became one of the most prolific sources of wealth to Panamá, Seville alone importing in 1587 some six hundred pounds weight, many of them rivalling the choicest specimens found in Ceylon and the East Indies. From this time there occurred a marked falling-off both in quantity and quality, and in consequence a series of restrictions was put upon the industry. Notwithstanding these precautionary measures the pearl-beds became rapidly exhausted; diving proved a profitless labor,[XXII‑21] and not until several decades later was this industry revived.

Gold had been found and mined in different parts of the Isthmus, notably in Darien, the scene of so many of Balboa's brilliant achievements, where, according to the report of a later governor, the metal had been so abundant as to be "weighed by the hundredweight."[XXII‑22] More definite is the information for this period concerning the mines of Veragua, a province of irregular shape, lying between the two oceans, and consisting largely of rugged and inaccessible sierras, down the sides of which fall mountain torrents that brought quantities of the precious metal within easy reach. The Spaniards were not slow to learn of this wealth, partly from the trinkets displayed by Indians, and soon the mines were flooded with laborers. When the strength of the native proved unequal to the task the Spaniards enlisted in their service, as we have seen, the more hardy negro, until in the prosperous days of mining, which culminated about the year 1570, there were two thousand of them at work at one time. Rumor magnified the yield to the ever ready ears of navigators, and according to Dampier "they were the richest gold mines ever yet found." "Because of their inexhaustible riches in gold," says Ogilby, "the Spaniards there knew not the end of their wealth."[XXII‑23]

The yield, if rich, did not prove lasting, however, and the number of mine-owners dwindled, though several causes united to this end, such as the attack of hostile natives or negroes who frequently swooped down on the Spaniards from their mountain fastnesses and despoiled their camp. The roads were difficult; the mining towns were sickly and for the most part abandoned during the rainy season, their occupants betaking themselves to Panamá. In 1580 there were but four of them in the entire province. These were Ciudad de la Concepcion, the capital, forty leagues west of Nombre de Dios; Villa de Trinidad, six leagues east of Concepcion by sea, but inaccessible by land; Ciudad de Santa Fé, where the smelting-works were established; and Ciudad de San Cárlos built on the South Sea, some forty or more leagues west of Santa Fé. These communities contained altogether about a hundred and seventy vecinos; all employed in mining or in matters connected therewith.

* * * * *

Mining towns were not, however, the only ones to retrograde. The town of Acla, which it will be remembered was founded by Pedrarias in 1515, and rebuilt by Vasco Nuñez two years later,[XXII‑24] had in 1580 dropped out of existence. And so it was with several settlements that at different times had risen with hopeful prospects. Either the climate killed or drove off the inhabitants, or rival towns sprang up under the patronage of some governor, and with real or fancied advantages lured away the citizens. Nombre de Dios had maintained its position as the leading town and port on the Atlantic side, in the face of objections which ere this would have doomed many another place. The climate was pestilential, so much so that the place was generally deserted at the close of the business season, and it contained only sixty wooden houses. It was subject to floods, and yet destitute during the greater part of the year of fresh water. Its harbor was exceedingly bad, exposed to severe northerly and easterly gales, by which, despite every precaution, vessels of large size were frequently driven ashore, and pirates could readily assail it. These and other disadvantages led many merchants to advocate the removal of the port of entry to one of the harbors on the coast of Honduras. Although the distance from Nombre de Dios to Panamá was only eighteen leagues, while that from Puerto de Caballos to the gulf of Fonseca was fully fifty, yet the cost of a single trip by mule over the former route was thirty pesos, and over the latter but nine.

[Sidenote: ROUTES BETWEEN OCEANS.]

Juan García de Hermosillo was commissioned by the king in 1554 to inquire into the merits of the respective routes, and two years later made a voluminous but partial report,[XXII‑25] showing the practicability of changing the course of vessels going to Tierra Firme so as to proceed direct to the port of Trujillo, and recommending that ships from New Spain, Vera Cruz, Pánuco, and the Golfo Dulce should touch at the same port, and thus allow goods to be carried overland to Realejo or the bay of Fonseca, and thence shipped to Peru and elsewhere. A cédula was thereupon addressed, in October 1556, to the audiencias of Española and the Confines, the governor of Tierra Firme, and the officers of the India House at Seville, directing that the opinions of experts should be taken, and information obtained from all familiar with the coast and its harbors. Testimony concerning the facts and views advanced in Hermosillo's report was taken in 1558, and among those who pronounced in favor of the transfer as recommended were Oviedo the chronicler, Luis Gutierrez the cosmographer, and Juan de Barbosa, then governor of Tierra Firme. The cabildo of Santiago also bestirred themselves in behalf of the change, as one apt to improve communication with Peru, and, as they temptingly added, likely to increase largely the royal revenue.[XXII‑26]

Communications between the home government and its transatlantic subjects involved vexatious delays; such negotiations were always slow, and at this time there was some temporary disorganization of the council of the Indies to complicate matters. The subject would seem to have been ignored until quickened anew by an address of Felipe de Aniñon, who had lived many years in the Indies, "on the utility and advantages which would result from changing the route of transit between the seas from Nombre de Dios and Panamá to Puerto de Caballos and Fonseca."[XXII‑27] The memorial, without presenting any new arguments, recapitulates with considerable force those which had been previously advanced, urging that immunity would thus be secured from the raids of corsairs, and that even though Panamá and Nombre de Dios were abandoned, a dozen cities would spring up to take their place in a region whose mines were so rich and whose soil was so fertile. At Nombre de Dios even Indian women, elsewhere so prolific, became barren; fruits refused to grow, children could not be reared, and men lived not out the usual span of life. Their gold and silver were as nothing to the treasures that could be extracted from the mines of Honduras, for when these latter should be worked by imported negroes with the aid of quicksilver, his Majesty would have there a kingdom thrice as rich as Spain. The memorialist concludes by stating that even though eight hundred thousand pesos were expended in opening roads the outlay was justifiable, for it would be offset by the yield of an additional million to the annual revenue of the king. The question of establishing elsewhere the port of entry was finally decided by the report of Jean Baptiste Antonelli, the royal surveyor, which showed that while a removal was necessary a desirable site existed close by.

[Sidenote: PORTOBELLO.]

Five leagues to the west of Nombre de Dios was the village of Portobello, containing, in 1585, not more than ten houses but possessing a commodious harbor, with good anchorage, easy of access, and one where laborers could unload vessels without the necessity of wading up to the arm-pits, as was the case at Nombre de Dios. Timber and pasture were abundant, the soil was fertile, and fresh water could be had throughout the year. Moreover it could easily be fortified against attack from corsairs and privateersmen, who, under Drake and others, had already committed depredations on the Isthmus as will be hereafter related. "If it might please your Majesty," reports the surveyor, "it were good that the city of Nombre de Dios be brought and builded in this harbor." On the 20th of March 1597 the change was made under charge of the factor Francisco de Valverde y Mercado and a settlement was founded which soon became one of the most important cities in Central America.[XXII‑28]

In 1529 Panamá is described by Herrera as "a town of six hundred householders." In 1581 it was styled by Philip "muy noble y muy leal." Nevertheless its progress was greatly retarded by sickness, caused by the heat of the atmosphere, the humidity of the soil, and the spread of infectious diseases. Small-pox, quinsy, dysentery, intermittent fevers, and other ailments were prevalent among the community, and at times the city was almost depopulated.[XXII‑29]

* * * * *

In 1564 the seat of the audiencia of the Confines was removed, as we have seen, to Panamá[XXII‑30] under the presidency of Doctor Barros de Millan. Great though short-lived were the rejoicings throughout Tierra Firme at this victory. The people of Guatemala would not consent to become a mere dependency of the audiencia of Mexico; and as already stated a decree was issued in 1568 ordering that the audiencia should again be removed to Guatemala, the change being made two years later, though, as we shall find, an audiencia was before long once more established in Panamá.

[Sidenote: EMBEZZLEMENT AND GAMBLING.]

By a cédula dated February 26, 1571, Tierra Firme was made subject to the viceroy of Peru in all matters relating to government, war, and exchequer, but not in civil matters.[XXII‑31] Little direct information of the working of the new regime in the latter part of the sixteenth century can now be obtained. The cédulas issued in later years, however, show it to have been a source of chronic discontent to the royal council in all its departments. Among them was one dated January 7, 1588, forbidding the president and oidores residing at Panamá to visit any private citizen or resident for any purpose whatever, and another dated December 31, 1590, forbidding officials in the treasury department to assume the duties of alcaldes ordinarios at any time. Some of the latter were fined and suspended for illegal speculation with government funds, which became so common that in 1594 the defalcations in the treasury from this cause alone amounted to about one hundred and fifty thousand pesos.[XXII‑32] In 1579 the corregidor of Panamá, when at the point of death, confessed that he alone had embezzled the sum of six thousand two hundred and thirty-six pesos, which he had collected and unlawfully withheld from the treasury.[XXII‑33] The granting of passports was a means by which members of the audiencia contrived to cheat the king of his revenues, his Majesty declaring that in a single year two thousand persons passed through Tierra Firme without procuring the royal license at the prescribed cost.[XXII‑34] Gambling was also prevalent, dice being the favorite game, and many merchants, bringing their goods from Spain, were fleeced by professional gamesters.[XXII‑35]

While the condition of affairs at the Isthmus was thus in an unsatisfactory condition, the authorities were constantly in dread of invasion from foreign powers. Early in the year 1561 two caravels arrived with intelligence that a large fleet had sailed from England for America, and with orders that preparations be made for a stout defence. The treasure on board the ships lying in harbor was quickly removed and secreted on shore, and no vessels were allowed to leave port until the arrival of the convoy fleet from Spain under the adelantado Pedro Menendez. It is not recorded that on this occasion the English made any attempt to land on the shores of Tierra Firme, but four years later, the monarchs of England and Spain being then on friendly terms, one Captain Parker touched at the coast of Darien ostensibly for the purpose of trading with the natives. An armed flotilla was despatched against him, but the captain refused to depart, and when attacked not only repulsed his assailants, but captured one of the enemy's squadron.[XXII‑36]

[Sidenote: FEAR OF PIRATES.]

Although, as will be told in the next chapter, the Isthmus was several times invaded by English adventurers between 1572 and 1596, it was not until near the end of the century that any really effectual measures were completed for its protection. On the 2d of May 1574 the king wrote to the audiencia of Panamá, that he had information of many privateering expeditions then being fitted out with the intention of proceeding to the Indies. In 1580 three ships of war were stationed on the coast to guard against corsairs and it was ordered that criminals be delivered over to serve as oarsmen on board these vessels. In 1591 a more powerful fleet was sent to the West Indies and fortifications ordered to be erected at the town of Cruces and other points on the Isthmus. At this date Panamá alone could put into the field eight hundred Spanish infantry and fifty horse. Four years later a site was selected for a fort at the mouth of the Chagre river. Finally in 1597, when the news of Drake's last expedition had thoroughly roused the king to a sense of the danger, mechanics were sent out from Spain to hasten the completion of the defences, and it was ordered that the cost be defrayed from the royal treasury.[XXII‑37]

Panamá was assailable from three different points: from Nombre de Dios, whence it could only be reached through the mountain passes of Capira, where a small band of resolute men could hold an army in check; from Acla, fourteen leagues east of Nombre de Dios, where men of war had formerly anchored; and by way of the Rio Chagre, which was navigable for large boats as far as Cruces, the road thence to Panamá presenting no serious obstacle to an invading force.[XXII‑38]

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XXIII. DRAKE AND OXENHAM'S EXPEDITIONS

1572-1596.

DRAKE'S ATTACK ON NOMBRE DE DIOS—PANIC AMONG THE INHABITANTS—STORES OF TREASURE—RETREAT OF THE ENGLISH—THEY SAIL FOR CARTAGENA—AND THENCE FOR THE GULF OF URABÁ—VISIT TO THE ISLE OF PINOS—THE SHIPS MOVED TO THE CABEZAS ISLANDS—SECOND EXPEDITION TO CARTAGENA—MARCH TO THE ISTHMUS—DRAKE'S FIRST GLIMPSE OF THE SOUTH SEA—AMBUSCADE POSTED NEAR CRUCES—THE BELLS OF APPROACHING TREASURE TRAINS—THE PRIZE MISSED THROUGH THE FOLLY OF A DRUNKEN SOLDIER—CAPTURE OF CRUCES—THIRTY TONS OF GOLD AND SILVER TAKEN NEAR NOMBRE DE DIOS—VOYAGE ON A RAFT—THE EXPEDITION RETURNS TO ENGLAND—OXENHAM'S RAID—DRAKE'S CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE GLOBE—HIS SECOND VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES—HIS FINAL EXPEDITION—HIS DEATH AND BURIAL OFF PORTOBELLO.

[Sidenote: AT NOMBRE DE DIOS.]

In the town of Offenburg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, is a statue of a man standing on the deck of a vessel and leaning on an anchor, his right hand grasping a map of America, his left a cluster of bulbous roots, the meaning of which might puzzle the observer until he reads on the pedestal the inscription: "Sir Francis Drake, the introducer of potatoes into Europe, in the year of our Lord 1586." Thus, in Offenburg, is known to fame the great Armada captain and circumnavigator of the globe. The eldest of the twelve sons of a Protestant minister in straitened circumstances, he shipped as an apprentice on board a small merchant craft, and on the decease of the captain succeeded to the command of the ship. Tiring of his trading ventures he sold his vessel, and soon afterward served under Sir John Hawkins, in an expedition to Mexico, where he lost all his property and some of his dearest friends. Vowing vengeance on the Spaniards, he returned to England, and in 1570 received letters of marque from Queen Elizabeth authorizing him to cruise in the Spanish West Indies. After two short voyages, made rather for exploration than profit, he fitted up two privateers and several pinnaces for an expedition to Nombre de Dios, and on Whitsunday eve, the 24th of May 1572, set sail from Plymouth with a force of seventy-three men.

Drake first shaped his course for the Isla de Pinos, where he left his ships in charge of one Captain Rawse, and placing most of his men in the pinnaces, arrived off the Isthmus at the season of year when the treasures of the mines were stored there in readiness for shipment to Spain. Entering the port of Nombre de Dios by night he roused the slumbering townsfolk by marching through the main street to the sound of drum and trumpet. A party was despatched to seize the king's treasure-house, and each man was ordered to fasten to his pike a lighted brand. The affrighted inhabitants imagined that the town was invaded by a force at least twice its real strength. Nevertheless they were soon under arms, and mustering near the governor's house, poured in a sharp volley on the English, pointing their weapons so low that the bullets often grazed the ground. The privateersmen discharged their pieces but once, and then came to close quarters, attacking the Spaniards with pike and sword and but-end of musket, and driving them with heavy loss to the market-place. Two or three prisoners were captured, who gave information that the silver awaiting convoy to Spain was stored at the governor's residence, and that in the treasure-house nearer the water was a large quantity of gold, jewels, and pearls.[XXIII‑1]

Drake ordered his men to stand to their arms, for companies of Spaniards were observed mustering for an attack. A report then spread through the ranks that the pinnaces were in danger of being captured. A violent storm of rain came on, and before the British could gain shelter their powder was wet and their bowstrings rendered unserviceable. The men lost heart and began to think of saving themselves before their retreat was cut off, many of them being wounded, and Drake himself shot in the leg. Their captain rebuked them, exclaiming: "I have brought you to the very mouth of the treasure of the world, and if you go away without it you can blame nobody but yourselves." He then directed a portion of his command to break open the treasure-house, while the remainder stood ready to repel attack; but, as he stepped forward, he dropped down in a swoon from loss of blood and was carried back to his pinnace.[XXIII‑2]

At daybreak the entire company embarked, and after making prize of a vessel of sixty tons laden principally with wines, landed at the port of Bastimentos.[XXIII‑3] After resting there for two days Drake rejoined his ships at the Isla de Pinos, whence he despatched his brother to explore the river Chagre as far as the town of Cruces, where it will be remembered the treasure trains passed on their way from Panamá to the North Sea. He then proceeded to Cartagena where he captured several Spanish vessels, but finding the town too strongly defended to venture an attack, set sail for the gulf of Urabá. The adventurers landed at a spot remote from the line of travel, and hiding their vessels in a neighboring creek, remained there fifteen days, hoping thus to create among the Spaniards the impression that they had departed from the coast. An expedition was then undertaken to the river Atrato for the purpose of intercepting the canoes, which, after the arrival of the fleet at Cartagena, were sent up the stream, laden with the merchandise of Spain, to return with the gold, silver, and other valuable commodities collected during the year.

[Sidenote: THE CIMARRONES HELP THEM.]

On the second day of the voyage it was ascertained that the fleet had not yet reached Cartagena; whereupon the English again visited the Isla de Pinos, capturing there vast quantities of provisions, including cassava bread, meal, wine, dried beef, fish, and a plentiful supply of live stock, all intended for the use of the Spanish settlements and for revictualling the fleet.[XXIII‑4] These were secured for future use in storehouses, built many leagues apart. Then under the guidance of cimarrones, who regarded the English as allies against a mutual foe, Drake moved his vessels to a secluded bay amid the Cabezas, a group of thickly wooded islands, near the gulf of San Blas, where the channel was so narrow and difficult that none could enter by night.[XXIII‑5] Here he was free from all danger of surprise. The rainy season had now begun, and during that time the Spaniards did not convey treasure by land. A delay became necessary before any extensive raid could be undertaken, and the men were therefore ordered to erect a fort and buildings suitable for their accommodation and to land their ordnance and provisions.

The restless spirit of the leader carried him on, and within fourteen days of his arrival at the islands he started on a new expedition to Cartagena, casting anchor in that harbor on the 18th of October 1572. A party of horsemen came down to the shore displaying a flag of truce, and met him with fair promises of friendship and assistance. Suspecting treachery, the English put off to sea next morning, but remained for some days in the neighborhood to the great annoyance of the Spaniards, who constantly endeavored, though without success, to induce them to land and thus draw them into an ambuscade. At length falling short of provisions, and seeing no prospect of capturing any valuable prize, they set sail for the gulf of San Blas. On the return voyage, which occupied twenty-five days, they suffered severely. Baffled by contrary gales, their small, leaky craft, in imminent peril from the heavy chopping sea, their provisions exhausted, many almost perishing from want and exposure, they had never lived to rejoin their comrades, but that, in the last extremity they were fortunate enough to capture a Spanish vessel, "which," as the chronicler tells us, "being laden with victuals well powdered and dried, they received as sent them by the mercy of heaven."

[Sidenote: THEY CROSS THE ISTHMUS.]

Drake remained for several weeks in his lurking place among the islands. At length the welcome news arrived that the Spanish fleet had reached Nombre de Dios, and the adventurers at once began their march overland toward Panamá. Sickness and the bullets of the Spaniards had sorely thinned their ranks. No treasure had been captured, and twenty-eight of their number had already found a grave in this land of promise, among them two brothers of Drake; one through disease, the other while leading a rash attack on a Spanish vessel. Several of the party also lay ill of the 'calenture' fever,[XXIII‑6] caused by the unhealthy climate and unwholesome water. After a slender guard had been left over the ships, but eighteen men could be mustered fit for active service. Thirty cimarrones who accompanied the expedition carried the provisions, leaving the English unencumbered except by their arms.[XXIII‑7]

Many days the party journeyed, forcing their way through dense underbrush and cane-brake, crossing swollen streams and toiling up mountain steeps. Yet they suffered little hardship. High overhead a canopy of leaves screened them from the rays of an almost vertical sun. The country abounded in wild fruits, and as night approached the cimarrones erected rain-proof sheds thatched with palmetto and wild plantain leaves, under which they cooked their meal of wild boar's flesh or other forest game, slain during the day's march.[XXIII‑8]

On the third day of their march they arrived at a negro town, distant forty-live leagues from Panamá and thirty-five from Nombre de Dios, containing about sixty families, and well supplied with maize, fruit, and live stock. The town was surrounded with a mud wall and a ditch for defence against the Spaniards, with whom the cimarrones were still constantly at war. Only one year before the place had been attacked by a force of one hundred and fifty men, whose commander had promised to exterminate the entire population. The assault was made just before daybreak, whereupon the males fled to the forest, leaving their wives and children to be massacred, but afterward mustering courage fell on their invaders and drove them in turn to the woods, where, their guide being slain, all but thirty perished of want. Here the English were urged to remain and rest for a few days. Not far distant, they were told, dwelt the king of the cimarrones, who could bring into the field seventeen hundred warriors, and would aid them with reënforcements on learning their errand. The commander thanked them, but declared that "he would use no further strength if he might have twenty times as much," and after a brief halt continued his journey.

Four days later the expedition arrived at the summit of a mountain, from which they had been promised a view of the "North Sea whence they came and of the South Sea whither they were going."[XXIII‑9] Aided by one of the cimarrones Drake climbed a tall tree, in whose trunk steps had been cut almost to the top, and where, supported by the upper limbs, a bower had been built large enough to contain a dozen men. From this eyrie he gazed for the first time on the great southern ocean over whose waters the English flag had never yet been unfurled. It is said that he here conceived the project which a few years later was carried to completion—the circumnavigation of the globe; and as dreams of fame and vast achievement were mingled with visions of gold-bearing lands, and of Spanish galleons deep laden with weight of treasure, he besought God "to give him life and leave to sail an English ship in those seas." The aid of the Almighty was never invoked or given for the furtherance of more iniquitious measures.

For forty-eight hours more the route lay through forest land, and beyond this the country was covered with a species of grass, so tall that at its full growth the cattle could not reach the upper blade. Thrice a year it was burnt, and so rich was the soil that a few days afterward it sprouted like green corn. The English were now nearing the end of their march, and as they journeyed frequently came in sight of Panamá and of the Spanish vessels riding at anchor in the roadstead.

[Sidenote: THE TREASURE TRAINS.]

Extreme caution became necessary,[XXIII‑10] and on approaching Panamá, Drake, withdrawing his men from the road, led them to a grove within a league of the city, and near the highway to Nombre de Dios. His arrival was well timed. A cimarron, sent forward to Panamá disguised as a slave to ascertain the exact night and time of night[XXIII‑11] when the precious train was to pass by, returned with news that sent a thrill through every breast. That very evening the treasurer of Lima was to start from Panamá en route to Spain, and with him eight mules laden with gold, five with silver, and one with pearls and jewels. Two other trains each of fifty mules, freighted mainly with provisions, were to form part of the expedition.

Drake at once put his men in motion toward the Chagre River, and when within two leagues of the town of Cruces[XXIII‑12] posted them in two parties, one on either side of the road, and in such a position that they might fall simultaneously on the van and rear of the train. The men were ordered to wear white shirts outside their uniforms in order to distinguish one another. After the arrival of the fleet at Nombre de Dios, trains passed frequently along the road from Cruces to Panamá, and the strictest injunctions were given that none should stir except at the appointed signal.

An hour they lay in ambush; the treasurer was within half a league of the ambuscade, and the bells of the approaching train were distinctly heard in the silence of the night. The great prize was close at hand, and each man as he clutched his firelock and felt the keen edge of his broadsword held his breath while he crouched in the grass and listened to the sounds borne ever clearer on the still air. A train laden with merchandise was now passing directly in front of them, but such spoil offered no temptation when gold and silver by the ton was within reach. At this moment an untoward incident occurred. "One Robert Pike," as Burton tells us, "having drunk too much Aqua-Vitæ without Uater, forgetting himself, perswaded a Symeron to go into the road, and seize on the foremost Mules, and a Spanish Horse-man riding by with his Page running on his side, Pike unadvisedly started up to see who he was, though the Symeron discreetly endeavored to pull him down, and lay upon him to prevent further discovery, yet by this Gentleman taking notice of one all in white, they having put their Shirts over their Cloths to prevent mistakes in the night, he put Spurs to his Horse both to secure himself, and give notice to others of the danger."

[Sidenote: RARE RICHES.]

Drake still remained in ambush, not knowing what had happened. The cavalier meanwhile made all haste to report the circumstance to the treasurer, and it was thought best that the mules conveying the treasure be led aside while the remainder be allowed to pass on, so that in case of attack the enemy's attention might be engaged until troops could be summoned from Panamá. The provision trains were quickly captured and a few hundred pounds of base bullion[XXIII‑13] were discovered among the packs.

No time was to be lost, for one of the muleteers, being friendly-minded toward his captors, warned them that by daybreak they would have the captain general upon them, at the head of the entire posse of Panamá. The leader of the cimarrones promised that if they would at once march boldly on Cruces, he would conduct them to their ships by a much shorter route than that by which they had come. To some this plan seemed hazardous, but the commander, with his clear judgment, saw that to encounter the Spaniards at once, while his men were yet in good condition, was less perilous than to be attacked later when jaded with travel and dispirited by failure.

After giving them time to make a hearty meal Drake gave the order to advance. The road was but twelve feet wide, being cut through the forest and inclosed by a dense wall of undergrowth. A company of soldiers, stationed in the town as a defence against marauding bands of cimarrones,[XXIII‑14] together with a party of friars, came forth to oppose his passage. The Spanish captain hailed them, and on learning that they were English summoned them to surrender, promising kind treatment. Drake answered: "For the honor of the queen of England, my mistress, I must have passage this way." He then discharged his pistol, and was answered by a volley which killed one and wounded several of his band. The English then attacked briskly, and aided by the cimarrones drove the Spaniards into the woods and took possession of Cruces.

Much consternation was at first caused among the townsfolk, especially among some Spanish women of Nombre de Dios still suffering from child-birth;[XXIII‑15] but Drake manifested little of that fiendish cruelty displayed by the buccaneers of later years. Giving orders that none should lay hands on women or do violence to unarmed men,[XXIII‑16] he called on the sick women and assured them that they had nothing to fear. Little booty of value was found at Cruces, and at daybreak on the morning after making their entry into the town the party began their march toward the coast, reaching their ships in safety, though hungry, shoeless, and empty-handed.

After an unsuccessful cruise on the coast of Veragua, Drake returned once more to the Cabezas, and there fell in with a French vessel, the captain of which proposed to join him in another attempt, now being planned, to capture some of the treasure trains still passing across the Isthmus. After consultation it was agreed that twenty of the French crew should go in company with fifteen of the English, and that the former should receive half the proceeds of the raid. The expedition sailed for the Rio Francisco, and after ascending the river a short distance in pinnaces marched overland, without mishap, to a spot near Nombre de Dios, within a short distance of the high road. The fleet from Cartagena still lay off that town awaiting the last shipments of treasure, and Drake had reason to believe that several richly laden trains were then on the way from Panamá. Nor was he disappointed. On the morning after his arrival the bells of the approaching train were distinctly heard, and soon there appeared in sight three companies, two with seventy and one with fifty mules, laden with nearly thirty tons of gold and silver. The escort of Spanish soldiers, numbering forty-five men, was beaten off after the exchange of a few shots, one of which wounded the French captain severely, and the adventurers were left in possession of the prize. In two hours they had secured all the gold they could carry away, and buried the remainder, with about fifteen tons of silver, under fallen trees. Meanwhile the alarm had been given at Nombre de Dios, and a strong party of horse and foot approached them from that direction. All except the wounded officer and two of his command retired to the woods and made their way back to the river.

[Sidenote: PERILOUS SITUATION.]

But what had become of the pinnaces? They had been ordered to return within four days and were not even in sight. Looking seaward, Drake descried seven Spanish vessels cruising off the coast. Surely the boats had been captured and their crews forced to disclose the hiding-place of the ships that were to have carried them back home, weighed down with plunder. Of little use was now their gold, with such dismal prospects before them. The cimarrones advised them to march overland to the spot where their vessels lay, a difficult journey of sixteen days at least, through forest and across streams swollen by winter rains and with many a tall mountain lying between them and the seashore. Drake was satisfied that long before they reached the coast their ships would be taken or burnt by the Spaniards. Nevertheless he told his men to banish fear, and bid them construct a raft from the trees brought down by the stream during a recent storm. A large biscuit-sack served for a sail, and for rudder an oar rudely shaped with axe and knife.

With three companions, all expert swimmers, the commander put to sea, assuring his followers "that if by Gods help he once more put aboard his Foot in his Frigot, he would certainly get them all into her in spite of all the Spaniards in the Indies." The raft was so low in the water that each wave broke over them,[XXIII‑17] fretting and chafing their lower limbs, while their bodies from the waist upward were scorched by the stinging heat of a tropical sun. Six hours passed by slowly and wearily, and night was now approaching, while under a freshening gale the waves dashed higher and higher, threatening each moment forever to engulf the four cowering figures. Little hope or life was left in them, for none could endure such hardship through all the long days that must elapse before they could expect to reach their ships. At length when all seemed lost a sail appeared, and then another. Did they belong to their own missing boats or to the war vessels of the enemy? Better to brave any danger than fall alive into the hands of the Spaniards. Drake at once affirmed them to be the pinnaces expected at the rio Francisco, and so it proved. Within an hour he was on board; before daybreak next morning he had rejoined his command, and by sunrise all had embarked for the Cabezas, where they found their vessels lying safely at anchor.[XXIII‑18]

[Sidenote: PRIZES SECURED.]

The gold and silver were now divided by weight in equal shares between the French and English, and a final expedition despatched to Nombre de Dios for the buried silver, and to rescue or bring back word of the wounded officer and his two companions. Hardly had they set foot on the shore of the rio Francisco when one of the missing Frenchmen came forth to meet them. He declared that within half an hour after Drake had begun his retreat, the captain and his remaining comrade, the latter half stupefied with wine, had been taken by the Spaniards; that he himself had escaped only by throwing down his plunder, and that the hidden treasure had probably been recovered, for the ground had been thoroughly searched. Nevertheless the men were ordered to push forward, and succeeded in unearthing some thirteen bars of silver and a few wedges of gold, wherewith they returned without adventure to the coast.

The Spanish fleet was now ready to sail, having taken on board the last load of its rich freight, and nothing was to be gained by remaining longer on the coast. Drake parted on good terms with his French allies, and after capturing a vessel[XXIII‑19] laden with provisions, fitted out his ships for their homeward voyage. The cimarrones were dismissed with suitable presents for themselves, and a profusion of silk and linen for their wives. Sail was then set; and on a Sabbath forenoon, the 9th of August 1573, the squadron cast anchor in Plymouth Sound. It was the hour of divine service, as the chroniclers tell us, when news of the arrival spread through the town; and in all the churches men and women abandoned their devotions and flocked to the shore to welcome their brave countrymen, who thus returned to their native land with so much gold and glory.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: COSTLY TREASURE.]

Among those who accompanied Drake in his expedition to Tierra Firme in 1572 was one John Oxenham, who, three years later, planned a daring but, as the event proved, a disastrous raid on the Spanish mainland and went in search of the treasure-ships which frequented its southern coast. Landing on the Isthmus with only seventy men, he beached his vessel, covered her with boughs, buried his cannon in the ground, and guided by friendly cimarrones marched twelve leagues inland to the banks of a river flowing toward the south. Here a pinnace was built, large enough to contain the entire party, and dropping down unnoticed to the mouth of the stream Oxenham sailed for the Pearl Islands, which lay in the track of vessels conveying treasure from Lima to Panamá. Prizes were made of two vessels containing gold and silver to the value of nearly three hundred thousand pesos, and the adventurers now began their homeward journey. But on the very night of their departure information of the capture was sent to Panamá, and within two days a strong force started in pursuit. The treasure was recovered, the English were defeated, and their ship being taken, the survivors, some fifty in number, fled to the mountains, where they lived for a time among the cimarrones. Finally they were betrayed to the Spaniards and all put to death, with the exception of five boys who were sold into slavery. Thus ended the first piratical cruise attempted by Englishmen in the South Sea.[XXIII‑20]

* * * * *

The prayer which Drake uttered when first he gazed on the Pacific did not remain long unanswered; for the great captain was one of those self-helpful men which the Almighty seldom fails to assist. On the 15th of November 1577 he set out upon the famous expedition which was to place him in the foremost rank of navigators. On September 6th, in the following year, he cleared the strait of Magellan, and was the first to carry the English flag into the ocean beyond. After capturing a large amount of treasure between the coast of Peru and the bay of Panamá, he sailed as far north as the forty-third parallel, expecting to find a passage eastward to the Atlantic.[XXIII‑21] Thence returning he arrived at Plymouth by way of the Cape of Good Hope, after a voyage of nearly three years, on the 26th of September 1580.[XXIII‑22] His flag-ship the Pelican was taken to Deptford, and on board the bark in which he had compassed the world[XXIII‑23] this stout-hearted mariner, who had begun life as a prentice boy on a small trading vessel, feasted his royal mistress, and bowed the knee while one of the greatest of England's sovereigns bestowed on him the title of Sir Francis Drake.

* * * * *

On the breaking-out of hostilities between England and Spain in 1585 Elizabeth determined to strike a blow at the Spanish possessions in the New World, while yet Philip was but contemplating the great enterprise which three years later terminated in a disaster that has no parallel in the annals of naval warfare. On September 12, 1585, a fleet of twenty-five ships with a number of pinnaces set sail from Plymouth, having on board two thousand three hundred men, among them Frobisher and other captains of armada fame, and as commander Sir Francis Drake.

The expedition first shaped its course toward Spain, and after hovering for a while on that coast, capturing many prizes, but none of value, landed on the first of January 1586 in Española, within a few miles of Santo Domingo. The city was taken after a feeble resistance, but little treasure was found there, for the mines were now abandoned, the native population well nigh exterminated, and copper money was in common use among the Spaniards. A ransom of twenty-five thousand ducats was at length paid, and loading their fleet with a good store of wheat, oil, wine, cloth, and silk, the English sailed for Cartagena, captured that city almost without loss, and retired on payment of a sum equivalent to about one hundred and forty-five thousand pesos. By this time sickness had so far reduced their ranks that they were compelled to abandon the main object of their enterprise, namely, the occupation of Nombre de Dios and Panamá, and the seizure of the treasure stored on either side of the Isthmus. It was resolved, therefore, to return to England.[XXIII‑24] After touching at Saint Augustine, and securing in that neighborhood treasure to the amount of ten thousand pesos, and coasting thence northward to the Roanoke, where the members of the colony recently established[XXIII‑25] by Raleigh were taken on board the fleet, Drake landed at Portsmouth on the 28th of July 1586. The spoil amounted to three hundred thousand pesos, purchased at the cost of seven hundred and fifty lives. One third of this amount only was divided among the survivors, giving as the lowest share of an individual the sum of thirty dollars.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE GRAND RESULT.]

The motto "Non sufficit orbis," ascribed by some chroniclers to the crown of Spain, was one worthy of the pretensions of Philip. What mattered the conquest of a hemisphere while the ocean was ruled by another; while the royal banner of Castile could be degraded by licensed bands of freebooters, and the commercial marts of the New World be held for ransom? Such was the sentiment which lured the Spanish monarchs to attempt ambitious schemes of conquest like that which ended in the destruction of the great armada, in which the pirate Drake played his allotted part.

After sharing with Sir John Morris the command of an expedition directed against Spain in 1589, Drake was ordered by his sovereign five years later to prepare another armament against the Spanish West Indies. In this enterprise he associated with himself Sir John Hawkins,[XXIII‑26] an old friend and once his patron, and among other officers Sir Thomas Baskerville,[XXIII‑27] as commander of the land forces. On the 28th of August 1595 a squadron of six men-of-war equipped at the expense of the queen[XXIII‑28] sailed from Plymouth, accompanied by twenty-one vessels fitted out by private subscription. The entire force of the expedition mustered twenty-five hundred men.

Although every precaution was used to mask the purpose of the armament, it was known to Philip, long before the departure of the fleet, that Drake intended to capture Nombre de Dios and to march thence to Panamá, touching first at Puerto Rico to plunder a dismasted treasure-ship which lay in that harbor. The English soon found to their cost that every preparation had been made for a resolute defence. Anchoring near the town of San Juan de Puerto Rico, their vessels were exposed to a well directed fire from a battery of thirty guns. Drake's chair was struck from under him by a round-shot as he sat at supper in his cabin, and after a loss of at least fifty killed[XXIII‑29] and as many wounded the expedition sailed for the mainland. The towns of Ranchería, Rio de la Hacha, and Santa Márta were burnt in default of ransom. Nombre de Dios was captured almost without resistance and levelled to the ground; but Baskerville, despatched with seven hundred and fifty men to attack Panamá, was defeated by the Spaniards when half way across the Isthmus, and his command returned hungry, sore-footed,[XXIII‑30] and in sorry plight.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF DRAKE.]

"It matters not, man," said Drake to one of his favorite officers. "God hath many things in store for us; and I knowe many means to do Her Majestie good service and to make us riche, for we must have gould before wee see Englande." The words were hardly uttered when the speaker grew sick, and on the 28th of January 1596, less than a week afterward, the great captain breathed his last as the English fleet entered the harbor of Portobello. A league from land he found a sailor's sepulchre; and as the leaden casket that contained his remains was lowered into the waves near the spot where first he had won repute, salvos of artillery proclaimed to the exulting Spaniards on shore that one more name was added to the list of those whose memory Spain has never ceased to hate and England to honor.[XXIII‑31]

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