XXXVII. GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS (part 1 of 2)

XXXVII. GUATEMALA AND CHIAPAS (part 1 of 2)

1701-1800.

THE TZENDAL REBELLION—A NEW MIRACLE—ATROCITIES—A NOVEL HIERARCHY—THE TZENDALES REPULSED—SEGOVIA'S OPERATIONS—PRESIDENT COSÍO ASSUMES COMMAND—FALL OF CANCUC—SPREAD OF THE REBELLION—ITS SUPPRESSION—DECADENCE OF CHIAPAS—EARTHQUAKES—RIOTS—VENALITY OF THE CLERGY—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ARCHBISHOPRIC—HERESY—BOUNDARIES OF PROVINCES—ABOLITION OF CORREGIMIENTOS—ANOTHER GREAT EARTHQUAKE—QUARRELS OVER REMOVAL—EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS.

When the storm raised by the Berropistas and Tequelies had subsided, a political calm appears to have prevailed for a period in Guatemala. Unfortunately, in other respects the colonists were far from enjoying repose, and the eighteenth century was the most calamitous epoch in the history of the country. Nor was the freedom from strife between church and state permanent, since humiliating contests for authority in time sprang up afresh.

The first important event which disturbed the quiet order of affairs, was the rising of the Tzendales[XXXVII‑1] in Chiapas during the presidency of Toribio José de Cosío y Campa.[XXXVII‑2] In 1712 the Tzendales formed an alliance with numerous kindred nations, and grafting some Christian rites upon their paganism, followed the lead of an Indian girl, who claimed inspiration from the virgin Mary.

[Sidenote: THE INSPIRED INDIAN GIRL.]

The first outbreak occurred at Diasolo, where Fray Pedro Villena was beaten almost to death in the church while attempting to remove certain ornaments which were to be conveyed to a neighboring town by the bishop. This outrage was followed by the seizure of the Spaniards who resided there. They were, however, released two days afterward. Somewhat later the bishop visited the disaffected town, and was openly informed by the Indians that it was their intention to rise in arms.[XXXVII‑3]

About the middle of the year Simon de Lara, priest of Cancuc, was informed of the miraculous interposition, which was on the wrong side of his orthodoxy, a miracle of Satan's; and that the natives had erected a chapel near that town in consequence of the event. He immediately convened the inhabitants, who promptly assembled, bringing with them the Indian girl to whom the divine revelation had been made. Standing in their midst she calmly told how the virgin had appeared to her, and commanded that a chapel to her glorification should be built on the spot where she had made her presence visible. Had this divine display been free from the taint of aboriginal faith, much capital might have been made of it by the fathers. Padre Lara addressed the Indians on the matter and wished to destroy the chapel, but the Tzendales induced him to allow it to remain, that it might serve as a place in which to make bricks. In spite of the bishop's prohibition, religious rites continued to be celebrated there, and owing to the inertness of the authorities at Ciudad Real the hydra of rebellion grew apace. The neighboring towns entered into a compact with the people of Cancuc, and the league spread far and wide in the neighboring districts.

Thus passed the month of July. In the beginning of August the Cancucs sent messengers to all the Tzendales, in the name of the virgin, and with letters signed in her name, commanding them to bring to her chapel at Cancuc all the silver and ornaments of the churches, and all the money and books, for there was now neither God nor king of the Spaniards. On receiving this summons the leaders of the rebellion in each town artfully evoked the fanaticism of the low orders by calling upon them to hasten to the assistance of the virgin, who they asserted was going to be put to death.[XXXVII‑4] A multitude was gathered, and on the 10th a great feast was celebrated at the chapel of Cancuc, where a council of war was held in order to complete their plans for the extermination of the Spaniards. The towns of Tenango and Chilun were soon afterward attacked by a body of Tzendales, two thousand strong, who were called the "soldiers of the virgin." Tenango fell an easy prey; the fiscal Nicolás Perez was flogged till he died, and many others were put to death with every ingenuity of torture.[XXXVII‑5] At Chilun the feeble garrison defended itself for some time; but when their ammunition was exhausted and they had no hope of escape or further defence, they gave up their arms under assurances that their lives would be spared. Most of them were immediately clubbed or stoned to death, and the remainder died under the scourge.

[Sidenote: GROWTH OF THE NEW FAITH.]

In obedience to the commands of their prophetess the Tzendales then proceeded against Ococingo, but the Spaniards retreated in time to Comitán. Aware that neither woman nor child had been harmed at Chilun, they unfortunately left their families behind. When the Tzendales entered the town they were deceived by the women as to the direction their husbands had taken. On discovering the deceit the Indians were enraged, and returning to Ococingo they tore the children from the mother's arms and murdered them before their eyes; then after beating the women they sent them to Cancuc.

A high festival was held to celebrate their success, and over it presided their prophetess, whose word was law. In the chapel at Cancuc she issued her mandates. Before the spurious altar of the virgin hung a screen of Indian matting, behind which the priestess would retire; thence issuing forth she pronounced the commands of holy Mary.

The inventor of this imposture was a Tzendale, who henceforth assumed the name of Sebastian Gomez de la Gloria. He asserted that Saint Peter had taken him up to heaven and appointed him his vicar on earth, with power to elect bishops and priests. And he went on to the full completion of his holy mission. All the fiscals of the towns were summoned to Cancuc and the elect ordained. The only qualifications required were ability to read, and to perform the feat of kneeling for twenty-four consecutive hours, candle in hand, reciting the rosary; after which La Gloria sprinkled the priest-elect with holy water, and the ordination ended.

The hybrid faith spread apace. Sebastian celebrated mass; and on the first performance a great feast was held, bull-fights and games being celebrated in honor of the event, while the church was converted into a dancing-hall. The priestess also celebrated mass, and daily preached to the natives, dressed in sacerdotal robes; in the surrounding towns, too, the newly consecrated priests zealously plied their calling by discoursing from the pulpit and administering the sacraments.

But ere long murmurings began to prevail. The natives had been led to believe that the virgin had oracularly announced that there should be no more tribute and no more priests.

By dint of flogging the new hierarchy maintained order for a time, but as the discontent increased Nicolás Vasquez, styling himself captain-general, in the name of Gomez de la Gloria, envoy of Saint Peter, fulminated a proclamation against the malecontents.[XXXVII‑6]

The next action of the Cancuc ecclesiastics was the appointment of a bishop, and the individual selected was offered the pleasant alternative of accepting the bishopric or being hanged. The test of his ability to fill the office is curious. For three days and nights he was kept fasting in the chapel at Cancuc under threat of instant death at the first display of weakness. Having passed this ordeal he was consecrated by Gomez de la Gloria with appropriate solemnity and mummery.[XXXVII‑7]

A government was also formed, the head of which was Doña María Angel the priestess. She was assisted by twelve of the principal Tzendales, styled majordomos.[XXXVII‑8] Sessions were held in the chapel where contributions were received with which to defray the expenses of government, and to propitiate the virgin. Thither also were conveyed the gold and silver taken from the different churches.[XXXVII‑9]

The new régime did not long give satisfaction. Discontent soon showed itself among the multitude, and dissension among the members of the government. The Tzendal angel took offence at one of her chief supporters, and caused him to be flayed alive; other offending officials were publicly scourged, and an Indian named Juan Lopez was hanged for having in the division of plunder taken at the sacking of a town appropriated the virgin's share. Disputes arose, and it was only by dividing among the confederated towns the money in the chapel treasury that the inhabitants of Cancuc avoided war with their neighbors.

[Sidenote: COMPETITION IN MIRACLES.]

At this juncture an opposition miracle was announced at Yajalon by Magdalena Diaz, an aunt of Doña María Angel. Magdalena considered that she had not received the attention to which she was entitled, and denouncing the Cancuc miracle as false proclaimed herself a divinely inspired agent of heaven. This apostasy and counterfeit imitation of the original miracle was too criminal to go unpunished. The Cancuc priestess therefore sent a strong force of the soldiers of the virgin to Yajalon to bring the false prophetess to her. With some bloodshed this was accomplished. Magdalena Diaz was hanged, and with her an Indian of Tila who proclaimed that he was Christ. So perish all who oppose the true faith!

Meanwhile the Spaniards were making preparations to suppress the rebellion. When it first broke out there were not more than thirteen hundred armed men in the province, and these were scattered in the different garrisons. It chanced at this time that there was no one at the head of the government as chief executive, and the alcalde's ordinaries of Ciudad Real did not consider that they had the power to act in such an emergency. One of them, however, despatched a message to Pedro Gutierrez, the commanding officer in Tabasco, informing him of the state of affairs and soliciting aid. Gutierrez at once hastened to Ciudad Real, and having presently received from the president and audiencia of Guatemala his appointment as lieutenant-general and chief-justice of Chiapas, called the panic-stricken inhabitants to arms.

While Gutierrez was on his way to Ciudad Real the alcalde Fernando del Monje had marched with one hundred and fifty raw recruits to Huistlan—the nearest town in the direction of the revolted districts. Here he had fortified himself, but was besieged by the Tzendales in great force,[XXXVII‑10] under the leadership of Nicolás Vazquez,[XXXVII‑11] who made several fierce assaults upon the place but was repulsed with severe loss.

Gutierrez hastened to the relief of Huistlan with one hundred and forty Chiapanecs and two hundred men of Ciudad Real. Forcing his way through the Tzendales he united his troops with the besieged Spaniards, and a sortie being made the besiegers were thrown into confusion and many slain. The Tzendales abandoned the siege,[XXXVII‑12] and Gutierrez at once prepared to pursue them, but the timidity of the people of Ciudad Real fettered his movements. News had reached the capital that Sinacantlan had revolted and that an immediate attack upon Ciudad Real was determined upon by the Tzendales. This intelligence struck terror into the pusillanimous inhabitants and Gutierrez was implored to return.

Meanwhile the parish priest of Sinacantlan, Padre José Monroy, who was at Ciudad Real when these events occurred, went to his disaffected flock and urged their return to allegiance. The news of the disaster before Huistlan had so discouraged the Sinacantlans that the padre had little difficulty in effecting his object.[XXXVII‑13]

[Sidenote: ASSAULT ON OCCHUC.]

Thus matters remained for some weeks, Gutierrez being unable to organize any expedition against the insurgents, through want of means and the lack of spirit in the people he had come to support. The magnitude of the revolt was now realized by President Cosío, and in October he appointed Nicolás de Segovia, an officer experienced in Indian warfare, commander-in-chief of the operations against the Tzendales, and despatched him with troops to Ciudad Real. This able officer was soon prepared for an active campaign, and about the 20th of the month took the field at the head of four hundred Spaniards, fifty-four negroes, and one hundred and fifty Chiapanec warriors, accompanied by a number of Dominicans, whose order had rendered great assistance in supplying men, horses, and money. Segovia marched to Occhuc, while Gutierrez in command of a strong force[XXXVII‑14] proceeded to San Pedro Chimalco.

A series of engagements followed. Segovia, who had divided his forces by sending two detachments of one hundred men each to occupy towns in the vicinity of Cancuc, was besieged in Occhuc by six thousand of the enemy; but every assault upon his position was repulsed with heavy loss to the Tzendales, who at last took to flight and were pursued with great slaughter. This was on the 22d of October; and shortly afterward a reënforcement of these men arrived under command of the maestre de campo, Juan de Lozada.[XXXVII‑15] On the 26th the Tzendales, hoping to effect a surprise,[XXXVII‑16] again assaulted Occhuc, but were beaten off with heavy loss. They then sought for a parley, and endeavored to induce the Spaniards to surrender their arms by the same specious promises that had been so fatally alluring at Chilun. But the two positions were not similar, and it was only through the efforts of the fathers that the indignant Segovia was restrained from firing upon the treacherous truce-seekers. The Tzendales were summoned to return to their allegiance, and one hour's cessation of hostilities was granted. The time of the armistice was occupied in burying their dead. They then retreated in the direction of Cancuc.

President Cosío, deeming it necessary to march against the rebels in person, on the 10th of November left Ciudad Real,[XXXVII‑17] in company with the auditor-general, Diego de Oviedo, in charge of a strong detachment destined for Occhuc. Though formidable intrenchments had been thrown up by the enemy on the line of march, the Spaniards by a skilful movement compelled the Tzendales to abandon them, and a juncture was effected with Segovia. The combined forces then advanced against Cancuc and encamped in front of the town. The enemy was strongly intrenched and several assaults directed against the fortifications were repulsed by the Tzendales, the officers being ill supported by their men. In one of these Segovia was wounded; many of the soldiers were also severely injured by the stones hurled against them with remarkable skill and force.[XXXVII‑18] Success eventually crowned the Spanish arms, and Cancuc fell into their hands.

Owing to the hiatus in García's manuscript, it is impossible to say what were the military movements on both sides during the remainder of the year; but it is certain that the rebellion spread widely, and that even the native population of Ciudad Real rose in revolt. With the exception of Chamolla, in fact, the whole province appears to have risen in arms.[XXXVII‑19]

[Sidenote: END OF THE TZENDAL REBELLION.]

At the beginning of 1713 the Spanish army was stationed at Chamolla, and the insurgents after a series of defeats had become dispirited. Sebastian Gomez de la Gloria had fled; dissension was rife in the ranks of the Indians; and the end of the struggle was drawing near. Marching from Chamolla at night, the president with his forces advanced against Ciudad Real. His approach was conducted with the greatest precaution and in silence, for strong fortifications had been erected by the enemy about three quarters of a league from the capital. These he passed unnoticed, and about an hour after midnight Ciudad Real was surrounded. The alcalde, who resided in the outskirts of the city, was surprised and seized, and forthwith despatched to warn the people to make no attempt at resistance. Bugles were sounded on all sides to intimate to the inhabitants how closely the city was invested, and the army moved silently on to San Pablo, where the Guatinpan female leader was captured. Henceforth the Spaniards were everywhere triumphant; the Indians returned to their allegiance; and about the month of March the Tzendal rebellion was at an end. All attempts to capture Gomez de la Gloria and Doña María Angel proved unsuccessful; they escaped into the woods and nothing more is known of them.[XXXVII‑20]

The effect of the Tzendal rebellion was disastrous in the extreme; and later in the century other causes tended to hasten the decline of the Spanish settlements in Chiapas. In August 1785 Ciudad Real with the surrounding country was flooded; numbers perished; houses were swept away; the churches and convents were injured, and the growing crops destroyed. The report of Intendente Sayas in 1800 represents a lamentable condition of affairs. Roads were almost impassable, bridges dilapidated, and churches falling in ruins; the country towns possessed no decent municipal buildings, and even the jails were so dilapidated that prisoners could not be securely confined. Sayas in fact describes the province as in a state of decay.[XXXVII‑21]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: A SEVERE EARTHQUAKE.]

By a royal cédula of November 6, 1714, the term of Cosío's presidency was extended for a period of two years in acknowledgment of his able management during the Tzendal insurrection. He then meditated an expedition against the Mosquito Indians, but while engaged in preparations for the campaign was promoted to the presidency of the Philippine Islands, and was succeeded by Francisco Rodriguez de Rivas in 1716. This president continued in office until 1724. During his term occurred a destructive earthquake. There were also violent eruptions in 1702, 1705, and 1710 which occasioned much alarm and considerable damage to buildings, and in 1717 the city of Santiago was almost totally destroyed by shocks which continued for many days. Particulars of some of the events of this year are preserved in the official report of the licentiate Tomás Ignacio de Arana, oidor of the audiencia, and an eye-witness of many of the scenes described. From August 18th to September 27th, the Volcan de Fuego vomited fire and ashes, while intermittent shocks of earthquake kept the people in constant alarm. On the night of the last named date a shock more violent than any that had ever shaken the city occurred, and not a building of any importance was left uninjured. A scene of terrible confusion ensued. Men, women, and children rushed from the doors, or threw themselves from windows into the street in the wildest consternation. Even the ties of relationship were forgotten in the awful belief that divine judgment was at hand. The lamentations continued, as the people, carrying crucifixes and images of the virgin, thronged the churches and public squares. The bishop, holding aloft the host, solemnly exorcised the evil spirits of the human race.

The following day was the feast of San Agustin, and both civil and ecclesiastical authorities exhorted the people to prayer and confession; but while thus engaged, about sunset an eruption took place, and from the sides of the mountains sprung rivulets of fire. Again the people resorted to the sanctuaries, and an image of the Christ was borne in a procession to the church of Nuestra Señora de las Mercedes, which was thronged with an awe-stricken crowd, anxious to be near the sacred shrine. The bishop in sacerdotal robes implored the divine mercy, and when the flames died out there was the usual miracle attributed to the bishop and the sacred image.

Next day, before sunrise, subterranean noises and fresh flames, vomited from the mountain's crater, again struck terror to the inhabitants;[XXXVII‑22] and on the 30th a tremendous convulsion shook the earth,[XXXVII‑23] the sky being hidden by a dense black cloud, which hung over the city like a funeral pall. The instinct of preservation prompted flight, and the roads were covered with fugitives, even modest nuns mingling with the frightened throng and hurrying away on foot from the crumbling city.[XXXVII‑24]

The loss of life had been great; and when the convulsions had ceased the appearance which Santiago presented was that of a city crushed by the hand of omnipotence. The cathedral was in ruins, and the churches and convents more or less shattered. The wrecks of demolished houses were seen in every direction, and the few persons who remained were painfully impressed by the silence which had now succeeded to the busy hum of a populous community. Throughout all these distressing circumstances the president and the bishop displayed unflinching courage, and strove to alleviate distress and assuage alarm.[XXXVII‑25]

Many meetings of the audiencia were held to discuss the question of again locating the city. It was finally left to the decision of the king; but when a license for the removal at length arrived, the inhabitants had recovered from their panic, returned to their dilapidated dwellings, and repaired the greater part of the city.

On the 12th of April 1718 the cabildo of Santiago addressed a memorial to the king,[XXXVII‑26] setting forth the pitiable condition to which the city had been reduced, and the impoverishment of its citizens. His Majesty was petitioned to take liberal measures for their relief, and that the church edifices and public buildings might be restored or built anew.[XXXVII‑27] Pedro Antonio de Echevers y Suvisa succeeded Rivas in the presidency.[XXXVII‑28]

During his administration serious riots occurred, caused by the assassination of the presbyter Lorenzo de Orozco, and the barbarous murder of all his household for purposes of robbery. The evidence of a widespread conspiracy was brought to light, and though no arrests were made, many persons were implicated during the progress of the inquiry. Grave disputes also arose between the president and two members of the audiencia; and when the former attempted to banish them, they were rescued by a mob and took refuge in the cathedral.[XXXVII‑29]

[Sidenote: RIGHT OF SANCTUARY.]

A more serious matter, involving the right of sanctuary and leading to a civil and ecclesiastical conflict, arose from the conduct of one Juan Manuel Ballesteros, who had fatally stabbed a man. The murderer sought refuge in a convent church, whence he was dogged by a force sent by the alcalde, García de Hijas. He sought refuge behind the grand altar; but the sanctity of the place was not regarded, and despite his struggles he was arrested. The prisoner was immediately put to the torture, and died under its effect. The alcalde was promptly excommunicated, and the ecclesiastics appealed to the king, petitioning for a royal declaration of their rights in such cases. The monarch, by a decree of the 18th of June 1720, decided that in this case the prelate was justified in proceeding against the alcalde, but that all doubtful cases, as a rule, must be decided by the king himself in council.[XXXVII‑30]

[Sidenote: CHURCH MATTERS.]

During the next twenty years no political event occurred that is worthy of record. Several able prelates occupied the episcopal chair,[XXXVII‑31] but their administration was greatly interfered with by the improper action of the secular and regular clergy. So flagrant were the abuses committed by the priests in the exercise of their duties, that the bishops were embarrassed in their visits, and the natives oppressed by the venal conduct of their pastors. The abuse of this mock religion was carried to such an extreme that the sale of the sacraments, the failure to visit the dying sick, and the charges for the performance of funeral ceremonies[XXXVII‑32] brought on the ecclesiastics the censure of the crown.

In 1729 Juan Gomez de Parada succeeded to the bishopric, and the reforms which he effected were so beneficial that the cabildo ordered his portrait to be painted and preserved, with an appropriate inscription—an honor which had been paid to no prelate except Marroquin. In 1736 Parada was promoted to the see of Guadalajara, and the next bishop of Guatemala, Pedro Pardo de Figueroa, took possession of the episcopal chair.[XXXVII‑33]

The occasion of Figueroa's consecration was made memorable through the action taken by the cabildo, the members of which deemed that their right of municipal claim to seats of honor was not duly acknowledged. The audiencia, the religious orders, and all the principal personages of the city had convened in the cathedral at nine o'clock in the morning, and for some time awaited the arrival of the municipal authorities. These, however, after an ungracious delay, sent a message to the effect that the day was not one on which they could be called upon for the transaction of business. The audiencia attempted to negotiate, and after a fruitless loss of time, without proceeding to their hall of sessions, appointed in the cathedral other alcaldes and regidores, and notified the contumacious cabildo that its members were to consider themselves under arrest. Owing to this jealous claim for precedence on the part of the municipality the enthronement of the bishop did not take place till two o'clock in the afternoon.[XXXVII‑34]

Figueroa decorated the cathedral with sumptuous altars, rare paintings, and exquisite works of art; restored the convent of the Carmelite friars; enlarged the episcopal palace, and rebuilt the church of Esquipulas, in which a so-called miraculous image of the crucifixion was preserved.

During the seventeenth century the elevation of the see of Guatemala to an archbishopric had been frequently brought before the notice of the kings of Spain; and not without reason; the bishopric of Honduras was a suffragan of Santo Domingo, while the far distant archbishopric of Peru was the metropolitan of Nicaragua. In 1742 Pope Benedict XIV. at the request of Felipe V. issued a bull conferring the pallium upon the bishop[XXXVII‑35] of Guatemala.

The suffragan bishoprics were those of Chiapas, Nicaragua, and Comayagua. The pallium was brought to Vera Cruz by Isidro Marin, bishop of Nicaragua, and thence to Guatemala by Francisco Molina, bishop of Comayagua, who arrived at the capital October 28, 1745. On the 14th of November the archbishop was installed and formally invested with the insignia of office by José Cabero, bishop of Chiapas. The event was celebrated with great rejoicings. The archbishop died on the 2d of February 1751, at Esquipulas, and was interred at the foot of the grand altar of the cathedral, beside the remains of Alvarado and other celebrities distinguished in the history of the country.

[Sidenote: PROVINCES.]

The suffragan sees of Honduras and Chiapas present little additional material for history during this half century, the proceedings of the church and regular orders being one uninterrupted continuance of labors which year by year became less arduous and were less carefully attended to.[XXXVII‑36] In the latter province the regular orders had become much impoverished by the devastations caused by the Tzendal insurrection, and the Dominicans in particular were so much reduced by the ravages committed upon their sugar and cacao plantations that the proceeds of those estates, together with the yield of their grist-mill, did not supply the means wherewith to repair their church.[XXXVII‑37]

Whether owing to the increasing carelessness and indolence of the ecclesiastics, or to the pertinacious adherence on the part of the natives to the creed of their forefathers, heresy became so prevalent during this epoch that the inquisition of Mexico in 1745 fulminated a terrible anathema against offenders in Central America. In this edict every curse, plague, or misfortune that could fall upon the greatest sinners of mankind was invoked upon the head of apostates.[XXXVII‑38]

In the middle of the eighteenth century the captain-generalcy of Guatemala included the territory lying between 7° 54' and 17° 49' north latitude,[XXXVII‑39] being about six hundred leagues in length from north-west to south-east, and varying in width from sixty to one hundred and fifty leagues, making an approximate area of sixty-four thousand square leagues.[XXXVII‑40]

At this time the ruler of Guatemala held control over the provinces of Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, Soconusco, San Antonio, San Salvador, Chiapas, Sonsonate, and Vera Paz; and the districts of Huehuetenango, Atitlan, and Tecpanatitlan, Quesaltenango, Chiquimula de la Sierra, Escuintla and Guazacapan, Tegucigalpa, Sutiaba, Realejo, Sebaco, and Nicoya.[XXXVII‑41] In 1787 the territory subject to the captain-general included thirteen provinces—those of Soconusco, Chiapas, Suchitepec, Vera Paz, Honduras, Izalcos, San Salvador, San Miguel, Nicaragua, Jerez de la Choluteca, Tegucigalpa, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.[XXXVII‑42]

* * * * *

By royal cédulas of the 11th of March and 20th of June 1776, the office of regent of the audiencias was created.[XXXVII‑43] Although little is said about their doings in Guatemala, they were invested with great powers, and their authority was greater than that of the president. In January 1778 Vicente de Herrera was appointed regent, and between that date and 1800 the office was held by six of his successors.[XXXVII‑44]

In no other respect does any change appear to have been made in the officers composing the government.[XXXVII‑45] Important changes, however, had been introduced in the system of government. Since its organization the political divisions had been subject to many variations. During the seventeenth century there were as many as thirty-two, of which four were governments, nine alcaldías mayores, and nineteen corregimientos.[XXXVII‑46]

[Sidenote: CORREGIMIENTOS ABOLISHED.]

About 1660 eight of the corregimientos were abolished and united to the governments,[XXXVII‑47] and from the beginning of the eighteenth century until about 1790 the corregimientos were further reduced, new alcaldías mayores being formed and others abolished.[XXXVII‑48]

At about this latter date the intendencias[XXXVII‑49] were established, reducing the number of provinces to fifteen, which embraced four intendencias, thirty-nine subdelegaciones, four politico-military districts, three corregimientos, and seven alcaldías mayores.[XXXVII‑50]

Between 1752 and 1773 eight governors ruled in Guatemala; but their administrations were marked by no event worthy of special notice. With the accession of Martin de Mayorga at the latter date,[XXXVII‑51] however, began one of the most eventful periods in the history of the country.

[Sidenote: MAGNIFICENCE OF THE CITY.]

Notwithstanding the disasters which the city of Guatemala had experienced, it had continued to increase in wealth and importance, until at this time it was noted for the number and elegance of its private and public buildings and the magnificence of its numerous churches and convents. It still maintained its rank as the second city in North America, being inferior only to Mexico in its advantages of location, scenery, climate, and varied resources. On every side of its well watered and fertile valley extended villages and farms, where cultivated fields and green pastures afforded a pleasing prospect; while high above the hills and mountains, which flanked it on either side, towered in majestic grandeur the three dreaded volcanoes.

In the centre of this beautiful valley, and nearly opposite the Volcan de Agua, stood the city. Over a mile in width at its narrowest part, its numerous streets were broad, well paved, and, excepting in the suburbs, laid out at right angles. Every portion of the city was abundantly supplied with water, and in the principal square there was a large and handsome stone reservoir, fed by two streams. Facing on this square were the governor's and archbishop's palaces, the city hall, mint, and cathedral. The government buildings were remarkable for their solidity; and within their spacious corridors, formed of columns and arches, was displayed every variety of merchandise. The churches of Guatemala, of which there were nineteen, were famed for their architectural beauty, their size, and the richness of their ornaments. Besides the cathedral and the churches, there were eighteen convents and eleven chapels. The cathedral was over three hundred feet in length, one hundred and twenty in width, and sixty-six feet high. It had three naves with eight chapels on each side. Its interior was richly carved and gilded, and decorated with rare and costly statues, paintings, and tablets, while it possessed many precious relics, and numerous utensils of gold and silver. The high-altar was of exquisite design.[XXXVII‑52]

The private dwellings were many of them of great beauty, solidly and commodiously built, richly furnished, and with spacious gardens and courts. The number of inhabitants at this time was little short of twenty-five thousand,[XXXVII‑53] and from the neighboring pueblos, the chief occupation of whose inhabitants was agriculture and various industrial arts, Guatemala was supplied with all the necessaries and many of the luxuries of life.[XXXVII‑54]

Such, in June 1773, was the fair city of Guatemala, destined for a second time soon to be laid low by envious powers. During the past twenty-three years the metropolis had experienced frequent disturbances, some of a political nature, others in the appearance of that familiar and dreaded visitant—earthquake. Two severe shocks, occurring March 4, 1751, did considerable damage, chiefly to the churches;[XXXVII‑55] in 1757 a shock was felt to which the natives gave the name of San Francisco. Two more were felt in 1765; the first, called the holy trinity, was disastrous to the province of Chiquimula, and the second, called San Rafael, desolated the province of Suchiltepeque, but neither did any damage in the city of Guatemala.[XXXVII‑56]

About 1756 a riot occurred in the city on account of the prohibition of the sale of certain liquors, but was soon suppressed by the personal courage and prompt measures of President Arcos.[XXXVII‑57] In 1766 a serious outbreak was threatened because of the establishment of the tobacco monopoly, and was only prevented by reducing the price of that article. The alarm and excitement caused by this danger was increased by the atrocious murder of two friars.[XXXVII‑58]

The minds of the people were for a time diverted from their local troubles by the funeral obsequies of the queen of Spain. The official notification of her death was received in Guatemala March 25, 1759, and on the 29th of the following June pompous funeral ceremonies were celebrated.[XXXVII‑59]

[Sidenote: ANOTHER GREAT EARTHQUAKE.]

Two years later the oath of allegiance to Cárlos III. was taken.[XXXVII‑60] In October 1762 the valley was flooded, and the town of Petapa, and the portion of the city known as the Barrio de los Remedios was inundated.[XXXVII‑61] But the crowning disaster was yet to come. A few slight shocks of earthquake in the latter part of May 1773 gave no cause for apprehension and were almost forgotten, when on the 11th of June they returned with such violence as to damage several houses and churches, notably the Carmelite and Dominican convents, and the hospital of San Juan de Dios. The shocks continued for several days with diminishing force and frequency until they had nearly ceased. On the 25th of July they were again renewed, but although frequent and violent there was no serious damage until the 29th, when the people had partially recovered from their alarm. Then they were startled by a sudden shock, coming on about four o'clock in the afternoon, which, though comparatively slight, seemed portentous of evil. So great was the apprehension felt by the inhabitants that many instantly abandoned the city, and those who remained were ready at the first indication of its return to flee from their dwellings. Scarcely ten minutes had elapsed since the first shock when there was a second, and of such violence that with the first vibration the work of destruction began. The motions were as varied as they were sudden and destructive; now horizontal, now vertical, the latter uplifting the earth with explosions, and compelling man and beast to remain prostrate. On every side were heard the crash of falling walls, the doleful clangor of the church bells as their towers rocked under the impulse of unseen powers, and above all the loud wailings of the terror-stricken people, who, collected in the squares and streets, vainly implored divine protection.

[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION AND DEATH.]

Throughout the night the shocks continued at brief intervals, and the horrors of darkness were increased by a severe rain-storm, accompanied by thunder and lightning, to which the thinly clad inhabitants were fully exposed, none daring to seek shelter from its fury lest a worse fate should overtake them. When day broke they were enabled to realize the full extent of the calamity. Of the magnificent cathedral nothing was left but a heap of ruins. Not a house in the city had escaped either destruction or serious damage. In many cases where the houses remained standing their foundations had settled or their walls were shattered or twisted. The greatest ruin, however, was caused in that portion called the Barrio del Candelaria. Here every house, including the church and the Dominican convent, was levelled to the ground. In many parts of the city even the pavements of the streets and the tiled floors of private dwellings were uplifted and shattered. The deaths, strange to say, were comparatively few, not exceeding one hundred and thirty within the city, and probably a smaller number in the surrounding country.[XXXVII‑62]

On the following day the duty of interment was begun under the direction of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. Fearful of pestilence the dead were buried wherever found, the grounds having first been consecrated. Hunger and thirst next stalked about the ruins. Most of the supplies within the city had been destroyed or buried beneath the fallen houses, and none dared venture in those yet standing, as the shocks still continued. The aqueducts had been destroyed, and but a scanty supply of muddy water could be obtained. This distress, however, was soon relieved by the prompt measures of the president, who caused to be distributed a quantity of stores destined for the fortress of Omoa. Vigorous measures were also taken to suppress the pillage of the ruined houses, already begun. Thefts to the value of ten pesos or more were made punishable by death, and for lesser amounts, the breaking-open of any trunk, or the approach after evening prayers to the temporary quarters of the nuns, two hundred lashes and ten years' penal servitude was the penalty fixed. As proof of their determination to carry out these measures the authorities caused a gallows to be at once erected in the principal square. The presence of the militia, who had been summoned from the neighboring town, also helped to keep the criminal classes in check.[XXXVII‑63]

[Sidenote: THE QUESTION OF REMOVAL.]

Many had left the city for the adjacent villages, or had erected temporary shelters in the outskirts, but more lingered near their homes suffering from lack of food, clothing, and shelter. Within a few days when the shocks had gradually diminished, and it was a question whether the city should be rebuilt or removed to a new site, the president convoked a meeting of the civil and church authorities and prominent citizens, and it was finally decided to remove to the valley de la Ermita, the portion known as the Rodeo being chosen, and the choice approved by a decree of May 24, 1774. But finally, at the instance of the new fiscal of the audiencia, the site was changed to the plain of the virgin adjoining La Hermita, where were greater advantages.

Although a removal was favored by a majority of the prominent persons, subsequent events showed that it was not the free expression of the popular will. Many of the citizens were not in a condition to reason calmly. The apprehension of fresh calamities was kept alive by the continued shocks, which on the 7th of September and 13th of December were unusually severe. Those of the latter date were said by some to have equalled in violence that of the 29th of July, and caused further damage to the remaining buildings. As time went on, however, the fears of the people disappeared, and the opposition to a removal grew stronger among all classes; but still the audiencia objected. This body, together with the royal officials and the troops, had been established in the Hermita since September; but few if any of the citizens appear to have joined them, and not even a petechial fever, which appeared and raged until May 1774 could induce them to abandon the ruined city.[XXXVII‑64]

The president would fain have compelled the removal, but the royal decree which arrived in the latter part of 1774, made the selection of the site subject to the approval of the viceroy of Mexico, and ordered that until such approval was obtained the erection of permanent buildings should not be made. The viceroy was duly informed of the choice of site, but instead of approving it he reported the matter to the crown.

The removal of the city to the plain of the virgin was confirmed by royal decree of November 1775, and immediately following its receipt President Mayorga issued decrees inviting the citizens to select their lots in the new locality. But few responded to this invitation, and none began the construction of houses, believing that this site would be ultimately abandoned.

Toward the end of December a second royal decree arrived with instructions as to the manner of removal, but forbidding the total abandonment of the old city. Suppressing such portions of these instructions as suited his design, the president continued his measures of coercion, but apparently with little success, for on the 29th of July, 1777, he found it necessary to decree that within a year the old city must be abandoned and all buildings pulled down. The ayuntamiento had been ordered to take up their permanent residence in La Hermita at the end of 1775, and their protests, first to the president and subsequently to the crown, appear to have availed nothing.[XXXVII‑65] The archbishop, however, and the ecclesiastics still remained in the ruined city.

[Sidenote: MORE QUARRELS.]

The archbishop had opposed the removal from the beginning, and in his numerous representations to the crown had occasion to complain of the minister Galvez. One of these letters fell into the hands of Galvez, who determined on revenge. Through his influence secret and stringent orders were issued for the total abandonment of the ruined city, and a former resignation of the archbishop, made in 1769, and rejected by the crown, was reconsidered and accepted. The orders issued by the president became more and more stringent, but as he refused to show the royal decrees to the archbishop the latter paid no heed to them.

Thus affairs continued until August 1778, when Don Matías Galvez, a brother of minister Galvez, arrived in Guatemala with the rank of inspector-general and acting president of the audiencia in the absence or sickness of Mayorga. In the beginning of 1779 the entry to the ruined city of all kinds of merchandise was forbidden; repairs on houses, grounds, or streets were prohibited; music, bull-fighting, and all other public diversions were interdicted; the temporary huts in the streets and squares were ordered removed, and all artisans, militia, and others of this class were ordered to transfer their residence to the new site within a limited period.

On the 5th of April Galvez took temporary possession of the presidency, Mayorga being promoted to the viceroyalty of New Spain, for which place he set out toward the end of the month. The appointment of Galvez arrived the 14th of May when he took formal possession of the office. Through his subordinates he at once issued peremptory orders to all seculars for the immediate abandonment of the old city under severe penalties. This tyrannical measure could not be fully carried out, and such was the suffering it caused among the poorer classes that many were allowed to remain among the ruins. The principal cause of all these troubles, however, was the archbishop. The civil authorities could not compel him to leave the old city, and it was hoped that a systematic course of annoyance would induce him to repair to Spain, and that during his absence the new archbishop who had already been appointed would quietly take possession. Having set out on a pastoral visit, August 21, 1778, it was supposed that he had departed for Spain; but in September 1779 he was again in Guatemala City, whence he issued an edict disputing the validity of his successor's claims, this latter, Cayetano Francos y Monroy, having arrived in Guatemala during the preceding month. From the 9th to the 30th the struggle between the archbishop and the audiencia continued. To the former's threats of excommunication the latter replied with demands for the recognition of the new archbishop, and this proving ineffectual he was ordered to depart for Spain, and the recognition of Monroy by the people enjoined under heavy penalties. It is uncertain to what extremes the president might have proceeded had not Archbishop Cortés secretly left for Spain at the end of the month. Monroy at once took possession, and thus ended this scandalous affair.[XXXVII‑66]

Notwithstanding its want of resources the new city, aided by the cession of the revenues for ten years made by the royal decree of 1774, was soon rebuilt, and in 1800 had its paved streets, fine squares, public buildings, and churches. The cathedral, of smaller proportions than that of the old city, and the Jesuit college, were still unfinished.

Alarms and disaster still followed the people of Guatemala. On the 11th of July 1775 a violent though harmless eruption of the volcano of Pacaya occurred; in 1776 the eruption of the volcano De Tormentos, near Amatitlan, destroyed the village of Tres Rios, three leagues distant, and filled with lava the rivers from which it took its name.[XXXVII‑67]

In 1780 the new city was visited by small-pox, which extended over the whole country and carried off many victims. The use of vaccine was now for the first time tried in Guatemala, and proved a success, as few if any of those inoculated died.[XXXVII‑68]

[Sidenote: SALAZAR AND GALVEZ.]

Before these events had fairly passed, the declaration of war between England and Spain in 1779, and the almost immediate invasion of Honduras and Nicaragua, compelled the reorganization of the military force of the kingdom. We have no information of the condition of either the regular army or militia at this date, but it is hardly probable that any material change in their condition had taken place since the report of President Salazar in 1778-9. As therein shown the country was not in a condition for war. The whole number of regular troops in the kingdom consisted of two companies of dragoons numbering sixty men, and who were stationed at the capital. The militia force included all the able-bodied men in the kingdom, the majority of whom were mulattoes; but in the rare event of their being called out for service a certain proportion only was taken from each town, the remainder being indispensable to the cultivation of the soil. Both infantry and cavalry were poorly disciplined, and their arms, usually deposited in the principal towns, would not suffice for one half of the troops, besides being for the most part out of repair for want of an armorer. A few of the mulattoes had rude side arms of home manufacture, but it was rare to find one who had acquired any skill in the use of fire-arms. The regular force was subsequently increased to two hundred, a detachment of one hundred Spanish troops arriving in August 1777.[XXXVII‑69] At this same time infantry and cavalry officers, artillerymen and engineers were asked for by President Salazar to reorganize and instruct the militia and take charge of the artillery and fortifications. The various fortresses and principal cities were well provided with artillery and small arms, but many of them in an apparently unserviceable condition.[XXXVII‑70] At the first note of alarm President Galvez applied himself to the organization of an army, and such was the energy and ability displayed in his conduct of the subsequent campaign, that he earned merited fame and promotion for himself, and, as we have seen, led his troops to victory.[XXXVII‑71]

The rule of President Galvez ended on March 10, 1783, when he was transferred to the viceroyalty of New Spain. His administration was an exceedingly prosperous one for Guatemala, and his departure was greatly regretted by all classes.[XXXVII‑72] His successor was José Estachería, who assumed office the 3d of April the same year. He was brigadier-general and ex-governor of Nicaragua. His term of office expired December 29, 1789. To him succeeded Bernardo Troncoso Martinez del Rincon, lieutenant-general, formerly king's lieutenant of Habana and ex-governor of Vera Cruz, who was in power until 1794, and José Domas y Valle, a knight of Santiago, gefe de escuadra, who held office from the latter date until the 28th of July 1801.[XXXVII‑73]

* * * * *

From May 13, 1753, until June 24, 1765, the archiepiscopal chair of Guatemala was filled by Doctor Francisco José de Figueredo y Victoria, who had been promoted from the see of Popayan.[XXXVII‑74]

[Sidenote: MISSIONARY WORK.]

The only event of importance during his rule was the partial secularization of missions. The order was received from Mexico by the audiencia sometime after the death of President Vazquez, but was not made public until 1754, when the secularization of the missions in the valley of Guatemala at once began.[XXXVII‑75]

On the arrival of President Arcos, a little over a month later, the Dominicans, who had appealed to the crown against this measure, prevailed on him to delay, under some pretext, the transfer of their missions. This, however, proved only a temporary relief; for though the provinces of Vera Paz and Quiché were left to these friars, Archbishop Figueredo reported the conduct of the president to the crown, whereupon the secularization was ordered continued, and Arcos was reproved. The Dominicans redoubled their exertions, but succeeded only in obtaining a cédula ordering that the transfer of the remaining missions should be made only on the death of the friars in charge. Later, even this concession was revoked by the archbishop of Guatemala.[XXXVII‑76]

At the time the missionary field in the province of Guatemala proper seems, with the exception of the Lacandon territory, to have been exhausted; for we find that the Franciscan college of Cristo Señor Nuestro Crucificado, founded April 27, 1756, had missions in Veragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, and Mosquitia, but there is no mention of any in Guatemala.[XXXVII‑77] In 1790 the parish priest of Palenque made a feeble attempt to reduce the Lacandones. Having obtained pecuniary aid from the intendente of Chiapas, he founded a town, baptized several natives, and won their good-will by numerous presents; but the advantage thus gained does not appear to have been improved.[XXXVII‑78]

Some excitement was caused in Guatemala City in July 1772 by a disturbance in the convent of the Recollets. Owing to violent dissension among the inmates, the audiencia, at the request of the friar, caused the arrest and remittance to Spain of two of the ringleaders. The populace, ignorant of the cause of this interference, were with difficulty quieted. This action of the audiencia was approved by the crown, and the remainder of the turbulent friars were suspended.

[Sidenote: EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS.]

Having become blind from old age, being now in his eightieth year, Archbishop Figueredo petitioned the crown to appoint a coadjutor. Accordingly, Doctor Miguel de Cilieza y Velasco, a native of Guatemala and chancellor of the cathedral, was selected; but the archbishop died before he was consecrated, and he was nominated for the see of Chiapas, whence he departed in October 1767. The archbishop's death occurred June 24, 1765. In accordance with his request his remains were deposited in the church of the Jesuit college, to whose members he had been warmly attached.[XXXVII‑79] The archiepiscopal chair remained vacant after Figueredo's death until 1768, when it was occupied by Doctor Don Pedro Cortés y Larraz.[XXXVII‑80] Preceding his arrival in 1767 the famous decree of expulsion against the Jesuits was carried into effect in Guatemala, but was unattended with any of the serious disturbances which marked its enforcement in New Spain.[XXXVII‑81] The utmost secrecy and despatch were observed. At 6 o'clock on the morning of the 26th of June, troops having been stationed at certain points, the president and audiencia with an escort of dragoons proceeded to the Jesuit convent. It was the feast of the sacred heart, and service had already begun. Awaiting a favorable opportunity the president requested the celebrants to cease, and the sacrament having been covered and the doors closed, in tears he notified the friars of the fatal decree. Silently and with bowed heads they signified their submission. The convent was surrounded by a guard of militia, and all communication with friends forbidden. On July 1st they were conducted to Golfo Dulce and embarked on a Spanish frigate, and a month later the members of their order from Chiapas joined them. The decree was published on the 30th of July. The total number of exiles was eleven. The rector and two lay brothers remained, the former to deliver the church property, and the latter because they were unable to travel.[XXXVII‑82]

Archbishop Cortés took possession of his office in February 1768. The chief event during his rule was his difficulty with the audiencia, owing to his opposition to the removal of the city, and which has been related in connection with that event. These differences, however, were evidently of an earlier date. Cortés, who had been appointed by the king in opposition to his council, did not find matters to his liking in Guatemala, and accordingly in August 1769 he tendered his resignation. This was rejected by the king, who expressed himself as satisfied with his conduct, and this rejection was considered final. In opposing the removal of the city, however, he did not count on the influence of President Mayorga, who was protected by the chief minister of the royal council; and however justifiable in the beginning this opposition may have been it was unwisely prolonged. Minister Galvez succeeded in having the resignation of Cortés reconsidered, notwithstanding the protests of that prelate. He caused his brother to be appointed Mayorga's successor, had Cortés transferred to the bishopric of Tortosa, and, as we have seen, a new archbishop nominated to Guatemala. The refusal of Cortés to surrender his chair, it is claimed, was because he had not received his bulls confirming his appointment to the bishopric of Tortosa. After leaving Guatemala, as previously narrated, he proceeded to his new bishopric, where he continued until his death, which occurred in 1786. His interest in the welfare of Guatemala did not end with his departure, for he subsequently donated sixty thousand dollars with which to found a college for the education of the young.[XXXVII‑83]

Doctor Cayetano Francos y Monroy, his successor, was installed and duly recognized after Cortés' departure;[XXXVII‑84] but not satisfied with the manner in which he had been appointed he procured a confirmatory bull from Pope Pius VII. in 1779. This irregularity was also recognized by the council of the Indies, as is shown by the fact that they declared that the revenues of the archbishopric of Guatemala until December 1779 belonged to Cortés, whose appointment to Tortosa was not confirmed until this date.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: HISTORICAL REVIEW.]

Thus we have traced the history of Spanish conquest and colonization in Central America from the time when Rodrigo de Bastidas first touched Tierra Firme to the close of the eighteenth century. We have seen the sword and the cross side by side, without a shadow of right or recompense, enter in and take possession of the broad area from Darien to New Spain; then sitting down to wrangle and to rest. During the process of gradual extinction the natives broke out in occasional rebellions; but for the most part they were docile, and submitted with philosophic or Christian resignation to the inevitable, which was too often infamous on the part of civilization and Christianity.

It was a period of repose, the two and a half centuries of Central America's existence under Spain's audiencias and governors, a period of apathy and stagnation as far as intellectual and moral progress are concerned. Nor is there much to be said in the way of material improvement. Neither God nor mammon could truthfully claim much higher or nobler results from the country under European domination than under American. The province and policy of rulers, civil and ecclesiastical, were fixed, and the duties of subjects was determined. Although the people did not know it, the grasp of the mother government upon the country, however nervous and jealous it might be, was in reality weak, for the parent herself was rapidly declining.

There was nothing to fight for, and nothing to work for. If we except an occasional attempted subjugation of unpacified peoples, and the descent of pirates, the greatest issues of the time were those affecting precedence and place. It was easier to evade obnoxious laws than to quarrel with them. The natives found it less burdensome to perform the little labor necessary to the support of themselves and their masters than to endure the penalties of opposition. Between the poor kings of Spain and the pirates of England, France, and Holland, the wealth of the people was far from secure; there was no great incentive to enterprise in any direction, and had there been it is not certain that men would have exerted themselves. Simple existence satisfied them; high development and limitless wealth could do no more.

The appearance on their shores of legalized robbery and murder, in the form of freebooters, was not generally regarded as retribution, though their infamies were scarcely greater than those which had been perpetrated by the Spaniards in this quarter a century or two before. The buccaneers and Scotch settlers were right enough in looking upon the Spaniards as intruders, having no more ownership in the country than they, except such as priority in wrongs committed gave them; which wrongs by no means made right the cruelties and injustice of the English and French inflicted upon the Spaniards.

[Sidenote: APPROACHING REVOLUTION.]

In the third and concluding volume of the History of Central America will be more fully presented the social, industrial, and political condition of the country in the nineteenth century, particularly at the transitional epoch following the achieving of independence from Spain, and immediately afterward. Twice during the sixteenth century did Spain narrowly escape the loss of her richest territories by rebellion. Twice during the eighteenth did British armaments threaten to overthrow her dominion in the New World. And now, at the close of the latter century, the Spaniards of Central America, goaded by heavy and unjust taxation, and by the vexatious restrictions imposed on the trade of the colonies, stimulated, moreover, by the success with which the republic of the west had thrown off the yoke of England, and by the brilliant career which the great republic of Europe had achieved under the dazzling leadership of the first Napoleon, were already ripe for revolution. Spain meanwhile is about to reap the reward of nearly three centuries of misrule. Through her indifference the commerce of the western hemisphere had long since fallen into the hands of foreigners; and her colonies no longer desired to maintain their connection with the mother country, from which they had nothing to gain, and with whose interests they had little in common.

* * * * *

For the history of the colonial period of the Central American provinces, especially that portion immediately following the conquest, when, a secure foothold having been gained by the Spaniards, gradual exploration and settlement completed their subjugation, the data supplied by the earlier Spanish chroniclers and official reports are abundant; but the evidence from these sources is, in some respects, so incomplete and contradictory, that it is only after an examination of the numerous valuable collections of original documents brought to light in modern times, that the student is able to fix with precision the true character and sequence of events. The standard general historians of the sixteenth century, such as Bernal Diaz, Gomara, Oviedo, and Las Casas, give us but little information concerning Central America after 1530; and in consequence the special accounts of individuals like Gage, Benzoni, and Andagoya, not to mention the writings of the buccaneers, with occasional special efforts of a time or place like those of Reynolds, and of Fuentes y Guzman, followed by Juarros, and all supplemented by documents, assume paramount importance, and become the chief sources of historic material for this epoch.

The founding and subsequent progress of the church in this territory are traced in a general way by its representative chroniclers, Motolinia, Mendieta, Torquemada, and Fernandez, until Remesal and Vazquez, chroniclers respectively of the Dominican and Franciscan orders in Central America, profiting by the labors of the former, and adding some original research, bring the history of the church down to the end of the seventeenth century. Some attempt is also made by the last two writers to follow the political history, but only in a desultory way.

The first special history to be written was that of Fuentes y Guzman, containing much original matter, but not generally reliable. The manuscript was never published, but was used by Juarros. Later appeared the pamphlet of Cadena, devoted entirely to a description of the destruction of Guatemala City, and about the same time Escamilla compiled from official sources a list of governors and bishops and of the more important historical events, and gave a special account of the destruction of Guatemala City.

Without the valuable collections of Squier, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Cartas de Indias, Ternaux-Compans, Arévalo, Icazbalceta, and Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos, the result of modern research, the history of this territory from 1531 to 1800 would be meagre indeed. These collections, special notices of nearly all of which I have already given, contain almost numberless official letters and reports, which were either unknown or inaccessible to early writers. Prominent among them all is what has been called the Squier collection, consisting mostly of manuscripts, and which fell to my collection by purchase after the death of Mr Squier. It consists of extracts and copies of letters and reports of audiencias, governors, bishops, and various government officials, taken from the Spanish archives at Madrid and from the library of the Spanish Royal Academy of History, mostly under the direction of the indefatigable collector Mr Buckingham Smith. Many rare and valuable documents relating to Central America, including numerous letters and reports of Las Casas, are also to be found in the voluminous collection of Pacheco and Cárdenas, and, though fewer in number, in that of Ternaux-Compans.

In the absence of any early local chronicler, and by reason of the neglect of those who came later, many of the records have been lost. The only portions of those published are to be found in the collections of Arévalo, which are indispensable to the local history of Guatemala, though evidently not complete, and containing some omissions owing to the apparent illegibility of the originals. The second of these collections, Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala, published in Guatemala in 1857, contains, besides the grants of the coat of arms and privileges to the city of Guatemala, and memorials and reports of the city council from 1537 to 1782, a few letters of Alvarado and Bishop Marroquin, some without date, not found elsewhere.

[Sidenote: REMESAL, VAZQUEZ, JUARROS.]

The work of Remesal, though published in Madrid, was the first one written in Guatemala. In connection with the special history of the Dominican order and a general account of the church, considerable political history is given, though in a desultory manner. This author was the first to make use of the archives of Guatemala, but in the presentation of this original matter much carelessness is shown. Las Casas, the Dominican order, and the natives are his favorite topics, and events are colored accordingly. A century later, deeming his order neglected by Remesal, the Franciscan chronicler Vazquez issued his work. Borrowing much from Remesal and other writers for the earlier epoch, he continued the history of the church down to the end of the seventeenth century, giving also, as that author had done, the political history in a disconnected form. With the same facilities as regards original sources Vazquez makes better use of them than Remesal, but while exposing the errors of his rival he falls into others equally great, displaying a narrow-minded prejudice against the natives, while fanatically defending their oppressors. Remesal and Vazquez are at variance on many points of church history, but on none more than the missionary labors of their respective orders. Each claims for his order the honor of first entering the missionary field in this quarter, but neither makes good his pretensions.

The next work to appear was that of Juarros, which, having absorbed that of Fuentes y Guzman, was the first published of what might be called a history of Guatemala. Notwithstanding his access to original documents, Fuentes y Guzman committed many errors which were unwittingly copied by Juarros. With the aid of subsequent research, however, these errors are readily detected, Juarros still remaining the leading historian of Central America, though owing to the greater importance of Guatemala as the seat of government, the greater portion of the work is taken up with the history of this province. In fact this is the only comprehensive history extant of Guatemala and its adjoining provinces, while the other portions of Central America make scarcely any pretext to the possession of a history. From no other source can the writer obtain connected accounts of their conquest and settlement, description of towns, early resources, and lists of officials and biographies of prominent men. Of the Spanish writers he is also one of the most impartial, even in matters pertaining to the church, though he was one of its ministers. Nevertheless, Juarros is in many respects incomplete. He has failed in a lamentable degree to present anything like the true political, social, and moral condition of the people, or the development of the country during this period; and for the conquest and early colonial epochs there is a manifest lack of study and research. Noting these defects, Pelaez in his Memorias attempted to supply them, and has succeeded in a measure. Arranged in a clear concise form, under their appropriate headings, and with corresponding references, the student will find collected all the evidence presented on the different subjects by nearly all of the earlier and modern authors of note; to which is added the testimony from a large number of original documents overlooked or neglected by his predecessors. But while the history of Guatemala for the latter colonial period is comparatively complete, that of the remaining provinces of Central America, as I have intimated, is but a meagre outline, dependent for the most part on occasional documents. Among the modern authorities composed chiefly of English, French, and German, but a brief historical review is given of this period, a mere compilation from well known works, which serve as an introduction to narratives of travel, or books describing the different provinces and their resources.

A peculiar feature of Central American bibliography is the buccaneer literature, here being the principal scene of the piratical operations of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The total absence of any Spanish work on this subject has left the field open to the English, French, and Dutch, whose accounts of the exploits of their countrymen on the Spanish main are not always impartial.

Preceding this class of literature and closely allied to it, owing to the spirit of adventure and the geographical knowledge which it diffused, are the numerous accounts of voyages made for the purposes of trade, exploration, or discovery in this part of the world. Some of these I will here notice; though in truth many of them relate as much to other sections of my work as to Central America, or even more.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: GALVANO AND HAKLUYT.]

Complete as is the Raccolta of Ramusio and like collections, in reproducing the leading voyages up to its time, a large number of minor narratives remained unnoticed, while others stood briefly recorded upon mere hearsay in the writing of others. This deficiency had been observed by Antonio Galvano in earlier collections, and his effort to repair it gave rise to the first comprehensive history of voyages. Born at Lisbon in 1503, Galvano left at the age of twenty-four for the Indies, where he was intrusted with the conquest and government of the Moluccas. Of this he remained in charge for six or seven years, distinguishing himself both as a just and benevolent ruler, and as a zealous proselytizer. His unselfish conduct served only to attract calumny and to reduce him to poverty, so much so that he had to seek refuge in the royal hospital at Lisbon, where he died in 1557. His undoubted talent had been fostered by extensive reading, particularly of narratives of voyages. While so employed he kept notes with a view to form an outline of the progress of navigation and discovery, which should serve as introductory to a collection. During the latter part of his life, while suffering under the ban of royal displeasure, he found ample time to perfect these researches, and at his death a friend, Francisco de Sousa Tavares, was intrusted with the papers. Among these appears to have been a history of the discovery and resources of the Moluccas, a manuscript in ten books, according to Faria, of which Pinelo says: "Por no haverle visto, duda, si permanece." Epitome, ii. 636. De Sousa caused the treatise under consideration to be published at Lisbon in 1563, under the title of Tratado que compōs o nobre e notauel capitão Antonio Galuão de todos os descobrimentos antigos e modernos que são feitos á era de mil e quinhentos e cincoenta, with a dedication to the duke of Aveiro, wherein he records Galvano's many services, and comments on their poor recognition. Mention has been made of a duodecimo edition of 1555, but this must be a mistake, to judge by Sousa's preface to the edition of 1563. Of this only three copies are known to exist, one owned by Mr John Carter Brown, of Providence, from whom the Hakluyt Society obtained a copy, printed as a running foot-note to their reissue of Hakluyt's version, under the editorship of Admiral Bethune. The latter is called The Discoveries of the World from their first originall vnto the yeere 1555, by Antonie Galvano, Londini, 1601, to be found also in the reprint of Hakluyt's Voyages, and in Churchill's Collection, while Purchas gives it in reduced form. The Portuguese copy was reprinted at Lisbon in 1731. Hakluyt explains in the dedication to Sir Robert Cecil that his publication thereof was intended as an introductory to his own work, and was made from an old manuscript translated by an English merchant. In order to modify the "manifold errours" therein, Hakluyt took pains to consult Spanish works for the corrections and additions which are to be noticed in this version. The treatise goes back to the discovery voyages related by Chinese, Greek, and Latin writers, and brings the concise record for every region of the globe, in chronologic order, down to 1550. The East India voyages are partly from his own notes, while other contemporary expeditions are derived from the chroniclers. The pre-Columbian period occupies only a little over one fourth of the text, and shows the want of access to material revealed by subsequent investigations in different countries. The later period is pretty complete for Spanish and Portuguese voyages, considering the tardiness with which occurrences were published. Hakluyt, while regretting that English voyages are "scarce fower times mentioned," admits that at the time "there was little extant of our men's trauailes." Muñoz speaks slightingly of Galvano, saying "compendia infelizmente" what others have done more fully. Whatever its defects, the treatise was certainly a most valuable contribution to the subject, and is still highly important as one of the first essays toward a history of voyages.

Among those who followed Ramusio's example of collecting and publishing narratives of voyages and travels stands pre-eminent Richard Hakluyt, whose work was remarkable not only as the first but as the most valuable in English for the originality and rarity of its narratives, particularly those relating to America. When Hakluyt began his studies Eden's Historie of Travayle, containing translations from Martyr and Oviedo, was the only English book extant on maritime discovery. Nor was much known abroad of English voyages, partly because the traders preferred to keep their own counsel. Hakluyt's perusal of foreign collections, and his private researches, showed him, however, that the English had performed deeds worthy of being recorded, and he was fired with ambition to make them public.

Hakluyt belonged to a good Herefordshire family, settled at Yatton, which had for centuries held a leading position in the county. After passing through Westminster school as a queen's scholar, he was in 1570, at the age of 17, elected to Christ Church college, Oxford, and took the degree of B. A. four years later; that of M. A. being obtained after three years' further study. While yet a boy he had been directed by a cousin to the study of geography and navigation, which henceforth became his favorite pursuit. So well did he use his opportunity at Oxford, where he also mastered several languages for his studies, that he appears to have been appointed lecturer on cosmography. In the dedication to Walsingham of the first edition of his collection he says: "I in my publike lectures was the first that produced and shewed both the olde and imperfectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes, globes," etc. Between 1584 and 1589 he held the post of chaplain to the embassy at Paris, and while there pursued actively his researches, besides publishing narratives of voyages in French and English. In 1590 he obtained a rectory in Suffolk County, on the strength of which he married four years later, and in 1605 he succeeded Dr Webster as prebendary of Westminster abbey. Dying November 23, 1616, he was buried in St Peter's of this abbey, leaving to his son a fair estate which was soon squandered. Although interested in Raleigh's patent for making discoveries, and forming one of the chief adventurers in the company for the colonization of Virginia, he took no other share in maritime projects than to promote them by his writings. His devotion to researches was so great that he once rode two hundred miles to meet the only survivor of Hare's disastrous voyage. He corresponded with Ortelius and Mercator, and received the friendly encouragement of Walsingham, Cecil, Admiral Howard, Drake, and others. His first publication was Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of America and the Islands adiacent, London, 1582, dedicated to Philip Sydney. Of the original only five copies are supposed to exist, from one of which the Hakluyt Society issued a reprint in 1850, under the editorship of John Winter Jones, of the British Museum, who prefaces it with a valuable review of Hakluyt's life and writings. The several narratives refer to the north-east and north-west passages, the East Indies, and the east coast of North America. A curious map herein of conic projection shows the North American continent extending to about latitude 46°, where the California peninsula connects with a range called Sierra Neuada, running latitudinally. Above 46° all is open ocean, bordered on the east, however, by a strip of land connected with Florida by a narrow isthmus, and extending to Cape Labrador. The northern part of California bears the name Quiviri, the southern (Cape) California, and the central part S. Croce (Santa Cruz). On the mappemonde the Tierra del Fuego forms part of a great antarctic continent. While at Paris, Hakluyt caused to be published in French an account of Florida, from a manuscript found by him, and this was issued the following year, 1587, in English, as A notable historie containing foure voyages unto Florida, both versions dedicated to Raleigh, with an exhortation to prosecute the colonization of Virginia. The same year he published at Paris an improved edition of Martyr's De orbe novo which some years later was translated into English by M. Lock. In 1589 appeared the first instalment of the great work The principall navigations, voiages and discoveries of the English nation made by sea or over land, a folio, dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham. It is divided into three parts, relating respectively to Asia and Africa, to the north and north-east of Europe and Asia, and to America, including Drake's voyage. Nine years later he published the first volume of a new edition of his collection, followed in 1599 and 1600 by two more volumes, in none of which reference is made to the first issue. They are fine specimens of black-letter type, with marginals and headpieces, but with the prefaced Latin text, headings, and names in roman type and italics. The first volume is dedicated to Lord Howard as a tribute to the patriotic services of the family, and in recognition of the favors received by Hakluyt and his brother; the others to Sir Robert Cecil, secretary of state. They are properly a rearranged enlargement of the first issue, volume i. containing voyages toward the north and north-east of England; volume ii. to the Mediterranean and Africa; and volume iii. to America, including several voyages by foreigners to parts not visited by the English. The narratives are generally in the language of the narrator, and in the first two volumes their order is chronologic; but in the American section they are grouped under different geographic headings. This opens with the dubious voyage of Madoc in 1170, and continues with expeditions to the extreme northern parts of the continent, chiefly with reference to the north-west passage. The region between Canada and Florida comes next, followed by explorations toward New Mexico and California, and in Mexico; then the Antilles and Central America, succeeded by a series of groups for South America, the whole concluding with circumnavigations and voyages directed to the South Sea. In the dedication to the third volume Hakluyt says: "Now because long since I did foresee, that my profession of diuinitie, the care of my family, and other occasions might call and diuert me from these kinde of endeauors, I have for these 3 yeeres last past encouraged and furthered in these studies of Cosmographic and forren histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend Mr Iohn Pory." Profiting by this training, Pory in 1600 issued a translation of Leo's History of Africa. Others were similarly directed to geographical research, among them Parke who issued a translation of a history of China, and Erondelle who published a part of Lescarbot's Histoire de la Nouvelle France. Hakluyt himself continued to devote to his favorite subject the little leisure remaining, and left enough manuscript to have added a fourth volume to his collection; but coming into Purchas' hands they were abridged for his Pilgrimes. Some of them were evidently prepared for the guidance of the East India Company, which had not failed to consult the renowned cosmographer, without whose advice few maritime enterprises were then undertaken. In 1601 he issued a translation of Galvano's Discoveries of the World, and in 1609 his last book, a translation of Soto's Discoveries in Florida, with the main object of encouraging the Virginia colony. Virginia is greatly indebted to Hakluyt, and the maritime enterprise of England in general was much promoted by his personal application and writings. Robertson adds that to him "England is more indebted for its American possessions than to any man of that age." A reprint of all Hakluyt's works was issued in five volumes quarto in 1809-12, by R. Evans, only 325 copies being printed. The fifth volume, issued in a larger edition, is entitled A Selection of Curious, Rare, and Early Voyages, and Histories of Interesting Discoveries, Chiefly Published by Hakluyt, but not included in his Compilation; London, 1812, 807 pp., and is really a supplement to Hakluyt and Purchas, offering reprints of documents touching different parts of the globe, as Galvano's Discoveries, The Historie of the West Indies by Martyr, from Lock's translation of Hakluyt's version, and several others, chiefly relating to Asia. Hakluyt's works stand an enduring monument to well earned fame, and his spirit, after influencing contemporary enterprise, continued to animate the nation, and to assume embodiment in the Hakluyt Society, which has for its aim to continue the labors that have done so much for literature and science.

[Sidenote: DE BRY, ENS, GOTTFRIEDT, PURCHAS.]

Among foreign writers influenced by Hakluyt's exhortation and example may be mentioned Theodore De Bry, the engraver of Frankfort. The opportunity afforded him in his profession to become acquainted with and to collect works relating to voyages and conquests, had not failed to awaken an interest for the subject. But a visit to Hakluyt, then engaged upon his collection, gave a decided impulse to his ideas, and being a man of enterprise he forthwith engaged editors, and in 1590 began publishing, simultaneously in Latin, German, and French, the famous Collection des Grands et Petits Voyages, referring respectively to the new and old worlds, the larger size of the volumes for America giving rise to the title. Under the supervision of his sons and other members of the family, the collection was continued after his death, in 1598, till completed in its fortieth year. The numerous reprints of volumes and sets during this interval, with more or less changes, have given no little trouble to collectors in search of the complete issue. Formed without critique, it is remarkable rather as a convenient set and as a bibliographic curiosity, wherein the engravings constitute the main attraction, then for geographic value, since most of the narratives had already been published in better form, and have been reproduced in later works.

De Bry's set proved a fertile source in text and engravings for compilers, and among them Gaspar L. Ens, the author of several individual European travels, and one of the editors employed by De Bry, who issued the Indiæ Occidentalis Historia, Coloniæ, 1612. On the same plan as Ens', but on a larger scale, and partly based upon it, is the Newe Welt Vnd Americanische Historien, Franckfurt, 1631, reprinted 1655, folio. The author, Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt, whose proper name appears to be Jean Philippe Abelin, was also an editor of De Bry, and wrote several works, one of them being the "Archontologia Cosmica, que es Farrago de diversos Autores, sin distinguir lo cierto de lo dudoso." Pinelo, Epitome, tom. iii. pp. 1288. It is also called a translation of D'Avity's Les etats. Gottfriedt naturally sets up a claim for his Newe Welt to be compiled from leading writers, without referring to De Bry, who no doubt supplied the material for the text as well as the plates. De Bry, says Brunet, Manuel, tom. ii. p. 1674, "a abrégé des douze premières parties de la collection." The plates, which are perhaps the most interesting part of the volume, have been selected chiefly from the nude and the curious, such as Indians driving whales, playing with mermaids, or hunting semi-human beasts. The arrangement of the text shows no improvement upon Ens, but the third section differs in being more of a supplement to both the preceding parts.

Hakluyt's unpublished papers, failing to attain their destined object, accomplished a wider result by giving rise to the larger collection of Samuel Purchas; for it was their possession that gave impulse to a work so much needed, both to fill the gaps of the former and to narrate the numerous expeditions which had taken place since its date. The precursor of the work was Pvrchas his Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions observed in all Ages and Places, London, 1613, dedicated to the archbishop of Canterbury. It was reprinted in 1614, and soon reached several editions, the fourth, 1626, being dedicated to King Charles, who had deigned to inquire for it, and whose royal father had read it seven times, as the author proudly announces. This object of kingly delight claims to be a compilation from over thirteen hundred authors, which are decidedly well represented in the numerous marginals, and gives a review in nine books of the social condition and the institutions of the nations in Asia, Africa, and America, particularly the religious feature, with some reference to political history. Beginning with the Mosaic creation it takes up the nations of south-east Asia, of the East Indies and China, and reaches Africa in the sixth book. The last two are devoted to the New World, whose physical and natural features receive two chapters, followed by the general description of the region above Florida in five chapters, while the eighth is given to the country west of this, and the next six to New Spain. The fifteen chapters of book nine cover South America and the Antilles, the last being an attack on Spanish cruelty and maleconversion. Three parts similar to this volume were promised, the second to relate to Europe, and the others to continue the subject for the four divisions of the world; but the necessary aid was withheld, as Purchas hints in an address to the Pilgrimes, and wherein he attempts a pun upon his name by intimating that Europe cannot now be purchased. The project had evidently to yield to others, as Microcosmus, or the History of Man, 1619, and to the great collection which soon engrossed his whole attention. Purchas was like Hakluyt a preacher, but of the rival university of Cambridge, trained at St John College, as he states in the dedicatory to volume iii. He attained the degree of bachelor of divinity, conferred also by Oxford in 1615. In 1604 he assumed charge of a vicarage in his native county of Essex, but was soon called by his literary researches to London, where he fell into difficulties, and had recourse to lecturing and to friends. Finally Bishop King came to his aid with means to prosecute the publication of his work, and by conferring upon him the rectory of St Martins. Purchas expresses his gratitude for these favors in the opening address to volume i., wherein he speaks of "my decessed Patron Doctor King, ... to whose bountie vnder God, I willingly ascribe my life, deliuered from a sickly Habitation, and consequently (as also by opportunities of a London Benefice) whatsoeuer additions in my later Editions of my Pilgrimage; these present Pilgrimes also." In the dedication of the Pilgrimage to the archbishop, he signs himself his chaplain, which may be a figurative expression. He is generally supposed to have died in poverty, and even in prison; but the title-page portrait of 1625, at the age of forty-eight, presents him as a sleek, contented-looking preacher, with a full though not large beard; and the several editions of the Pilgrimage would indicate that he had prospered up to that time at least. According to Wood he died in his own house about 1628. In 1625 appeared Haklvytvs Posthumus or Pvrchas his Pilgrimes. Contayning a History of the World, in Sea voyages & lande-Trauells. Imprinted at London for Henry Fetherston. In four parts or volumes, folio, each dedicated to a different personage. The first title-page is filled with emblematic designs, and portraits of princes and great men, among them Purchas, at the foot, between two hemispheres, with his anagram of "Pars sva Celvm." The other title-pages are all headed Pvrchas his Pilgrimes, and this quaint name the author sustains to some extent by opening the dedication to Prince Charles with: "May a poore Pilgrime salute Your Highnesse in the words of a better Samvel." Directly afterward, however, he assumes another higher role in "hauing out of a Chaos of confused intelligences framed this Historicall World, by a New way of Eye-evidence;" and then he begins to lose himself in an attempt at magniloquent phraseology, with no great promise for his power to bring order out of chaos. Later he declares himself a mere laborer "howsoeuer here a Masterbuilder also," doing everything with his own hands, except where aided by his son. The manuscripts left by Hakluyt, although forming a very small proportion of the book, "encouraged me to vse my endeuours in and for the rest," he gratefully observes. The printing of the work began in 1621, although not with volume i. The first of the twenty books into which the set is divided, treats of ancient navigation, progress of discovery, and religious phases. The second begins with Portuguese and Columbian voyages, and continues with circumnavigations, after which come the regular narratives of voyages, chiefly by Englishmen, interspersed with extracts from notable journals and histories, with a view to cover subjects and periods not otherwise disposed of. Volumes i. and ii. relate almost wholly to Asia, Africa, and the Levant, and also the next two books, while books iii. and iv., following, deal partly with north-west voyages, beginning with Zeno. Book v. gives extracts from Herrera, Oviedo, Acosta, and Cortés, which chiefly concerns Mexico, and a part of vi. touches the Isthmus, but the main portion of this and the next book are occupied with South America. Book viii. is divided between Mexico and the country northward to Virginia, which latter takes up the whole of ix. The last book is shared among New England, Newfoundland, and the English expeditions against Spain. Altogether the arrangement is as confusing as the text, and in both respects far inferior to Hakluyt's; nor is the work as complete as might have been expected. In the attempt to introduce foreign narratives the limits of space were overstepped, to the prejudice of other accounts, which were often injudiciously condensed. Pinkerton remarks, somewhat too severely, I think, that Purchas directed his utmost attention to "selecting the most useless parts of the unhappy authors." Col. Voy., vol. i. p. iv.

[Sidenote: THÉVENOT AND HARRIS.]

Purchas' labors found recognition abroad in the well known Relation de divers voyages, Paris, 1663-96, 5 parts, by Melchisedech Thévenot, formed mainly with a view to reproduce the best portions of Hakluyt and his successor, while adding some unpublished narratives. Thévenot appears to have been particularly well fitted for such undertakings. A savant, and somewhat of a diplomatist, he was for eight years in charge of the Royal Library at Paris, dying at his post in 1692, at the age of 71. The selection of his material gives evidence of good judgment; yet the arrangement and other points may be questioned.

Another reproduction, and a continuation of the two great English collections, was offered some years later by John Harris, Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca: or, a Compleat Collection of Voyages and Travels; London, 1705, 2 vols, folio, with copper-plates and maps. One of its chief aims being to repair the many omissions that had become apparent in the original works, the first volume is devoted to the same period as Purchas' collection, while introducing a number of additional voyages. Its five books refer respectively to circumnavigation, to Asia, to Africa, to the north and north-east parts of the globe, and to America, the latter embracing one third more narratives than Purchas. The mappemonde places the strait of Anian above the island of California, but on the American map this is not marked. The second volume, relating to voyages and travels after this time, chiefly by Englishmen, is less distinct and careful in its arrangement. Books i. and ii. cover Russia, Asia, and the Levant; book iii., Europe; and book iv., America. The latter includes only the buccaneer expeditions, Dampier's voyage, and explorations in the Mississippi and Canada regions. A varied appendix concludes the volume. According to Green, of the Astley collection, John Harris, who is styled an A. M., and Fellow of the Royal Society, had little or nothing to do with the work besides writing the introductory on the origin and emigration of races, and on the progress of navigation. Four hundred authors are claimed to have been included in the text, in abridged or compiled form. Rich, Bib. Amer., vol. i. 9, remarks that "it appears to have been got up in competition with Churchill's Collection;" but it is much more general in its scope. Of undoubted value it was reissued in 1743-4, with numerous corrections and additions, and reprinted in 1764.

[Sidenote: VAN DER BOS, VANDER AA, CHURCHILL.]

A book typical of its nationality is Leeven en Daaden Der Doorluchtigste Zee-Helden, Amsterdam, 1676, by Lambert van der Bos or Bosch, wherein are given the biographies of naval heroes from Zeno down, but of course with particular prominence to those of Holland, and foremost among them Admiral Ruyter, to whose son the dedication is addressed. While entering into the biography and political events connected with their lives the object is mainly to describe naval expeditions and encounters in various zones, and to this end tend also the plates. Columbus, Vespucci, Drake, Cavendish, and some of the searchers for the north-west passage are those touching my field who have been accorded a comparatively small space. Despite the laudable object of the book, to place before the people their chief glories, the author feels it necessary to bring forward the now well worn excuse that to the solicitation of persons interested in the subject was due the publishing of what his own inclination had led him to prepare. The German translation of Nürnberg, 1681, is an abnormally stout little volume, with an appendix by Erasmus.

Naaukeurige versameling der gedenkwaardigste Reysen naar Oost en West-Indien, Leyden, 1706-7, is a black-letter book of 30 volumes 12mo, issued by Pieter vander Aa, and embracing voyages to all parts of the globe from 1246 to 1693. Interspersed are compilations of minor expeditions, and of political affairs, apparently with a view to cover some of the many chronologic and geographic gaps in the regular series of narratives, and to form a complete historic review; but this effort is merely spasmodic and serves rather to expose the haste of the editor in not consulting more authorities, or in doing so carelessly. In addition to the incompleteness must be noted the lack of order in chapters as well as divisions, distinct and disconnected narratives being not unfrequently jumbled under inappropriate headings. The matter relating to America is, in accordance with the original though neglected plan, scattered throughout the set, in fair proportion for the earlier periods at least. This applies particularly to the northern Spanish colonies, for which the period from Columbus to Cortés is pretty fully told, chiefly from Herrera. Acosta and Marquette are given in abbreviated form. After 1526 this region receives little notice beyond the relation of a few voyages from Purchas, such as Ulloa, Chilton, Drake, and Cavendish, the latest date being 1595. The numerous copper-plates and maps are an attractive feature as may be judged from the fact that De Bry had been largely borrowed from. His text has also been used to some extent, Meusel, Bib. Hist., tom. ii. pt. i. 336, going so far as to say that all belongs to De Bry; but this is an exaggeration, for most of the text can readily be traced to Herrera, Hakluyt, De Barros, and others. A revised edition of this work was published in 1727 as De Aanmerkenswaardigste en Alomberoemde Zee- and Landreizen, folio, 8 volumes bound in 4. The same black-letter type and plates are preserved, but the arrangement differs, each set being in chronological order, and each narrative in a separately paged section. The first two volumes relate to Portuguese voyages toward the East India region; the next two to Spanish voyages up to 1540, to both hemispheres though chiefly to America; the two following to similar English voyages, till 1696; and the last two volumes to those of other nations, and to narratives supplementary to the preceding. The Portuguese division is chiefly made up from De Barros and De Couto, and the following Spanish from Herrera. Volume iii., bearing on the title-page the portraits of Columbus, Vespucci, Magellan, and Ponce de Leon, opens with the voyages of the great admiral, and continues with expeditions and events in Tierra Firme, the Antilles, Nicaragua, and Florida, concluding with Grijalva's discovery of New Spain. The next volume is almost wholly devoted to Cortés, and events in connection with his conquest and rule, alternating with sections on contemporary expeditions under Magellan, Narvaez, Godoy, Loaisa, and Cabot. In the following set, obtained chiefly from Hakluyt, Frobisher's voyages are the first to touch America, followed by Drake's and other circumnavigations and the settlement of the English American colonies. In volumes vii. and viii. we find Verrazano, Pizarro, and Soto, Dutch and French expeditions to South and North America, including P. Marquette, and extracts from Benzoni and Acosta. On the title-page Vander Aa chooses to announce that the collection is based on the German works of I. L. Gottfried, but largely augmented with material from his originals and from later authorities. This affectation can be regarded only as an advertisement.

A Collection of Voyages and Travels, Some now First Printed from Original Manuscripts, others Now First Published in English, is generally known by the name of Churchill, the publisher, who, in connection with Awnsham, issued the first edition in 1704, in four volumes. In 1733 it was increased by two volumes, and the reprint of 1744-7 by two more of the so-called Harleian Collection, culled from the Oxford Library, and printed by Thomas Osborne. The whole eight were reissued in 1752, and also used by foreign publishers, the introductory discourse by Caleb Locke, on the progress of navigation, being translated into French to form, with additions, two duodecimo volumes known as Histoire de la Navigation, Paris, 1722. Although neither so universal in its scope as Hakluyt's or Harris', nor so well translated and arranged, yet it stands as one of the most valuable of collections from its many rare narratives, such as the life of Columbus by his son, in vol. ii.; Gemelli Carreri's much questioned yet interesting voyage, vol. iv.; an account of the Mosquito kingdom, vol. vi., and Castell's description of America, in the Harleian Collection. A number of other pieces refer to America, as Monson's tracts, and Ovalle's history of Chile, but they do not touch my field.

[Sidenote: PRÉVOST, GREEN, DIDOT, ROZET.]

The most famous collection of voyages published in the eighteenth century is the Histoire Générale des Voyages, Paris, 1746, etc., 20 vols, 4to, edited by Abbé Antoine François Prévost d'Exiles. Provost was one of those bright bubbling geniuses whose life and writings have assisted in making the capital of La Belle France also the capital of the literary and fashionable world. In the role of a dashing young officer, he had at an early age sipped of all frivolities in that gay city, till a misdirected Cupidian barb caused him in 1719, at the age of twenty-two, to exchange the glittering uniform for the simple garb of a Benedictine. His success as a preacher again drew him into the whirl of society, and, tiring of the vows that held him bound, he cast aside the robe and retired to Holland in 1729. Already famous as a writer, he entered with ardor upon the career for which he saw himself destined, producing a number of romances, histories, biographies, and periodical works. The protection of Prince de Conti, whose almoner he became, enabled him to return to France and to obtain the robe of a secular ecclesiastic. In November 1763, while in the height of his fame, he was seized with an apoplectic fit, and, regarded as dead, the scalpel of an unskilful hand cut off the life that was just returning. The most important of his many works is the Histoire des Voyages, which might indeed be pronounced of English origin. In 1745 Astley, the London publisher, began issuing with great flourish the weekly numbers of A New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, edited by I. Green. Planned on a large scale, it was intended to supersede all other collections as a standard work. Every country was to be represented, and every first and leading voyage to any region was to be narrated in extenso. To avoid useless and uninteresting repetition, later and minor expeditions were to be used merely for extracts and notes, as a complement to those preceding. It was also proposed to form a compiled description of the several countries. Hakluyt and his successors were to be overhauled, and their mutilations and omissions repaired, while later narratives would be supplemented with a proportion of foreign voyages. The government was besought to grant aid to so valuable a work, but failed to comply; and the cost proving too great, the collection stopped in 1747 with the fourth volume, after covering nearly half of the proposed field by its Asiatic and African narratives. The only voyages relating to America are those by Captain Roberts, and I. Atkins, in 1721, extending from Bermuda to Brazil.

No sooner had Green's first volume appeared than the French publisher, Didot, resolved to be the means of giving France the benefit of so great a project, and Abbé Prévost's skill as an English translator being well known it was arranged that he should be the editor. Prévost did not follow the English edition implicitly, but made several alterations in text as well as arrangement, some of which were severely condemned, and corrected in a supplementary volume. He also gave perhaps too much play to the style of writing so much admired in his romances. With his seventh volume the English set was exhausted, and Prévost now continued the collection independently, introducing, with the aid of French libraries and foreign ministers, more foreign narratives than had been done by the English editor. He also improved the order by allowing several travellers to the same region to succeed one another, so as to form a continuous account. The conclusion of the set, so far as he and Didot are concerned, came with the sixteenth volume, containing the index. Soon after a seventeenth volume was added, with further matter and corrections, chiefly from the Dutch edition. Among the medley of narratives in volume xi., forming the sequel to Old World voyages, is Gemelli Carreri's journey round the world, which touches also New Spain. The New World division, covering volumes xii. to xv., begins with Columbus' voyages, and contemporary and immediately succeeding events in and round the Isthmus region, followed by the conquest of Mexico, together with a compiled description of its social and political condition under native and Spanish rule. After this comes Charlevoix' history of New France at disproportionate length, succeeded by narratives on the conquest and condition of the South American countries. The region from Florida northward is treated in a similar series, followed by north-west voyages, including those made by Spaniards on the Pacific side, particularly under Aguilar and Fonte. A description of the Antilles concludes the division, though several additional pieces are given in the supplementary volume on Vespucci, Pizarro, and Spanish South Sea voyages. This partial review shows that faults have been committed both in the arrangement and in the selection of material, due partly to haste, with a consequent confusion and repetition, and a carelessness of facts, which greatly impair the value of the work. The uniformity of style for the varying subjects and the dissertations on trifles are also to be objected to. After Didot's death the collection passed into the hands of Rozet, who caused three volumes to be added by Querlon and de Leyre. They are the best edited part of the set, according to La Harpe, and form a continuation of the voyages to the north begun in vol. xv., with a full description of the northern regions in the three parts of the world. The fine engravings, after Cochin, have aided greatly to make the first edition in quarto esteemed above others, and to make the fortune of the publishers. Two reprints, one of eighty volumes duodecimo, were issued while the publication was still progressing. The Dutch version of Hague, 1747-80, in 25 vols, 4to, begun from the English, but continued from Prévost, contains the portions omitted by Prévost in his early volumes, and several additional narratives, chiefly on the Dutch Asiatic possessions. A German translation in 21 vols 4to was issued at Leipzig in 1747-74 by Arkstee and Merkus. The editors, Kästner and Schwaben, begin with a round of abuse on Prévost's faulty production, and announce that they will follow the English original, while copying the superior French engravings. With the stoppage of Green's labors, they suddenly discover Prévost's superiority, but in adopting him as their guide for the remainder, they maintain their former division of chapters and sub-headings. The last three volumes cover Rozet's additions.

The plan of a general history of voyages outlined by Green had been projected already by the academician Du Perier de Montfraisier in his Histoire Universelle des Voyages faits par Mer & par Terre dans l'ancien & dans le nouveau Monde, Paris, 1707, wrongly ascribed to Abbé Bellegarde. Although dedicated to the duke of Burgundy, the king's father, the patronage failed to give it popularity, and the first duodecimo volume proved also the last. Beginning with an introductory on the development of navigation, he opens the narrative with Columbus and closes it with Cortés, giving in addition to the intermediate voyages, a general description of resources and nations of tropic America. The whole is brief and superficial, with particular attention to the marvellous, as indicated also by the engravings. The English hastened to give their approval by issuing a translation, but only to be superseded like Prévost's collection. If this work had anything to do with promoting Green's plan, it may be said not altogether to have failed in its aim.

[Sidenote: DU PERIER, LA HARPE, WALCKENAER, BERNARD.]

The size and cost of Prévost's popular work induced the well known litterateur and academician La Harpe to issue an Abrégé de l'Histoire Générale des Voyages, Paris, 1780-1801, 32 vols, 8vo, the last eleven by Comeyras. La Harpe was moved to this also by the numerous faults of the original, in prolixity, dryness, and confusion, as he takes pains to explain. His plan, while taking Prévost as a base, was to give a clear, attractive review of voyages in all that is of interest to the majority of readers, eliminating matter not to the point, as navigation notes, accounts covered by preceding narratives, and superfluous details on physical and other features. This plan is carried out by dividing the set into four parts, on Africa, Asia, America, and circumnavigations, arranged chronologically, and interspersed or prefaced with reviews of natural geography, and by giving prominence to adventures, social features, and whatsoever may prove attractive to the ordinary reader, even at the risk of tampering with credulity. It is to be regretted that La Harpe should have confined himself so much to a collection declared incomplete and inexact, instead of expending a little more time and trouble to provide a work of greater value. As it is he achieved his declared object, a series of sprightly narratives, full of striking incidents and graphic details, traits to which Irving among others have paid the tribute of a borrower. The part by Comeyras exhibits far less skill. To this edition has been added twelve volumes of a Histoire des Voyages en Europe poorly prepared. La Harpe's set passed through several editions, one of 1816 being in 24 vols, 8vo. The similar set of 1820 was revised by Eyriès, and subsequently enlarged to 30 volumes. Eyriès in 1822-24 issued a continuation under the title of Abrégé des Voyages Modernes depuis 1780, 14 volumes, 8vo.

About this time C. A. Walckenaer, the well known writer on Africa, arranged with publisher Lefèvre to prepare the Histoire Générale des Voyages, ou Nouvelle Collection de Relations des Voyages, Paris, 1826-31, which according to the prospectus was to excel Prévost's in completeness and reliability, and to comprise not over sixty volumes. But so badly did Walckenaer manage his material that twenty-one octavo volumes had been printed long before the first division of African voyages had been exhausted, and the publisher thereupon abandoned the work.

Among less noted collections is Recueil de divers Voyages faits en Afrique et en l'Amérique, Paris, 1674, 4to, which presents a few select pieces, such as the history of Barbadoes Islands; de la Borde's account of Carib customs and mission work; and a description of the Antilles, besides African narratives.

Recueil de Voiages au Nord, Amsterdam, 1715-27, 9 vols, 12mo, is a collection of entire and abridged narratives of voyages to northern countries, including searches for the north-east and north-west passages, and with the main object of displaying the resources of those regions, with the routes of approach, so as to promote trade. This laudable purpose is indicated by the dedication in which Bernard, the bookseller, places the work under the patronage of the emperor of Russia. The earlier volumes contain a number of valuable pieces on America, extending as far south as Louisiana and the gulf of California, among them the memoirs of De Lisle and Piccolo on Lower California. The later volumes are confined to Asia and Europe, embracing respectively Corea and the Scandinavian peninsula. The arrangement is not quite satisfactory; but this was improved somewhat in a later edition, increased to ten volumes. In one of the division prefaces the editor enters a protest against the predilection shown by travellers for describing the marvellous, and against the prevalent bigotry and prejudice. Some able observations are also made on the character of the narrative to follow, which are quite refreshing in face of the inane remarks to be found in the introductions of this period.

Within the brief compass of three duodecimo volumes entitled A New Universal Collection of Voyages and Travels, London, 1755, an effort is made to present a synopsis of all celebrated voyages to different parts of the world; but the result is a rather unequal medley of individual narratives and compiled reviews, chiefly relating to Englishmen. America is more or less referred to in the series of circumnavigations covered by the first volume. In the second is given the history of trade with the East India region, followed by the discovery and settlement of American countries, New Spain being described in chapter vii. The last volume relates almost wholly to Europe. The mappemonde outlines California as an island.

Of wider scope is The World Displayed; or, A Curious Collection of Voyages and Travels, London, 1760-1, 20 vols, 16mo, which devotes the first seven volumes to America and to circumnavigation, leaving the remainder to the other three continents. The material has been selected apparently from one of the larger collections, with no attempt at critical investigation or completeness, but mainly for its interesting features. In the first volume are given the voyages of Columbus and contemporary events, and in the second, the expeditions of Cortés. In the appended map of North America "the supposed Str. of Annian" is still retained in about 42° lat. Volume iii. opens with the conquest of Panamá and passes into South America, while iv. and v. relate to English and French discoveries, including Drake's voyage. Dampier and Rogers share volume vi., leaving the whole of volume vii. to Anson's circumnavigation.

A Curious Collection of Travels, London, 1761, 8 vols, 16mo, maps and illustrations, treats of the different parts of the world, partly in the form of voyages, partly in historical reviews of countries, including discovery, explorations, and settlement. Of the three volumes devoted to America, iv. and v. relate to English, Dutch, and French colonies, and vi. to the Spanish and Portuguese.

Disgusted with bulky collections and their profuse 'rubbish' on winds, currents, and log-book records, the editor of A Compendium of Authentic and Entertaining Voyages, London, 1766, 7 vols. 12mo, resolves to present only the useful and attractive, and further to carry on the narratives, beginning with Columbus, in a chronologic order, so as to give his readers the annals of navigation. The authorities consulted are probably one of the larger collections, from which are culled the interesting voyages. Thus volume i., the only one referring to my field, presents simply those of Columbus, Cortés, Gama, and Cabral.

Another refuge from verbose and credulous collections is thrust before the public in A New Collection of Voyages, Discoveries, and Travels, London, 1767, 7 vols, 8vo, with maps and engravings, wherein the editor promises to show none of the bad judgment and neglect to be found in other compilations destined only for the vulgar. Whatever improvements may have been introduced they are more than counterbalanced by incompleteness, and want of proportion. Of the three volumes on America for instance, vol. i. refers chiefly to Columbus and Cortés, with minor accounts of Pizarro and Ulloa, and the regions touched by them. Volume ii. contains extracts from Wafer, and descriptions of British and Portuguese colonies, while iii. covers the circumnavigations of Drake, Dampier, Rogers, and, chiefly, Anson; iv. v. and vii. concern Europe, the last treating of England's navy and constitution, and in vi. are collected odd travels in Asia, Egypt, and the Levant.

[Sidenote: DRAKE, PELHAM, HENRY, BERENGER.]

A New Universal Collection of Authentic and Entertaining Voyages and Travels, by Edward Cavendish Drake, London, 1771, folio, with cuts, consists of a number of abridged narratives, each forming a division by itself, with special chapters, but without a defined arrangement. The aim, while seeking to embrace all regions of the globe, is to please the ordinary reader by exciting and curious accounts, including stories of semi-human beasts, as shown by the illustrations, engraved by Grignon. America, which covers fully one third of the text, is on the mappemonde projected into two branches, the northward one connected with Greenland, and the other with a land made to extend over all the pole. Beginning with Columbus the editor takes up the circumnavigators to Anson, and then returns to the conquest of the Isthmus, Mexico, and Peru. After this come the Portuguese conquest, the English settlements, Wafer's adventures in Darien, and the north-west and north-east searches. The rest concerns the three old continents.

New Voyages and Travels; Consisting of Originals, Translations, and Abridgments, 9 vols, 8vo, explain their appearance very correctly, and the need of a periodical publication of recent voyages, to which they are confined. Each original, or set of compiled narratives, forms a separately paged part, but follows no order, the object being to give in each volume pieces relating to several parts of the world, and America is accordingly represented in every one. Kotzebue and Roquefeuil's voyages, in vi. and ix. respectively, are the only ones relating to my field.

The World; or the Present State of the Universe. Being a General and Complete Collection of Modern Voyages and Travels, by Cavendish Pelham, London, 1808-10, 2 vols, 4to, has in view not only to present the most recent narratives, in abridged form, but to give a modern account of every country, in a geographic, politic, and social aspect. Beginning with a lengthy relation of La Pérouse's voyage and the search for him, the editor continues with a tour in Kamchatka, and with Portlock and Dixon's voyage, followed by a medley of narratives on Africa, Asia, and particularly Europe. Toward the end is given an outline of physical and political geography, whereof America receives seven pages; and last comes a sketch of the leading voyages not already given.

An appropriate subdivision of voyages is presented in An Historical Account of all the Voyages round the World, performed by English Navigators. London, 1773-4, 4 vols, 8vo, maps and engravings. Volume i. contains Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, with briefer references to Cowley and Roggewein, while Cook's voyages occupy not only the greater part of iii., but part of iv., and the whole of a fifth and sixth volume added in 1775 and 1781 by David Henry, the editor of the first two.

Berenger, Collection de tous les Voyages faits autour du Monde, Paris, 1788-9, 9 vols, embraces circumnavigations by all nations, but shows itself even more disproportionate in its arrangement than Henry's. Magellan's all-important voyage is so hastily disposed of as to create a belief that the work was never based upon a plan; nor have any prefatory remarks been given to assist the wondering reader. Drake and Cavendish are not shown much more favor, while the doubtful voyage of Carreri occupies the whole of ii., and Cook's three voyages fill the last three volumes.

An Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the Globe, and of the Progress of Discovery in the Pacific Ocean, from Magellan to Cook, Edinburgh, 1837, 12mo, has for its chief aim the relation of Cook's voyages, to which half the volume is devoted. It is claimed that several original papers and points were obtained from the family of the great navigator for the perfection of the narrative. The book opens with a brief review of the progress of navigation till the discovery of the South Sea by Balboa, and then begins the narrative proper with Magellan's voyage, and with voyages that have assisted in opening the Pacific Ocean. The freely sprinkled foot-notes indicate that, although the work is small, considerable care has been bestowed upon it. A continuation was issued under the title of Voyages round the World from the Death of Captain Cook to the Present Time, Edinburgh, 1843, which gives even greater attention to scientific features and to generalizations, than to details of voyages; yet a sufficient number of curious and exciting incidents are introduced to attract the ordinary reader.

[Sidenote: FORSTER, BURNEY, DALRYMPLE, DELAPORTE.]

The preceding work on circumnavigations shows the value of a subdivision of the collections and histories of voyages, wherein the attempt to embrace too much naturally leads to superficiality, to a neglect of important points, and wherein the arrangement forbids a comprehensive view of particular sections. A subdivision affords better opportunity for the proper study of special subjects and regions in connection with history and sciences. Such works as Recueil de Voiages an Nord are convenient for this purpose, to be used by scholars for the preparation of more complete and critical works, as Forster, Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiffahrten im Norden, Francfurt, 1785, translated into English in 1786, and into French in 1789. The latter opens with a review in books i. and ii. of the beginning of discovery voyages among the ancients, and their progress during the middle ages, particularly under the Italians, among them the brothers Zeno. In book iii. follows at greater length the history of voyages to northern regions in modern times, each nation engaged receiving a chronologically arranged chapter. Most of the voyages are of course directed to the search for a north-east or north-west passage, but they also include those that have merely been directed northward, as Ulloa's and Alarcon's in 1539 and 1540, which did not pass beyond Lower California. The latter occur in the Spanish chapter, embracing the several American voyages from Gomez in 1524 to Bodega in 1775, and including Fuca's and Fuente's. The voyages close with the Russian entry into Alaska. Like most German works of research it has received careful study, and forms an authority for its field. John Reinhold Forster was one whose talents and investigations had met with the recognition of membership in several learned societies. He had made the geography of the north his particular study, and had accompanied Cook round the world, in 1772-75, as a naturalist, and with a view to prepare a philosophic history of the voyage. He also wrote Observations Made during a Voyage round the World, London, 1778, 4to, dedicated to the Royal Society of London, and relating to geography, ethnology, and ethics. The journal kept by him during this voyage, together with the reports to the government and to societies, was elaborated by his son and voyage companion into the Reise um die Welt, a work to which Humboldt gratefully ascribes the first impulse to his love for nature. Besides several books on Egypt and Africa, Forster issued the Magazin von Reisebeschreibungen, Berlin, 1790-1802, 24 vols, which is not prepared with the care due to his fame.

A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea, by James Burney, London, 1803-17, 5 vols, 4to, owes its existence, like several of Forster's works, to companionship with Cook. The later Admiral Burney sailed as lieutenant with the great navigator during the last two voyages, and having made geographic discoveries a particular study, his attention was naturally directed to the Pacific. Stimulated by Forster's example, he determined to write a history of voyages to cover this field, a project which received the encouragement of Sir Joseph Banks, who opened his library and lent his influence, receiving in return the grateful dedication of the work. After some preliminary remarks on attempts between 1492 and 1517 to find a passage to the South Sea, the chronologic account of voyages therein is begun with Magellan's. Amongst the earliest cruises are those in search of a route to the Philippines, and of a passage to the Atlantic, north of Mexico, both bearing good fruit in the extension of geographic knowledge. With Drake is resumed the lengthy series of circumnavigations to which the second volume is chiefly devoted, interspersed with minor expeditions, and with cautious reviews of the doubtful narratives of Maldonado and Fuca. Volume iii. gives considerable attention to the Asiatic coast, and to the unfolding of the Australian group, and the following is swelled with a full history of the buccaneers, which concerns chiefly the Antilles; but after this Pacific voyages are resumed with Dampier, Shelvocke, Roggewein, Anson, and minor local expeditions until about 1766, when their increasing number called for a different treatment, and they were therefore left for another pen. The whole forms an able digest, not only of maritime expeditions, but of the progress and condition of settlements along the coast. The author is not perhaps so consistent with his plan of thoroughness and comprehensiveness as the very sensible preface leads us to expect, nor is the lengthy account of the Antilles quite relevant to the subject when so much matter to the point might have been included. These objections are more than balanced, however, by an evident research, and a study of the material, manifest also in the sound comments and conclusions. As supplementary works may be regarded A Chronological History of North-Eastern Voyages of Discovery; London, 1819; A Memoir on the Geography of the North-eastern Part of Asia, London, 1818; A Memoir of the Voyage of d'Entrecasteaux, London, 1820. The continuation of the work is supplied by Hawkesworth's collection, Bougainville's voyage, and later publications.

It will be seen that a portion of the Chronologic History had already been covered by Forster's volume, for the north, while the southern region had found an exponent in De Brosses, Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, translated into English with additions. This work was rather a hasty preparation, having for its object chiefly to demonstrate the advantages of the South Pacific for colonies; so that there was ample room for An Historical Collection of the several Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, by Alexander Dalrymple, London, 1770-1, 2 vols, 4to, which treats of Spanish and Dutch voyages between South America and Papua. A French translation appeared at Paris in 1774 by Fréville, who the same year issued in his Hydrographique what may be regarded as a continuation.

Le Voyageur François, ou la Connoissance de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Monde, Mis au jour par M. l'Abbé Delaporte, Paris, 1767-72, 42 vols, 12mo, presents an historical and descriptive account of the world by a fictitious French traveller who addresses himself to a lady in the form of letters, dated at leading towns in different countries. While describing the actual condition of the country in a politic, economic, and social sense, he also gives lengthy reviews of the past history and of the ancient customs of the people, as if related by a native or culled from memory. The narrative is by this means rendered most interesting, and assumes a freshness and a sprightliness of style which condone greatly for its superficiality, incompleteness, and want of critical discernment in adopting statements. The epistolary form, while intended to court the public, doubtless adds to the flippancy, in which respect La Harpe, among others, expresses himself rather like a jealous rival. Beginning his tour in the Mediterranean, the author passes through Asia Minor to India and China, and in volume ix. turns up in the British American colonies. In the three volumes following he enters the Pacific States, devoting to Mexico the greater part of x., describing chiefly the conquest and the ancient customs of the Aztecs, and leaving almost untouched the later history and condition; but then the object is to interest the ordinary reader. Only the first 28 vols. are from the pen of the abbé; the rest show the inferior style of De Tontenai and Domairon. The success was such as to warrant a new edition in 1792-95. A German duodecimo edition was issued at Leipzig immediately upon the completion of the original, under the title of Reisen eines Franzosen. A Spanish translation was begun as El Viagero Universal ó Noticia del Mundo, Madrid, 1795-1801, 43 vols, including four supplementary. By D. P. E. P. The editor soon tired of the faults of the original, and with the 6th vol. began an independent work, in which much new information is given, so that the book greatly surpasses the French in the value of its material, while it falls behind in style and treatment. Volumes xii. xxvi. and xxvii. relate to Mexico, Central America, and California, and several adjoining volumes treat of other parts of America, including searches for the north-west passage. So conscientious is the editor that he devotes the supplementary volumes to complete and correct the first five wherein he had followed Delaporte.

[Sidenote: D'URVILLE, DE LURCY, PINKERTON.]

Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde, Paris, 1834-5, 2 vols, 4to, under the direction of Dumont d'Urville, is also a voyage round the world by an imaginary person, who starting from Toulon proceeds by way of Rio de Janeiro to South Africa, coasts along the East Indies to China, visits the Pacific groups and Australia, whence he returns to France with barely a reference to America. The object is to fasten the attention with a pleasing narrative, while imparting as much information as possible on geography, political and social history, and curious facts, illustrated by a profusion of neat cuts.

A work covering much of the same ground, and somewhat similar in character, though written by the navigator himself, is Voyages autour du monde et Naufrages Célèbres, Paris, 1844, 8 vols in 4, by Gabriel Lafond de Lurcy, part of which had already appeared in 1840 as Quinze ans de Voyages, 2 vols. The narrative begins with a voyage performed during the Spanish American revolution from Manila to Mexico, to which latter country and the adjoining dependencies the whole volume is devoted, reviewing the political and social condition, the conquest, the Spanish rule, and the insurrectionary war. In ii. to v. the author relates several voyages along the South American coast to China, the East Indies, and the Pacific groups, which are made the vehicle for similar reviews, including Columbus' voyages and the conquest of Panamá and the region to the south. The last three volumes relate to notable voyages by others, and to adventures of shipwrecked crews in Africa and in the Pacific groups. The easy narrative inclines to the romantic style, and little attention is given to exactness or completeness. Still, the account of revolutionary events deserves attention from the fact that Lafond was an actual participant. He also wrote Études sur l'Amérique Espagnol, 1848, and some other treatises.

Curious and Entertaining Voyages, London, 1790, 4to, consists of a Portuguese and Spanish collection from Prince Henry's time to 1520, given in chronologic order, and without repetition in later narratives of matter already related; but there is little merit in the treatment, and negligence is shown even on the title-page, where particular attention is called to Columbus' conquest of Mexico! Of the four books forming the division, i. and iii. relate to Portuguese, and the others to Spanish voyages and expeditions, from Columbus to Cortés and Magellan.

A General Collection of the best and most interesting Voyages and Travels in all parts of the World, by John Pinkerton, London, 1808-14, 17 vols, 4to, is announced as "the most voluminous of the kind ever published," next to the Histoire of Prévost. After pointing out the numerous defects of this collection, and of its prototype by Green, with even more details than La Harpe, the accomplished Pinkerton, friend of Gibbon, proposes not only to avoid their dryness, inaccuracy, and repetition, but to embrace all the material of former collections, together with many additional narratives. Dividing his subject into five parts, corresponding to the five continents, he devotes volume i. to the north and north-east, besides two or three southern voyages; the two following to travels in Great Britain, and iv. to vi. to other parts of Europe; while vii. to x. relate to Asia; xi. to Australasia; xii. and xiii. to North America, beginning with Columbus; xiv. to South America; and the two following to Africa. Volume xvii. contains a retrospect of the progress of discovery, a catalogue of books on each region, and a detailed index. In these groups he collects, with little attempt at order, a mass of narratives which, however excellent in themselves, often cover but a portion of the field already better described in other works by several or more thorough narratives. Of the conspicuous and absorbing conquest of Mexico and adjoining regions not a word appears, and the only description of that country is from the later incomplete and comparatively unimportant travels of de Menonville. The north-west coast, with California, is only slightly referred to under Drake's visits. In other instances, several voyages to the same region are given with valueless repetitions, as Frobisher's three searches for a north-west passage and the five voyages to Persia. A mass of uninteresting extracts from log-books are also presented, besides other verbose trivialities. Altogether the collection fails to realize its promises, and is decidedly inferior in selection, arrangement, treatment, and above all in completeness, to many less pretentious sets.

[Sidenote: KERR, LARDNER, DUMÉNIL, GOODRICH.]

A much more thorough, though less known work, is A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, from the earliest ages, by Robert Kerr, Edinburgh, 1811-24, 18 vols, 8vo. It is the first work of the kind issued in Scotland, and claims to be the first systematically arranged history of voyages in English. Purchas is admitted to possess system, but is incomplete and merges the traveller's individuality too often, faults which Kerr promises to avoid. He divides the work into five parts; first, voyages and travels from King Alfred's time to the fifteenth century, nearly all directed to Asia, yet including in volume i. Zeno's voyages, and in ii. the discoveries of Galvano: second, voyages between 1492 and 1760, constituting volumes iii. to xi. These open with two accounts of Columbus' discovery and contemporary events, by his son and by Herrera. The same volume has the beginning of Cortés' conquest, which is continued in iv. together with Pizarro's. From the conquest of South America, concluded in v., the chronologic order takes the reader to the north-east coast of America, from Florida northward; and in vi. the voyages change to the East Indies, to return in x. and xi. to America, with the circumnavigators, who occupy both volumes. The third part relates to particular voyages in each of the five parts of the globe, arranged under each country and section, and begins in xii. with Byron, Wallis, Carteret, and Cook. The several voyages of the latter occupy the remainder of the work, xiii. to xvii., with the exception of a brief space to Bougainville, and to circumnavigations. This by no means completes the part, as promised, nor the fourth part on general voyages during the reign of George III. Whether this is owing to the early abandonment of the plan announced, or to Kerr's death, is not clear, but the work certainly leaves gaps by concluding, in volume xviii. with the fifth part, a historical deduction of the progress of navigation, discovery, and commerce, which was written several years after volume xvii. by W. Stevenson. This well prepared treatise is followed by a list of books on voyages and geographic descriptions. The method, so far as carried out, has been to give in chronologic order, at considerable length, and chiefly in the original form, the most valuable voyages and travels, particularly such as have extended geographic knowledge; and further, to review at the beginning or end of such narratives all minor accounts, so as to furnish a history of voyages. Objections may be raised in many instances, such as giving Columbus two versions where one might have sufficed if notes had been added from the other or from others. Cook's voyages, so well known by this time, are out of proportion to the rest, particularly when narratives were so greatly needed to cover the progress of discovery and settlement in different regions, as the Northwest Coast, Mexico, and other Spanish colonies.

A method similar to Kerr's is more consistently adhered to, on a smaller scale, in The History of Maritime and Inland Discovery, London, 1830-1, 3 vols, 12mo, which forms volumes ii. xi. and xvi. of The Cabinet Cyclopædia, conducted by Rev. Dionysius Lardner. It certainly is a most thorough history for its size, and valuable as a guide to larger incomplete sets. Volume i. ends with Columbus' first voyage, while ii. carries along with Magellan and Cortés the circumnavigators and buccaneers, and closes with the discovery of Alaska by the Russians. Vol. iii. opens with Byron and Wallis, and closes in 1822.

In Nouvelle Bibliothèque des Voyages anciens et modernes, Paris, 12 vols, 8vo, with maps and engravings, P. Duménil, editor, presents a selection of the most noted and interesting voyages in full and abridged form, the latter rendered in attractive style. After an introductory essay on the progress of exploration by Duponchel, the series begins with circumnavigations; Anson, Byron, and Bougainville occupying the first volume, while Cook takes ii. to v. In vi. are given the narratives of La Pérouse and five other French voyagers between 1800 and 1840. The three following volumes embrace African travel, while Asia and Egypt combined find a place in x. and xi. Vol. xii. treats of Columbus, Cortés, and Pizarro, followed by minor and abridged narratives on north and north-east America and the Levant.

Historia de la Marina Real Española, Madrid, 1849 and 1854, 2 vols, 4to, profusely illustrated, forms a useful subdivision of voyages, by giving a history of all expeditions performed not only by the Spanish royal navy, but in the interest of the government. Of the two books in volume i. the first is almost wholly devoted to Columbus, while the second is occupied with Isthmian expeditions, the conquest of Mexico, and Magellan's circumnavigation. Volume ii. begins with Garay's expedition to Pánuco, and passes on to Molucca voyages from Spain and Mexico, to Pizarro's conquest, and Cortés' expeditions in the Pacific. The last three books, vii. to ix., cover the remainder of the sixteenth, and the whole of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries respectively. The measures connected with Drake's raid on the Spanish main form a striking feature in the seventh book, and Vizcaino's voyage opens the next. In the eighteenth century are given the several Mexican voyages to the north-west Pacific, from the time of Perez to that of the Sutil y Mexicana; and in the battle of Trafalgar is found the apt finale to a history intended to record the glories of the Spanish fleets. Although useful for the field it covers, the work shows little investigation or critique. The editors were José Terrer de Couto, who prepared the first 600 pages, and José March y Labores, who finished the work. The dedication to the king, which is almost republican in its straightforward tenor, bears the names of Vila and Manini, proprietors.

Man upon the Sea; or, a History of Maritime Adventure, Exploration, and Discovery from the Earliest Ages, by Frank B. Goodrich, Philadelphia, 1858, 8vo, while presenting a most complete and useful history, lays claim to no particular research, but depends for popularity on the prominence given to curious facts, striking incidents, and alluring narratives, pleasingly illustrated with cuts. Beginning with a review of early notions on geography, it considers the beginning of navigation, including the development of shipbuilding, and enters upon the regular history of voyages in the Phœnician era, carrying it to the present time in as chronologic an order as the narrative will allow. Section iii. covers the period from Columbus to Magellan, and the next two sections are devoted to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with the northern voyages and the circumnavigations, while vi. is chiefly occupied with the Arctic voyages and the laying of the Atlantic cable. An abridgment of the book appeared as The Sea and her Famous Sailors, London, 1859, 12mo.

Nuevo Viajero Universal, Enciclopedia de Viajes Modernos, Madrid, 1859, 5 vols, 4to, edited by N. Fernandez Cuesta, and forming a part of the Biblioteca Ilustrada of Gaspar and Roig, is a collection of the latest voyages, profusely illustrated, and so selected and arranged as to give a description of all parts of the world, with more or less completeness. The volumes are equally distributed among the five continents in the order of Africa, Asia, America, Europe, and Oceania. North America is covered by six narratives referring respectively to the western United States, Canada, California, Mexico, and Central America, while five others describe South America. The account of California is extracted from Bryant; that of Guatemala and adjoining regions from Morelet; and of Mexico from Basil Hall and Zamacois. Each narrative has its own division and chapters.

Perhaps no individual navigators have done so much for the extension of coast geography in America in early times as the buccaneers, who, ever flitting about in quest of Spanish gold, and ever in need of a refuge from stern pursuers, left no available harbor or point on the main unnoticed. Nor were they chary of imparting the information, but published it freely in their narratives for the benefit alike of friend and foe. Among the special works compiled from these as well as the more secret Spanish documents was that of Sharp, which was specially devoted to the Pacific coast. A valuable supplement to this is An Appendix to Sharp's South Sea Waggoner, translated out of the original Spanish, a MS. folio of 145 pages, giving sailing directions from Chile to California, with a minute description of the coast, reefs, and harbors, explained by the seventy-two rude charts of the appendix. These are particularly interesting, from the fact that they are relics of a collection of two to three hundred original charts, collected by the traveller Nic Witsen, and valued by him at over twenty thousand gulden, partly perhaps because they indicated the localities where Spanish vessels had sunk with their treasures. He had sold them to the king of Spain, but they perished in a shipwreck while on the way to Madrid. So runs the story told in the autographic preface in Dutch, signed by Witsen at Amsterdam, 1692.

The first important work of this class, issued in the United States, was the American Coast Pilot of Blunt, which has grown in size and importance with every succeeding edition since 1796, when it appeared at Newburyport as a small 8vo of 122 pages, prepared by Captain Furlong. Since 1815 the Blunts, father and son, have had control of it, improving and adding until the twenty-first edition came out as a closely printed royal 8vo of 926 pages. This volume, after an introduction on winds, currents, and other general matter, begins its description of coast line and harbors at Newfoundland, and carries it to the north-east coast of South America, giving also a full account of the Antilles. The part relating to the United States occupies about half the volume. An instance of the interest manifested by the Spanish government in navigation is furnished by the Derrotero de las islas Antillas de las Costas de Tierra firme y del seno Mexicano, Madrid, 1810, sm. 4to, prepared by the Direccion de Hidrografía of Madrid as a hand-book to accompany their charts. The Antilles are first described, then the mainland northward to Florida, pages 340-455 being devoted to the section between Portobello and San Bernando. Several improved editions were published in Spain as well as America; that of Mexico, 1825, being noticeable, as revised by Guadalupe Victoria, the first president of Mexico. As a valuable complement to the preceding coast guides may be regarded A Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean, London, 1851, 1 vol. in 2, 8vo, by Alexander G. Findlay. It is equally thorough and well arranged, with many statistical facts in connection with harbors. The first part relates to the west coast of America, the second to Asia and the Australian groups.

[Sidenote: TERNAUX-COMPANS, BERCHTOLD, CAMUS.]

Voyages, Relations et Mémoires originaux pour servir à l'Histoire de la Découverte de l'Amérique, by Henri Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837-41, 20 vols, 8vo, in 2 series of 10 vols each, is one of the valuable collections of original documents or reprints which have of late years been discovered by zealous students and published at their own cost, or with the aid of the rapidly increasing number of historical societies. Of the first series, only the last two volumes are original publications, the rest being reprints of rare German, Portuguese, and Spanish works, chiefly of the sixteenth century. Several of them refer to the Pacific States, as Relation véridique de la Conquête de Pérou, etc., by Xerez in vol. iv., which also relates to the discovery of Panamá; Relation de Cabeça de Vaca, vol. vii., which runs through northern Mexico; Cruautés Horribles des Conquérants du Mexique, by Ixtlilxochitl, vol. viii.; the valuable Relation du Voyage de Cibola, vol. ix., giving an account of the first entry into New Mexico; Recueil de Pièces Relatives à la Conquête du Mexique, vol. x. The second series is even more valuable and interesting, as all the volumes publish selections from the manuscripts collected by Muñoz for his Historia del Nuevo Mundo, and partly issued by Kingsborough in his large work. Those relating to the Pacific States are, Zurita, Rapport, vol. xi.; Ixtlilxochitl, Histoire des Chichimèques, vol. xii., xiii.; Oviedo, Histoire de Nicaragua, vol. xiv.; Recueil de Pièces sur le Mexique, vol. xvi.; Id., sur la Floride, vol. xx., which contains letters on New Spain. Only a limited number of copies were printed. In connection with it was formed the Bibliothèque Américaine, Paris, 1837, a valuable addition, particularly in reference to Spanish and German works. Ternaux-Compans' Archives des Voyages and Recueil de Documents, both published in Paris in 1840, 8vo, have also important material on America.

From the preceding review it will be seen that even the largest collections of voyages failed to keep pace with the extension of maritime progress, and recorded at the most the leading undertakings of a few nations, complemented by references to a certain number of minor ones. This gap was partly covered by booksellers' catalogues; but even their lists were for a long time incomplete, and surpassed in many instances by those appended to their works by authors. Berchtold, for instance, in his Essay to Travellers, London, 1789, gives a full list of European travels arranged under countries. A more extensive list for voyage narratives was that of Reuss, issued during the eighteenth century, and Stuck's, published at Halle, 1784-7. But these were mere catalogues with few or no notes to indicate contents or character of books; and this regardless of the admirable example and aid given by Guill. Fr. de Bure, to whom is due the credit of issuing the first descriptive bibliography, the Bibliographique Instructive, Paris, 1763-8, 7 vols, 8vo, the germ of which lies in his imperfect Musæum Typographicam, Paris, 1755. The work is perhaps needlessly profuse in its notes, but nevertheless of some value, even now, beside the many modern works of this class to which it may be said to have given rise. It devotes considerable space to voyages, and among other collections it treats pretty fully of De Bry's. The interest manifested in this set, however, and the confusion which its numerous partial editions had created, warranted the special Mémoire sur la Collection des Grand et Petits Voyages, et sur la Collection de Thévenot, Paris, 1802, prepared by A. G. Camus. This gives not only a satisfactory amount of De Bry for the collector, but a review of its composition for the benefit of students. It does not excel De Bure's in details of contents, but surpasses it in scientific treatment and in critique, presenting quite a model analysis. Camus had at first prepared a briefer memoir which l'Institut National induced him to elaborate and publish at its expense, with a similar notice of Thévenot's collection. Camus was the author of a voyage narrative, and a noted work in connection with his profession of the law.

While Camus was yet occupied with his memoir, a more extensive work of the same class had been undertaken by G. Boucher de la Richarderie, who after ten years of research among the various literary deposits in Paris, aided by translators and others, issued the Bibliothèque Universelle des Voyages, Paris, 1808, 6 vols, 8vo. Despite the labor bestowed the work is far from perfect, either in its titles or notes, and the number of omissions becomes more and more apparent when later catalogues are brought into comparison. The arrangement, however, displays considerable judgment, beginning with a review of voyage narratives and travelling guides in general, and proceeding with accounts of voyages during the classic and middle ages. After this come collections and general histories of voyages and circumnavigations, followed by the main subject, an account of individual voyages, arranged chronologically under the part of the world, the region, or the country to which they are directed. Works on geography, natural history, antiquities, and conquests are excluded, but not purely descriptive accounts of a country. In most cases only the title of the work is given, in French and in the original, with a sprinkling of notices on various editions, their rarity and character, but at times a more or less lengthy review of the contents is presented in order to furnish from the best works a concise account of the different countries. The book is accordingly a combination of bibliography and historio-geographic description of the world. The value of descriptive extracts in such a work is questionable, and a more satisfactory treatment, in consonance with its mission, would have been to present a larger proportion of bibliographic notes, thus increasing its value.

[Sidenote: ULLOA, VILLAGUTIERRE, PINELO.]

The field covered by De Natura found a modern and more profound exponent in Antonio de Ulloa, one of the most enlightened Spaniards of the last century. His Noticias Americanas, Madrid, 1772, presents a philosophic treatise on climate, natural products, and customs of the natives. At first glance the obscure style and conceit gleaming throughout the preface might lead one to suspect the pedant; but the merit of the work soon becomes apparent, and appears worthy of the attention it has received in several editions and translations. In the French Mémoires Philosophiques it numbered in 1787 the third edition. It must not be confounded with the curious Noticias Secretas de America, by Juan and Ulloa, which forms a report on the political administration of the Spanish colonies in South America, though applicable also to the northern provinces, and aiding not a little to explain the causes which led to the war of independence. As a secret report it was kept from the public, and did not see the light till David Barry came across the MS. and published it in London, 1826, in 4to form. To Ulloa's revision are greatly due the merits of the Relacion Histórica del Viage, by Juan and Ulloa, Madrid, 1748-9, so widely translated. He also prepared some valuable reports on the revival of trade and manufactures in Spain.

Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Redvccion, y Progressos de la de el Lacandon. Madrid, 1701, folio, 1 vol. 660 pp. To this author we are indebted for a very complete history of the operations conducted against the Itzas and Lacandones during the seventeenth century. The work contains an excellent résumé of the partial and transitory occupation by the Spaniards of the country inhabited by those tribes, and of the efforts of ecclesiastics to effect a peaceful entry into it during the first three quarters of the century. Then follow full details of the campaigns organized by President Barrios and of the final conquest of the Itzas by Ursua. The authorities from whom Villagutierre obtained the material for this portion of his work were such as to render it thoroughly authentic, being Captain Nicolás de Valenzuela, who took part in the expedition of Barrios, and President Ursua. According to Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 267, Valenzuela, with official documents at his service, wrote a minute account of the campaign in which he took part. His narrative, contained in 402 pages of manuscript divided into 26 chapters, was never published, but Ursua supplied Villagutierre with material to continue the history. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., Madrid, 1688, also furnished Villagutierre with some material, else both authors had access to certain original documents, since passages almost word for word alike occur in their respective works. Villagutierre dedicated his book to the council of the Indies. The volume contains a frontispiece on which are depicted the arms of Spain suspended between the pillars of Hercules, the whole framed in a border composed of nude female busts and clusters of fruit, with a cherub on the upper border and an idol's head on the lower. It was the chronicler's intention to publish a second part to his history "si el Material de lo que se obrare lo diere de sì," p. 660, but this has never appeared. The bibliographer Brunet states that the volume contains "2 part, en 1 vol." Cáldas, Sebastian Alvarez Alfonso Rosica, Copia de Carta Escrita a Sv Magestad, Impressa en Goatemala, Por Ioseph de Pineda Ybarra, Año de 1667, is a copy of the proposal made by President Cáldas to the king, by which he undertook to accomplish the subjugation of the Lacandon country at his own expense, and open a road between Guatemala and Campeche, if assisted by the governor of the latter province. He calls his Majesty's attention to the great commercial advantage which both provinces would gain by such a consummation, and among other stipulations requests that the king will be pleased to give to the territory in the event of its conquest the name of "Provincia de Caldas, para que aya memoria de quien la reduxo, pacificó, convirtió, y pobló"! p. 5. Though the president was in no way benefited by this address to the crown, being shortly deposed from office, his having caused it to be printed in Guatemala excited interest in such an undertaking and stimulated future enterprise. The printed copies of this letter are rare, since nearly every one of them was lost in the earthquake which destroyed the city in 1773. Pinelo, Antonio de Leon, Relacion qve en el Conseio de Indias hizo, Sobre la Pacificacion, y poblacion del Manché i Lacandon, que pretende hazer Don Diego de Vera Ordoñez de Villaquiran, Cavallero de la Orden de Calatrava, &c., año 1638, folio 11, is a report of Antonio de Leon Pinelo, the celebrated historical secretary of the council of the Indies, on the district occupied by the Lacandones, Manchés, and other unconquered native nations. The book is extremely rare, and probably not more than two or three copies are in existence, since only a limited number were printed for the individual use of the members of the council. The one in my possession was the property of the late E. G. Squier. It contains a brief description of the Manché and Lacandon country, which is followed by a concise sketch of the various attempts to pacify and people those districts, from the time of the conquest down to the date of the report. The greater part of the treatise consists of a careful consideration of the proposition made by Diego de Vera Ordoñez de Villaquiran for the pacification of the Lacandon territory. Attached to the document is a copy of the royal patent extended to Villaquiran approving his proposition and appointing him governor and captain-general of the "Provincia de el Prospero (alias el Lacandon)," drawn up in 1638, and issued by the king on the 29th of March 1639. Mention has already been made of Pinelo's labors in vol. i. p. 287, Hist. Cent. Am. Informe del Rev. P. Prior del Convento de Coban al Ilimo y Rimo Sr D. Fray Andrés de Navas y Quevedo, Arzobispo de Guatemala, sobre las Misiones de Verapaz y Ahitzaes, escrita en Coban á 8 de Febrero de 1685, MS., 27, is an interesting report, formerly belonging to the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and containing an account of the Dominican missions in the Chol country from 1673 to the date of the document. It constitutes a spirited refutation of the charge of abandonment thereof brought against the order by Sebastian de Olivera y Angulo, the alcalde mayor of Vera Paz. The letter is ably and courteously written, and, as the production of a Spanish friar, not very verbose.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FURTHER REFERENCES.]

Herewith I give further references to some authorities consulted for the preceding chapters: Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 1-771; Escamilla, Not. Cur., 1-78; Oviedo, i. 115, 157-8, 599-602; iii. 123, 131-2, 189-208, 211-20, 222-3, 255, 488-94, 540; iv. 8-10, 19-32, 239-42; Concilios Prov., MS., i. 160, passim; Id., 1555 y 1565, pp. vi.-vii., 283-89, 293-8; Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xii.; lib. x. cap. xi.; dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; lib. ix. cap. vii. x.; lib. x. cap. ix. xi.; dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. vii. xi.; lib. ii. cap. i. iii. vi.; lib. iii. cap. ii.; lib. iv. cap. vii.; lib. vi. cap. iii.; lib. vii. cap. v.; lib. x. cap. v. xv.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. iii. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. i.; lib. ix. cap. viii. ix.; dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. ix.; lib. iii. cap. xix.; lib. vii. cap. iv. vi.; dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x. xi. xii.; lib. vi. cap. v. vi.; dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. ii. iii. v. vii.; dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.; Torquemada, i. 322-31, 333-4; iii. 338-40, 384, 468-70, 535-6; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 177-83, 205, 219-21, 235-7, 245-6; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 45-308, passim; Cartas de Indias, 23-5, 414, 451-55, 662, 673-8, 708-10, 735, 745-6, 757-8, 776, 797, 834, 841, 857; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 1-771; America, Descrip., MS., 2-4, 130-5, 155, 166, 182-9; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233; Id., Hist. Ind., 64, 243-4, 268-70; Chiapas, Doc. Orig., MS., 6-8, 55 et seq.; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 50-1, 89-93, 109-15, 179-89, 303-29, 343, 478; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 183, 254-5, 429-48; ii. 16, passim; iii. 3-6, 18-30, 48-80, 172, 179-80, 295-6; Centro América, Extractos Sueltos, MS., 1-149; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., i. 511, passim; ii. 209 et seq.; iii. 351-62, 386-8, 507-8; iv. 131-5; v. 522-9; vi. 6-17, 304, 342-3; vii. 6, passim; viii. 19-46, 89, 224; ix. 81-115; x. 32 et seq.; xi. 91-153; xiii. 136, passim; xiv. 47 et seq.; xv. 9, passim; xvi. 324-7; xvii. 489-95; xix. 329-40; xxii. 515-24; xxiii. 171-89; Dávila, Continuacion de la Cronica, MS., 127-30, 290; Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. lvi.-cxv.; ii. pp. xxxvi.-xl. 509-14, 595-600; Robles, Prov. de Chiapa, 5-71; Barcia, i. 166-79; ii. 29-33, 173; iii. 172-5; Calle, Mem. y Not., 72, passim; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 181; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., i. 540-1; ii. 12 et seq.; iv. 104-6, 252, 489-93; v. 475; Id., MS., 322-4, 435, 638-42, 1083; Cáldas, Carta sobre Lacandon, 1-13; Alcedo, Dic., iii. 325-6; Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 71; Florida, Col. Doc., 138; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., i. 53-221, 308-13; ii. 321-6; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oaj., i. 83-7, 387-8; ii. 233-8, 385, 410-11; Id., Palestra, 174; Reales Cédulas, MS., 12, 192; ii. 159, 194-7; Codex, Tell. Rem.; Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, 99, 106-7, 159-60; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 96, 158-60; ii. 58; iii. 45-73; iv. 130-1, 150-7; Vetancvrt, Chron. San Evang., 24, 77; Id., Teat. Mex., 24-6, 37, 53; Id., Menolog., 24-8, 44-5, 135-6, 259; Garcilaso de la Vega, Comment. Reales, ii. 57-81, 369-75, 466-7; Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 11-12, 239-41; Puga, Cedulario, 24-7, 75-93, 115, 161-3, 188-201; Las Casas, Carta Amonest. 1545, p. iv.; Id., Carta al Gattinara, 1520, 1-5; Id., Carta a los PP. de Guat., 1554, 1-10; Id., Hist. Apolog., MS., 28-9, 222; Id., Hist. Ind., i. 406, p. vii.; Id., Regionvm, 35-40; Providencias Reales, MS., 10-15, 49-77, 158-60, 178-208, 221-54, 270-309; Espinosa, Chron. Apost., 308-407, 490-9, 534-90; Estrada Rávago, Descripcion, MS., 2-11; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 15-172; Id., Col. Doc. Antig., 1-198; Arricivita, Crón. Seráfica, 1-157, 227-35, 588-9, 603-5; Col. Doc. Inéd., 1. 122-4, 140-1; lvii. 318, 344, 384-412, 478; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 382-94, 545-8, 619-21, 667-74; Gavarrete, Copias de Doc., MS., 1-55; Guat., Col. de Cédulas, MS., 1-130; Id., Sto Domingo, en 1724, MS., 1-74; Haya, Informe al Rey, MS., 1-23; Prov. Sant. Evang., MS., 1-7, 160-6, 206-10; Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 103, passim; tom. ii. 3-520; tom. iii. 238-495; tom. iv. 116-237; tom. v. 109, 142; série ii. tom. iv. 21-2, 212-88, 349-72, 463; tom. vi. 41-8; tom. vii. 75-6; Recop. de Indias, i. 11, passim; ii. 17, passim; iii. 311, passim; Juarros, Guat., 1, passim; Id. (ed. London, 1823), 1-520; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 93, 234-42, 326, 637, 745-51; Reales Ordenes, ii. 305-31; iii. 94-245, 308-12; viii. 188-9, 422-39; Fernandez, Hist. Ecl., 29-32, 115-185; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 1-310, passim; ii. 1-311, passim; iii. 1-291; Gracias, Estadistica, 22-31; Squier's MSS., i.-xxxii.; Criado de Castilla, Descub., MS., 1-64; Maltratamiento de Yndios, MS., 1-4; Cortés, Residencia, i. 51-60, 96-7, 155-6, 232-4, 424; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 877, 1146-7, 1569-1603; v. 886-8; Cerezeda, Carta, MS., 1-62; Derrotero para Naveg., MS., 17-133, passim; Cabrera Bueno, Naveg. Especvl., 313; Lobo, Relacion, MS., 1-217, passim; Gallego y Cadena, Relacion, MS., 1-18; Lazcano, Vida del Oviedo, 17; Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., 3; Apiano, Cosmog., 18-19, 75; Garcia, Sublev. Zendales, MS., 1-154, passim; Avila y Lugo, Descrip., MS., 1-8; Ramusio, iii. 300-4; Cedulario, MS., i. 34-46, 246-8; iii.0 81-91; Garcia de Hermosilla, Memorial, MS., 1-65; Simon, Conq. Tierra Firme, 401-32; Fvndacion y Prog. de Prov. Santiago, MS., 2-5; Duarte, Relacion, MS., 1-5; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 1-117, passim; Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. 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FOOTNOTES

[I‑1] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says 80 men. Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro's secretary, _Conq. del Peru_, in Barcia, iii. 179, places the number at 112 Spaniards, besides Indians; Zárate, Hist. del Peru, in Id., at 114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies compare Gomara, Hist. Ind., 141; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; Benzoni, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 118; Oviedo, iii. 382-90; Quintana, _Vidas, Pizarro_, 50.

[I‑2] This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and begging from the governor relief, was signed by the writer and his comrades; after which was a doggerel, current for years thereafter in the Indies, which ran as follows:

Pues señor gobernador, Mirelo bien por entero Que allá va el recogedor, Y acá queda el carnicero.

And may be rendered thus:

To this we hope your honor, Will lend a kindly ear; You have the herder with you, We have the butcher here.

In Balboa, Histoire du Pérou, Ternaux-Compans gives a French rendering by Beaudoin:

Monsieur le gouverneur, on s'en va vous chercher, Pour emmener des gens de la ville où vous estes. Envoyez-nous-en donc, car voícy le boucher Qui les esgorgera comme de pauvres bestes.

[I‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xi., tells the most extravagant stories concerning Tumbez. 'Avia gran numero de Plateros, que hacian Cantaros de Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para el servicio, y ornamento del Templo, que ellos tenian por Sacrosanto, como para servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar las planchas deste Metal, por las paredes de los Templos, y Palacios.' See also, Xerez, Conq. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 169-81; Zárate, Hist. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 2, 3; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 143; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 138; Benzoni, Hist. Mundo Nvovo, 120; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii.; Oviedo, iii.

[I‑4] Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortés and Pizarro became great friends; that much fatherly advice was given by the former to the latter. Cortés, they say, although the younger, could teach his brother-conqueror many things, and warned Pizarro against admitting another to a share in the supreme authority, which advice, indeed, was hardly necessary.

[I‑5] Historians of the Peruvian conquest point with emphasis to political disruption as the agency which gave the country to the Spaniards. Of course we cannot tell what would have been the accidents or incidents of this invasion under other conditions. As it happened, I fail to perceive how the civil war of necessity was the cause of success, or that without Peruvian disruption the Spaniards could not have accomplished their purpose. Atahualpa at the head of a powerful army in the full flush of victory could have crushed this handful of Spaniards as easily as might have done a Peruvian host tenfold greater. Pizarro could have performed his imperial cozenage as easily when peace reigned as at another time. Compare Naharro, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxvi. 232-7; Real Cédula, in Id., 256; Castañeda, Informacion, in Id., 256-9; Jaren, Informacion en Panamá, in Id., 259-60; Candía, Informacion, in Id., 261-5; Pedro Pizarro, in Id., 201-10; Almagro, Informacion, in Id., 265-74; Sámano, Relacion, in Id., v. 193-201; Col. Doc. Inéd., in Id., l. 206-20; Ovalle, Hist. Chile, in Pinkerton's Voy., xiv. 154-6, and in Churchill's Col. Voy., xiv. 154-6; Leon's Travels, Hakluyt Soc.; Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, ii. 13-20; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 127-9; Xerez, Conq. del Peru, 179-81; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 141-7; Oviedo, iv. 147 et seq.; Zárate, Hist. Peru, 17-23. The last-mentioned document is by one of the conquerors. According to some reports the inca was undetermined what course to pursue. Immediately after the capture of Huascar some of his counsellors were for sending an army and destroying the invaders at once. Others wished to take them alive and by making slaves of them ingraft their superiority into their own incipient civilization. Others more timid represented the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer whom would be difficult and dangerous. 'Vnos querian, que fuesse vn capitan a ello con exercito, otros dezian, que aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, eran valientes, y que la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos pedian mayor fuerça.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix. According to Balboa the arrival of the Spaniards caused some anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. 'Cette nouvelle inquiéta tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets en leur disant que ces étrangers étaient probablement des envoyés de Viracocha, et depuis cette époque ce nom est resté aux Espagnols.' Hist. du Pérou, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that Atahualpa who was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and return to his own country. 'In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del Peru si trouaua in Cassiamalca, e inteso com' era entrato nel suo paese gente con la barba, con certi animali terribili e scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredando il tutto, mandò vn' ambasciatore à Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se non lasciaua i suoi vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese, che lo farebbe mal contento.' Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 121.

[I‑6] Herrera says 24; others 20. In the narratives of these early adventurers rarely two are exactly alike concerning any occurrence. Among them all, however, we can usually arrive near the truth.

[I‑7] There were in reality, according to the 'Spanish Captain,' 80,000 warriors in the encampment of the inca, but the cavaliers reported to their comrades only 40,000 in order not to dishearten them! 'Li Capitani ritornorno al signor gourenator, e gli disseno quel che era seguito del cacique, e che li parea che la gente ch'egli haueua portriano esser da quaranta mila huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar animo alla gente, perche erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono ancora quello che li haueua detto il cacique.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo, in Ramusio, iii. 373.

[I‑8] The story is told in as many ways as there are historians. Some say that the inca entered Caxamalca as a conqueror, others as falling into the trap of the Spaniards. All are partially correct. Undoubtedly he would capture the Spaniards if he could, while they would prevent it by securing him if they were able. According to Zárate, seeing but a few men in the plaza when he entered he asked, 'Have these men surrendered?' and his people answered, 'They have!' 'Y como viò tan pocos Españoles, i esos à pie (porque los de à Caballo, estaban escondidos) pensò, que no osarian parecer delante de èl, ni le esperarian; i levantandose sobre las andas, dixo à su Gente. Estos rendidos estàn. Y todos respondieron que si.' Zárate, Hist. del Peru, Barcia, iii. 21.

[I‑9] Some say a cross and a breviary, others a cross and a bible. 'Llego entonces a el Fray Vincente de Valuerde, dominico, que lleuaua una Cruz en la mano, y su breuiario, o la biblia, como algunos dizen.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149.

[I‑10] 'Lui exposa longuement les mystères de notre sainte religion, en citant son discours plusieurs passages des évangiles, comme si Atahualpa avait su ce que c'était que les évangiles, ou eût été obligé de le savoir.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. iv. 315.

[I‑11] 'Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria tributar siẽdo libre.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149. 'Ma che non gli pareua come Re libero di dar tributo à chi non haueua mai ve duto.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Soi libre, no debo tributo à nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco por superior à ningun Rei.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑12] 'Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca morian.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 150.

[I‑13] 'Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran pazzo, poi che daua cosi liberamente quello d'altri.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Que no obedeceria al Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el reyno, que fue de su padre.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 149-50.

[I‑14] 'Poi gli dimandò, come sapeua, che'l Dio de Cristiani di niente haueua fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce. Il frate rispose, che quel libro lo diceua, e lo porse ad Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo disse; à me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per terra, il frate lo ripigliò.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. 'Le moine en fut si irrité qu'il réclama à grands cris vengeance pour l'offense faite à Dieu et à sa sainte loi.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 315.

[I‑15] Pizarro y Orellana mildly affirms that the inca threw the book from him in such scorn, that the monk was obliged to call upon the Christians to fight for their law. 'Y poniendole la biblia en las manos, la arrojò el Inga con tã gran vituperio, que obligò al Religioso à dar vozes à los Cristianos, diziendoles, que bolviessen por su ley, que la ultrajava aquel barbaro gentil, de quien no avia ya que esperar.' Varones Ilvstres, 155.

[I‑16] 'Et subito ad alta voce cominciò à gridare; vendetta, vendetta Cristiani, che gli Euangelij sono disprezzati, e gettati per terra. Vccidete questi cani, che dispreggiano la legge di Dio.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 123. Gomara says: 'Los Euãgelios en tierra, Vẽgãça Christianos, a ellos, a ellos que no quiere nuestra amistad, ni nuestra ley.' Hist. Ind., 150. While Garcilaso de la Vega renders it thus: 'Ea, ea, destruidlos, que menos precian nuestra lei, y no quieren nuestra amistad.' Com. Reales, ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑17] 'De Monick selfs hielt oock niet op den gantschen tydt dat sy doende waren met dit Dolck te vermoorden, vamrasen en tieren, vermanende de spaenjaerden dat sy niet houwen maer steken souden, om de Lemmets te bewaren, dat sy niet braecken, mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen souden van noode hebben.' West-Indische Spieghel, 362.

[I‑18] 'Cargauã todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en su litera, por prenderle, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria de su prision.' Gomara, 150. 'Ses gardes prirent la fuite de tous les côtés, et les Espagnols, ayant entraîné l'Inga dans leur camp, lvi mirent les fers aux pieds.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 316.

[I‑19] The 'Spanish Captain' places the number at over seven thousand besides many who had their limbs cut off and were in other ways mutilated. 'Rima sero in quel giorno morti da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che haueano tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo; Ramusio, iii. 374. 'Decimos, que pasaron de cinco mil Indios los que murieron aquel dia. Los tres mil y quinientos fueron à hierro, y los demas fueron viejos invtiles, mugeres, muchachos, y niños, porque de ambos sexos, y de todas edades avia venido innumerable gente à oir, y solenniçar la embajada de los que tenian por dioses.' Garcilaso de la Vega; Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. 25. This brutal massacre is dignified by Pizarro y Orellana, as one of the most important battles of history, remarkable for the loss of so little Christian blood! 'Se vencio una de las mas importantes batallas, y con menos gente de quantas en las historias divinas, y humanas se han visto; no sacandose mas sangre de los Cristianos, que la de una pequeña herida que le dieron en la mano à nuestro valeroso capitan salia.' Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I‑20] 'Cosi bauuta la sanguinolente e terribil vittoria di quella misera gente infelice; stettero tutti la notte in balli e feste, lussuriando.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 124. 'Als de Spaenjaerden desen bloedighen neerlaghe aengerecht hadden van dit ongheluckighe Volck, hebben sy den naestvolgenden nacht met dansen en springhen, en bancketeren overghebrocht.' West-Indische Spieghel, 362.

[I‑21] No greater monument of blind adulation is found in Spanish-American history than the Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, Madrid, 1639, of Pizarro y Orellana, a descendant of one of the great Pizarros. Not only the brutal Francisco Pizarro is made a saint, but the accounts of the eight heroes of the conquest, which occupy the greater part of a folio volume, are little else than a covering of defects by so-called glorious deeds, which serve besides the purposes of fame as a special plea for the confirmation of grants conferred upon the conqueror. This plea is embodied in the author's later Discurso Legal, and is in some degree made weightier by his position as member of the royal council.

[I‑22] 'Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida, y de la Fè Catolica, que oìa muy buen: como hombre que tenia muy bien entendimiento.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I‑23] 'Hallaron en el baño, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil mugeres, que aunque tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con los Christianos, muchas y buenas tiendas, infinita ropa de vestir.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii.

[I‑24] 'Valiò en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil ducados.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Real, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxvii. 'Los Soldados no se descuidaron en visitar los quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas riqueza de oro, y plata.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156.

[I‑25] 'Tratò Ataulpa de su rescate, y ofrecio tan gran cantidad de oro, que parecia impossible cumplirlo.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 156. 'Prometiò, porque le soltasen, cubrir de vasijas de plata y oro, el suelo de vna gran sala donde estava preso.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxviii.

[I‑26] 'J'attends avec impatience l'arrivée de votre frère, pour savoir quels sont ses droits, rendre justice à chacun et tâcher de vous mettre d'accord.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 317.

[I‑27] Benzoni was told that Pizarro intended from the first to take the life of Atahualpa, as by this means he expected to be able better to subdue and govern the country. 'Però io ho inteso, da poi che Pizzarro l'hebbe fatto prigione, l'intento suo fu sempre di leuarselo dinanzi à gli occhi, per meglio potere soggiogare, e dominare il paese.' Hist. Mondo Nuovo, lib. iii. fol. 125.

[I‑28] 'Il était, dit-on, épris d'une des femmes d'Atahualpa, que la crainte qu'inspirait l'Inga empêchait de se rendre à ses désirs.' Balboa, Hist. du Pérou, 322. 'Sobre estas causas se examinaron à algunos Indios, à tiempo q̃ el Interprete Filipillo, zeloso de que una muger de Ataulpa le huviesse desdeñado, interpretò los dichos de los testigos, escriviendolos demanera, que el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde dixo, que el firmaria la sentencia de muerte.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 166.

[I‑29] 'En la suma deste rescate, andan diversos, Agustin Çarate, y Francisco Lopez de Gomara, historiadores de aquellos tiempos, creo, que son erratas del molde: pondrè aqui algunas dellas, para que se vean mejor.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest estimate of this treasure as being in all probability as near the truth as any. Many different amounts are given, some of them as high as four millions. 'Hallaron cinquẽta y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte y seys mil y quiniẽtos pesos de oro, suma, y riq̃za, nunca vista en vno.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 154-5.

[I‑30] The 'Spanish Captain' says that every foot-soldier received 4,800 ducats, equal to 7,208 castellanos, while horsemen received double. Those who were left at San Miguel received 200 pesos each. 'Il signor gouernatore fece le parti, e toccò a ciascuno fante a pie, quattro mila e ottocento pesi d'oro, che sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che gli furon fatti.... A quelli Christiani che erano restati in quel luogo doue haueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette due mila pesi d'oro, acciocche lo partissero, che ne toccò dugento pesi a ciascuno.' Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo, Ramusio, iii. 377. 'Chaque cavalier reçut neuf cents pesos d'or et trois cent soixante marcs d'argent. Chaque fantassin eut la moitié de cette somme.' Hist. du Pérou, 327-8.

[I‑31] Pizarro well knew that the inca's death was certain if the matter were left to the soldiers, while by so doing he might be able to throw off some of the odium which otherwise would be fastened upon him. As he had anticipated, the majority was in favor of killing the prisoner. Others would have him sent to Spain, while a few were in favor of granting him his liberty. 'Dit also volbracht zÿnde, door Pizarro, en Almagro vergaderen de Krÿchsraedt, en beraetslaghen met malcanderen, wat men met Attabaliba soude uytrechten: Eenighe sloeghen voor, datmen hem soude om den hals brenghen, eenige vonden goet datmen hem los laten soude: Veele waren van meeninghe, dat het goet was datmen hem nae den Keyser soude senden. Ten laetsten, de stemmen vergadert synde, prevaleerde die, datmen hem soude ombrenghen.' West-Indische Spieghel, 365.

[I‑32] The philosophy as well as the religion of the early writers is ever found equal to the emergency. 'Y aunque parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron los que intervinieron en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida del Guaxcar, como queda dicho.' Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 166-7.

[I‑33] 'Començaron vnos à desentablar las paredes del templo, que de oro, y plata eran: otros à desenterrar las joias, y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos estavan: otros à tomar idolos que de lo mesmo eran.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

[I‑34] 'Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores dicen, que llevò consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece decir, que à muchos de los que fueron con el, les oì, que fueron ochocientos Españoles.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Com. Reales, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

[I‑35] His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this time nearly 80 years of age, and that he killed five persons and wounded others before he was stricken down. 'Como eran tãtos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia muerto a cinco, y otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de ochenta años, no pudo defenderse tanto, que no le diessen una estocada en la garganta, con que se desalẽtò, y desangrò, y vino à arrodillar.' Varones Ilvstres, 185-6.

[I‑36] It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history of the Peruvian conquest, indeed the only one that can lay claims to fairness and completeness, is Mr Prescott's. The chief original authorities have already been given. Pizarro forms a leading figure in Quintana, Vidas de Españoles Célebres, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three volumes, reprinted at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and dramatist since 1801, Quintana intended to produce a lengthy series of biographies of the national heroes who had already entered into his song; but the demands of other studies and of his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as senator, interfered with his work, and nine lives are all that have been recorded. While declaring his intention to be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic fancy with biographic facts. The list may be greatly swollen by such works as Acosta, Hist. Ind.; Velasco, Hist. Quito; Ercilla, La Araucana; Levinius Apollonius, Peruuiæ Regionis; Burney's Dis. South Sea, i. 120; Galvano's Discov., 34-9; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 151; La Harpe, Voy., x. 259-458, xi. 5 et seq.; Voys., Nouv. Bib. des Voys., xii. 131-67; Kerr's Col. Voy., iv. 328-464; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 788-97, iv. 464-512, v. 1-217; Molina, Hist. Chile, Madrid, 1788, i.-ii.; March y Labores, Hist. Marina, ii. 123-5; Russell's Hist. Am., i. 264-301; Francisco Pizarro, in Quintana, Vidas, 71-171; Andagoya, Carta al Rey, Oct. 22, 1536; Voy. Cur. and Rare, 34; Campbell's Span. Am., 44-9; S. Am. and Mex., i. 45-9; Descrip. de Am., 38-40; Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 419-58; Snowden's Am., 141-7; Sammlung aller Reisebesch., xv. 36-46; Voys., A New Col., i. 365-7; Guzman's Life, 84-134; Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 798-9; Piedrahita, Hist. Gen., 438-40; Harper's Mag., xix. 434; Domingo de Eraso, in Doc. Hist. Esp., l. 220-31; Barrionuevo, Inform., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 144-52; Torquemada, i. 611; and the many royal cédulas and letters of the Pizarros and others.

[II‑1] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ix. Although the charges against Pedrarias were pressed by Oviedo in person, there is no doubt that they were brought at the instigation of Rios.

[II‑2] He died at Córdoba. Oviedo, iii. 123-4.

[II‑3] Of his subsequent career it is known that he served under Pizarro in Peru and afterward retired to his estates in Cuzco. Cartas de Indias, 761-2.

[II‑4] On account of its resemblance to the harbor of Cartagena in Spain. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[II‑5] Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the Spanish translation for the phrase applied to it by the natives. The word 'bohío' belongs to the dialect of the country.

[II‑6] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., it is stated that the city was then very populous, had a considerable commerce, and contained two castles heavily mounted with artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house, and other public buildings.

[II‑7] This incident occurred in the year 1545. Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., 206-10.

[II‑8] According to Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the new town was named San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

[II‑9] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the somewhat remarkable statement that the nuts were of such size that two of them were often a sufficient burden for a man. He probably adheres to fact, however, when he states that on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro's fifty days' sojourn in that neighborhood when waiting for the return of Ojeda.

[II‑10] And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who afterward carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives. Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 133.

[II‑11]

'Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama Por rico mineral a cada lado.' Castellanos, Varones Illustres Ind., 394.

[II‑12] In Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 142, it is stated that during this expedition César reached the town of the cacique Dabaiba, but no mention is made of his finding any gold there.

[II‑13] So named on account of the swarms of troublesome insects in its neighborhood. Id., 252.

[II‑14] Spelled also Nore. Id., 254.

[II‑15] In 1535, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 25, confirmed by Clemente, Tablas Chronológicas, 204.

[II‑16] Carta al Emperador, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 64-82.

[II‑17] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. v., it is stated that Berlanga succeeded Peraza on the death of the latter in 1531, or earlier, but this is probably a mistake. There is much conflict of authorities as to the succession of bishops about this date. In Alcedo, iv. 33, Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., and Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., it is stated that Vicente de Valverde was elected in 1533, and after holding office for a few months was promoted to the see of Cuzco, Berlanga taking his place at Panamá in 1534 as stated by Fernandez, who is probably the most accurate authority in church matters, and according to Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 237, officiating in August of the following year, as 'juez comisario por su Majestad,' at an investigation into the conduct of Francisco Pizarro and other officers.

[II‑18] So says Gonzalez Dávila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551. Teatro Ecles., ii. 57-8.

[III‑1] 'Chripstóbal Colom, declaró á este almirante, su nieto, por duque de Veragua y marqués de la isla de Sanctiago, alias Jamáyca, é almirante perpétuo destas Indias, é le hizo merçed de lo uno y de lo otro por título de mayorazgo, é con ello le conçedió otras merçedes.' Oviedo, ii. 498-9. See also Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo, i. 447.

[III‑2] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated that the vireina asked permission of the Consejo de Indias to arm vessels for the purpose of subjugating the natives, but that her request was refused because the fisco had not as yet decided the question of privilege.

[III‑3] 'Felipe Gutierrez obtuvo concesion en 1535, para conquistar la provincia de Veragua.' Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 204. In Notas Biográficas, in Cartas de Indias, 771, it is stated that after being in the service of Charles V. he was granted the right to make the conquest of a tract of territory extending from Castilla del Oro to Cape Gracias á Dios.

[III‑4] Consisting of four navíos and one galleon.

[III‑5] Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some authorities make it 1553. The former date is probably correct, for in a letter addressed to the emperor in 1534 Andagoya states that he has been advised of his Majesty's orders to the governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panamá, and begs him to reconsider his command. Andagoya, Carta al Rey, Oct. 22, 1534.

[III‑6] This stream was the river Concepcion, about two leagues west of the river Veragua and four leagues west of the Belen.

[III‑7] 'Á aquella poblacion mandó llamar el gobernador Felipe Gutierrez la cibdad de la Concepcion, y tambien la pudiera llamar de la aflicion, porque él y todos tenian trabaxo extremado.' Oviedo, ii. 483-4.

[III‑8] An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being sick delegated the command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa, who was to be accompanied by the priest Juan de Sosa. This latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with the men, and the clérigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved him severely, stating that it was unseemly for a priest to carry arms. Many profane words were interchanged, the Spanish language being remarkably rich in such vocabulary. Sosa gained his point, and received the appointment, Diego de Pisa, brother of Alonso, acting as his lieutenant. Oviedo, ii. 484-9.

[III‑9] 'Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se le comieron.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

[III‑10] In Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is a severe and somewhat unjust stricture on the conduct of Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of the party became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a final and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting his former good name, and embarked secretly with a few friends for Nombre de Dios; but it does not appear what he would have gained by attempting any further enterprise with the remnant of his starving band.

[IV‑1] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 683 et seq., this series.

[IV‑2] At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh enrolment of citizens took place, and it is worthy of note that Alvarado first became one himself on that date, as 'el Sr Capitan General' heads the list which contains more than forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as the date of the enrolment. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

[IV‑3] Remesal makes a sly allusion to his vanity. 'Le parecio al Capitan Pedro de Aluarado boluer a la ciudad de Mexico, a ver, y que le viessen,' and adds that at this time, though not so quick and active as formerly, he had a fine appearance and a handsome countenance. Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[IV‑4] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 581-2, this series.

[IV‑5] In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it was alleged that he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on account of their opposition. To this he replied that he had merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning of the year, according to the usual custom. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12, 60, 83.

[IV‑6] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 12.

[IV‑7] Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17. Remesal is of opinion that Alvarado himself petitioned for a body-guard to go with him to Mexico; but a more probable explanation of the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico had extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on foot. Consult Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 83; and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[IV‑8] Alvarado calls this city the 'city of Santiago,' and also the 'city of Guatemala,' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guatemala, 102, by which expressions it must be understood to have been Patinamit. Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of the Cakchiquel manuscript, states that Alvarado mustered his forces at Xapan, and that at the moment of commencing his march one half of his men mutinied and fled to Patinamit; whereupon Alvarado pursued them, and the two parties nearly came to blows at the latter place. He found means, however, to pacify them, but in the night the mutineers set fire to the city and escaped, the date being May 9, 1526. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 686.

[IV‑9] No two authorities agree as to the time of his departure. Vazquez states that he left in the month of January 1526, Chronica de Gvat., 69, and Juarros in February, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 433; while Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the 10th of May as the date. Remesal altogether ignores Alvarado's expedition to Honduras, and states that he remained in Santiago until he received news of the arrival of Cortés at Vera Cruz, whereupon he again brought forward the question of his own departure for Mexico. Hist. Chyapa, 8.

[IV‑10] Hist. Verdad., 220. The position of this town may have been in the neighborhood of the present Tegucigalpa. There is an affluent of the Choluteca River which bears the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names leads to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood of Tegucigalpa as the Malalaja flows into the main stream just above that town. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the town Malacatan.

[IV‑11] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 571, this series.

[IV‑12] Both Sandoval and Cortés had written to Marin, but neither letter reached its destination. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

[IV‑13] 'Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que dexauamos atras, y con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 219.

[IV‑14] 'E era de tal gordor, q̃ del se hizo vna canoa, que en estas partes otra mayor no la auia visto.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220. The ceiba is the wild cotton-tree and grows to an enormous size.

[IV‑15] Bernal Diaz' memory has here failed him. He states that after crossing the Lempa they entered the Chaparristic—called by him Chapanastiques—province, and that here the Indians killed a Spaniard named Nicuesa, and wounded three others of his party who were foraging for provisions. The Spaniards had passed through the Chaparristic province when they had reached the Lempa, and therefore it was either in Cuzcatlan that Nicuesa was killed, or the river which Alvarado's men crossed must have been the Goascoran.

[IV‑16] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 96-7, Id. i. 23, 253. The official gazette of Salvador erroneously gives Aug. 6, 1525, as the date of submission, and states that the conquest is yearly commemorated. Salvador, Gac. Offic., 4 Dic. 1877, p. 1123. It will be remembered that Alvarado in his first campaign in Salvador did not succeed in reducing the province of Cuzcatlan to allegiance. He, however, formed the determination of returning to complete its subjugation. There is evidence that this was accomplished previously to May 1525. Consult Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 12, 13, and Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 105-6.

[IV‑17] About ten miles from the river Paz in Guatemala territory.

[IV‑18] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 22. 'Los Españoles, que estaban en Olintepeque de Quetzaltenango no havîan tenîdo modo de dar aviso á los de Honduras.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 71.

[IV‑19] Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado or the ordinary alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be attributed. Recordacion Florida, MS., 20. Escamilla is of opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, was the one to blame, Sucesion Chronologica., 12, while the former author remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was confounded with Gonzalo. He also states that the latter was ordinary alcalde, but this was not the case, for as may be seen in Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16, 17, the alcaldes were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

[IV‑20] Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. Chronica de Gvat., 69. Fuentes y Guzman, 200 boys. Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. The gold-washings were those of Chahbal and Punakil, the former word meaning, according to Vazquez, 'the washing-place,' and the latter, 'plateado ô dorado.'

[IV‑21] One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes. 'Vn cañutillo de oro lavado del tamaño del dedo menîque,' according to Vazquez, Id.

[IV‑22] In the native dialect 'Caxtok.'

[IV‑23] Juarros, Guat., ii. 289. The whole land from Cuzcatlan to Olintepec—a distance of over 90 leagues—revolted. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 21. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the confederated Indians comprised the Pokomams, Pocomchis, Quichés, Cakchiquels, Pipiles, and Xincas, but entertains some doubt as to the Quichés taking part in the league, as such action is at variance with the Cakchiquel manuscript and with Vazquez. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 690. At a council summoned by the chiefs of the revolting tribes there were present among others the caciques of Tecpan Atitlan (the modern Solola), of Ruyaalxot, Sinacam, and the Appoxahil, of Xilotepec, Zacatepec, Chimaltenango, and Zumpango. Fuentes supposes that Sinacam was at this time at Patinamit, whereas he had escaped to the mountains of Comalapa, occupying there the stronghold of Ruyaalxot. This author evidently knew nothing of the Cakchiquel insurrection in 1524, for he states that after concealing for two years his intention to revolt the cacique now took advantage of Alvarado's absence.

[IV‑24] Juarros disagrees with the account given by Vazquez because it leads to the conclusion that Santiago was abandoned, and argues that this could not have been the case, because sessions of the cabildo were held on the 23d and 26th of August. Guat., i. 351-2, note and ii. 306. Juarros was not aware that the so-called city had no permanent site till 1527. The books of the cabildo were but the record of the acts of a municipality that was continually changing its position. Besides, Alvarado had before the dates above mentioned rejoined Gonzalo at Olintepec, and the above sessions were held at that town. The account given by Fuentes and followed by Juarros differs materially from that of Vazquez which has been followed in the text. Fuentes states that at this unexpected crisis all attempts at civil government were abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous defence; that Gonzalo with 60 Spanish horse and foot and 400 Mexican and Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec, while Baltasar de Mendoza with the rest of the army remained for the protection of the city of Santiago, Gonzalo de Ovalle, with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Panchoy and Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops were quartered in the open plains during the months of June, July, and August, and suffered much from the heavy rains; and that the detachment under Chaves sustained four attacks from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle engaged twice with Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks and ditches. Recordacion Florida, MS., 22; Juarros, Guat., ii. 291. I cannot accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz makes no mention of Alvarado's being joined by any Spaniards in the series of engagements that took place during his march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says 'fuimos por nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro de Alvarado auia dexado su exercito, porque estaua todo de guerra, y estaua en él por Capitan vn hermano que se dezia Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde los hallamos, Olintepeque.' Hist. Verdad., 220. From this it is evident that Vazquez' account is correct and that the Spaniards had been completely driven out of the Cakchiquel district.

[IV‑25] Meanwhile the other column had suffered severely. There is a list of those killed in Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 54. It is refreshing to know that their spiritual welfare was cared for, the cabildo on the 16th of Sept. 1528 securing to them their lots and lands and ordering the same to be sold for the good of their souls. Bernal Diaz was among the wounded: 'allí me hirieron de vn flechazo, mas no fue nada la herida.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV‑26] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 23-4; Juarros, Guat., ii. 294-5.

[IV‑27] The name of the chief is spelled by Fuentes Cazualan and Casualan. Juarros states that the word means 'The faithful will come,' and adds, 'nombre que parece profetico, pues en tiempo de este Cacique vinieron los fieles Christianos á predicar el Santo Evangelio.' Guat., ii. 292. Cazhualan had been one of the first to give in his allegiance, an act which offended the greater part of his subjects, who revolted against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A fierce conflict ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who fled to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their allegiance, Cazhualan visited Alvarado, who promised him assistance. Thenceforward he remained a faithful ally of the Spaniards. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly afterward sent a force to his aid, and Petapa was soon reduced to obedience and made submissive to its cacique. Fuentes states that the Guzmans of Petapa are descended from Cazhualan. Recordacion Florida, MS., 24-5; Juarros, Guat., ii. 296.

[IV‑28] This great battle is simply but graphically made mention of by Bernal Diaz in the few words, 'Y les hizimos yr con la mala ventura.' Fuentes, followed by Juarros, locates the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that on reaching the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and carried the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same night the army arrived in Guatemala. Recordacion Florida, 24. Vazquez correctly writes: 'En la vltima de las quales (batallas) entraron la Ciudad de Patinamit, los Españoles, que ... fué hazaña muy memorable esta victoria.' Chronica de Gvat., 73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal Diaz.

[IV‑29] This capital had already been repaired, and the buildings elicit an expression of admiration from Bernal Diaz, who says: 'Y estauan los aposentos y las casas con tan buenos edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que mandauan todas las Provincias comarcanas.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV‑30] Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection of these dwellings gave rise to the present city of Tecpan-Guatémala, which is to-day inhabited by the descendants of the citizens of Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 693.

[IV‑31] Pelaez considers that this time was occupied in removing the inhabitants and destroying the city. Mem. Guat., i. 49. But Bernal Diaz makes no mention of so striking an event.

[IV‑32] Two of the brothers of Pedro de Alvarado now pass from the scene as prominent actors in Guatemala. Gonzalo came over to Mexico with Cortés, and took part in the conquest. On his return to the capital of that country it appears from the books of the cabildo that he was regidor in 1527 and 1528, and in the latter year received a grant of land for a fruit-orchard, on which occasion the cabildo graciously mentions that he had remitted the payment of 100 pesos previously loaned to the city. Bernal Diaz makes mention of him as having written an account of the conquest of Guatemala. At a later date he settled in Honduras and became alcalde of one of the towns founded there by his brother. He also resettled the city of Gracias á Dios. The second brother alluded to—Don Gomez—also came to Mexico with Cortés. What time he left Guatemala is not evident; his name, however, appears on the books of the cabildo on January 8, 1525. He was in Mexico in 1527. When Alvarado went on his expedition to Peru, this brother accompanied him, joined the Almagro faction, was made prisoner at the battle of Salinas, but was released by Pizarro. Later he was so disgusted at the assassination of that leader that he joined the standard of the viceroy Vaca de Castro and was present at the battle of Chupas. He died of sickness a few days afterward in 1542. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 215-16, 224; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 12; Bernal Diaz, Hist., 176, 240; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog. Ap., i. 167.

[IV‑33] 'Cortés nos lleuò a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia aparejada vna muy solene comida.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220.

[IV‑34] The Recordacion Florida de la Historia de Guatemala by Don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript work in three volumes, two of which exist in the archives of the municipality of Guatemala city. They comprise seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history of the indigenous races, the substance of which is taken almost entirely from Torquemada. The six following books treat consecutively of the conquest down to the time of the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with respect to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and Alvarado's life and career; of the founding of the second city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in Guatemala; and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The next nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys of the province, among which may be mentioned those of Las Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. In these descriptions the author deals with all matters of interest connected with the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is devoted to the historiography of the spiritual administration of these valleys in the writer's time. According to Beristain the first volume was sent to Spain to be printed, but nothing more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in Antigua Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz. Juarros states that he wrote in 1695. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 309. He had at his command a large number of rare documents, but did not make such use of them as an unbiassed chronicler would have done. His admiration of the conquerors was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged him to indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his prejudices in this respect, that as regards the conquest, he could not be considered a reliable historian were there no other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in many instances his narrative is at variance with that given in Alvarado's own letters, the necessity of receiving his statements with additional caution is apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: 'Le mensonge qui règne continuellement dans les récits de Fuentes,' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept Indian versions of events, as the other was disposed to ignore them. The style of Fuentes, though not wanting in elegance and descriptive power, often becomes flowery and sometimes inflated.

[V‑1] In a memorial of Mexicans and Tlascaltecs petitioning the king of Spain for redress of grievances, they said, 'Venimos a conquistar esta prova. bajo el yugo pesado del Ado. Alvarado, i Dn. Po. Puertocarrero;' and again: 'i malos tratos. de los Esps. qe. ahorcaron i mataron ms. de noss.' Memorial, 15 Marzo 1547; Squier's MSS., xxii. 41.

[V‑2] Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also states that Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison; but I think that some other officer was then in command, as a Diego de Alvarado was regidor of Santiago this same year. See Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 16-18.

[V‑3] 'Que hoy no se encuentra el menor vestigio de èl.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 297.

[V‑4] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 4-12; Juarros, Guat., ii. 297-300. Many families are descended from Spaniards who distinguished themselves in this campaign. Bartolomé Becerra, one of the captains, left numerous descendants besides those bearing his family name. His daughter who later took a prominent part in the conquest of Copan, is represented in the female line by the family of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From Sancho de Baraona, who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry officer Hernando de Chaves was ever placed in command when dangerous enterprises were to be undertaken. His daughter Doña Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married Rodrigo de Fuentes y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de Aguilar. Juarros, Guat., i. 349-51.

[V‑5] Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado not only conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but on his arrival at Olintepec united his forces with those stationed there, and marched against Patinamit, which he took after a series of engagements, and then went in pursuit of the caciques who had escaped. Chronica de Gvat., 72-3. This is utterly at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz, who took part in the campaign. Nor did Alvarado after his arrival at Olintepec undertake any further operations before his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority, who says: 'y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias' (that is at Olintepec), 'y luego fuimos a Soconusco.' Hist. Verdad., 220.

[V‑6] Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning 'great tree,' and derived from the enormous cedars which grew in the ravines. The range is situated about eight leagues from Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan Guatemala, near the site of Ruyaalxot. Chronica de Gvat., 70-71.

[V‑7] 'Passa el rio grande, q̃ se dize Nimaya, por sus muchas aguas.' Id.

[V‑8] For an account of a priest's descent into this ravine see Vazquez. Id.

[V‑9] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification had been previously built, 'dans la prévision d'une guerre avec les Quichés,' and adds that according to public rumor subterranean passages connected it with Patinamit. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 693-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that the Quichés aided in its erection in order to provide a safe retreat in case of being defeated by the Spaniards. Its ruins were still to be seen in the time of Juarros. Guat., i. 253.

[V‑10] According to Fuentes it consisted of 215 Spanish arquebusiers and cross-bowmen, 108 horsemen, 120 Tlascaltecs, and 230 Mexicans, with four pieces of artillery, under Diego de Usagre. Recordacion Florida, ii. 586. Brasseur de Bourbourg says the army was composed of 200 Spanish veterans and numerous Mexican, Tlascaltec, Zutugil, and Quiché auxiliaries. Vazquez followed by Escamilla asserts that the number of Spaniards scarcely amounted to 200 men. Chronica de Gvat., 72.

[V‑11] At a place called Chixot according to the Cakchiquel manuscript. Brasseur de Bourbourg has a note to the effect that this must be the same as the Ruyaalxot of Vazquez, as the etymology of this latter name corresponds with that of the Mexican word Comalapa, which he believes to have been afterward founded on the spot. Vazquez says the Spaniards took up their quarters so close to the mountain that they were hardly safe from the rocks rolled down upon them. Chronica de Gvat., 73.

[V‑12] Juarros states that the emissaries were put to death. Guat., i. 253.

[V‑13] 'Ellos como monos se descolgaban hasta donde querian, subian, como por vna escalera bien ordenada por aquellos riscos ... y dando bastantes cuydados al exercito Español.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 73.

[V‑14] Brasseur de Bourbourg is of this opinion.

[V‑15] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that Sinacam escaped by one of the subterranean passages before mentioned, and after living a wretched life for several years, wandering about the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. Hist. Nat. Civ., 695-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take Sinacam and Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the Spice Islands on account of their rebellious proclivities, or to execute them. Alvarado replied that he would do what was most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died in Jalisco before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as they were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado would not be likely to execute them at the instigation of the cabildo. Chronica de Gvat., 30-2. The author of the Isagoge states that they lingered in prison for 14 years, that they were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 77. Brasseur de Bourbourg's account of the fate of these princes is that Sinacam died in 1533, while Sequechul was put on board the fleet and perished miserably off the coast of Jalisco. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes gives so different an account to that of Vazquez relative to the capture of the stronghold, that, as Juarros remarks, every one would suppose it to be the narration of an entirely distinct event. Guat., ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam was yearly celebrated by 'the festival of the volcano,' at which a mimic representation of the event was performed. In the great plaza of Guatemala an artificial mound was thrown up and covered with branches of trees and rocks in imitation of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built. Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the principal men of his village. He represented Sinacam, and in so high esteem was this privilege held, that in 1680 the ruler of Itzapa offered 500 pesos for the right of personating the character, but was refused. When the governor had placed himself at his post, two companies of Tlascaltecs commenced the mimic siege, and after a long display of prowess on both sides, the assailants stormed the height and captured Sinacam, who was secured with a chain and delivered prisoner to the president. Id., 301-3, note.

[V‑16] Remesal infers that he was in Guatemala on the 26th of August 1526, Hist. Chyapa, 8; though we know that he was at that date a regidor of the city of Mexico. Consult Libro de Cabildo, MS., 152; and Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 547.

[V‑17] The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and it is significant that this is the first meeting mentioned in the books of the cabildo as being held there. Of the instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof. Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes, says: 'Lo otro digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos ... habia de haber pueblo fundado, donde los españoles tuviesen poblacion sentada.' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 27. The valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present Chimaltenango. Juarros, Guat., ii. 304.

[V‑18] Remesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered one bull to be bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which indicates the scarcity of cattle at that date. In 1543 six were purchased. Hist. Chyapa, 27. This author is of opinion that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because of the devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. Id., 4. Fuentes gives as the reason that the Spanish army entered the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, and states that he personally took their city under his protection, by appearing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the army, while marching along the valley of Panchoy. Juarros, Guat., ii. 273. For further opinions and information on this subject consult Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 74-5; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 20-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 275-7; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., 12; and Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 223-7.

[V‑19] The former received the name of the 'hospital de misericordia,' and the chapel and shrine were to be dedicated to Nuestra Señora de los Remedios.

[V‑20] In April 1528 Santiago was made the capital of the province, Puga, Cedulario, 27; and in 1532 was granted armorial bearings, which are thus described by Juarros: 'A shield charged with three mountains on a field Gules, the centre one vomiting fire, and surmounted by the Apostle St James on horseback, armed, and brandishing a sword; an Orle with eight shells; Or, on a field, Azure; crest a crown.' Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 105. For other descriptions see Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 37; and Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 5-6. A lithograph of the shield faces page five of this last authority, and a wood-cut of it, somewhat different, is to be seen in Gonzalez Dávila, Teat. Ecles., i. between pp. 138 and 139.

[V‑21] It has already been observed that the names of the same persons often appear in more than one list of enrolled citizens. This was done in order to obtain new grants without prejudice to previous ones. Citizens were enrolled in 1527, 'sin perjuicio de las otras vecindades antes recibidas en esta dicha cibdad.' Actas Ayunt. Guat., 39. And again in 1528, 'sin perjuicio de las vecindades que se han hecho en esta cibdad, despues de la que se fundó en esta provincia en tiempo de Pedro de Alvarado.' Id. 42. Remesal says: 'Muchos estan escritos dos vezes, porque no tuuieron por suficiente para adquirir dererecho a esta segunda vezindad, estar alistados en la primera.' Hist. Chyapa, 33.

[V‑22] The caballería was the amount of land granted to a cavalryman, and the peonía that bestowed on a foot-soldier, who was termed 'peon.' The former received 600 by 1,400 pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that quantity. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 48. Remesal states that the caballería was 600 by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account that is not in accordance with the book of the cabildo. Hist. Chyapa, 39. Even the more accurate Juarros is in error in stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 600 pasos. Guat., ii. 341.

[V‑23] As these grants were considered as rewards for services rendered to the king for a period of five years, the deeds were confirmed at a later date upon the holder proving that he had served for that length of time.

[VI‑1] Garcilaso de la Vega asserts that Charles in his royal gardens at Aranjuez chanced to see Alvarado pass by, and struck with his appearance asked who he was. On being told that it was Alvarado he said, 'No tiene este hombre talle de aver hecho lo que de él me han dicho,' and ordered the charges against him to be dismissed. Hist. Peru, ii. 58.

[VI‑2] Alvarado petitioned the king for the government of Guatemala and other provinces, which he represented to have been conquered and pacified at his own cost. The adelantado Montejo declared before the king on the 13th of April 1529, that in no portion of his statement did Alvarado speak the truth, which assertion he said would be corroborated in the report of the president and oidores. Montejo, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 89. A similar statement was made at a session of the cabildo of Mexico held Jan. 29, 1529, and Vazquez de Tapia and the chief procurator were empowered to take steps in the matter to counteract Alvarado's false statements. Libro de Cabildo, MS., 248.

[VI‑3] 'Y que por el poco camino que auia hasta la mar del Norte, seria facil el comercio.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[VI‑4] Remesal says that he had before been ironically dubbed comendador by the soldiers, because he had been in the habit of wearing at feast days the cloak of an uncle who held that title. Hist. Chyapa, 16. See also Hist. Mex., i. 74, this series.

[VI‑5] Cortés was much displeased with this agreement, as he considered the search for the Spice Islands and the navigation of the South Sea to be his exclusive right. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, p. xvi.

[VI‑6] 'Cortés le embiaba siempre Españoles, Caballos, Hierro, y Ropa, y cosas de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le avia prometido de Casarse con vna su Prima-Hermana, y asi le hiço su Teniente, en aquella Provincia.' Torquemada, i. 322.

[VI‑7] Doña Francisca lived but a short time after the marriage. Remesal says that her death occurred a few days after marriage; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 485, and Ramirez that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married her sister Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49, imagines that this second marriage took place shortly after the first, whereas it was at least ten years later. Consult Arévalo, Doc. Antig., 179, and Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the same mistake. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 701.

[VI‑8] Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of the cabildo, the year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528. Hist. Chyapa, 39; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 83.

[VI‑9] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 42.

[VI‑10] Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the discovery and preservation of the Proceso de Residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, we are indebted to the licentiate Ignacio Rayon, 'oficial mayor' in the Mexican archives. The confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office had become so great that in 1846 the government decided to reduce them to some order, and entrusted the work of so doing to the director Miguel María Arrioja, whose co-laborer was Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 'useless,' was the Proceso contra Alvarado, the historical value of which was at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was merely to copy and add it to his collection of manuscripts. His friends, however, advised him otherwise; and through their assistance—Ignacio Trigueros generously offering to pay expenses, and José Fernando Ramirez having obtained permission from the government—he published it in Mexico in 1847. The Proceso is the official investigation into Alvarado's conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and consists of the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment of the natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal dues, and the testimony of the witnesses on both sides. Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is of great value in establishing numerous historical points narrated by the early chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the Proceso, a biographical sketch of Alvarado's career by Ramirez; fragments of the Proceso contra Nuño de Guzman, preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of which represents the death of Alvarado. The account given by Ramirez of Alvarado's expedition to Peru is the same as that of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the reasons he assigns for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez was minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

[VI‑11] There is a copy of this document in the Actas Ayunt. Guat., 80-4. Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to be subject to the audiencia and chancillería real of the city of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to lie from Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of Mexico, with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to appoint and remove officers of administration at will, and to try and decide all causes, civil and criminal, to make general laws, and particular ones for each pueblo; to establish penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might wish to send away from his province to appear before their Majesties, and in case of their refusal, to visit them with penalties which their Majesties in anticipation confirmed. His annual salary was to be 562,500 maravedís.

[VI‑12] And somewhat contemptuously added: 'é que no quiere usar dellos, si de derecho lo puede é debe hacer.' Id., 84.

[VI‑13] Francisco de Orduña was Cortés' secretary in 1523, and was sent by him to negotiate with Garay. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. vi. In 1524 he was elected secretary of the cabildo of Mexico, and shortly afterward returned to Spain. We next find him procurador of Mexico in 1526. Ocaña, Carta, in Icazbalceta, i. 530, 532, and the governor Alonso de Estrada made him regidor in 1528. From this time his friendly relations with Cortés seem to have been interrupted, as his evidence taken in February 1529, in the residencia instituted against that conqueror, is far from favorable. In the same testimony he also displays antipathy to Alvarado.

[VI‑14] In the minutes of the cabildo dated 15th September, it is stated 'al presente estàn los mas de los españoles de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, é sobre el pueblo de Xumaytepeque à donde han muerto ciertos españoles, y estamos al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, é Tesulutlan, é Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estàn todas é otras muchas de guerra.' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 128. The Libro de Actas de Ayuntamiento de la Ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago during the first six years of its existence, copied literally, by Rafael de Arévalo, secretary of the municipality, from the original records in the archives of the city. The work was published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt that the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work, owing to their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted that the transcriber did not indicate in his publication where he considered the originals were defective, or remark upon the obliteration of different portions, the only instance of his doing so being on page 7. Remesal states that until the year 1530 the cabildo had no bound book of records, but simply loose sheets, many of which must have been lost, Hist. Chyapa, 33; and Juarros refers to minutes which do not appear in Arévalo's edition. I cannot, therefore, agree with Brasseur de Bourbourg, who asserts that it 'comprend tous les actes du conseil communal ... durant les six premières années.' Bib. Mex. Guat., 15. Though many of the ordinances are of minor interest, the work is of value, inasmuch as a portion of them reflect to a great extent the condition and social state of the colonists, while from others an idea is derived of the continual state of warfare in which the Spaniards lived. A considerable number afford information relative to the holding of and succession to property, to restriction regarding the sale of it, and the amount of land to be possessed by a single owner. These and other regulations for the internal government of the community afford much information with regard to its system. The book is additionally valuable as conclusive in assigning correct dates in many important instances. It also throws much light on many historical events, and is particularly serviceable in supplying a vivid conception of the arbitrary proceedings and violent character of Francisco de Orduña.

[VI‑15] The natives of Xumay, Xalpatlahua, Cinacantan, and Petapa. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the two former were identical with the Chortis. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 698.

[VI‑16] Dardon had accompanied Alvarado from Mexico, and was appointed by him a regidor of the city of Santiago, founded in 1524. This office or that of alcalde he held for many years. He served with distinction as a subaltern in many campaigns. Juarros, Guat., i. 348-9.

[VI‑17] The present town of Cuajiniquilapa is situated a few miles from the right bank of this river.

[VI‑18] Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that it was surmounted by a fortress.

[VI‑19] Tonaltetl by name.

[VI‑20] Juarros, Guat., ii. 88-90. This author makes the rather doubtful assertion that the place was called Los Esclavos from the fact that these were the first rebels whom the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbourg more reasonably assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

[VI‑21] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'The town of this name situated between the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan preserved more than other places the ancient rites of Hunahpu and Exbalanqué, and the temple of these gods annually received a certain number of human victims.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 699.

[VI‑22] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian allies as three thousand. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700.

[VI‑23] Called by Juarros, Gaspar Arias Dávila. Guat., i. 363. This officer may be identical with a certain Gaspar Arias de Avila or Dávila, whom Alvarado while in Honduras sent to confer with Pedrarias at Panamá. The name of Gaspar Arias appears in the minutes of the cabildo of Oct. 4, 1525, and not again till March 18, 1528, when he was nominated for the office of alcalde. The omission of his name for so long a period may be explained by his absence in Panamá.

[VI‑24] According to Bernal Diaz, Gaspar Arias was a firm supporter of Alvarado and his party. Hence, probably, his dismissal from office.

[VI‑25] The reception which Arias met with at Santiago is a good illustration of Orduña's character. On appearing before the cabildo and petitioning that the wand of office be restored to him, Orduña passionately called him a disturber of the peace, laid violent hands on him, and, while ordering him to be carried off to prison, struck him in the face. 'Delante de todo el cabildo, y en gran menosprecio y desacatamiento de su magestad y de su cabildo.' In January 1530 Arias again petitioned for redress, but though the voting was somewhat in his favor, he does not seem to have obtained it, as his name appears no more as alcalde. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 139-42.

[VI‑26] 'Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d'alliés, ayant été pris vivants, se virent emmenés dans la place et sacrifiés solennellement à la divinité barbare.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 700. The name of the idol was Exbalanqué.

[VI‑27] According to Herrera the number of Spaniards consisted of 31 horse and 30 foot. dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑28] In Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy of the requerimiento ordered by the king to be delivered to the natives when summoned to allegiance as noticed elsewhere. A similar form existed in the archives of Guatemala in Remesal's time. This formal summons was frequently omitted, or evaded. A priest, who at the beginning of the conquest of Guatemala had taken part in the war while a layman, thus describes the form and mode of proceeding. At night one of the soldiers with sound of drum, said: 'You Indians of this town! we inform you that there is one God, and one pope, and one king of Castile, to whom this pope has given you as slaves; wherefore we require you to come and tender your obedience to him and to us in his name, under the penalty that we wage war against you with fire and sword!' The priest then briefly describes the sequel: 'At the morning watch they fell upon them, capturing all whom they could, under pretence that they were rebels, y los demas los quemauan, ô passauan à cuchillo, robauãles la hazienda, y ponian fuego al lugar.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 413-14.

[VI‑29] Juarros states that Orduña shortly afterward returned to Santiago on account of sickness; but I find that Castellanos arrived there before him. Consult Actas Ayunt. Guat., 138, 142-3, from which it appears that the treasurer was in Santiago on the 19th of January 1530, and Orduña on the 12th of February.

[VI‑30] Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 300-7. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 703-4.

[VI‑31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 48. Cavo makes this remark upon Remesal's account: 'It seems to me more probable that the disagreement was between an oidor and that conqueror, since it is certain that three years previously the emperor ordered the factor to leave Mexico,' Tres Siglos, i. 104-5. A letter of Bishop Zumárraga to the king dated August 27, 1529, disproves Cavo's inference that the factor was not in Mexico at the time. The bishop also gives a different version of the challenge. He states that the president Guzman, Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the news lately received that Cortés had been highly favored by the king and was on his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked that he believed he would soon return, whereupon the factor passionately exclaimed, 'El rey que á tal traidor como á Cortés embia es hereje y no cristiano.' For a few days nothing was done to call the factor to account for such treasonable language, but on the 18th of the month Alvarado appeared before the audiencia and requested permission to send him a formal challenge. That body, however, defended Salazar, and on the following day their president Guzman made reply to this effect: 'Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero, si lo es, que el Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de decir tal palabra,' and Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The bishop adds, 'y no sé qué harán dél,' and that he has three witnesses worthy of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who heard the factor use the language. Zumárraga, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, xiii. 176-7. Zamacois gives almost the same account as the above. Hist. Méj. iv. 485-6.

[VI‑32] This release must only be considered as conditional, and not as a rejection of the charges brought against Alvarado. We learn, however, from Remesal that in 1531 the second audiencia acquitted him. Hist. Chyapa, 42.

[VI‑33] Bishop Zumárraga states that the president and oidores robbed Alvarado of all the valuables which he had brought from Spain, 'que fué tanto aparato y cosas ricas como un conde principal desos reinos pudiera traer;' all his silverware, tapestry, horses, and mules, 'de todo no le han dejado un pan qué comer.' He also furnishes a list of articles given as presents by Alvarado to the president and the oidores. He, moreover, makes the assertion that 'Desta manera han perseguido á quantos han sido de contraria opinion del Factor ... y lo que peor es, que en apellando ó sabiendo que querian apellar, los aprisionavan.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 136-40. Herrera leaves it to be concluded that Alvarado left Mexico at his pleasure: 'Hallaron al Adelantado don Pedro de Alvarado, que entendidos estos rumores en Mexico, auia ydo para defender su gouernacion, y lleuaua ochenta soldados de a pie, y de a cauallo.' dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑34] The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the object of correcting these abuses. The inconvenience caused by artisans closing their workshops was so serious that, on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them to exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of their Indians suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed, and again in April 1536. Actas Ayunt. Guat., 88, passim; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 171.

[VI‑35] 'Fueron los atrassos grandes, los disgustos continuos, y las dissensiones, de muchas consequẽcias: que á no aplicar efficazes, y oportunos remedios el Adelantado ... pudiera ser, que se huviera despoblado la tierra.' Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 156.

[VI‑36] Vazquez states that in 1531 horses had so multiplied that the cabildo assigned the plains between Escuintla and Mazaqua as lands for brood-mares and foals. Remesal relates that the increase of the herds was much retarded by the ravages of wild beasts, which destroyed the young animals, and not unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great destruction was caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was the densely wooded slopes of the Volcan de Agua. The loss of cattle was so great that the city offered a bounty of 25 pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed the monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went forth to hunt for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful. He was finally killed by the herder of the mares. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 173; Album Mex., 417. Notwithstanding the depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly that in 1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton for four and five cents. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 188. There are two competitors for the distinction of having first introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vazquez, the auditor Francisco de Zorrilla imported stock at his own expense, and had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to him in 1530. Juarros ascribes to Hector de Barreda the honor of being the first importer, and to him was assigned in the distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle de las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he there established a stock-farm. Chronica de Gvat., 162; Juarros, Guat., ii. 354.

[VI‑37] In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150 according to the records of the cabildo, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 22; but in the neighborhood were many settlers who had not been enrolled as citizens.

[VI‑38] None were allowed to hold more than two caballerías.

[VI‑39] Juarros entertains no doubt of this: in the first place because its location exactly corresponds with that where Moscoso built his town; and secondly, because there is no evidence that any Spanish town existed on the other side of the Lempa previous to 1530, while the villa de San Miguel is proved by the books of the cabildo of the city of Guatemala, to have been in existence in June 1531. Guat., ii. 105. In May 1535 it is mentioned by Alvarado in a letter to Charles V. Cartas, Squier's MSS., xix. 7.

[VI‑40] Called by Juarros San Jorge de Olanchito.

[VII‑1] 'Vos damos licencia ... para que por nos ... podais descubrir, conquistar é poblar, cualesquier Islas qué hay en la mar del Sur de la Nueva España, questán en su parage; é todas las que halláredes hácia el Poniente della, no siendo en el parage de las tierras en que hoy hay proveydas gobernadores; é así mismo ... podais descubrir cualquier parte de tierra firme, que halláredes, por la dicha costa del Sur, hácia el Poniente, que no se haya hasta agora descubierto, ni entre en los límites é parage Norte-Sur, de la tierra questá dada en gobernacion á otras personas.' Capitulacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 538-9.

[VII‑2] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 112, state that in these preparations Alvarado was provided by the emperor with a considerable amount of funds; but the adelantado in his official letters to the court, in Cartas, Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, 13-27, while dwelling on the labor and expense these preparations involved, makes no allusion to outside aid. It is not probable, however, that a man of Alvarado's character would have fitted out this expedition purely from loyal motives or having in view only the remote contingency of the compensation to be derived from his twelfth of the profits.

[VII‑3] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 113, state that the audiencia ordered the fitting-out of his expedition to be stopped.

[VII‑4] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 113.

[VII‑5] Alvarado, Cartas, in Squier's MSS., xix. 13-27; Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. Herrera mentions but one ship.

[VII‑6] There is no information, or none of value, as to the first settlement of Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alvarado was compelled, through lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may have been the origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word Realjo; Ogilby, 1671, Realejo; Dampier, 1699, Rialeja; Jefferys, 1776, Realejo, as bay and city. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., ii. 204, a.

[VII‑7] Equal in purchasing power to more than a million and a half of dollars at the present time.

[VII‑8] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor from Puerto de la Posesion, January 18, 1534, says: 'Mi derrota será conforme á la merced de V. M. y desde los 13 hasta los 20 grados de la otra parte de la linea descubriré todos los secretos de esta Mar y las Yslas, y Tierra firme, y donde mas convenga conquistaré, y poblaré.' In view of this it is singular that Zárate, in Barcia, iii., and those who copy him, are the only authorities who concede that Alvarado had any right to sail in a southerly direction. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., Prescott, Conq. Peru, ii. 11, and others affirm that his capitulation required him to sail toward the west, and it is evident that they did not see the letter mentioned in Squier's MSS.

[VII‑9] The number of vessels is variously stated. Herrera mentions 11; Remesal, 10; Juarros, 8, Oviedo, 11, and Prescott, 12. The number and tonnage given above are taken from the letter in Squier's MSS., mentioned in note 18. This was written from Puerto de la Posesion on the eve of departure. One galleon was of 300 tons, another of 160, a third of 150, and a fourth, built by order of Pedrarias Dávila in the gulf of Chira, was of 100 tons.

[VII‑10] Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of two vessels in which a force of 200 men was about to be sent to the aid of Pizarro. This, however, was most likely in the form of an appropriation with the consent of the owners of the vessels. The adelantado in Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as he says, that they were bought at the request of the owners and paid for to their entire satisfaction. He adds however the saving clause, that, 'even had they been seized, such an act was justified by the importance of the undertaking.' This letter also appears to have escaped Herrera's notice.

[VII‑11] In the estimate of the total Spanish force authors mainly agree, but the number of cavalry is variously stated, and even the official letters of Alvarado are contradictory on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., gives 500 as the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions 600, with 240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made in Guatemala in 1536 his whole force was 500 and his cavalry 230, Informacion echa en Santiago Set. 15, 1536; and this is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, Carta, Squier's MSS., xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his departure from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450 men including 260 horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from Puerto Viejo to the governor of Panamá, says that he set sail from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 were cavalry.

[VII‑12] In Squier's MSS., xix. 7-14, is a full account of Alvarado's report to the emperor, dated May 12, 1535, after his return from Peru.

[VII‑13] Chap. i., this volume.

[VII‑14] Informacion contra Alvarado, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., x. 152-236. Cuzco lies slightly to the south of the thirteenth parallel, and was therefore in the territory assigned to the adelantado; but it is not probable that he was aware of this fact.

[VII‑15] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 21.

[VII‑16] 'Y asi él se volvió á la cibdad de Mexico sin hacer cosa ninguna.' Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 17. This investigation was attended with some circumstances difficult of explanation. Maldonado's official proceedings were anomalous, and were strictly neither those of a visitador nor a juez de residencia. The king's decree mentioned in the text enjoined secrecy as to the motives of his visit; yet he caused the object of his arrival to be publicly cried. The difference between a visita and residencia is as follows: The visita could be made at any time by special commission of the crown, but without suspending, in the exercise of his official duties, the person whose conduct was to be investigated. The inquiry was strictly secret, and the visitador had no power to pass sentence. His duty was to remit the original depositions to the India Council, by which tribunal judgment was passed. The residencia, on the other hand, was taken at the expiration of a person's term of office; the examination was public, and afforded every opportunity for defence. Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. pp. xxviii.-xxx. The secrecy of witnesses and non-interference with the authority of the person whose conduct was investigated were not always maintained, however, in the visita. In that to which Viceroy Mendoza was subjected, in 1547, his authority was at first disregarded and the names of witnesses disclosed. Solórzano, Política Indiana, lib. v. cap. x. It may be remarked that the chroniclers seem to have been quite unaware of this first visit of Maldonado in 1535, and only record his arrival in Guatemala as juez de residencia in 1536. It is, however, fully substantiated by Alvarado's letter above quoted. For a full explanation of the term 'residencia,' see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 250-1, this series.

[VIII‑1] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 638, this series.

[VIII‑2] Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first to apply the system of studying that language to the Indian dialects. He translated the Catholic catechism into Quiché. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 150.

[VIII‑3] Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 142. Torquemada mentions that Francisco Jimenez, one of the 12 Franciscans who first arrived in New Spain, was appointed the first bishop of Guatemala, but declined the position 'por quedar en el estado humilde ... de Fraile Menor,' iii. 445. Vazquez, quoting a royal cédula dated May 24, 1531, proves that a bishop had been already appointed at that date. Chron. Gvat., 36-7. According to Remesal, the emperor appointed Domingo de Betanzos the first bishop, and as he could not be induced to accept the honor, the mitre was given to Marroquin at the request of Alvarado. Hist. Chyapa, 58-9. In Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 351-76, is a copy of the bull confirming the bishop's appointment, printed in Spanish and Latin.

[VIII‑4] Vazquez relates that Fray Toribio Motolinia, mentioned by Torquemada as the sixth of the first 12 Franciscan missionaries, resided in Guatemala during portions of 1528 and 1529; but this is extremely doubtful. According to the former chronicler he preached and baptized at Quetzaltenango and Patinamit in both years. Chron. Gvat., 20-1; but there is conclusive evidence that he was in Mexico some time during 1528 engaged in violent opposition to the audiencia. Santa María, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 92 et seq., and was also there on the 15th of April 1529 occupied in the same contention. Procès-verbal, in Id., 104 et seq. It is not very probable that, during the interval, he should have made a journey to Guatemala and as Vazquez claims even to Nicaragua. Consult also Ramirez, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. xlv.-cliii. According to Torquemada, Toribio was sent to Guatemala in 1533 to found monasteries. iii. 489.

[VIII‑5] In 1527, according to Gonzalez Dávila, who states that a hospital was founded at the same time. Teatro, Ecles., i. 140. Remesal, who is more to be relied on in this matter, gives 1529 as the date of Betanzos' arrival in Santiago, and says that he came at the request of Alvarado on his return from Spain. Hist. Chyapa, 15, 42-5.

[VIII‑6] 'Celebrose su consagracion con ostentissimo aparato, assi por ser la primera q̃ en Yndias se hazîa, como por la magnificencia del S. Principe, que le consagrô.' Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 39.

[VIII‑7] Remesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was signed, 'Episcopvs Gvactemalensis.'

[VIII‑8] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 182-5; Marroquin al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 413-14. The bishop's signature, in his letters addressed to the emperor from 1537 to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537, he signs himself 'Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis;' on August 15, 1539, 'Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis;' on August 10 and November 25, 1541, 'Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis;' and on June 4, 1545, and September 20, 1547, 'Episcopus Cuachutemallensis.' Cartas de Indias, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 450.

[VIII‑9] The tithes, when paid in kind, were of little value unless delivered at convenient places. The king, therefore, issued a cédula ordering that they be taken by the natives to the mines, or some other suitable place, within a radius of 20 leagues around each town. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 209; Florida, Col. Doc., 138.

[VIII‑10] Speaking of the provision, he says: 'Recibiré merced la reciban con todo amor y voluntad.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 184.

[VIII‑11] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14.

[VIII‑12] The bishop's humility and pardonable boastfulness are sometimes a little striking. Speaking of the provision for the delivery of the tithes, he says: 'Sino se pierde por mis deméritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que los demàs perlados, que en estas índias al presente residen.' Id., 184.

[VIII‑13] During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests in America this order took no active part. A few individuals, however, found their way to the new world, among whom was Bartolomé de Olmedo, who accompanied Cortés to Mexico. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 148.

[VIII‑14] On March 17, 1538, according to Gonzalez, Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 144. Remesal states that the convent was not formally organized until a year or two later, and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th of August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens wished to assist in the building and furnishing of a convent and church for the use of the order. Hist. Chyapa, 148. There is some doubt as to the exact date.

[VIII‑15] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 147-9; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 144-8; Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas, MS., 12; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 283.

[VIII‑16] Juarros, Guat., i. 380.

[IX‑1] See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 606, this series.

[IX‑2] Salcedo brought with him to Trujillo 209 slaves; of these 102 were branded in the face. Testimonio, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 70-7.

[IX‑3] It is stated that Salcedo's death was caused by a sore on one of his legs, and by the rough treatment received while imprisoned at Leon; but his friends suspected that he had been poisoned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑4] The only document which Herrera could produce in support of his claim was a memorandum without date, signature, or witness. The appointment of Cereceda, on the other hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 witnesses. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 3-5. See also Oviedo, iii. 192.

[IX‑5] Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night and severely wounded at the entrance of his house. He would have been killed had not some of his friends come to his assistance. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 4, 5; Oviedo, iii. 193.

[IX‑6] It was claimed that a portion of the repartimientos belonging to the late governor had been unlawfully appropriated, and was therefore liable to confiscation. Soon afterward the boy died, and his entire inheritance was divided among certain of the officials. Oviedo, iii. 193.

[IX‑7] Cereceda afterward excused himself by saying that he had given his consent in order to preserve peace in the province. 'Consentí que se les diese lo que no les diera si fuera solo haciendo lo que era razon; hicelo solo por sosegallos i que no alterasen ó amotonasen la tierra,' in order to gain time until the king should definitely determine upon a new governor. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 5, 6.

[IX‑8] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.

[IX‑9] The morality of the colonists appears to have been somewhat more lax hereabout than usual. In commenting on the conduct of Herrera and other officials Cereceda says: 'Tenian ocupadas quatro casas de casados deste pueblo i que con infamia publica i pesar los maridos los comportavan, sin yo ser parte á lo remediar con palabras i amenazas, porque lo demas por el mayor daño se escusava.' Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 7.

[IX‑10] The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by the cabildo, and deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who, being an enemy to Herrera, was easily induced to return it to its owner. Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 15-18. See also Oviedo, iii. 108.

[IX‑11] 'É ovo regidor que dixo, ó temiendo al Diego Mendez, ó porque le paresçia ser conviniente á la república, que si no se pudiesse concertar en que fuesse su teniente Diego Mendez, que lo fuesse el Cereceda dél, porque esso era lo que convenia al serviçio de Dios é de Sus Magestades, é al bien é sosiego de aquella universidad é de la tierra. É porque algunos se riyeron desto, replicó assi: "Reysos é parésçeos mal lo que he dicho? Pues asentadlo assi, escribano, que yo lo digo assi."' Oviedo, iii. 203.

[IX‑12] Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xx. 39. Oviedo, iii. 207, says that only seven were wounded. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. x., mentions but four.

[IX‑13] 'Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que dió la puñalada al Vasco de Herrera é le echó la soga al cuello, con la que fué despues ahorcado el malfechor; y el otro Alonso Vazquez, alcalde é capitan de la guarda del tirano.' Oviedo, iii. 208.

[IX‑14] Dávila, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 114-17. See also Oviedo, iii. 213.

[IX‑15] 'Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los que servian á los chripstianos en sus haçiendas, como de las naborias de casa.' Oviedo, iii. 213.

[IX‑16] Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 50; Oviedo, iii. 212. See also Hist. Mex., ii., this series.

[IX‑17] Herrera endeavored to persuade Ávila to accompany him, and proceed in quest of new discoveries. The latter, however, declined, and on the return of Cereceda was sent on with his men, by sea, to Yucatan. Oviedo, iii. 212-30.

[IX‑18] Oviedo, iii. 213, gives 180 as the number.

[IX‑19] The Quimistan (Quinbistan?), Zolûta, Zelimonga, and Zulâ Indians returned, but not those of Naco. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑20] Distant 23 leagues from Puerto de Caballos, 3 from Quinbistan, 7 from Naco, and 15 from San Gil de Buenavista. Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.

[IX‑21] Cereceda was to be 'captain of all the other captains.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, but this is manifestly an error.

[IX‑22] Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as having been captured by Cizimba, 'que auia diez años—tenia por muger,' at the time of the massacre at Puerto de Caballos. dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑23] 'Los que quedaron en la ciudad de Truxillo ... sinificauan al Rey sus necessidades, suplicauante ... que no la olvidasse, pues no era menos provechosa que las otras de las Indias, por las muchas minas que en ella auia: y quanto al sitio de la Ciudad dezian, que era muy sano, enxuto, y ayroso, y de muy buenas aguas.... Dezian que no auia vezino que no tuuiesse en su casa vn huerto con todas las frutas de Castilla, que se auian podido auer, las quales se dauan muy bien, como naranjos, cidras, limones agrios y dulces, granados y higueras, de las quales a siete meses que se plãtan, se cogia fruta: de melones y vbas, y otras tenian abundancia.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.

[IX‑24] Herrera says that affairs in the province were in a sad plight, for Cereceda, 'cuya crueldad excedia a toda humana prudencia,' had lost all control over his men. dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. Montejo, who afterward became governor of Honduras, also speaks in very disparaging terms of Cereceda. 'All the time he was in Zula and Naco he never moved two leagues from his abode. Of the 27 or 28 towns in existence when he reached the country he did not leave a single one. He destroyed everything, even the cattle and mares. The people he brought away in irons, leaving some towns without a single inhabitant. He and his advisers, a priest named Juan Ávila and a certain Juan Ruano, had laid waste the best portion of Honduras.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 240-1.

[IX‑25] 'Quisiesse socorrer á los pobladores chripstianos, que estaban en Honduras, en paçificar la tierra, é dar órden cómo no se acabassen de perder los españoles que allí estaban.' Oviedo, iii. 214.

[IX‑26] Oviedo, iii. 214, says that this occurred in 1533. Célis himself states that Cereceda sent him to Guatemala toward the end of 1535, or early in 1536. Camino de Guat., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 540-9; whereas Herrera states that Célis went of his own accord. 'Estas cosas llegaron a termino que el Tesorero como buen ministro sossegô la gente, con prometer de yr a Guatemala á pedir socorro a don Pedro de Aluarado.' dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑27] Cava, Honduras, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 280 et seq., Célis subsequently put in a claim for 800 castellanos, for the subsistence of his party, and for horses employed during the exploration of a road to Guatemala. On the 24th of October 1539 a judicial investigation was held before the alcalde mayor, at Puerto de Caballos, to ascertain whether the treasurer had, as he claimed, discovered a road thence to Guatemala. Several witnesses were examined, and all testified that Alonso Ortiz had discovered and travelled over the road before Célis; that the latter when he passed on to Guatemala was under no expense whatever, for his supplies were furnished by others. Célis, Camino, in Id., xiv. 540-50. In Guatemala he stopped at the house of the king's treasurer, and was therefore under no expense. Montejo, in Id., ii. 241.

[IX‑28] There were present, Andrés de Cereceda, the alcalde Alonso Ortiz, and the regidores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel García de Liñan. Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4.

[IX‑29] Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 301-4. The foregoing is the account given in Cereceda's official report to the viceroy of Mexico. Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the matter. He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an absence of four months, the treasurer Célis did not return or send any message, agreed to abandon the place. Loading their Indian servants with what little effects they had left, they proceeded on their way, after tying Cereceda and two of his friends to trees, because he forbade them to take away their slaves on the ground that it was contrary to royal orders to carry them from one province to another, although he himself had done so and had allowed his friends the same privilege. But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming from Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and made friends with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In a letter to Alvarado dated May 9, 1536, Cereceda says nothing about being tied to a tree, although he complains of gross ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.

[IX‑30] It was intended to establish here a large settlement. The city was founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various officials were appointed, sworn, and inducted into office. Sites for dwellings were assigned to the alcaldes, regidores, and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be changed except by the emperor's orders; and it was decreed that none should reside elsewhere until the emperor's pleasure was known. Honduras, Fundacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 530-8.

[IX‑31] This settlement was distant from Comayagua 38 leagues and from Guatemala 106 leagues. Juarros, Guat., i. 41; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[IX‑32] Alvarado, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 24-5, 29. In this letter he proposes to the king to conduct a large expedition from Spain through the Straits of Magellan into the South Sea, in which he believed there were many islands and even some continents.

[X‑1] 'A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y depuestole del de alcalde mayor, por las diferẽcias que traía con Pedrarias.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv. Oviedo, iv. 112, still speaks of him as 'alcalde mayor é contador' when he takes charge of the government.

[X‑2] 'Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian poderes del Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al otro.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑3] Herrera and Oviedo both state that after the death of Pedrarias 'quedó en el cargo de la gobernaçion el licenciado Françisco de Castañeda,' whereas Andagoya, Nar., 39, says that 'the Bishop Diego Alvarez Osorio succeeded Pedrarias as governor, but died a short time after he had assumed office, leaving Castañeda as his successor.' This is undoubtedly an error. The editors of Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 710, give as the date of Osorio's death the year 1534, which is also erroneous. His decease occurred in 1536. See Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 127.

[X‑4] In a few days Castañeda had appropriated eight of them. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑5] 'No podia dexar de auer fraude, pues los auia dado a menosprecio, por contemplaciones, y por cõseguir sus fines.' Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.

[X‑6] 'El qual se dió todo el recabdo quél pudo á enriquesçerse; é púdolo bien hacer, pues no le quedó quien le fuesse á la mano.' Oviedo, iv. 112.

[X‑7] Among those who left the province were Sebastian de Benalcázar and Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the Isthmus in March 1531. In their company went Francisco Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerónimo Pontevedra, friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of Guatemala and Nicaragua. Navarro, Relacion, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 238.

[X‑8] During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one Maestro Rojas, a patron of the church, imprisoned the ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of heresy, but the former held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained in confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by Fray Francisco de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite authority by the bishop of Panamá. His power was transferred to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from him to Pedrarias, who tried the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him to office. Squier's MSS., iv.

[X‑9] Hist. Chyapa, 105. It appears that he was not a friar, being spoken of as 'muy magnífico é muy reverendo señor D. Diego Alvarez Osorio.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116; see also Alcedo, iii. 322, who adds that he was a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235; Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 49.

[X‑10] New tithes were to be levied on cocoa, honey, wax, and flax, to provide for the salary of the bishop, which was 500,000 maravedís, and the limits of the new diocese were to be determined 'y estavan bien servidas las iglesias.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 109.

[X‑11] For previous mention of Las Casas see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 277-9, 284, 309.

[X‑12] 'En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras fué á aquella tierra estuvo exerçitando su offiçio, como buen gobernador, é tuvo en paz é buena justiçia aquellas tierras é provinçias, que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, é procurando la conversion é buen tractamiento de los indios para que viniessen á conosçer á Dios.' Oviedo, iv. 113.

[X‑13] A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of April 1537, and contained also permission to make the conquest of the islands in lakes Nicaragua and Managua. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xxii. 515-34.

[X‑14] Before the flight of Castañeda Las Casas visited Española whither he was summoned to negotiate a treaty with the powerful chief Enrique. He returned once more to Realejo, and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, but was driven back to port by stress of weather.

[X‑15] See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of the governor before Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the prelate's death, before the lieutenant-governor and alcalde mayor licenciado Gregorio de Zeballos and the notary Martin Mimbreño. Many witnesses here testify to the persistent opposition of Las Casas, who was requested to accompany the expedition, but refused, though he offered to go in command of 50 soldiers, to explore and make a peaceful conquest of the territory in question. Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116-46.

[X‑16] 'El Gouernador recibia informaciones, para prouar que el padre escandalizaua la gente, y alteraua la Prouincia.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.

[X‑17] Notwithstanding the controversy with Las Casas, the people of Leon, and even Contreras himself, were unwilling to see their convent deserted. In the depositions already mentioned witnesses testify on the 23d of August 1536 that 'dos meses, poco mas ó menos tiempo, que fue antes que los dichos frailes dominicos se fuesen del monasterio de Sant Francisco desta cibdad.' Las Casas and his companions were asked to remain by the regidores 'e otras muchas personas desta cibdad,' who made their request on behalf of the governor. They refused, however, and departed the same day. Las Casas, Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 116-46. It is evident that this event occurred about the month of June 1536. Remesal, who is not generally over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala 'casi al fin del año de treynta y cinco.' Hist. Chyapa, 111. Why Helps, in his Life of Las Casas, 185, without venturing to give a correct date himself, should boldly assert 'Herrera makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong date (1536) for this, yet the main statement may be true,' I am at a loss to explain.

[X‑18] 'En medio dessa laguna ó metal saltan ó revientan dos borbollones ó manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal continuamente, sin ningun punto cessar, é siempre está el metal ó licor allí colorado é descubierto, sin escorias.' On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such intense heat that within a league or more of the volcano all vegetation was destroyed. Oviedo, iv. 81-2.

[X‑19] Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the devil; but whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the devil himself in female form he does not say. 'É segund en sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques tan feo é tan lleno de colas é cuernos é bocas é otras visages, como nuestros pintores lo suelen pintar á los piés del arcángel Sanct Miguel ó del apóstol Sanct Bartolomé.' Oviedo, iv. 75.

[X‑20] 'É que antes ó despues un dia ó dos que aquesto se hiçiesse, echaban allí en sacrifiçio un hombre ó dos ó más é algunas mugeres é muchachos é muchachas; é aquellos que assi sacrificaban, yban de grado á tal suplicio.' Oviedo, iv. 74.

[X‑21] 'Callad, padre: que por ventura Dios no quiere que lo descubran capitanes ni personas ricas, sino pobres é humillados.' Oviedo, iv. 77.

[X‑22] 'É porque faltaba un cabrestante é no lo mandaban haçer por no ser descubiertos, el frayle lo hiço por su mano en el lugar ques dicho que estaban todos los otros aparejos.' Oviedo, iv. 78.

[X‑23] Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this date, and some of the friar's associates, terrified by their first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned the enterprise. Oviedo, iv. 78.

[X‑24] In 1529, during his residence in Nicaragua, Oviedo was the guest of Machuca, and speaks favorably of his conduct. In company with his host and the cacique Lenderi the chronicler explored a volcano, near the Masaya, in the crater of which was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava which excited the cupidity of Fray Blas. The descent was difficult, but Indian women managed to pass up and down in obtaining water. With regard to the depth of the lake Oviedo remarks: 'Este lago, á mi paresçer (é assi lo juzgan otros) está en el pesso é hondura que está el fuego que dixe en el poço del monte de Massaya ... no le hallan suelo por su mucha hondura.' Machuca, assisted by his friends, furnished the funds needed for exploring the Desaguadero.

[X‑25] The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name of Machuca. Squier's Nicaragua (ed. 1856), i. 82.

[X‑26] Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada Rávago, whose narrative of the affairs of the province, written in 1572, appears in Squier's MSS., xiii. 4.

[X‑27] According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends with Contreras, for speaking of the former he says that one day, while engaged in a game of 'cañas' in the city of Leon, he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was one of those who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco Nuñez de Balboa his life, and betrayed him to Pedrarias, for which act of treachery his own life was spared. Oviedo, iv. 58-9. According to Rávago, Garavito's men, after the death of their commander, sailed for Peru on their own responsibility.

[X‑28] He held office for eleven years as treasurer, and during all that time it is said that he put nothing into the treasury. Squier's MSS., xxii. 144, 149. It may be remarked, on the other hand, that the affairs of the province were in such a condition that little or no revenue could be collected. There is no evidence that Rios was related to his namesake, the former governor of Castilla del Oro.

[X‑29] It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church could imprison a royal treasurer, but such is the fact. 'Le vino a prender ... pidió favor a la Ciudad de Granada donde el estava (Rios), lo prendió i metió en el monasterio de la Merced por ser casa de piedra.' ... Squier's MSS., xxii. 144.

[X‑30] On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the emperor: 'Dos años que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta en manos de mis adversarios. Ha 6 meses que me pusieron en esta carcel arzobispal,' and asked to be tried at once, and punished or acquitted as the case might be. Squier's MSS., xxii. 148.

[X‑31] It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the return of Contreras. Soon after the events just described he lost his life, probably during some expedition into the interior, as nothing is said of him until July 15, 1545, when bishop Valdivieso in one of his letters to the king, says: 'I asi han muerto Po. de los Rios, Luis de Guevara, i otros de menos cuenta.' In a subsequent report this prelate again refers to 'al difto. Teso. Po. de los Rios,' stating that the tithes collected, and still due by him at his death, had not been recovered. Squier's MSS., xxii. 109-10.

[X‑32] One Pedro García, in a communication to the emperor, dated Leon, January 10, 1545, complains that 'la ra de Contreras, Rios i su teniente Luis de Guevara hecha por el Lic. Herrera, ha sido sepultada i sin fruto.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 145; and when certain malecontents afterward demanded that Herrera be sent back to Leon to finish his investigation, the answer came from the audiencia 'que no habia lugar quel dicho Licenciado volviese á esta tierra.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 571.

[X‑33] Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 235. Valdivieso was a native of Villahermosa, and the son of Antonio de Valdivieso and Catalina Álvarez Calvento. He became a Dominican in the convent of San Pablo, Búrgos, of which he was an inmate when the emperor called him to the bishopric of Nicaragua. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 857, and Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 117; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi., states that he was made bishop 'por muerte del obispo Mendauia,' referring to dean Mendavia, but Rios would not have dared to send him a prisoner to Spain had he been a bishop. To whom Valdivieso refers when, while speaking of himself as being the second bishop concentrated in Nicaragua, he remarks: 'Fue el lo. antecesor que murió a 40 dias que llegó a la tierra,' Squier's MSS., xxii. 125, it is impossible to determine. The first bishop, Osorio, was appointed in 1531, and died in 1536. That another prelate was chosen before Valdivieso is nowhere recorded. It is probable, however, that he alludes to Fray Juan de Arteaga, bishop elect for Chiapas, who, when Las Casas first refused that appointment, left Spain on February 15, 1541, and died at Puebla the same year, soon after his arrival. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202.

[X‑34] 'Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i en entrando en ella me embiaron a decir que si entendia en cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me darian de puñaladas.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 146. On another occasion, when President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada preparing an expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to officiate in church because a person was present whom he had excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez used insulting language, causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso's conduct caused such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the street and threatened to hang him.

[X‑35] The following quotation is from a report of the audiencia at Gracias á Dios, dated December 30, 1545. 'Los Dominicos de Nicaragua tenian un pueblo que se les mando quitar por las Ordenanzas. Representaronnos que sin el no podrian estar, i porque no se ausentasen se lo dejamos. Tendrá el pueblo 20 Indios.' Squier's MSS., xxii. 131.

[X‑36] 'Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de Contreras, porque siendo gouernador de aquella provincia, salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacion con gente de pie y de cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero, y otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excessos, assi contra Castellanos, como contra Indios.' Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi.

[X‑37] Dated at Gracias á Dios, December 24, 1545. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 126.

[X‑38] Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He desired for himself the office of ruler, and it was fortunate for the province that he did not obtain it; for when in 1548 his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues.

[X‑39] Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. Squier's MSS., xxii. 46.

[X‑40] The laws were published in Nicaragua in 1545.

[X‑41] This report was dated Leon, February 10, 1548. The principal accusations contained therein are mere repetitions of those already mentioned. See Squier's MSS., xxii. 98-100.

[X‑42] He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing further is recorded of him until that year, when we hear of him as serving in Peru. He finally appears in the act of swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of July 1557. Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 742.

[X‑43] This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans, as the Flemish friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in company with Fray Marcos de Niza to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra Firme, Española, and Mexico. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 21-2. Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he labored in company with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place and date of his death are unknown. Notas, Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 762.

[X‑44] Gonzalez Dávila, in Teatro Ecles., i. 233.

[X‑45] In the province of Oxomorio Bobadilla baptized 85; in Diria, 5,018; in Mombacho, 3,241; in Masaya, 937; in Malapalte, 154; in Marinalte, 409; in Lenderi, 2,917; in Managua, 1,116; in Matiari, 421; in Mavitiatomo, 75; in Nagrando, Ariat, Mabitra, and Mahometombo, 585; in Maribio, 6,346; in Zecoteaga, 2,169. 'É assi paresceme á mí que para esta creencia desta gente nuevamente allegada á la iglesia, que es más menester de baptiçarlos é dexarlos, pues que sin creer, como lo dice la mesma verdad evangélica, no se pueden salvar, sino condenar.' Oviedo, iv. 59-60.

[X‑46] During their journey they discovered a river which they named Nuestra Señora. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 511-13.

[X‑47] The time of their arrival is given as 1550. Bienvenida, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 308.

[X‑48] Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo Dávila, who accompanied the expedition.

[X‑49] In this chapter there have been consulted various documents in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., i. 556, 563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 116-46; Cartas de Indias, 710, 762, 775; Datos Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 36, 742, 857; Col. Doc. Inéd., xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; l. 116; _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 3, 4; xxii. 34-149; Oviedo, iii. 176-9; iv. 76-92, 112-15; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib. ix. cap. xv.; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.; dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v.; dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 105-7, 193-9, 203-6; Andagoya, Nar., 39; Vega, _Hist. Descub. Am._, ii. 244-6; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 234-5; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 345; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 252; Juarros, Guat., i. 49; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 112; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 105; Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 135; Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 347; Kerr's Col. Voy., v. 175; Levy's Nic., 67-73; _Squier's States Cent. Am._, i. 82.

[XI‑1] It is claimed by some chroniclers that, in the time of Columbus, this portion of the mainland was already known by the name of Costa Rica on account of the fine specimens of gold discovered, principally in the Talamanca district, where it abounded in streams and was obtained with little labor. Molina, Bosquejo Costa R., 79; this author follows Navarrete. See also Bejarano, Informe, MS. Morel de Sta. Cruz, Visita Apost., MS., 14, on the other hand attributes the name to the rich pearl-fisheries which were found on the coast and to the quality of the fruits, woods, and other products of the territory.

[XI‑2] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 484-5, this series.

[XI‑3] I am inclined to believe that the original founders of Cartago were settlers from the colony established by Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba at Brusélas, on the gulf of Nicoya in 1524, and abandoned three years later by order of Salcedo (see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 512, this series); more particularly as its first site was known to have been close to the harbor of Caldera, and therefore not far from the landing-place of Córdoba. It was next removed to a spot near the Rio Taras, and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by some that Cartago was the first city established in what was formerly called the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this statement, basing his assertion on a report made in 1744 by José de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis Diez Navarro. Referring to the same document he continues: 'It appears by an edict preserved among the records, that the first governor and captain general of Costa Rica was Diego de Astieda Chirinos.' Hist. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 75, 341-2. These statements are repeated in Mosquito, Doc., 27, where the governor is called Ostiega. See also Salv., Diar. Ofic., 30 Mar. 1876, 168. Molina, the modern historian of Costa Rica, follows Juarros and goes even further when he says: 'Mais il est probable que sa fondation eut lieu pendant le quatrième voyage de Colomb, en 1502 ... en 1522, Cartago, l'ancienne capitale espagnole de la province, était une ville d'assez d'importance pour demander qu'on voulût bien y fixer la résidence d'un gouverneur avec son secrétaire. Diego de Astieda Chirinos paraît avoir été son premier gouverneur.' ... Coup d'Oeil de Costa R. (ed. Paris, 1849), 4. That the above authors are in error is proved by the fact that Diego de Artiega Cherino (as his name should properly be written) was not appointed governor and captain general of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Nicoya till 51 years later, namely, in 1575. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 559-65. Molina, in a subsequent work, also inclines to the belief that Cartago was founded by those who abandoned the earlier settlements, and corrects his former statement in regard to Columbus, merely saying: 'El immortal Colon mismo en su cuarto viaje en el año de 1502, tocó en varios puntos de su costa en el Atlántico.' Bosquejo Costa R., 10. It is singular that Molina, in his treatise on the boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, should not have referred to the document mentioned by Juarros, and that he should have failed to use it in his Mem. Costa R. and Nic. In Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii., the date of the founding of Cartago is even removed to the time of Gutierrez, which may be correct, inasmuch as he first gave to the province the name of Nueva Cartago.

[XI‑4] The first boundaries appointed for the province are those mentioned in the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein they are described as 'extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of Veragua, running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande), provided that the coast adjoining said river on the side of Honduras should remain under the government of Honduras, with power to Gutierrez to conquer and settle any island in said river which should not be previously located by Spaniards; and the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages of said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not approach to within 15 leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua, because this territory of 15 leagues being reserved, as well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the government of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries both in that part of the river granted to Gutierrez and in the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake, should be possessed in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nicaragua.' Molina, Costa R. and Nic., 7. The author claims to possess a certified copy of unpublished documents stored in the archives of Spain, in which he states the conditions of the charter granted to Gutierrez. See also Oviedo, iii. 179, and Levy's Nic., 67-73.

[XI‑5] It is stated by some chroniclers that Contreras promised to furnish men and provisions on condition that he be allowed a share of the spoils.

[XI‑6] 'A queste parole, rispose Diego Gottieres, che l'Imperatore gli haueua dato quella Gouernatione perche la populasse, e non perche la rubasse, e se à gli altri la fortuna era stata contraria, che haueua speranza in Dio che à lui gli saria propitia, e che in modo alcuno no voleua lasciare la impresa, né manco voleua compagnia alcuna.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 83.

[XI‑7] Spelled also Suere. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 85.

[XI‑8] 'E despues que allí estuvo un año ó más, porque faltaron los bastimentos, se le amotinó la gente é se le tornaron á Nicaragua; é este gobernador se quedó con seys hombres solos.... Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo é con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales de les dar de comer é oro, sin haçer mal ni daño á ninguno de los nuestros.' Oviedo, iii. 180.

[XI‑9] 'E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in questa Città volsi esser vno di que gli, ancora ch'io fussi ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era andato nella prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per ispatio di quindici anni, dicendomi, che in modo alcuno, mi lasciassi vincere di andare à tale impresa, e che non volesse dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano. Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 84-5.

[XI‑10] Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: 'E cada dia traian oro al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna espiriençia, prendió á uno de aquellos caçiques, que estaban de paz, que se deçia el Cama (el qual era muy rico), porque no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia.' iii. 180.

[XI‑11] 'Ia Gottierez dreigde Camachiren te verbranden; hoewel nu bereeds verscheiden stukken gouds, met allerlei beesten, tijgers, visschen, vogelen konstig geboetseert, die de prijs van twee tonnen gouds ophaelden, door de selve begiftigt was. Sulk een schenkaedje scheen te gering. Hy bragt den gevangene by een kist: en swoer, hy soude hem langsaem braeden, ten zy binnen vier dagen ses mael meer goud verschafte als de kist laeden konde.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 87.

[XI‑12] 'Et cosi partissimo, e à pena che fussimo saliti dalle case, io indiuinai quello c'haueua da essere di noi altri, dicendo à vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo alla beccheria; e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di quegli, che gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo dispetto.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 89.

[XI‑13] This degradation so affected Cocori that he shed tears and promised, if he were liberated, to bring the governor a quantity of gold. 'Et essendo poi tutti noi altri in punto per marciare, e vedendo il Cacique come il Gouernatore per dispregio lo voleua menare con lui carico, e con altri suoi Indiani, con parte delle sue bagaglie; si attristò in tal maniera, che si messe à piangere, come vn putto; e gli disse, che se voleua dargli libertà, che in termine di quattro giorni, gli darebbe vna buona somma d'oro.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 89. But his promise availed him nothing.

[XI‑14] Benzoni relates that being unable to eat his portion of dog-meat which was full of worms, he went to the governor and demanded food. Diego told him to go and eat of the roots of trees, whereupon a Spaniard who was standing near exclaimed, 'Sir governor, since you will not share the good and the bad with us, go and make war by yourself.' A piece of cheese weighing three pounds was then divided among the men, who were thus pacified for that night. The chronicler was on sentry during the early morning-watch, and hearing the governor give orders to his cook to boil a piece of pork for his breakfast paced to and fro near the fire till every one was asleep, when, sharpening a piece of wood to a point, he speared the pork and secured the prize in his knapsack, 'feeling better pleased,' he tells us, 'than if he had secured a treasure.' Hist. New World, in Hakluyt, Divers Voy., 132.

[XI‑15] The Rio Grande.

[XI‑16] 'Et hauendo combattuto dall' vna parte, e dall' altra per ispatio di mezo quarto d'hora, e hauendo noi altri ammazzato, e ferito molti Indiani, e alla fine fattogli voltare le spalle.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 91. Montanus states that the entire battle lasted half an hour. 'Na een half uur vechten, deinsden d'aenvallers; doch, met versche benden gestijft, hervatten den torn: braeken tuschen de Spaensche slag-orde in: sloegen met palm-houte swaerden en knodsen harsenen en beenen te pletteren.' Die Nieuwe Weereld, 88.

[XI‑17] Oviedo says the governor was sick with gout at the time. 'Y el gobernador en essa saçon mandaba mal su persona, porque andaba tullido de gota é quatro negros le traian echado en una hamaca, lo qual le debiera bastar para ser mas paçiente con los indios.' His statements differ materially from those of Benzoni. He relates that the Spaniards were surprised in their camp and that Gutierrez and 72 of his men were slain, seven only making their escape, but it is not probable that he had so large a force under his command. iii. 181. Rávago, in Squier's MSS., xiii. 3, says that only 44 or 45 days elapsed between the landing of Gutierrez and his death, but his report concerning the early history of the province is somewhat vague and unreliable.

[XI‑18] There is little doubt that Benzoni's narrative of the expedition of Gutierrez is somewhat colored in consequence of a rupture between himself and the governor. 'The first day that we entered the port,' he says, 'the governor graciously placed me at his table, and took pleasure in conversing with me. The greater part of his conversation was about gold and silver, and the wars, and the cruelties inflicted on wretched Italy, and especially on Milan. But when he perceived that such subjects were disagreeable to me, he took a dislike to me and never would bear the sight of me after.' It is, however, the only complete record of that event, and I can but give his version of it. Oviedo's information as to the early history of Costa Rica is taken from Juan de Espinosa, who accompanied Alonso de Pisa to Cartago in one of his return voyages. iii. 184. He was well acquainted with Gutierrez, and thus tries to palliate his faults: 'Desalmados ó pláticos que por acá han andado, que á los noviçios ó nuevamente venidos á gobernar los enseñen á robar;' and in consequence thereof 'por enriquesçer, presto vuelven la hoja, é trocado el intento con que partieron de España, si bueno era, ó afirmado en el cauteloso que en su pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el contrario de las palabras.' iii. 178.

Other authorities quoted in this chapter are Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii.; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, lib. ii. 83-92; Bejarano, Informe; Haya, Informe; _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 1-3; Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 73-6, 341-5; Molina, Coup d'Oeil de Costa R., 4; Molina, Bosquejo Costa R., 10, 83-92; Molina, Costa R. and Nic., 6-8, 36-8; Mosquito Doc. 27, in 77-229; Morel de Sta Cruz, Visita Apost., MS., 14; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 111, 112; Salv., Diar. Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876, 618.

The time of Diego Gutierrez' fight with the Indians and death, as given by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official manuscript extant that places it in December 1544. It is the investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the 25th of June, 1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy of it. Peralta's autograph note in Peralta, Rio San Juan, 9.

[XII‑1] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 13. The law was soon modified by decrees of Feb. 12, 1538, and of June 29 and November 8, 1539, by which prelates and governors were directed to induce all eligible unmarried men holding encomiendas to marry within three years. This, however, was to be accomplished by persuasive means, or by distinguishing in favor of the married men in the distribution of Indians, and not by coercive measures, Recop. de Indias, ii. 271-2.

[XII‑2] 'Y otros que aunque haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos estén en edad que todavia se sufra casarse, no las querrán por las enfermedades contagiosas que de la tierra se han pegado.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 14.

[XII‑3] Commentarios Reales, ii. 58.

[XII‑4] Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 158-9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 235; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.

[XII‑5] 'Y que asimismo descubriese, por la costa de esta Nueva España que llaman de la mar del Sur á la parte del norte, con dos navios.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507. See also Oviedo, iv. 23.

[XII‑6] Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 158-9.

[XII‑7] No greater proof could exist of the high favor in which Alvarado stood at court than the arrangement of this second marriage. The lady being the sister of his former wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos and the power of the emperor a bull was granted. Such an authorization was rarely obtained. Oviedo, iii. 214-15; Alvarado, Carta, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179; Gavarrete, Copias de Doc., MS., 43-4; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269; Torquemada, i. 323. Remesal, who is in error as to the date of this marriage, has this remark respecting the dispensation. 'Licencia que se dà raras vezes.... Y entonces parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido el primer matrimonio consumado.' Hist. Chyapa, 17. See also Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, 155.

[XII‑8] Alvarado, Carta, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado brought 400 men; that he touched at Española and took in supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March 12th. iii. 214-15. In Datos Biog. the number of men is given as 250, including hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included 300 arquebuses, 400 pikes, 200 ballestas, much artillery, and rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000 ducats. Cartas de Indias, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his own letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states that there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of exactly the same tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes the commencement, which is the same as that of the letter preserved by Arévalo, it was either a duplicate, or Remesal commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in Copias de Doc., MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April.

[XII‑9] Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo surrendered to Alvarado his claim to the provinces of Honduras and Higueras.

[XII‑10] While at Santo Domingo on his return voyage Alvarado told Oviedo that he had on the coast of the South Sea seven or eight ships built for his proposed voyage to China and to the Spice and Molucca Islands. Oviedo, iii. 215.

[XII‑11] His expenses were enormous. Bernal Diaz says, 'fueron tantos los gastos que hizo que no le bastó la riqueza que traxo del Piru, ni el oro que le sacavan de las minas ... ni los tributos de sus pueblos, ni lo que le presentaron sus deudos y amigos, y lo que tomó fiado de mercaderes.' Hist. Verdad., 235. His will, in which he made Bishop Marroquin his executor, shows that he had numerous creditors, who had furnished ships, provisions, supplies, and money. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 185-6. Vazquez says the cost was over 200,000 pesos de oro.

[XII‑12] Niza, Descub., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 325 et seq.

[XII‑13] The claimants to this presumed right besides Alvarado were Viceroy Mendoza, Cortés, Nuño de Guzman, Hernando de Soto, and the city of Compostela in Nueva Galicia. Id., xv. 300 et seq. For further particulars, see Hist. Mex., vol. ii., this series.

[XII‑14] Mendoza states that he fitted out as best he could 12 ships. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507; Herrera, 12 deep-sea vessels, including one of 13 and one of 20 benches of oars. Beaumont, 12 ships. Crón. Mich., ii. 252; Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 382, a fleet of ships; Bernal Diaz, 13 good sized ships, including a galley and a patache. Hist. Verdad., 235; Vazquez, 13 ships. Chronica de Gvat., 159; Remesal, 10 or 12 large ships, a galley, and fustas with oars. Hist. Chyapa, 161; so also, Gomara, Hist. Ind., 268-9, and Torquemada, i. 323; Oviedo states that there were 13 ships, including large and small; 3 galleons over 200 tons each, a fine galley and two fustas; the other ships being of 100 tons burden and over, iv. 19, 20, 23; Juarros, 12 deep-sea vessels and 2 smaller ones. Gvat., i. 255, and Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 154, 10 vessels and 4 brigantines. Bernal Diaz asserts that the fleet was fitted out in Acajutla, and Tello at Realejo. Lastly Oviedo represents Alvarado as sailing from Iztapa, when 8 ships were built, to Acajutla. There is even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men. Viceroy Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men and 60 horses. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom he brought from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies; Herrera that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses; Bernal Diaz, 650 soldiers besides officers, and many horses; Tello, 300 Spaniards; Beaumont, 800, and 150 horses, and Benzoni, 700 soldiers.

[XII‑15] Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his expedition to the coast of Jalisco, there to wait for him, and went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo, iv. 26, also entertains this view; but Mendoza and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 268-9, distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the former's testimony is conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional information that Alvarado sent a messenger to the emperor with an account of his expedition and drawings of his fleet. Oviedo had an interview with the messenger and saw the drawings. Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado discovered Acajutla. Chronica de Gvat., 159. He had already done so as early as 1524. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 670, this series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as the date of his sailing. Hist. Verdad., 236. The time of his departure was about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year the cabildo requested him when on the point of departing with his fleets to take with him the imprisoned princes Sinacam and Sequechul. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 30.

[XII‑16] In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 351-62, is a copy of the agreement between Alvarado and the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter addressed by Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king, in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share in the discoveries without his knowledge or solicitation, iii. 540. Mendoza states that this share was one half. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507. Article 20 of Alvarado's capitulation with the crown authorized him to give Mendoza one third interest in his armament. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 159.

[XII‑17] 'Acordamos despachar dos armadas; una para descubrir la costa desta Nueva España, é otra que fuesse al Poniente en demanda de los Lequios y Catayo.' Mendoza, Carta, in Oviedo, iii. 540.

[XII‑18] Hist. Mex., ii. 498 et seq., this series.

[XII‑19] When asked where he suffered, 'echando sangre por la boca decia: "Aquí y el alma;"' and when the priest arrived to confess him he exclaimed: 'Señor, sea bien llegado para remedio de una alma tan pecadora.' Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 393.

[XII‑20] His injunctions with regard to the disposal of his remains were but tardily carried out. Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 709-10, 745; Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 395; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 276-7. Bernal Diaz erroneously states that he was buried at Purificacion. Hist. Verdad., 236. According to a clause in the will of Bishop Marroquin, made in 1563, Alvarado's remains were still at Tiripitío, 'donde està enterrado, que es en Tyrepati.' The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was buried. He also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a chaplaincy in the church at Guatemala, that masses might be there said for his soul. Some years after the death of the bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father's remains transferred from Tiripitío to Guatemala, where they were interred with great solemnity in the cathedral. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 190. Gonzalez Dávila says, 'En el año 1542 el Obispo comẽçó à executar el testamento del Gouernador D. Pedro de Aluarado,' and erroneously adds ... 'y el Obispo trasladó su cuerpo de Mexico à Santiago.' Teatro Ecles., li. 148.

[XII‑21] Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 394-5; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 274-6; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 161-2; this last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in carrying out the intentions of Alvarado's will, ordered the payment to be made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos ordered him to furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz remarks, 'Some say a will was made, but none has appeared.' Hist. Verdad., 236.

[XII‑22] The viceroy states that Alvarado's debts amounted to 50,000 pesos de minas, to which must be added 15,000 more expended by himself on his account. Carta, in Cartas de Indias, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin, August 1541, says that he left at his death debts to the amount of 50,000 pesos. Id., 429, fac-simile V.

[XII‑23] Mendoza, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 507-8.

[XII‑24] In the valley near Santiago Alvarado had a large plantation with many married slaves, collected in the following manner: Soon after the conquest he summoned the principal lords and demanded from each so many families, with their head, who without more ado were branded and placed on his plantation. These the bishop declared should thenceforth be free, and possess and dwell on the lands they had previously tilled, with the sole obligation of supporting two chaplaincies, founded by this same instrument, for the purpose of saying daily mass for the repose of the souls of Alvarado and his wife. An altar in the cathedral dedicated to St Peter was also ordered to be founded, before which the aforesaid masses were to be said. The slaves in the gold-mines are next declared set free, and are to reside on his plantation; not, however, until the debts of Alvarado shall have been paid, during which time their needs of soul and body were to receive careful attention. The will concludes with an enumeration of Alvarado's property, in which ships, artillery, lands, negroes, houses, live-stock, etc., figure. It was apparently never executed, for the audiencia of Mexico ordered that the encomiendas of Alvarado which were the best and most numerous of the provinces of Guatemala should not be given to any one, but that one or two competent persons be appointed to take charge of and manage them, and that the proceeds be devoted to the public works of the city and cathedral and the opening of roads, building of bridges, and the assisting of poor people to rebuild their homes. On the 10th of October 1542 a royal decree was issued declaring that all the Indians and towns belonging to Alvarado were the property of the crown. This decree was not published, however, until Jan. 8, 1544. A protest was entered against it by the city as being detrimental to the public interest, but it seems to have had no effect, as the royal factor was instructed to collect the tribute of the said towns, and take charge of the Indians. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 181-90. Bishop Marroquin, in a letter to the emperor, dated March 15, 1545, recommends that his debts be paid, as many needy persons will thereby be benefited. Squier's MSS., xxii. 138. And again in June of the same year, he states that Alvarado having left no legal heirs, the estate reverted to the crown, and repeats his previous recommendation that the debts be paid, adding that the creditors were suffering, many of them being in prison for debt. Cartas de Indias, 441-2. Consult also Testimonio, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 268-70.

[XII‑25] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 172.

[XII‑26] 'Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269.

[XII‑27] In a letter to the council of the Indies he says: 'Pues todo lo que yo estubiere sin ocuparme en algo en que sirba á Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal gastado.' Carta, in Squier's MSS., xix. 31.

[XII‑28] He wrote to the emperor requesting that no change be made in his commission, as he had learned that Cortés was soliciting permission to undertake the conquest he meditated. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.; Beaumont, Crón. Mich., iv. 252-3.

[XII‑29] I give herewith a copy of Alvarado's epitaph:

'El que Augusto le tuvo merecido En este angosto monumento yace Y Fenis de sus glorias hoy renace Burlando su memoria del olvido Mexico intime en eco repetido Alabanzas qe. el tiempo las enlace Qe. si tanto valor se satisface Lo qe. a Romulo Roma le ha debido Conquista fundacion y poblasiones Y haber la idolatria disipado Deshaciendo las nieblas de opiniones Obrando bien con ser adelantado Si hay sujeto capas de estos blazones Todo cabe en D. Pedro de Alvarado. Requiescat in pace.'

It is copied literally from Gavarrete, Copias de Doc., MS., 53. Gonzalez Dávila, in 1649, makes this extraordinary statement: 'Murio en Mexico, y yaze en el Convento de Santo Domingo.' He also says that Ivan Diaz de la Calle, 'Oficial Mayor de la Secretaria de Nueua-España,' dedicated to Alvarado the following epitaph, which was to serve until one was written such as the memory of his feats and actions deserved:

[Illustration: 'Yaze En Este Angosto Monumento, el que merecia mas Augusto, que fue para la Nobilissima Ciudad de Guatimala, lo que para Roma Romulo; El famoso por la virtud de su valor, y vitorias, Don Pedro de Alvarado, del Abito de Santiago, Adelantado, Gouernador, Capitan General, Conquistador, Fundador, y Poblador desta Ilustrissima Ciudad de Guatimala. Que la dio Templos, Leyes, Costumbres, y Ritos. Despues de auer deshecho en muchas batallas el engaño de la Idolotria, poniendo para siempre cessacion en sus Altares, y Aras. Passó a la inmortalidad de que ya goza en el Año 1541.' Teatro Ecles., i. 140.

[XII‑30] Juarros, Guat., i. 347.

[XII‑31] Doña Leonor married Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward Francisco de la Cueva, brother of Alvarado's wife. Pedro was legitimized by the emperor. This was, according to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 237, the natural son, mentioned also by Saavedra, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 247-50, who went to the court of Spain to claim moneys due to his father, and whom Saavedra recommended urgently to Las Casas the councillor of state. Diego was slain in 1554 by Indians at the defeat at Chuquinga. Marroquin informs the emperor that Alvarado left six sons and daughters 'desnudos syn abrigo alguno.' Cartas de Indias, 429, 432-3, 709-10; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269. Another son named Gomez, by an Indian girl in Guatemala, is mentioned in the will afterward framed by Bishop Marroquin. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 185. For an account of the presentation of Xicotencatl's daughter to Alvarado, see Hist. Mex., i. 227-30, this series.

[XIII‑1] Originally written Giapa, as appears from several original cédulas and other documents bearing dates as late as 1579. Guat., Col. de Cédulas Reales, passim. The meaning of the word is differently explained, Chiapan signifying 'locality of the chia' (oil-seed), also 'sweet water.' Native Races, ii. 126. According to Mazariegos it is derived from 'Tepetchia,' 'Battle hill,' the name of the stronghold where the Chiapanecs fortified themselves against the Mexicans. Mem. Chiapa, 12.

[XIII‑2] See Native Races, v. 231, this series.

[XIII‑3] Id., i. 681-2; v. 603-4.

[XIII‑4] For the aboriginal history of these people I would refer the reader to my Native Races of the Pacific States, vol. v., passim.

[XIII‑5] Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 5, 6; Cortés, Diario, xix. 390; Juarros, Guat., i. 10; Id. (ed. London, 1823), 210; Larrainzar, Soconusco, 16; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 264.

[XIII‑6] Mazariegos states that harsh treatment drove the Indians to revolt, citing as instances that youths of 20 years and under were sold as slaves at the rate of no more than three pesos fuertes; that fugitives were hunted down with bloodhounds, and that any one found warming himself at a fire after eight o'clock at night was hanged. Mem. Chiapa, 6, 7. In these statements he is guilty of anachronism. The law regarding the extinguishing of fires was passed on the 15th of August 1528, and that arranging the price of slaves in October of the same year, the former being almost immediately annulled with regard to the punishment of hanging; but both were enacted after the subjugation of the Indians. Consult Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 276, 278-9.

[XIII‑7] Called also Chiapan. This river takes its rise in the Chuchumatan mountains. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 574. It and its affluents form the head-waters of the Tabasco or Grijalva. The Spaniards were moving up the left bank, the town of Chiapas being on the opposite side somewhat higher.

[XIII‑8] This force is less than that given by Gomara and others. Bernal Diaz states that there were five other horsemen, who, however, could not be counted as fighting men. The artilleryman he describes as 'muy cobarde,' and informs us that the natives of Cachula, 'Ibã tẽblando de miedo, y por halagos los llevamos q̃ nos ayudassen á abrir Camino, y llevar el fardaje.' He also asserts that the levy was held in lent, 1524, adding 'Esto de los años no me acuerdo bien.' His memory was correct, however, as is proved by Godoy's despatch to Cortés, which will be frequently quoted later.

[XIII‑9] The Indians of Chiapas and its district were the terror of surrounding towns, and were incessantly at war with those of Cinacantlan and of the towns about Lake Quilenayas, robbing, killing, reducing to slavery, and sacrificing captives. They even waylaid merchant trains on the roads between Tehuantepec and other provinces. Bernal Diaz states that without exception they were the greatest warriors of all New Spain, superior even to the Tlascaltecs and Mexicans.

[XIII‑10] The number of natives killed as related by Bernal Diaz is so disproportionately small that some error must have crept into his text. He says, 'Hallamos quinze dellos muertos, y otros muchos heridos q̃ no se pudierõ ir.' Hist. Verdad., 178.

[XIII‑11] Bernal Diaz remarks that Chiapas could in truth be called a city, for its streets were well laid out, and its houses strongly built, containing more than 4,000 heads of families.

[XIII‑12] Id., Godoy, Rel., in Barcia, i. 167; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233. Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that these aprons were made of india-rubber. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 574; but Bernal Diaz, 178, says, 'Cõ buenas armas de algodõ,' and Gomara, 'vnos paneses rodados de algodon hilado.'

[XIII‑13] Bernal Diaz' contempt of this man is expressed by an epithet particularly offensive to a Spaniard, 'nuestro negro Artillero que llevavavamos'(sic) '(q̃ bien negro se podra llamar).' Hist. Verdad., 179.

[XIII‑14] 'Y traian en vn brasero sahumerio, y vnos idolos de piedra.' Id.

[XIII‑15] 'Y diximos al Fraile q̃ nos encomendase á Dios.' Id.

[XIII‑16] 'Nos hirierõ cesique á todos los mas, y a algunos á dos, y á tres heridas.' Id., 180.

[XIII‑17] Three prisons of latticed timbers were discovered in the city. These were filled with captives who had been seized on the roads. Among them some were from Tehuantepec, others were Zapotecs and Soconuscans. Many Indians also were found sacrificed, and in the temples were hideous idols, 'y hallamos muchas cosas malas de sodomias que vsavan.' Id., 180.

[XIII‑18] Called by Bernal Diaz Gueyhuiztlan, also Guequiztlan, Gueguistitlan, and Guegustitlan, which are probably misprints. Hist. Verdad., 180-1. Godoy spells it Huegueyztean. Rel., in Barcia, i. 168. The first author writes for Cinacantlan, Cinacatan; Godoy, Cenacantean; and Herrera, Canacantean. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.

[XIII‑19] Godoy in his despatch to Cortés states that Medina was released on bail, but that on their return to Espíritu Santo he had imprisoned him, and that justice would be dealt him. Bernal Diaz, however, states that Marin ordered him to be sent under guard to Cortés: 'y luego manda que por la posta le lleuassen a Mexico, para que Cortés le castigasse.' Hist. Verdad., 180. Herrera, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg, asserts that Godoy sent him to Cortés. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix. Oviedo makes no mention of the circumstance. Bernal Diaz informs us that the offender was a soldier of high standing, and refrains from giving his name for the sake of his honor, but with amusing inconsistency states that he will mention it later, which he does on page 198. Medina's fate was tragic, but merited; he was killed by Indians at Xicalanco, for particulars of which event see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 543-4, this series. Remesal and Beaumont give a version of his death somewhat different from that of Bernal Diaz, who is the more reliable authority. They state that Medina had been sent after Cortés to inform him of the disturbances which had arisen in Mexico during his absence on the Honduras expedition, and that he was captured by the Indians of Xicalanco, who, sticking splinters of pitch-pine into his body and setting fire to them, made him walk round a hole in the ground till he expired. Hist. Chyapa, 164; Crón. Mich., MS., 322.

[XIII‑20] It was here that Ciudad Real, or Chiapas de los Españoles, was founded later. Id., 181; Godoy, Rel., in Barcia, i. 167.

[XIII‑21] Cinacantlan lay between Chiapas and Chamula about three leagues from the latter. Hist. Verdad., 180.

[XIII‑22] Called Chamolla by Herrera, and also by Gomara. Conq. Mex., 233; Chamolán by Ixtlilxochitl. _Horribles Crueldades_, 71.

[XIII‑23] Godoy states that the horsemen were divided into three troops, which were stationed so as to form a cordon round the hill; Bernal Diaz that the cavalry attempted the steep, but were found to be useless, and that Marin therefore ordered them to retire, as he feared an attack from the towns of Quiahuitlan (Huehueiztlan?).

[XIII‑24] 'Yno les podiamos hazer daño ninguno con los grandes mamparos que tenian, y ellos à nosotros si, que siempre herian muchos de los nuestros.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 181. Godoy on the contrary says that the Chamulans sustained heavy loss from the cannon and cross-bows. Rel., in Barcia, i. 167-8.

[XIII‑25] Godoy makes no mention of the building of these sheds.

[XIII‑26] 'Y agua y sangre toda rebuelta, y mui caliente,' was also showered down upon the Spaniards according to Bernal Diaz. Godoy says 'nos echaban mucha agua caliente, embuelta en ceniça, i cal.'

[XIII‑27] Bernal Diaz gives a glowing account of the shower of golden ornaments: 'Y nos echaron desde las almenas siete diademas de oro fino, y muchas cuentas vaziadizas, é otras joyas como caracoles y anades todo de oro.' Hist. Verdad., 181. Godoy on the contrary says: 'echaron vn poco de Oro desde dentro, diciendo, que dos Petacas tenian de aquello.' Rel., in Barcia, i. 168. Herrera and Gomara follow Godoy.

[XIII‑28] Three o'clock in the afternoon. Bernal Diaz is frequently at variance with Godoy in minor points, and from his account this would be either the third day of the siege, or the assault with the sheds was commenced on the first day; neither of these statements agreeing with Godoy. I consider the latter more reliable in many matters of detail, as he wrote almost immediately after the occurrences.

[XIII‑29] Bernal Diaz was slightly wounded by a spear-thrust in the contest which occurred before the rain-storm, and was only saved by the thickness of his cotton corslet. He claims to have discovered the ruse of the Chamulans in planting their spears in position, but on this point his narrative is doubtful. Godoy says, 'I hallamonos burlados ... i subiendo el Albarrada, no havia Hombre dentro.' Rel., in Barcia, i. 168.

[XIII‑30] 'Hallamos harto de comer, que bien lo haviamos menester, à causa que los dos Dias no haviamos comido, ni teniamos que ni aun los Caballos.' Id. Ixtlilxochitl, contrary to Bernal Diaz, Godoy, Gomara, and Herrera, states that they obtained much booty but few provisions. Horribles Crueldades, 71.

[XIII‑31] Godoy states that 200 Indians had been killed on the first day of the siege; while on the second so many fell that they were not counted. The town was assigned by Luis Marin to Bernal Diaz, as a reward for having first entered it, and Cortés ratified the grant for a period of eight years. When Ciudad Real was founded the population of Chamula was transferred thither. Hist. Verdad., 181.

[XIII‑32] Godoy states that this opinion was unanimous. In this portion of the narrative he and Bernal Diaz are thoroughly at variance, the latter evidently having wished to remain. Considerable dissension occurred. Alonso de Grado, whom Bernal Diaz describes as a turbulent rather than a fighting man, produced a cédula signed by Cortés assigning to him half the town of Chiapas as an encomienda. On the strength of it he demanded of Marin half the gold collected at that city, which was refused him on the ground that it was needed to pay for the horses that had been killed. An angry dispute followed, in which Godoy became involved, and it was terminated by the lieutenant putting both him and Grado in irons and keeping them prisoners six or seven days. Then Grado was sent under guard to Mexico, where he was severely reprimanded by Cortés, and Godoy released by the intercession of friends. Hist. Verdad., 182. Now Godoy mentions nothing of this affair, but states that Grado went to Chiapas, and other Spaniards to towns 'que alli el Teniente les havia depositado,' and were well received. Rel., in Barcia, i. 169.

[XIII‑33] Both Herrera and Remesal state that this first expedition of Mazariegos was undertaken in 1524, and in this statement only, and in the number of the forces, do they agree. Herrera's account of the campaign of 1524 is copied almost word for word by Remesal in his narration of the one in 1526; and the former author as lightly mentions Mazariegos' second expedition as Remesal does his first. The latter may, however, in this instance, be relied upon, as he quotes from the archives of Mexico. The entrance of Pedro Puertocarrero into Chiapas from Guatemala is mentioned by both authors, as an incident of the campaign which each describes, but it is impossible to believe that Alvarado could have spared that officer with a body of troops during the eventful year 1524, when fully occupied with the conquest of Guatemala. I have, therefore, adopted Remesal's chronology. It is strange that he does not seem to have had any knowledge of Marin's expedition, as related by Herrera. This somewhat perplexes Juarros, who remarks that Bernal Diaz' narration is 'circumstantially so different from the relation of Remesal as to induce a belief that the latter had been misled by false information.' Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 210-11.

[XIII‑34] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 221-2. Guzman was a near relative of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. Id.

[XIII‑35] Mazariegos was cousin to Alonso de Estrada, then governor of Mexico. Remesal gives the names of more than 80 officers and soldiers who accompanied the expedition. Noticeable among them is that of Juan Enriquez de Guzman, who appears to have returned to Mexico after the outbreak. In the same list appear the names of two priests, Pedro de Castellanos and Pedro Gonzalez. Hist. Chyapa, 265. From Bernal Diaz we learn that Mazariegos was instructed to take Guzman's residencia. Hist. Verdad., 222. It was the performance of this duty, perhaps, which, at a later date, made Guzman so bitter an enemy of Mazariegos.

[XIII‑36] 'Pelearon, hasta que pudieron leuantar los braços.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.

[XIII‑37] 'Se despeñaron mas de quinze mil dellos en dos vezes que fueron conquistados.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 330.

[XIII‑38] It stands, though in a ruined state, to this day. Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 13. The traveller Thomas Gage, who wrote in 1677, remarks that the country of Chiapas 'surpasseth all the rest of America in that one and famous and most populous town of Chiapa of the Indians,' which later he says 'is held to be one of the biggest Indian towns in all America, containing at least 4,000 families.' New Survey, 219, 233.

[XIII‑39] The object of Puertocarrero's presence is considered by Remesal to have been the extension of territory under the government of Alvarado. Hist. Chyapa, 265-6. Another author states that at the commencement of the revolt the Spaniards had hurriedly fled to Comitlan, where they sent word to Alvarado in Guatemala. Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 10. The reader is aware that Alvarado was in Spain at this period.

[XIII‑40] Hist. Chyapa, 279. The colonists of Espíritu Santo also laid claim to the territories of Chiapas and Cachula, as is seen in a royal cédula of 1538, in Puga, Cedulario, 115. Juarros says that Puertocarrero being informed of the disturbances in Chiapas considered it his duty to repair thither and endeavor to restore tranquillity. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 214.

[XIII‑41] These appointments had been extended by Alonso de Estrada in November 1527. On the 6th of March the municipality drew up a tariff of fines, ordered a pillory and scaffold to be erected, and transacted other business. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 268-9.

[XIII‑42] Guez Gueizacatlan as spelled by Juarros, _Hist. Guat._, 61.

[XIII‑43] A coat of arms was granted to the town in 1535. It was as follows: A shield with two mountain ranges with a river flowing between them; above on the right a castle, Or with a lion rampant against it; on the left a palm Vert in fruit, and another lion rampant, all on a field, Gules. A decree of the state congress of July 27, 1829, again changed the name of the place to Ciudad de San Cristóbal. Pineda, in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 371-2. Consult also Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 188-9, where will be found a wood-cut design of the arms; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 271, 272-3; Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 18-19; Juarros, Guat., i. 12; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 48. For meaning of viciosa see Hist. Mex., i. 145.

[XIII‑44] The office of alguacil mayor was at last sold for 4,687 pesos; those of the eight regidors for 400 pesos each; that of the public administrator for 4,200 tostones—the toston being half a peso—that of escribano publico for 627 pesos, and later for 1,110 pesos. Purida, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, iii. 370.

[XIII‑45] For the incidents that occurred before the capture of the town of Chiapas the account of Bernal Diaz has been accepted as the base of this narrative, but the version of Diego de Godoy, an 'escribano del rey,' who accompanied the expedition, is also worthy of credit. The latter furnished Cortés with two reports of the proceedings, though his first one, which was written from Cinacantlan, has not yet appeared in print, and is perhaps no longer extant. The second despatch was written from Espíritu Santo, and was first published at Toledo by Caspa de Ávila on the 20th of October 1525, together with the fourth letter of Cortés to the king of Spain, and again in Valencia by George Costilla on the 12th of July 1526. In 1749 Andrés Gonzalez de Barcia reproduced it in Madrid, in his collection of the works of the chroniclers. Godoy's account and that of Bernal Diaz, though agreeing in the main features of the campaign, are strangely contradictory in many particulars. In weighing the credibility of their statements it should be borne in mind that the former wrote his despatch immediately after the conclusion of the campaign, while the latter wrote from memory many years afterward. It is beyond dispute that Marin commanded this expedition, as appears from his own despatch and the statements of Bernal Diaz; yet in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii., and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 573, it is stated that Godoy was in charge, Marin being second in command.

[XIV‑1] Benzoni spells the word Achla and states that the town was situated at a distance of about two bow-shots from the shore. Mondo Nuovo, 77. For a description of its site see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, this series. Girolamo Benzoni, in 1541, joined the Spaniards in their forays for gold and slaves, and traversed the Central American provinces. Regarded doubtless as an interloper he does not appear to have met with the success he expected, and in 1556 returned to Italy determined to vent his spite by an exposé of Spanish greed and cruelty. In 1565 he published the work entitled La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, dedicated to Pius IV., and containing 18 wood-cuts, with his own portrait on the frontispiece. The second edition, somewhat amplified, appeared in 1572, followed by quite a number of reprints and translations, particularly in German and Latin. The well known version by Chauveton, doctor and protestant preacher at Geneva, the Novæ Novi Orbis Historiæ, Geneva, 1578, was frequently reissued. The dedication praises Benzoni for exactitude and impartiality, and notes by other writers are added to confirm and explain the text. De Bry gave further value to this version by means of maps and fancy plates. Purchas, among others, treated it with less respect in offering merely 'Briefe extracts translated out of Ierom Benzo.' Amends were made for this slight in 1857, when the only full English version was issued by Admiral Smyth, under the auspices of the Hakluyt Society. The rendering is somewhat faulty, however, and the corrections of Benzoni's uncultured style and misspelled names not always an improvement.

Benzoni had evidently the intention of writing a more imposing general history of the New World, though it dwindled into a short narrative. There is an apparent effort at moderation, particularly with regard to himself, yet the disposition to exaggerate, or to lie, as Thevet intimates, crops out even in his sarcasms, and yielding to credulity he allows a great part of the narrative, on events or phenomena, to become merely the record of jangling and weird rumors current among gossips. This he partly admits by saying: 'In molte cose ho trouato che vna parte non conforma con l'altra, à causa che ogn'uno fauorisce il suo capitano, et più dico, che in questi paesi si trattano poche verità.' lib. iii. fol. 128. 'Lo mas de su narracion sacó de los autores precedentes con bastante fidelidad, pero comunmente sin juicio ni examen. En los principios está lleno de errores.' Muñoz, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, tom. i. xxi.-ii. Robertson refers to him as a discontented detractor. He does not feel well affected toward Las Casas, despite their common aim, but calls him a vain man, incapable of carrying out his reform promises. Whatever may be said against the work, much of the material is valuable, as it embraces facts glossed over by the chroniclers, and gives the personal observations of a man not imbued with Castilian partiality. Indeed, Pinelo calls him an 'Autor poco afecto à los Españoles,' Epitome, tom. ii. 589, and they very naturally have returned the compliment by neglecting him.

A contemporary of Benzoni as traveller and author is the Frenchman André Thevet, who claims to have travelled for 17 years round the world, to acquire a proper knowledge of men and things, and who is credited with having mastered 28 languages. The result of his observations was issued at Paris in 1558 as, Les singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique, containing philosophic dissertations on natural and moral history in the Levant, Africa, and America, and remarkable chiefly for credulity and want of critique. It attained several editions which are now sought for their rarity, among them, Historia dell'India America, di Andrea Tevet. Venice, 1561. He also wrote the Cosmographie universelle, Paris, 1575, 2 vols. folio, which is even more valueless, and admired only for its wood-cuts; the Cosmographie du Levant. Lyon, 1556; and the Cosmographie moscovite, published only in Paris 1858; and he left several other pieces in manuscript. De Thou refers to him rather severely as follows: 'Fuit patriâ engolimensis, professione primó Franciscanus, dein, cum vix litteras scìret, abjecto cucullo ex monacho celeberrimus planus religiosis et aliis peregrinationibus primam ætatem contrivit, ex quibus famâ contractâ, animum ad libros seribendos ineptâ ambitione applicavit, quos alieno calamo plerumque exacatos et ex itinerariis vulgaribus atque hujusmodi de plebe Scripturis consarcinatos miseris librariis pro suis venditabat: nam alioqui litterarum, antiquitatis atque omnis temporum rationis supra omnem fidem fuit imperitus, ut fere incerta pro certis, falsa pro veris et absurda semper sciberet.' Hist., lib. xi.

[XIV‑2] This epithet they applied to all Christians.

[XIV‑3] For the condition of the native settlements in Honduras, see Montejo, Cartas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 223-4, 228, 240-1; and Squier's MSS., xxii. 24-6.

[XIV‑4] By cédula, dated July 20, 1532, they were exempted from other than a nominal tribute of two reals, Juarros, Guat., i. 74; ii. 343; but this order was unheeded. In 1547 the survivors drew up a memorial to the emperor representing their past services and sufferings, and petitioning for their rights. The document was written by a friar and referred to the licentiate Cerrato, who was instructed to see that justice was done to them. Memorial, 1547, MS., in Centro América, Extractos Sueltos, 41-2. An attempt was made at a later date to impose tribute upon their descendants; but the Mexican government confirmed them in their rights in 1564: 'Fueron amparados en posesion de su libertad, y se libró en Tenuctitlan á 6 de noviembre de 1564 real provision, que conservan los naturales de Almolonga en fólios de pergamino encuadernados en forma de libro, empastado con tablas finas, y forrado en terciopelo carmesi,' etc. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 167.

[XIV‑5] In the time of Alvarado the tribute of cacao was 1,400 xiquipiles, and this was paid until 1542. Requête d'Atitlan, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. x. 420-2. A xiquipil was 8,000, and the number of chocolate-beans contributed was therefore 11,200,000.

[XIV‑6] Regio, Ind. Devastat., 38-40. How populous the country was may be imagined from the fact that Alvarado represented it as exceeding Mexico in the number of its inhabitants. 'Et ipsemet tyrannus scripsit majorem esse in hac provincia populi frequentiam, quám in Regno Mexico, quod & verum est.' Id. Las Casas also states that, when the Spaniards first entered the country, the towns and villages were so many and large and so densely populated that those who marched in advance not infrequently returned to the captain demanding a reward for having discovered another city equal in size to Mexico. Hist. Apolog., MS., 28.

[XIV‑7] It will be remembered, however, that Alvarado procured relays of Indians from Guatemala to pack his material and supplies from Trujillo to Iztapa. Enough were left, remarks Remesal, upon whom to wreak his vengeance, and the Cakchiquel and Quiché princes, who appeared before him to do him homage, became the first victims. They were reproached with the reforms brought about in their favor, during his absence, as of crimes worthy of capital punishment; for daring to complain to the governor they were accused of rebellion. Nameless adventurers, who had been unable to extort enough gold from them, or take from them their vassals to work in their fields and houses, pretended that the ill-will of these chiefs had caused their ruin, and loudly demanded that the adelantado should grant new repartimientos according to their services. Alvarado, who was wounded to the quick by the appointment of Maldonado, listened to all these complaints, and now displayed his usual brutality. Prince Cook, Ahtzib of the Cakchiquel crown, he ran through with a sword. Tepepul, king of Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, and the Ahpozotzil Cahi Imox, together with a large number of lords, were cast into a prison on some frivolous pretext. When on the point of sailing from Iztapa, Alvarado being requested by the municipal council to determine their fate, settled the matter by hanging the latter and putting the former together with a number of the leading caciques on board his fleet. All of them perished miserably on the coast of Jalisco. Among his other victims was a lord called Chuwi-Tziquinu and 17 other Cakchiquel princes, whom he took with him from Santiago under pretence of conducting them to Mexico. When a short distance from the city he caused them all to be strangled. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, lib. iv. cap. iv. v. xx.; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 797-801; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 77.

[XIV‑8] Real Cédula de 17 de Novre 1526, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, v. 326-31. In the preamble to this decree the emperor states that it is notorious that excessive toil in mines and at other labor and the want of food and proper clothing had caused the death of such numbers that some parts of the country had become depopulated, while whole districts were abandoned by the natives, who had fled to the mountains and forests to escape ill-treatment. This cédula, designed to apply to the king's dominions in the west from Panamá to Florida, ordered diligent inquiry to be made relative to the killing, robbery, and illegal branding of Indians, and that the perpetrators should be delivered over to the council of the Indies. Other provisos were that slaves should be restored to their native country, and if this were not possible they were to be placed in reasonable liberty, nor were they to be too heavily worked or made to labor in the mines or elsewhere against their will. In future expeditions of discovery and colonization the leader was to take with him two ecclesiastics at least, who were to use greatest diligence in obtaining kindly treatment for the Indians. Natives who were peaceably inclined were not to be made slaves; at the same time the promotion of morality and good customs was not left out of sight, and in cases where it might be deemed beneficial by the priest they might be assigned to Christian Europeans as free servitors; and lastly no discoverer was to take with him out of their native land on any of his expeditions more than one or two Indians to act as interpreters. Ximenez, lib. iii. cap. lii., states that natives were branded as slaves through having been merely assigned to an encomendero, and that young boys and tender girls were taken from the towns by hundreds to wash for gold in the gulches, where they perished from hunger and hardship. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 67. A notable case of branding Indians who had peaceably submitted, was that of the natives of Cuzcatlan by Alvarado in 1524, described by witnesses in Cortés, Residencia, 96, 155.

[XIV‑9] This order repeated the mandates of the previous cédula, and in addition abolished the system of encomiendas, as well as the branding of Indians as slaves. His majesty refused to grant them as vassals to any one. No Spaniard was to be allowed to use them as pack-animals. The caciques were not to be deprived entirely of governing power, but allowed certain jurisdiction, under the advice and instruction of the governors of provinces. Natives were to be encouraged in gold-mining; but, on payment of the royal dues, the gold they extracted was to belong to themselves; nor were they to be deprived of the lands they had acquired by inheritance, if they wished to cultivate them.

[XIV‑10] In 1533 it was enacted that an Indian's load should not exceed two arrobas in weight. In 1536 it was ordered that natives who had been accustomed to move from place to place were not to be prevented from doing so. Other laws passed the same year were to the effect that no Spaniard of any rank could be carried about by Indians in hammock or palanquin. Negroes ill-treating Indians were to receive 100 lashes, or if blood were shed, a punishment adequate to the severity of the wound. Native villages and settlements were not to be inhabited by Spaniards, negroes, or mulattoes. A Spaniard when travelling could only remain one night, and Spanish traders three days, in an Indian village. In 1538 laws were made ordering that caciques were not to sell or barter their subjects. This year also a modification of previous enactments limited the use of natives as pack-animals to those under 18 years of age. The Indians were, by all possible means other than coercion, to be induced to live in communities. In 1541 viceroys, audiencias, and governors were ordered to ascertain whether encomenderos sold their slaves, and if any such were discovered they were to be exemplarily punished and the bondsmen thus sold restored to liberty. Recop. de Indias, ii. 192, 194, 201-2, 212, 277-8, 288-9. These laws were general and applied to all Spanish America. Vazquez states that, in the year 1714, there existed in the city archives of Guatemala royal cédulas, issued in 1531, 1533, and 1534, authorizing the branding of slaves taken in war or obtained by rescate. Chronica de Gvat., 37-8.

[XIV‑11] In December 1530 the cabildo of Santiago was compelled to pass a law ordering the burial of the dead. 'Los Indios que mueren en sus casas, no los entierran, è los dexan comer de perros, y aues, è podrir dentro de la dicha ciudad, de que suelen venir è recrecer muchas dolencias á los vezinos y habitãtes.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 30. Christianized Indians, whether servant or slave, were to be buried in consecrated ground at the depth of the waist-belt of a man of good stature. Others were to be buried an estado deep, out of reach of dogs, under penalty of 20 pesos de oro. Id.

[XIV‑12] In 1529 laws were passed prohibiting such acts under a penalty of 25 pesos de oro, the proprietor of the servant to forfeit his ownership. If the person offending were an hidalgo the fine was 100 pesos de oro; if not he was to receive 100 lashes. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 90-1, 114-15. The market called by the Indians tianguez was held daily at sunset. To provide against the outrages then committed a master of the market was appointed in 1532. In the following year another decree was found necessary, which was republished February 9, 1534. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 32.

[XIV‑13] Paul III. it will be remembered is noted as the pontiff who excommunicated Henry VIII. of England, and in the contest of Charles V. with the Protestant League despatched a large force to the emperor's aid.

[XIV‑14] It will be remembered that the inquisition, at that time in full blast, was founded by the Dominican order. In Prescott's Peru, ii. 253, it is stated that the arguments used by Las Casas before the junta were first published by a secretary of that institution.

[XIV‑15] The full text of them is given in Leyes y Ordenanzas, Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 204-27. There are extracts from them in Herrera, Remesal, Torquemada, and other chroniclers. For further mention of the new code and its workings see Hist. Mex., ii. 516, et seq. this series. Prescott says: 'The provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or less—generally less—accuracy, in the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them in extenso.' Peru, ii. 255. The historian is himself somewhat inaccurate on this and other points.

[XIV‑16] Before the new laws were passed Indians captured in war or guilty of certain crimes could be legally enslaved.

[XIV‑17] For a description of the repartimiento and encomienda system, see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 262-4, and Hist. Mex., ii. 145-52, this series.

[XIV‑18] For a description of the organization and jurisdiction of audiencias see Hist. Cent. Am., i. 270-3, this series, and of the supreme council of the Indies, 280-2 of the same vol.

[XIV‑19] The version given in Prescott's Peru, ii. 260-1, is that the viceroy found a ship, laden with silver from the Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain, and that he laid an embargo on the vessel as containing the proceeds of slave labor. There is, however, no absolute prohibition in the new code against the employment of Indians in working the mines, although, as mentioned in Herrera, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. iv., a cédula issued in 1538, forbade that natives be so engaged, and authorized the substitution of negro slave labor for such purposes.

[XIV‑20] The emperor was memorialized by the clergy and by the civil authorities, each party sending its petition without the other's knowledge, each slandering its adversary and using such falsehoods as would be most likely to injure the opposite cause. Abreo, in Cent. Am.; Extr. Sueltos, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 48.

[XV‑1] Gasca, Carta al Consejo, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 107; see also Herrera, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. iii.

[XV‑2] In Garella, Isthme de Panama, 4, it is stated that Andagoya made his survey in obedience to a cédula issued 20th February 1534. Some authorities state that Philip first suggested the idea of uniting the two oceans by means of a canal; but when the survey was ordered he was not over seven years of age. In Hist. Cent. Am., i. 360-1, this series, there is a description of the difficulties overcome in constructing the first road across the Isthmus about 1520, and an account of the obstacles encountered by surveying expeditions even in the middle of the nineteenth century.

[XV‑3] Almagro, Informacion, Col. Doc. Inéd., xxvi. 265, and Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. vii.

[XV‑4] Benzoni goes somewhat out of his way to make Panamá appear in a contemptible light. He says that it contained about 4,000 inhabitants and had about 120 houses built of reeds or wood and roofed with shingles, but he does not explain how such a population contrived to crowd themselves into that number of dwellings.

[XV‑5] In his description of a journey from Acla to Panamá by way of Nombre de Dios, Benzoni mentions that his party was accompanied by 20 negro slaves, whose business it was to cut away the undergrowth and branches of trees that barred their path. The same writer also alludes to the danger incurred by travellers during the rainy season through the frequent crossing of the Chagres en route across the Isthmus. He relates a story of a Spaniard, who while fording the last branch of the river, mounted on a mule, and with gold and jewels in his possession to the value of 4,000 ducats, was carried down stream, lost everything, and was saved only by tying himself to the branch of a tree, arriving at Nombre de Dios with only his waistcoat.

[XV‑6] In commenting on the statements then current as to the commerce of Panamá, Benzoni remarks: 'Senza dubio dieci Mercatanti Venetiani basteriano à comprare tutte le mercantie che vi entrano vna volta l'anno, con la istessa città.' Mondo Nvovo, lib. ii. 79.

[XV‑7] Pizarro sent 20,000 gold castellanos to Panamá and thus enlisted in his service a number of recruits which he could not otherwise have obtained. Naharro, Descubr. y Conq., MS.

[XV‑8] Among other marauding expeditions planned by Almagro was a raid on Panamá and Nombre de Dios for the purpose of plundering both places, and making the former a base for future operations against Nicaragua and Guatemala. He intended moreover to destroy all ships on the Pacific side that could not be utilized. Vaca de Castro (Licenciado Cristóbal), Carta al Emperador Don Cárlos, dándole cuenta de la sublevacion y castigo de Don Diego de Almagro el mozo y de otros importantes asuntos (Cuzco, Nov. 24, 1542). Cartas de Indias, 478, 483-4.

[XV‑9] On the very spot where his father met a like fate. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vi. cap. i.

[XV‑10] 'Españoles hai que crian perros carniceros y los avezan á matar Indios, lo qual procuran á las veces por pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros.' Morales, Relacion, MS.

[XV‑11] In Herrera, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. xxii., it is stated that Gonzalo was elected captain, procurator general, and chief-justice.

[XV‑12] It was truly a triumphal entry. Pizarro himself was clad in a full suit of mail, with a richly embroidered surcoat, and before him was borne the royal standard of Castille. Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xii.

[XV‑13] He gathered great strength by the adhesion of Diego Centeno, a brave officer, who was exasperated by the cruelty and oppression of Pizarro's lieutenant-governor in Charcas, and therefore declared for the viceroy. Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 240.

[XV‑14] Vasco Nuñez was decapitated by a negro on the battle-field, and his head borne on a pike. Some of the soldiers were brutal enough to pluck the grey hairs from the beard and wear them in their helmets as trophies of the victory. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii. See, also, Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. i. cap. liv.

[XV‑15] He ordered galleys to be built at Arequipa, which with the vessels already in his possession would make him master of the sea from Chile to Nicaragua. Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xv.

[XV‑16] Named by some authors Machicao, and in Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, Machicano. When Gonzalo Pizarro made his entry into Lima, Bachicao caused the artillery, ammunition, and equipments to be carried on the backs of Indians, thus showing his contempt for the new code of laws. Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo, 210 (Hak. Soc. ed.) See, also, Gomara, Hist. Ind., 214, and Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 718-20. Gomara says of him: 'Lo escojeran entre mil para qualquiera afrenta, pero couarde como liebre, y asi solia el dezir: ladrar, pese á tal, y no morder. Era hombre baxo mal acostumbrado, rufian, presumptuoso, renegador, q̃ se auia encomenado al Diablo, ... buen ladron ... asi de amigos como de enemigos.'

[XV‑17] On board the fleet were Maldonado and Doctor Trejada on their way to Spain to render to the emperor Gonzalo Pizarro's account of the matter and await his Majesty's further instructions. Pizarro, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 195 passim.

[XV‑18] Gomara, Hist. Ind., ii. 14. Benzoni states that the captain was hanged at the harbor of Vecchio in Taboga. 'Fece alcuni soldati in porto Vecchio, e vicino Taboga pigliò una naue, e perche il patrone non abassò le velle cosi presto, lo mandò à impicecare, e cosi giunto à Panama, e non volendo Giouanni di Gusman che intrasse nella città, ilquale faceua gente per lo Vicerè.' Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 143.

[XV‑19] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 211. See also Oviedo, iv. 400. In Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xvi., it is stated that the order for an execution was given in the words 'Manda hacer el capitan Hernando Bachicao.'

[XV‑20] Of Bachicao's subsequent history we learn that he was captured while attempting to desert to the royalist party, and executed by Francisco Carbajal, one of Gonzalo's officers. Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 718-20.

[XV‑21] In addition to other precautions, Pedro de Casaos, the corregidor, or mayor, of Panamá, crossed the Isthmus to Nombre de Dios, and exhorted all loyal citizens to rally for the defence of Panamá. Gathering all the arquebuses and other arms which he could find, he returned to the city and called upon the captains of the viceroy to place themselves under his banner. This they obstinately refused to do, thereby sowing discord which was to tell greatly in favor of the insurgents. Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxx.

[XV‑22] Twenty thousand ducats according to Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 144.

[XV‑23] Eight ships and three brigantines. Benzoni, Mondo Nuovo.

[XV‑24] Juan de Illanes, as soon as he saw the ships, cried out with a loud voice to the citizens, 'Come out of your houses, ye traitors, come and defend the king's domain from these tyrants!' When Pedro de Casaos sent word to Hinojosa to inquire the cause of his coming he answered that 'he came to pay the debts of Machicano.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 144-5.

[XV‑25] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. Garcilaso de la Vega, in Hist. Peru, ii. 244, styles Hinojosa governor, and Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxx., says: 'Y el governador de aquella Provincia llamado Pedro de Casaos, Natural de Sevilla, fue con gran diligencia à la Ciudad de Nombre de Dios, i mandò apercebir toda la Gente que en ella estaba, i juntando todas las Armas, i Arcabuces que pudo haver, los llevò consigo à Panamà.' The corregidor of a town was often styled 'governador' by courtesy. Hence perhaps the mistake.

[XV‑26] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[XV‑27] It is said that a battle now appearing inevitable, the officer in charge of Vela Nuñez was ordered to hang him and the other prisoners to the yard-arm. Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxi. This statement is very improbable.

[XV‑28] He informed the people of Panamá that if they had received a wretch like Machicao, they certainly ought to admit him. Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.

[XV‑29] They had no faith in Hinojosa's promises. 'Aunque Gonzalo Pizarro governase juridicamente, como ellos decian; y que no tenian color ninguno para entremeterse en distrito ageno; y que las mismas promesas avia hecho Bachicao.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 244.

[XV‑30] Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. x., and Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 145. In Gomara, Hist. Ind., 218, it is stated that 40 men were allowed to land. Other authorities give 50 as the number of the guard and 30 days as the period.

[XV‑31] 'Con este concierto Hinojosa mandô recoger la gente a las naos, y los de Panamá le hablaron y trataron con mucha cortesia, y le aposentaron en la ciudad y diziendole, que se trataua de prenderle, ô matarle; aunque no lo creyô, todauia se hizo fuerte en la casa adõde posaua, y poco despues, como buen Capitan, por quitar ocasiones de tumultos se fue a sus naos, y presto se entendió q̃ aquel rumor no fue palabras.' Herrera, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. 10.

[XV‑32] It was during this year that the wealth of Potosí began to be known.

[XV‑33] In Herrera, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix., it is stated that Hinojosa's officers committed many robberies, taking care to hide them from their commander, who strictly forbade anything of the kind and gave orders that all such offenders should be handed over to the civil authorities. Gasca, in Carta al Consejo, 1. 108-9, says that Hinojosa forced the people of Panamá and Nombre de Dios to feed and quarter his men.

[XV‑34] A native of Álava, and a fellow-townsman of the viceroy. Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxiii. See also Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 244.

[XV‑35] 'Et non molto dopo Melchior Verdugo calato per lo Scolatio di Nicaragua con duecento soldati con animo di offendere la gente di Pizzarro.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 146. In Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. v. cap. xxxiii., the number is stated at 100.

[XV‑36] The darkness of the night favored them, but Verdugo's men might have effected their capture if they had not been too intent in plundering the house. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 245.

[XV‑37] Herrera says that Hinojosa expecting to be attacked placed the city of Panamá in a thorough state of defence and told his officers that Verdugo held but the authority granted him by the audiencia de los Confines and knew not even whether the viceroy were alive. dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. iv.

[XV‑38] One hundred and fifty arquebusiers. Benzoni, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 145-46, 140; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 219.

[XV‑39] 'Verdugo fu il primo à saltare in vn Brigantino, et solo vn soldato resto ferito, e questo fu el fine delle brauate di Verdugo.' Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 146.

[XV‑40] 'La dificultad de tanto aparato, ... Armas, y Cavallos, Municíon y Bastimento, y la Navegacion tan larga, yaver de pasar dos Mares les forçava á no tomar este Consejo.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 268.

[XV‑41] Gasca was born in 1494 in the Caballería de Navarregadilla, a small town near the Barca de Ávila. He received a liberal education, being placed by his uncle at the famous seminary of Alcalá de Henares, and subsequently transferred to the university of Salamanca. He was ordained a priest in 1531, and in 1541 was appointed counsellor of the inquisition. He acquired great renown by his gallant defence of the city of Valencia, at a time when its inhabitants were panic-stricken at the approach of a foreign foe. 'Vinieron á tierra de Avila la familia de Gasca mudándose ... las dos letras consonantes C y G el nombre de Casca en Gasca.' Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. Even when a student he showed the power of his will and decision of character in quelling political disturbances. Datos Biograficos, in Cartas de Indias, 763-7.

[XV‑42] 'El Titulo que llevó, fue de Presidente de la Audiencia Real del Perú.' Zárate, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi.

[XV‑43] 'Llevó las Cédulas, y Recaudos necesarios, en caso, que convinese hacer Gente de Guerra, aunque estos fueron secretos, porque no publicaba, ni trataba, sino de los perdones, i de los otros medios pacificos.' Zárate, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 269, says: 'Le diesen absoluto Poder en todo, y por todo, tan cumplido y bastante, como su Magestad lo tenia en las Indias.' See, also, Prescott's Peru, ii. 344.

[XV‑44] 'Alvarado habló á Hernan Mexia, i le dió noticia de la venida del Presidente, diciendole quien era, i á lo que venia, i despues de largas platicas se despidieron, sin haverse declarado el vno al otro sus animos, porque ambos estaban sospechosos.' Zárate, Hist. Peru, in Barcia, lib. vi. cap. vi.

[XV‑45] Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxi. Gasca did not hear of the death of the viceroy until after his landing at Nombre de Dios, but smothered his resentment, and even declared that if Pizarro would not receive him he would return to the emperor. Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 170. See, also, Gomara, Hist. Ind., 228. Gasca's letter to Verdugo, then awaiting the emperor's orders at Cartagena, is also characteristic of the subtle churchman: 'Embió a decir á Melchor Verdugo, que venia con ciertos Compañeros á servirle, no viniese, sino que estuviese á la mira.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 269. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. v.

[XV‑46] 'Mexia le repondio, que la vandera que alli estaba, la tenia por el Rey, y no por Pizarro, y q̃ haria en su seruicio quanto le mãdasse.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. v. 'I que si queria, que llanamente se alçase Vandera por su Magestad, lo haria, i podian ir à Panamà, i tomar la Armada, lo qual seria facil de hacer.' Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. iii. 133. See also, Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 270.

[XV‑47] Fernandez, Hist. Peru, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxviii. See also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. vi., and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 228.

[XV‑48] When Paniagua, Gasca's emissary, first called on Gonzalo he was discourteously treated, the governor not even asking him to be seated.

[XV‑49] The captains so sworn signed their names before the notary Juan de Barutiu. Panamá, Pleito Homenage, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xlix.

[XV‑50] In Carta á Miguel Díez Armendariz, in Cartas de Indias, Gasca states that since the 1st of December 1546 1,000 soldiers, including several men of rank, had been assembled for the king's service; that he had at his disposal a fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at Panamá; and that there had not yet been time for the arrival of reënforcements from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Española, or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were 250 horsemen ready to embark.

[XV‑51] On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist forces, Carbajal, Gonzalo's lieutenant, remarked, 'Valdivia rige el campo o el diablo.'

[XV‑52] Among those present at Gonzalo's funeral was Hinojosa, who, after serving further the royal cause, was assassinated in 1552.

[XV‑53] The most partial biographer of the Pizarros is Fernando Pizarro y Orellana, author of Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo Mvndo, Madrid, 1639, folio. The book contains the lives of Columbus, Ojeda, Cortés, the four Pizarros, Almagro, and García de Paredes, but the greater part is devoted to the author's namesakes and kinsmen, by the side of whom the other heroes appear in comparatively faint outline. Every incident that can in any way redound to their credit is made to shine with a lustre unsurpassed even by the pearls and gold for which they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy indeed is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the bloody deeds and shameful traits which characterize the name. This is intentional on the part of the writer, who not only suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the later revolt of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. His object is to advocate for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the restoration of his estates and titles of marquis as more fully set forth in the Discurso Legal, i Politico, published the same year, immediately after the Varones. The work is, in brief, the pleading of a learned lawyer, as the author proves himself, supplemented with quaint and abstruse notes and profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers.

[XVI‑1] Pedrarias never had the shadow of a right to the province of Peru; but it was probably an easy matter for Hernando so to persuade his audience.

[XVI‑2] 'Y porque algunos querian yr á armarse, y otras de mala gana le seguian, los reprehendia, y amenazaua, diciendo, que los haria castigar como a delinquentes, diziendoles; que no auian menester otras armas, i mandó a Iuan Barmejo, que matasse al que no le siguiese.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v.; see, also, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 491.

[XVI‑3] 'Hecho esto embiò a Granada á dar auiso á Pedro de Contreras su hermano, embiandole la daga con que auia muerto al Obispo, sin punta, que so le auia despuntado al tiempo que le matô.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 492; see also Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and Gasca, Carta in Col. Doc. Inéd., 1.; but Zárate, Hist. Peru, lib. vii. cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of the bishop to Hernando himself, saying, 'i vn Dia entraron ciertos Soldados de su Compañía, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez, i le mataron.' This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was thirsting for personal revenge against the prelate, and the apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may also have had his secret motives for participating in the murder.

[XVI‑4] Gasca, Carta al Rey, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 117-23. See, also, Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 493; Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 371, and Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v.

[XVI‑5] On board these vessels were placed all the vagrants and those who had come from Spain without license, together with certain married men who had left their wives in Spain. 'Para boluerlas a Castilla por casados, holgazanes, y gente que antes auia de causar desasosiego que prouecho.' Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. The governor was determined to leave on the Isthmus none who were not settlers or traders, or known to live on their means or by their labor. Gasca, Cartas, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 111.

[XVI‑6] So confident were they of success that instead of removing the treasure to their ships they deposited it with the merchants and others, who bound themselves before a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo or the Contreras brothers. 'Proveieron estos disparates, imaginandose, que sin tener contraste alguno, eran yá Señores de toda el Nuevo Mundo.' Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 373.

[XVI‑7] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 493. Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 372, says they found so much Spanish merchandise 'que yá les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar todas.'

[XVI‑8] This is the number given in Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., while in Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca must be in error, for Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he returned to assist Bermejo.

[XVI‑9] When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some confusion ensued, and most of the silver bars which he had captured were lost, being thrown into the river or stolen by negroes, who hid them in the rocks and swamps. Not only had Salguero captured the king's silver but also a large quantity of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it to be packed on mules taken from the settlers at Cruces; but when he came near the city and saw the troops sallying forth he abandoned his baggage-train and hurried forward to join Bermejo. Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 149; and Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 497, states that when the silver was lost only a portion of Salguero's men marched with him towards Panamá, the remainder making for the sea-shore, where they were taken on board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be worth at the present day some $12,000,000.

[XVI‑10] Gasca, Carta, in Col. Doc. Inéd., l. 149-50. See, also, Herrera, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca says in his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panamá were killed, though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather improbable statement, considering that the rebels knew they need expect no quarter.

[XVI‑11] Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt, Gasca, having recovered most of the stolen treasure, embarked for Spain, where he was appointed to the bishopric of Sigüenza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on the 10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was published at Seville two years after his death. His Carta al Consejo, in Doc. Inéd., l. 106-63, is probably the most reliable source of information concerning the events related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the principal incidents, differing only in the order in which they are related, and in some minor points of detail. Remesal is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees for the most part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zárate give only a condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the preceding authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken from Remesal, and that of Benzoni is borrowed from various sources, while Gonzalez Dávila relates only the assassination of Bishop Valdivieso.

[XVII‑1] In a letter to the king, dated Ciudad Real, August 10, 1541, Bishop Marroquin speaks very favorably of Chavez, and states that he was well adapted to rule. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 430.

[XVII‑2] 'Como su necesidad no era poca, tomô la mejor parte para si, y lo demas dio a sus amigos.' Herrera, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, Juarros, Guat., i. 42, and Gomara, Hist. Ind., 64. Herrera also implies that he appropriated what remained of the live-stock and supplies brought by Alvarado from Guatemala for the relief of the colonists. dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.

[XVII‑3] In Squier's Honduras, 88, it is stated that this stronghold was situated in the present department of Gracias, which borders on Guatemala and San Salvador. Lempira's ancient territory is still known by the name of Corquin, the word being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley of Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya, and Merendon, formed a part of the cacique's dominion. See p. 81 this vol. for map.

[XVII‑4] Herrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian is of opinion that the Spaniards would have been compelled to abandon the siege had they not resorted to this or some similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable that Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them from the province or perhaps to exterminate them.

[XVII‑5] On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain reports to the king that he has received advices from the adelantado Montejo and the licentiate Maldonado, stating that the province was at peace and making fair progress.

[XVII‑6] Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 570, this series.

[XVII‑7] Montejo, writing from Gracias á Dios on June 1, 1539, reports to the emperor concerning the settlement at Comayagua and the appointment of alcaldes and regidores. The town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them owning but few Indians. Juarros, Guat., i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says the town was founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that it was built before Alvarado's return to Honduras, in 1539. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv.; Conder's Mexico and Guatemala, ii. 296: Squier's Notes, Cent. Amer., 129.

[XVII‑8] In December 1557.

[XVII‑9] These were Trujillo, Gracias á Dios, Comayagua, San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena Esperanza, and San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in a dispatch to the audiencia dated December 30, 1545, quoted in Squier's MSS., xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo's captains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo and the Olancho valley extended his explorations to the mouth of the Desaguadero and founded in that neighborhood the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate's ideas of the geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat vague. Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that name previously founded in Yucatan.

[XVII‑10] Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel and the condition of the roads, states that from Trujillo to Puerto de Caballos the distance by sea was 40 leagues, the journey being a very dangerous one. Thence to San Pedro it was 14 leagues, over a difficult road—especially bad in the rainy season—now in the mud (hasta la barriga), now climbing steep rocks; thence to Gracias á Dios 25 leagues, three or four native settlements intervening; from Gracias á Dios to Comayagua 25 leagues more, with three settlements between; thence to San Jorge in the Olancho valley between 20 and 30 leagues, no settlements between; thence to Nueva Salamanca 30 leagues, without any settlements intervening. Of the plague of mosquitoes on this portion of the route he remarks: 'Que nos comian vivos de noche i de dia, i nos sacaban los ojos que no havia tiempo que pudiese dormir.' From Nueva Salamanca to Trujillo, he says: 'Hai cerca de 40 leguas infernales, que ni á pie ni á caballo se pueden andar, sino la mas parte rodando con el lodo á los medios muslos i descalzos, i muchas veces subiendo hasta el cielo, i otras veces bajando hasta los abismos.' Id., 17.

[XVII‑11] Oviedo was then writing of what occurred in 1538; but it is probable that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which he speaks included the amount obtained in several preceding years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there are in Comayagua very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not allow the natives to be employed in them against their will they were worked only on a small scale. Montejo, Carta, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 221-22, 233, 251. This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt hastened his downfall.

[XVII‑12] See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii., and Hist. Mex., ii. passim, this series.

[XVII‑13] By a royal cédula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy of Mexico was instructed to allow Francisco de Montejo and Alvarado of Guatemala to exchange portions of their respective provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad Real de Chiapas being particularly mentioned. Puga, Cedulario, 116. It would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this proposition.

[XVII‑14] Montejo, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 231-2, 245; Alvarado, in Id., 255. In a letter to the king, Montejo says he had heard that his Majesty had been informed that Alvarado would, on his return to Honduras, find the amount of the king's fifth to be 100,000 castellaños, but that the statement was unfounded, the sum being only 12,000 castellaños. The cause assigned for the deficiency was the stoppage of certain mining works which had been operated by gangs of Indians from Salvador and Guatemala on account of the great mortality among them. The order for the stoppage of the work emanated from Maldonado, acting governor of Guatemala, and presumably occurred before the assumption of the government by Montejo.

[XVII‑15] Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained his intercession by approaching him when he was in an amiable mood. He accuses him of boasting that his authority was greater than that of the governor and that a letter from him to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also states that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from an expedition on which he had started, news having reached him that Pedraza was disturbing the country by his harsh treatment of the Indians, and that he had some difficulty in restoring quiet. Montejo, in Id., 248-51, 258-9. It is not improbable that this may have been the case, for in a letter quoted in Squier's MSS., xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a settlement in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant repartimientos to those who should furnish him the means, claiming that he was specially inspired by the holy spirit to carry out the pacification of the natives by prayer and persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain, ambitious, covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his profession if it would serve his own interests.

[XVII‑16] The amount was 17,000 pesos according to Oviedo, iv. 23.

[XVII‑17] In a letter to the emperor, dated Trujillo, May 1, 1547, Pedraza states that he would gladly have gone in person to aid Gasca in Peru, were it not that his journey to Portugal five years before and the time he had lost in Spain awaiting the papal bull, consumed the greater part of his fortune. Pedraza, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 18. It is not probable, however, that he was in any great danger of poverty, for he made large sums of money by his traffic in slaves.

[XVII‑18] During this absence of Pedraza, Bishop Marroquin of Guatemala had charge of the diocese and made various pastoral visits through the province, on which occasions he was afterward accused by the former of having spent more than 12,000 pesos of the episcopal revenues. Marroquin in refuting this charge refers to Alonso Maldonado, president of the audiencia, and affirms that though he spent over 1,000 castellanos during his journeys going and coming, he never received one peso de oro in return. Marroquin, Carta al Principe Don Felipe, in Cartas de Indias, 449.

[XVII‑19] This cathedral was dedicated to the 'Conception of Our Lady' and had five dignitaries with salaries ranging from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 304 et seq.

[XVII‑20] See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii., and Hist. Mex., ii., passim, this series.

[XVII‑21] Before his appointment he was an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico, and acting governor of Guatemala.

[XVII‑22] In Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 206, and Cartas de Indias, 776, the audiencia is said to have held its opening session May 16, 1544, whereas in a letter to the emperor dated December 30, 1545, and signed by President Maldonado and all the oidores, it is distinctly stated: 'En 15 Marzo desembarcaron los Licc. Herrera i Rogel. En 13 Mayo nos juntamos en Auda i luego se pregonaron las Nuevas Ordenanzas.' Audiencia, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 130.

[XVII‑23] Pedraza had been summoned from San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, whence he had only come after repeated solicitations. Had he persisted it would have been necessary for Las Casas and Valdivieso to proceed to that town in company with Marroquin, for it was required that three prelates should assist at the ceremony of consecration. Pedraza was on bad terms with the two former, who state that they have heard things related of him. 'Que pareçen no buenas, y muchos escandalos.' Las Casas and Valdivieso, Relacion in Cartas de Indias, 19-23.

[XVII‑24] Id.

[XVII‑25] The above are the leading points contained in the memorial, which was a somewhat lengthy document, containing seven different clauses according to Las Casas, Carta Amonest., and Relacion in Squier's MSS., xxii. 140-42; and nine according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 374-76, and Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i., lxxvii.-viii. Remesal states that each bishop presented a memorial, that of Las Casas giving less offence than the others.

[XVII‑26] Las Casas and Valdivieso, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 118-20.

[XVII‑27] Marroquin states that the memorial was 'mucho desacato i mayor desatino: i él, como mas atrevido i favorido (por haverle dado credito á sus proposiciones i fundamentos sacados de su pecho lleno de hipocresias, sobervia, invidia, i avaricia), lo presentó, requirió, i amonestó.' Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather favorably of Maldonado, but complains of his being remiss, wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as to the welfare of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between the members of the audiencia, and says: 'Á mi no me satisfazen mucho sus letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco.' Marroquin, Carta, in Carta de Indias, 440-1.

[XVII‑28] Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting against being expelled from the hall of the audiencia: 'Estos cocinerillos en sacandalos del conuento no ay quien se pueda aueriguar con ellos.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 376.

[XVII‑29] When the audiencia refused to recognize the bishops as protectors of the Indians, Marroquin addressed a letter to the emperor, wherein, after commenting on the disturbances caused by the new code, he concludes: 'Mas, no son tan largas los poderes de los Obispos destas partes como el ruido i sonido. La Audiencia lo manda todo i dá á entender que no hai para que el Obispo sea Protetor i Visitador: asi han proveido Visitadores a deudos suyos, quando V. M. solo quiere fiarlo a los Obispos.' Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 135-6.

[XVII‑30] By order of the audiencia Rogel visited Chiapas for the ostensible purpose of assisting Las Casas in liberating the natives and settling the amount of their tribute.

[XVII‑31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 480. Cerrato did not hesitate, however, to censure the bishops severely when he thought it necessary. He complained of their maintaining alguaciles like those of the emperor and of the unjust arrest of persons 'sin haver caso de Inquisicion.' In speaking of the excommunication by the bishop of Nicaragua of certain royal officers because they were unable to pay him his salary, he says that he and Pedraza 'were enough to turn the heads of a thousand judges.' Cerrato, Cartas, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 83, 7.

[XVII‑32] Cerrato, Carta de Setiembre 28, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 80-1.

[XVII‑33] Even if he had been found blameless he could not have been reinstated, as Cerrato was appointed by the crown to supersede him. He lost his life at sea about two years later. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 179.

[XVII‑34] He was fined for having appropriated a mine and for having seized certain negroes belonging to one of the priests. Cerrato, Cartas, in Squier's MSS. Marroquin remarks in Carta al Principe Don Felipe, in Carta de Indias, 448: 'Very few who have come to the Indies have so well feathered their nests in so short a time as Herrera and Rogel.' 'Quieren para si un dios y un principe, y para los demas confusion y perdiçion.' Pedraza endorses Marroquin's statement with reference to Herrera, and accuses him of trafficking in silks, velvets, and cloth like a common mercer. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 123. The statement of Las Casas and Valdivieso in Id., xxii., is doubtless more deserving of credit.

[XVII‑35] Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He says that at first he promised well, but subsequently acted in every way contrary to his instructions, as if these had been 'mirá que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en estas provinçias todo lo deys á vuestras parientes.' He accuses him of giving the best repartimientos to his two brothers, a granddaughter, a son-in-law, and his followers and friends, and remarks that the people feared the coming of another boat-load of Cerratos. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 38-42.

[XVIII‑1] Viceroy Mendoza addressed letters to the bishop of Guatemala, Francisco de la Cueva, and the cabildo respectively. In that sent to the municipality he says: 'You will learn that God was pleased to take to his glory the adelantado Alvarado.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Tello states that Governor Oñate also send word of Alvarado's death to Guatemala. Hist. N. Gal., 390-7. According to Remesal the first reports were generally discredited, and it was not until the viceroy's letters arrived that any manifestation of sorrow was shown. Hist. Chyapa, 165 et seq. A cabildo was held on the 29th of August.

[XVIII‑2] Ibid.; Carta al Emperador, in _Cartas de Indias_, 432-3; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 236.

[XVIII‑3] An unknown author writing later during the same year states that Doña Beatriz 'dixo muchas veces que ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le hacer.' Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq., make similar statements. Gomara's assertion is disputed by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 226-7. See, also, for accounts of Doña Beatriz' grief, Carta del Obispo in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388; Benzoni, Mondo Nvovo, 156; Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 466-7; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 166.

[XVIII‑4] In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to, and dated July 15, 1541. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date, one day after Alvarado's death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts to account for the discrepancy which his error produced. Hist. Chyapa, 165-6.

[XVIII‑5] Bishop Marroquin was of opinion that Cueva was not a fit person to have been left by Alvarado in charge of the government. In a letter to the king dated August 10, 1541, he describes him as being too young and inexperienced, void of zeal in favor of the natives, careless in matters of justice, as not being partial to the company of good people, and offering a bad example to others. Carta al Emperador, in Cartas de Indias, 430. I entertain little doubt that it was through the bishop's influence that the appointment of Doña Beatriz was made. It certainly was countenanced by him. His control over the lady-governor would give him great power in the protection of the natives.

[XVIII‑6] The extraordinary appointment of Doña Beatriz to the government of Guatemala is thus condemned by Gomara, who infers that she caused herself to be elected: 'Y se hizo jurar por Gouernadora: desuario, y presuncion de muger, y cosa nueua entre los Españoles de Indias.' Hist. Ind., 270. Escamilla, Noticias Curiosas de Guat., i., states that she resigned the same day, referring doubtless to the appointment of Cueva. Remesal, who gives a detailed account of these proceedings, also attributes the appointment to her own desire for it, ungenerously remarking: 'Y con todos estos extremos excedia su ambicion á las lagrimas, y el desseo de mãdar á la falda del mongil y pliegues de la toca.' The only dissenting voice to her appointment was that of the alcalde, Gonzalo Ortiz, who probably objected to it on the grounds of her apparent want of saneness. Although half a page was left blank for the entry of his opinion it was never filled up. This blank half page still existed in 1615. The signature of the hapless lady on this occasion was written thus: La sin ventura Doña Beatriz. In the original a line is drawn through the words Doña Beatriz which was probably done by herself at the time of signing with the object of letting it be known that in future she wished to be called La Sin Ventura. Hist. Chyapa, 166-8. This same author states on page 367 that Cueva's appointment by the viceroy was not recognized by the city because it was not accompanied by his commission as governor. I cannot agree with the above authorities who attribute to Doña Beatriz such ambitious feelings while in the state of despair to which she abandoned herself, but regard her appointment as a purely diplomatic proceeding.

[XVIII‑7] The base of the following account of the destruction of Santiago City is taken from Bishop Marroquin's narrative in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 386-8, and from another and fuller narration without signature in Id., 378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of it, and states: 'Estas nuevas truxo á la isla ... Cuba, Johan de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo adelantado don Pedro, que aportó al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el capitan Johan de Lobera, su amigo é uno de los mílites que un tiempo anduvieron con el mesmo adelantado, me escribió todo lo ques dicho por su carta fecha á quatro de enero de mill é quinientos é quarenta y dos años.' It must, however, be remarked that the letter in Pacheco and Cárdenas bears unquestionable evidence of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alvarado, who had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the governorship—Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271—was on his way to Spain. I conjecture that he was the bearer of this anonymous account of the calamity and allowed Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first person into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in Santo Domingo.

[XVIII‑8] The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural hollow running down the mountain side.

[XVIII‑9] Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xiii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 270, the records of the cabildo according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559, and Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-5, give September the 11th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both state that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first authority mentioning that the preceding Thursday was the 8th.

[XVIII‑10] 'Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las llevaba como corcha sobre el agua.' Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383. The immense stones brought down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city when Bernal Diaz wrote. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463.

[XVIII‑11] 'Y muchos, quebrados brazos y piernas, de que algunos despues han muerto.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 383.

[XVIII‑12] The bishop says that eight 'doncellas' perished with her, 'entrellas doña Anica, hija natural del Adelantado, de 5 años.' Id., 387. Consult also Gomara, Hist. Ind., Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 91, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 175-80. This last author gives a vivid account of this catastrophe, but appears to have drawn considerably upon his imagination. He affirms that repeated violent shocks of earthquake occurred; that the Volcan de Agua was reduced a league in height—'Parecio el mõte descabeçado cõ vna legua menos de subida'—and indulges in general exaggeration. With regard to the earthquakes it may be stated that Remesal, page 559, as also Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6, quotes from the books of the cabildo with date of September 9, 1542, as follows: 'Que porque à vn año que por nuestros pecados, vino el terremoto, e tempestad a esta Ciudad;' and again on page 365, from the minutes of the same with date of September 16, 1541, 'Que por quanto Dios nuestro Señor fue seruido ... de embiar tempestad é torro molto a esta Ciudad.' But as neither Bishop Marroquin nor the Anonymous Writer makes mention of any earthquake, I can but conclude that none took place, notwithstanding an entry in the books of the cabildo a year after the event to the contrary.

[XVIII‑13] One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all perished. Such is the account given by the bishop. That of the anonymous writer differs from it. He states that Cueva escaped from the house and saved himself by getting upon a wall which had remained standing.

[XVIII‑14] The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names of eight, and says that more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes lost their lives. The bishop, page 388, mentions the names of twelve settlers whose houses were completely overthrown or washed away, adding: 'Si bien algunos destos se salvaron;' and further on informs us that 'Murieron, sin los españoles dichos, mas de 600 indios.' Vazquez states that about 100 Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan allies escaped unharmed. Chron. de Gvat., 98.

[XVIII‑15] 'É gran suma de ganado, que tomó en el monte y otra que tomó en la cibdad, que se vinieron á ella huyendo.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388. The mud in the streets reached almost up to the highest windows. Id., 383-4.

[XVIII‑16] No mention is made of the church having received damage. A portion of the bishop's residence was destroyed, causing the death of 'un bachiller Contreras.' Id., 388. According to Remesal the remains of Doña Beatriz were subsequently transferred to the cathedral of the new city. From the day on which she perished the bishop ordered three masses to be said weekly for the repose of her soul. Hist. Chyapa, 181. Benzoni describes this lady as 'a woman truly proud, vain, and haughty;' while Alvarado, in a letter to the cabildo, dated Puerto de Caballos, April 4, 1539, assures that body that 'Doña Beatriz está muy buena.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 179.

[XVIII‑17] Their remains were removed in 1580 to the Franciscan convent at Almolonga. The inscription, in 1615-17, said that there were buried Juan de Artiaga and twelve lady companions, all of whom perished with Doña Beatriz in 1541. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 181. This inscription is confirmed by Vazquez. Chron. de Gvat., 96.

[XVIII‑18] The bishop, however, thought otherwise. In an address to the people for the purpose of encouraging them, he said: 'Que á los buenos habia llevado Dios á su gloria y á los que los habia dexado, nos habia avisado para que fuésemos tales.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 385. Remesal uncompromisingly attributes the catastrophe to blasphemous language of Doña Beatriz, and adds that so exasperated were the inhabitants that they wished to cast her body to the dogs, as that of another Jezebel. Hist. Chyapa, 179-80. Vazquez treats this charge as an absurdity and intimates that it is an invention of Remesal, who he says was the first to publish such a story. Chron. de Gvat., 91. But this last author also errs, since the belief undoubtedly prevailed, as is proved by the anonymous writer on the above quoted page of Pacheco and Cárdenas. Mendieta, while inclined to excuse the language attributed to Doña Beatriz, implies that it was a punishment from God who was displeased with Alvarado's irregular second marriage. Hist. Ecles., 390.

[XVIII‑19] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 467.

[XVIII‑20] None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a large barrack was constructed on the outskirts of the town as a common dwelling-place. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 386.

[XVIII‑21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 366.

[XVIII‑22] Torquemada attended one of these processions. He writes: 'iban cada Año, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al de el anegamiento (y Yo me hallé én ella vn Año ...) pidiendo á Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion, y perdon de averle ofendido.' i. 327.

[XVIII‑23] Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom was discontinued, although he left a fund to support its observance. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo on September 9, 1542. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559. After the old church was pulled down the procession marched to the Franciscan convent in the old city. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 164-6.

[XVIII‑24] Id., 366; Escamilla, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, MS., 1.

[XVIII‑25] These were the oidor Maldonado, Juan de Alvarado, a nephew of the deceased adelantado, and Juan Chavez, a resident of Santiago. Marroquin, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 271. Juan de Alvarado was a nephew of the adelantado, and according to Bernal Diaz went to Spain with Pedro, a natural son of the conqueror, neither being ever heard of afterward. Hist. Verdad., 237.

[XVIII‑26] He recommends as honorable gentlemen, Sancho de Baraona, a conquistador, Hernan Mendez, and Doctor Blas Cota. Id., 376-7. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 58-9, 365.

[XVIII‑27] 'Hizo mucho daño en las tiendas y mercaderias.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 388. The cabildo in a letter to the king, dated September 10, 1543, says, 'perdimos casi todos lo que teníamos.' Arévalo, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 20.

[XVIII‑28] It will be remembered that Alvarado appointed Marroquin his executor. The bishop justifies this proceeding by the necessity of the occasion. Had the distribution not been made he assures the king that two thirds of the Spaniards would have left, but he adds that, nevertheless, the greater portion of Alvarado's Indians had been reserved to his children. Id., xiii. 268-9.

[XVIII‑29] At a special meeting held on the 27th of September, 43 citizens were present, making with the authorities 55 persons in all. Of these 43 voted for removal, five against it, and seven were without choice. Juarros, Guat., ii. 263.

[XVIII‑30] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 366. Bishop Marroquin was at first in favor of removing to some high plains two leagues off, but for the reasons above stated and also in order to lessen the labor of the Indians he changed his opinion. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 370-1.

[XVIII‑31] At an open meeting held on the 2d of October, at which 78 persons were sworn in to vote without fear or self-interest, 49 voted for removal to Chimaltenango and 29 to the valley of Alotenango, and the former place was formally declared the future site of the city. At this juncture Juan Bautista Antonelli, a royal engineer, arrived with instructions to superintend the laying out of towns. He made an examination of various localities and gave in a full report upon the valleys of Las Vacas, Chimaltenango, Alotenango, Melpas de Luis de Alvarado, and the valley of Tuerto or Panchoy, and strongly recommended the selection of the latter. Juarros, Guat., ii. 263-6. Helps suspects that Antonelli's report had reference to some other occasion and discredits it. Sp. Conq., iii. 390. For general map of Guatemala see p. 110 this vol.

[XVIII‑32] Juarros, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that either the valley of Petapa or Chimaltenango would have been a more favorable situation on account of the frequent overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experienced at Panchoy. Hist. Verdad., iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467.

[XVIII‑33] The cabildo considered it their duty more than once to pass laws to prevent the Indians from being overloaded. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 367-8. Every month the Cakchiquels of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were compelled to furnish 1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in the building of the city. Cakchiquel, MS., Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 790. The audiencia and viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of Alvarado's estate to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution which he had made already, the annulling of which would cause great dissatisfaction. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 276.

[XVIII‑34] On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree ordering lots to be enclosed with adobe walls before St John's day, June 1542, under penalty of forfeiture. The time given being found to be too short, it was extended on May 21, 1542, to easter in the following year. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 365-7.

[XVIII‑35] Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements, without quoting any authority in this instance boldly states that 'the 4th of December 1543 was the day on which the Spaniards took possession of their new quarters.' Sp. Conq., iii. 390.

[XVIII‑36] Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the cabildo on that date is the first to indicate a session held in the new city; 'es el primero que se escriue en esta forma. En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento nueuo della,' etc. Hist. Chyapa, 368.

[XVIII‑37] Called henceforth Ciudad Vieja.

[XVIII‑38] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 368. This author was presented with a painting of the city, executed by Captain Miguel de Ortega at the request of the authorities. He describes it as representing a scene truly beautiful.

[XVIII‑39] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 200, 367.

[XVIII‑40] It was the general wish that Governor Maldonado should be chosen, but this was rendered impossible by his appointment as president of the new audiencia. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 393.

[XVIII‑41] The members were the bishop, Cristóbal de la Cueva, Gabriel de Cabrera, Sancho Barahona, and Hernan Mendez de Sotomayor.

[XVIII‑42] In this document the petitioners especially brought forward as an injustice a regulation previously passed that only married settlers could hold repartimientos. Id. The cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a representation to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the difficulty and expense attending the procuring of wives from Spain. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 13-14. It is evident also that in 1543 the cabildo again addressed his Majesty on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza acknowledges receipt of 'el pliego que venia con ellas para S. M.,' and adds: 'yo escribo à S. M. ... haciéndole relacion, como conviene al servicio de S. M. alargar las mercedes y no acortallas.' Id., 180.

[XVIII‑43] Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts delayed his journey, and that on the 8th of June the cabildo revoked his appointment. No other procurador appears to have been appointed up to September 10, 1546, when receipt of the revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos rendered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this later date the cabildo resolved to send a commission to the audiencia to solicit its enforcement. Hist. Chyapa, 394-5. But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guatemala wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had been sent to protest against the new code, might be given a hearing. Squier's MSS., xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin, writing on September 20, 1547, mentions that many letters had been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies relative to his action with the audiencia in 1545. Carta al Principe, in Cartas de Indias, 446. He also states that Mendez was prejudiced against the public will and partial to Herrera and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and that there was also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time. Squier's MSS., xxii. 44-5.

[XVIII‑44] They also recommended that Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others who had aided in the pacification of the country should be allowed to retain their Indians. It was, moreover, suggested that alcaldes mayores should be appointed in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Chiapas. Id., 132-3.

[XVIII‑45] The cabildo on March 30, 1548, thank the emperor for this concession which had been notified by their procurador Al.o de Oliveros. Id., 91-2. This privilege did not, however, last long. In 1564 the procurator at court sought to procure the passage of a law establishing encomiendas in perpetuity, but, owing to the prejudice of the existing council against the colonists, he dared not even broach the subject. In 1565 there were in Guatemala 72 encomiendas which produced 80,000 ducados annually. A royal cédula dated November 28, 1568, ordered encomiendas to be granted solely upon merit, the descendants of discoverers and conquerors being especially considered. But in 1572 the cabildo complained of the incessant arrival of persons provided with royal cédulas granting them encomiendas as they became vacant, to the detriment of deserving residents who had been long in the country. The attempt to obtain encomiendas in perpetuity was abandoned in 1585, and a petition made for their extension to a third life. This was also defeated in 1595. Pelaez, Mem. Guat., ii. 2, 3. Bernal Diaz in the latter years of his life represents himself, in common with four others, the sole survivors of Cortés' soldiers, as aged, infirm, very poor, with a large family, and small income. Hist. Verdad., 250.

[XVIII‑46] Padre Cancer writing to the bishop of Chiapas October 20, 1545, mentions that the cacique of Tezulutlan and other Indians were going to present to him a petition against the enormous tributes which had been imposed upon their people. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 233-5.

[XVIII‑47] Squier's MSS., xxii. 137. In September 1547 Marroquin had heard that the oidor Rogel 'esta nombrado para hacer la retasacion,' and adds, 'Ojalá no sea aora como lo pasado.' Id., 45.

[XVIII‑48] The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued two decrees relating thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548, reports that the consolidation of native towns was already in progress and that it was a highly necessary measure. Id., 89, 92.

[XVIII‑49] President Cerrato describes Gracias á Dios as occupied by only 18 vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon, nor druggist, while a great scarcity of both meat and fish prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of removal to the city of Santiago. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 87-8. Marroquin urgently advocated this city as the future seat of the audiencia. Id., 45, 89, 94.

[XVIII‑50] The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The letters of Cerrato and Marroquin above quoted bear dates of October 5, 1548, and September 20, 1547, February 8, 1548, and August 1, 1548, respectively. Remesal gives the date of the cédula as May 1, 1549. Hist. Chyapa, 503. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222, June 16, 1548.

[XVIII‑51] The king by royal cédula, dated July 7, 1550, approved the purchase of the episcopal palace for the use of the audiencia. Hist. Chyapa, 503.

[XVIII‑52] The document, found in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 21-4, is defective and without date, but was probably written soon after the establishment of the audiencia de los Confines in Santiago.

[XVIII‑53] 'Formó gran enemistad, y estuvo muchos dias que no quiso ir à misa à la Iglesia mayor.' Id., 22. The disagreement between Marroquin and Cerrato was already brewing in 1548, for on November the 3d of that year the latter informs the crown that he and the licentiate Ramirez were in San Salvador engaged in liberating slaves and reforming tributes, 'que eran incomportables las que havian hecho el Opo i el Lic. Maldonado;' and, he adds, 'i luego ... nos partiremos a Guatemala i se hara lo mismo.' Al Empr, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 97.

[XVIII‑54] President Cerrato reported to the emperor September 28, 1548, that the first audiencia had observed neither new nor old laws, that the Indians were treated as previously, and no steps taken to liberate them. Carta, in Squier's MSS., 80.

[XVIII‑55] He stated to the king that the tributes levied were intolerable and could not be satisfied even if the Indians were twice as numerous, remarking, 'ni los Encomenderos guardan lei ni tasacion i los'—the Indians—'destruyen sin piedad.' Id., 80, 82.

[XVIII‑56] The punishment of certain Spaniards of Comayagua by Cerrato for loading Indians had called forth a general storm of abuse and denunciation by the settlers. Id., 82. At this time Bishop Marroquin was the only one who had letters patent, and consequently jurisdiction, as protector of Indians; the other bishops had to apply to the audiencia to obtain such authority. Id., 83-4. Marroquin in February 1548 requested the king to allow him to have an alguacil for the service in connection with his protectorship. Id., 90.

[XIX‑1] As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to the building of the church. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 277; Juarros, Hist. Guat., 63. It was dedicated to Nuestra Señora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of the city was changed, San Cristóbal was chosen as the patron saint, and this name was retained after it was erected into a cathedral. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 274; Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 390; Calle, Mem. y Not., 122.

[XIX‑2] Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter receiving his appointment from Pedro de Alvarado in the name of his Majesty. The religious fervor of the Spaniards at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In 1528 Pedro Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting his salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend church in proper time; 'El Español que desde el Euangelio adelante estuuiere fuera de la Yglesia, tiene pena de tres pessos;' while a third was to the effect that no citizen was to be absent from the city during christmas, easter, and whitsuntide, under a heavy penalty, which was inflicted on those absent at christmas in 1535. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 275-6; Mazariegos, Mem. Chiapa, 44; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 128.

[XIX‑3] Fray Pedro de Barrientos was appointed superior, and according to Pineda, 129, by Bishop Marroquin. The cabildo granted the friars their choice of an allotment, and they selected one near the Cerro de la Cruz on the road to Chapultepec. An additional piece of land, 130 paces square, was also given them for their church and convent. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 436-7; Juarros, Hist. Guat., 63-4; Pineda, Descrip. Geog., 129.

[XIX‑4] In 1546 Fray Marcos was succeeded by Friar Hernando de Arbolancha. The former established a cattle farm near Copanabastla, where he also built a country-house and a sugar-mill.

[XIX‑5] According to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 189, April 14th; Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, May 19th; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 20, April 14th; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 26, May 15th. All these dates are wrong, as may be seen from a copy of the bull in Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 392.

[XIX‑6] Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., ii. 389-92.

[XIX‑7] In Nueva España, Breve Res., MS., it is remarked that a copy of this document is nowhere to be found, but that Remesal makes mention of it as being identical with that of the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exordium. In the cathedral of Chiapas no account of it exists. See Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 202. The personnel of the cathedral was to consist of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor, and treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesiastics. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 189.

[XIX‑8] Remesal states that the immediate cause of his death was taking poison during the night in mistake for water. Mazariegos inclines to the opinion that the fatal draft was taken while Arteaga was delirious with fever. Mem. Chiapa, 45. According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 122, Avendaño was a native of Estepa. Some of the members of his chapter went to Santiago, and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute condition, but were provided for by Marroquin. They asked that their allowance be given them from the revenues of that church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor's decision should be known. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9.

[XIX‑9] In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545, Squier's MSS., xxii. 176, Las Casas claims Yucatan and Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin acknowledges receipt of the prince's letter assigning Soconusco to Las Casas. Id., 121.

[XIX‑10] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 223, says the 9th; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 184, the 10th; Helps, _Span. Conq._, iv. 302, the 4th.

[XIX‑11] Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 211-14.

[XIX‑12] Las Casas, Relacion de entrada, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 157.

[XIX‑13] 'Donde más excesos y desórden ha habido en hacer injusta é inicua y malvadamente los indios esclavos, ha sido en Guatemala y Chiapa.' Las Casas, Representacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 168-9.

[XIX‑14] Diego Ramirez, juez visitador to Chiapas in 1548, writes Las Casas under date of April 20, 1549, that so excessive had been the tribute imposed by the settlers, that many of the natives had nothing left, not even a mantle, and their condition was that of slavery or even worse. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 204. Cerrato, writing to the emperor, Sept. 28, 1548, says that in Guatemala and Chiapas the encomenderos observed neither the law nor the prescribed tribute, but destroyed the natives without pity. Squier's MSS., xxii. 82.

[XIX‑15] Las Casas' opponents contended that this included all slaves however acquired. Las Casas, Rel., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 158; Carta, Audiencia, July 20, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 111-12. Las Casas, that it only concerned those unlawfully enslaved. Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Id., 122-3. But practically it embraced all slaves, for their legal enslavement was difficult of proof. Carta, Audiencia, Dec. 30, 1545, in Id., 130-1.

[XIX‑16] Las Casas, Rel., loc. cit.

[XIX‑17] Las Casas y Valdivieso, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 122-3.

[XIX‑18] Las Casas, Rel., loc. cit.

[XIX‑19] In a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia informed the emperor of Las Casas' doings at Ciudad Real, and charged him with usurping the jurisdiction of the crown. Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 111-12.

[XIX‑20] Las Casas, Carta, Oct. 25, 1545, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 121; Id., Nov. 9, 1545, in _Cartas de Indias_, 36.

[XIX‑21] Las Casas' hostile reception and his subsequent reconciliation with the settlers described by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 379-87, I am inclined to discredit, owing to the well known tendencies of this writer, and the fact that the letter of Father Casillas, Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 181-2, written when Las Casas was on his return from Gracias á Dios, does not indicate such hostility.

[XIX‑22] For a copy of the letter see Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 290, 338; also Las Casas, Oeuvres, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective.

[XIX‑23] Robles, Chiapa, 27-8.

[XIX‑24] Hist. Mex., ii. 570 et seq., this series.

[XIX‑25] Ramirez, Cartas, April 26, 1548, April 20, 1549, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 201-4; Fr. Torre, Carta, Aug. 3, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 94-6.

[XIX‑26] Carta, Sept. 28, 1548, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 81-2.

[XIX‑27] Fray Antonio de Remesal began the history of the Dominican province of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala about the middle of April 1615, and finished it in Oajaca, Sept. 29, 1617. The secular history of Guatemala and the other provinces under the jurisdiction of the audiencia de los Confines is moreover incidentally given, but not in a detailed manner. The author's diligence and perseverance in having completed in so short a time a folio volume of 784 pages, and one displaying great research, are remarkable, and the more praiseworthy for the reason that it was accomplished under violent opposition and many difficulties. It is to be regretted that, having bestowed so much labor on investigation, he did not supply a bibliographical list of his authorities. These he informs us consisted of archives, books, manuscripts, memorials, narratives, wills, and statements, which he asserts were documents worthy of credit and authentic, but omits enumeration of them 'in order to avoid a very long list.' He was indebted to Conde de la Gomera, president of the audiencia of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official papers of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The advantages enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the work an exceedingly valuable contribution to Central American history. Its value, however, is lessened by the great number of typographical and other errors which it contains. These are very important, especially where dates are concerned. While a large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by reference to other authors. In the portion of his work which relates to the conquest of Guatemala, many inaccuracies are observed. In fact, Remesal was hurried, and often biassed. His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant and inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his manuscript to Torquemada, by whom it was highly approved and its publication advised. This occurred in the city of Mexico. But meantime a storm was brewing elsewhere. The work was by no means to the liking of certain parties in Guatemala. By means of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade against the new history, these enemies raised up a tempest of indignation against Remesal and his book, especially in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition was overcome. See pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born in the town of Allariz in Galicia, and on the 9th of October 1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican order. During the time he remained in their convent, he failed not to observe the excellent system of government under which the society worked, and occupied his time in perusing the acts of the chapters held in the convent. He was so impressed with the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work on the origin of the province, written by Friar Tomás de la Torre, fell into his hands. This suggested to him to undertake a history that would embrace both secular and ecclesiastical matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he prosecuted to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when suffering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully perused in a single day the whole of the first book of the archives of Guatemala city, after having submitted to a severe surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he journeyed over all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular, studying the books of the cabildos of different cities and towns. The evidence he thus obtained was in many instances at variance, he states, with printed books and histories of his own religion. The authors of these—whose names he does not mention—he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the ground that later research will necessarily produce different accounts of events. See his preface. Remesal was a fearless writer. Perhaps he had some leaning to the descendants of the conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce the acts of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner severely condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard to the cruel oppression of the Indians. But his statements are to be accepted with caution, especially where Las Casas or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort is spared to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and to expose the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To this end all sorts of probable and improbable situations and adventures are described, wherein the religious eventually triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or omitted, the true versions of which it is evident must have come within his observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations, even the thoughts and feelings of the leading actors, are described with a minuteness of detail that is astonishing considering the lapse of time—over 75 years. The account of the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be looked upon as a fiction, while the author's inventive faculty has had much to do with that of the opposition to Las Casas in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas' doings in Gracias á Dios seems also greatly exaggerated.

[XX‑1] The old church had cost more than 10,000 pesos, and the bishop had not only expended his own means upon it, but had also borrowed 5,000 or 6,000 more. He requests the king February 20, 1542, that the prompt and full payment of tithes be enforced, and that he aid him with 3,000 or 4,000 pesos for the construction of the new church already being built. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 272-3.

[XX‑2] Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 153.

[XX‑3] Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes of the cabildo he did not approve of the pulling down of the church, and ordered it to be re-roofed at his own expense. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 190-1. Vazquez states that the old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the construction of the new one. Chron. de Gvat., 165.

[XX‑4] In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the subsidy of the novenos for the erection of the church be continued. The grant was extended for four more years. In accordance with a second request made in September 1547 the grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos already granted. Squier's MSS., xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez states that the building of the church lasted only three years. Chron. de Gvat., 153.

[XX‑5] He also complains of the government officials who maintained that he had no right to tithes during his absence in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1. Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 274-5.

[XX‑6] Id., 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the king for an increase of salary from 500,000 maravedís to 2,000 ducados, the stipend given to the bishop of Guatemala and others. Squier's MSS., xxii. 29. The royal officials were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries and amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If they fell short of 500,000 maravedís, the deficit was to be supplied out of the royal treasury. Recop. de Ind., i. 63-4.

[XX‑7] Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the diocese. Id., 94. The payment of tithes on pita—the fibre of the agave manufactured into articles of clothing etc.—and balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches was under consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. Id., 132.

[XX‑8] Squier's MSS., xxii. 92, 4. In December 1551 the viceroy of Mexico addressed the cabildo on this question and expressed his astonishment at the outcry against the payment of tithes, 'que de derecho divino y humano son obligados a pagallos.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 181-2.

[XX‑9] Squier's MSS., xxii. 44-5, 120-1, 123, 139; Cartas de Indias, 19-23, 442.

[XX‑10] In 1546 according to Gonzalez Dávila, _Hist. Ecles._, i. 149. Vazquez states that the convent of La Concepcion was not founded until 1577. Chron. de Gvat., 153.

[XX‑11] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 441. Vazquez, as previously quoted, however, states that the name of the first lady superior was Juana de San Francisco, implying that she was a Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author's whole account is a contradiction of Remesal's version.

[XX‑12] The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its founding. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 152.

[XX‑13] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 585. Gonzalez Dávila says that Marroquin 'Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alexo, donde se curã Indios y Españoles, que oy es Hospital Real, en año 1647'—a misprint for 1547—Teatro Ecles., i. 150. This hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no longer capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont to turn out into the streets to die like dogs. Guat., Santo Domingo en 1724, 55.

[XX‑14] Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 152. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 584-6, where a somewhat different account is given. In claiming merit for his order this author represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals received liberal support from the crown.

[XX‑15] The second opening of the Dominican convent took place about July 1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states that Las Casas arrived at Santiago in 1535, there is positive evidence that 1536 is the right year. In the deposition, taken in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the proceeding of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre in his evidence mentions that the padre left Leon about two months previous to that date. Informaciones, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 141, 143. Gonzalez Dávila makes the same error as Remesal. Teatro Ecles., i. 143. Juarros is correct. Guat., 264. Torquemada, iii. 338, states that friars Pedro de Angulo, Juan de Torres, and Matias de Paz, were sent from Mexico in 1538 to found the province of the order in Guatemala.

[XX‑16] A misunderstanding occurred between the cabildo and the friars relative to the grounds of the latter in the old city. These the Dominicans had sold, but the cabildo, which had declared the site of the old an egido, deemed the new grant an equal exchange for the former lots, declared that the friars had no right to make such a sale, and ordered the inclosures which had been built to be pulled down. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 369-70.

[XX‑17] Remesal gives the names and grades of these members. Id., 457, 525.

[XX‑18] Torquemada, iii. 489. On the 18th of January 1533 I find that Motolinia was in Tehuantepec with Fray Martin de Valencia and others of the order, who signed at that place a letter to the emperor. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii. tom. v. 228.

[XX‑19] The names of these friars were Alonso de Casaseca, called also de las Eras, Diego Ordoñez, Gonzalo Mendez, Francisco de Bustillo, Diego de Alva, and a lay brother Francisco Valderas. Torquemada, iii. 338; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 154, 518-19; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 145.

[XX‑20] The expense of each friar from Seville to Vera Cruz was 70 ducados. Id.; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384.

[XX‑21] Diego Ordoñez was chosen to succeed him. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 51-5.

[XX‑22] Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent badly out of repair built by Franciscans formerly in the country. 'Cõventico, que por entõces àpenas tenîa vn lienzo de horcônes.' Id., 59.

[XX‑23] Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment signed by the joint governors Marroquin and Cueva. It is without date, but Vazquez infers that it was given during October 1541, when lots were being distributed. Id., 167.

[XX‑24] They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting the Indians into towns. Fray Ordoñez remained in charge of the monastery; Gonzalo was sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo and Alva to the Quichés and Cakchiquels respectively. Id., 60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.

[XX‑25] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 384-5; Torquemada, iii. 338-9.

[XX‑26] Both the date and number of friars are matters of dispute. Torquemada states that Motolinia was sent in 1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, comisario general of the order, with twelve of the 150 friars whom he had brought to Mexico that year. Torquemada, iii. 337, 339. He follows Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 385. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., supports Torquemada as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24. Vazquez, on the authority of Fund. de la Prov. de S. Franco de Guat., MS., 1583, Lizana, Hist. Yuc., a letter of Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the minutes of the cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in 1544, with 20 or 24 friars. Chron. de Gvat., 42-3, 102, 105-6, 440.

[XX‑27] The convent next founded after that at Santiago was the one at Atitlan by Fray Gonzalo in 1541; then followed others at Tecpanatitlan and Comalapa. Id., 84-5, 340. There is some doubt as to the date of the founding of the Franciscan custodia in Guatemala. Torquemada states that it was established in 1551, following Mendieta. Vazquez is contradictory, giving the years 1544 and 1549 as the dates. Chron. de Gvat., 102, 123, and furthermore quotes on pp. 144-6, Fund. Prov. S. Francisco, MS., 1583, as follows: 'Digo, que lo q̃ ay en el caso es: que esta Provincia fuè veinte años Custodia de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de Mexico.' As this refers to the erection of the order into a province in 1529, it would appear that there was a Franciscan custodia in Guatemala in 1539. Figueroa, in Pap. Franciscanos, MS. i. No. 1, 37, gives 1542 as the date.

[XX‑28] The number of friars sent to Yucatan as variously given by the authorities already quoted, was four or six. But Marroquin, writing to the emperor December 1, 1545, states that Fray Villapando was in Yucatan with eight of the order, whom he had taken from Guatemala. Squier's MSS., xxii. 140. For mention of Villapando's labors in Yucatan see Hist. Mex., ii. 452 et seq., this series.

[XX‑29] Torquemada, iii. 339. The cabildo of Santiago in December 1545 petitioned that Motolinia should be sent back. The comisario general in Mexico replied, in February 1545, that more friars would be sent but that Motolinia's services were more needed in Mexico. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 105-6.

[XX‑30] Ibid.; Audiencia al Emperador, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 132.

[XX‑31] Torquemada, iii. 339, 374-5; Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, 385.

[XX‑32] Many through inability to master the difficulties of the languages had left. Squier's MSS., xxii. 39-40.

[XX‑33] Zapata, Carta, 'Destruyen i no edifican.' Id., 40.

[XX‑34] Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 207-8.

[XX‑35] According to Motolinia, Hist. Ecles., 259, 268, Fray Betanzos wrote a letter to Las Casas attributing much evil and scandal to his mode of proceeding.

[XX‑36] Meaning land of war; the name Vera Paz signifying true peace was given it by the Dominicans because they had accomplished by peaceful measures what force of arms had failed to do. Miranda, in Squier's MSS., xv. 2; Juarros, Guat., ii. 320-1. This last author, quoting Las Casas, states that this name was conferred by Charles V. i. 153. Consult also Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 118-24. The native name is written by different authors Tuzulutlan and Tezulutan.

[XX‑37] Now called Dulce.

[XX‑38] Squier's MSS., xiv. 1-2. Miranda in 1575 reported to the oidor Palacio of the Guatemala audiencia that the river Zacapulas separated Vera Paz from the province of Guatemala, and that the distance thence to the gulf of Dulce was about 48 leagues, its greatest width being 27 leagues. The inhabited portion was only one third or one fourth of its surface, for the friars had collected the Indians into towns, and established a system of commerce. Squier's MSS., xv. 3. At the time of these reports the northern part, a wild and heavily wooded country, was—and still is—inhabited by wild tribes, being then a refuge for fugitive Indians from Yucatan.

[XX‑39] Quintana conjectures that lack of mines and other valuable resources prevented their being enslaved. Vidas, 2a parte, 173.

[XX‑40] Entitled De Unico Vocationis Modo, and abounding in copious legal and theological arguments in favor of his system of peaceable conquest. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 118-21; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 2a parte, 172-3.

[XX‑41] Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238-9. These terms were guaranteed by Maldonado in May 1537 according to Remesal. Hist. Chyapa, 122-3. They were approved by the audiencia of Mexico in February 1539, and by the emperor in November 1540. Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-56.

[XX‑42] Pelaez, Mem. de Guat., i. 153.

[XX‑43] Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account of the method first adopted by Las Casas, but one which, I apprehend, is more an invention than a true statement of facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues as composing verses in the Quiché tongue, narrating the principal mysteries of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to four Indian merchants, who were in the habit of journeying into Tuzulutlan. The lord of Zacapulas was a formidable and powerful chief called by Remesal Don Juan. To him the four merchants were instructed to go and sing their canticles, having been provided with various articles from Spain such as would excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable, and the interest awakened by their songs, the novel presents which they brought, and their description of the peace-loving men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited by the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was planned and Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the Indian traders. His mission was successful. The cacique was persuaded to embrace Christianity, destroy his idols, and be baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas determined still further to extend the work in person, and in December 1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then extended their journey into the more remote districts of Tuzulutlan and Coban, being provided with an escort by the cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade them from their hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was, however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some opposition among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord of Coban, they completed their journey and returned early in 1538. Hist. Chyapa, 122-4, 135-40. Consult also Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., passim; Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 174-6; and Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 793-6. Now this account savors at least of inaccuracy. The efforts of Las Casas and his companions, previous to his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation. In February 1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor, after mentioning the arrival of some Dominicans who brought with them 'dos señores de la raya de tierra de guerra, que les salieron al camino,' and describing the excitement caused by the reading of a royal provision 'eshivida á contemplacion de fray Bartolomé de las Casas y por su relacion,' uses these words: 'Esto confiado, que este pedazo de tierra que está á la mar del Norte, cuya cabecera es Teculutlan, ha de venir en conocimiento de nuestra santa fée, sin riesgo ni sangre ni muertes, y cuando no, antes ganará que perderá.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 278-9. This clearly proves that but little progress had been made in the spiritual conquest of Vera Paz up to the date of Marroquin's letter. The mention of the two lords of the Tierra de Guerra and Fray Domingo de Vico's custom of composing verses on the life of Christ and scriptural subjects, to be sung by converted Indians at feasts, as mentioned by Remesal on pages 611-12, may have suggested to that writer his story of the merchants and Don Juan and the lord of Coban. Moreover, in December 1545 the audiencia informed the emperor that two Dominicans had, previous to May preceding, left Guatemala for the provinces of Tuzulutlan and Lacandon, and that their lives being reported in danger Fray Angulo had gone to their aid. The oidores also expressed their disapproval of the proposition to exempt Don Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others from the encomienda system as a reward for the assistance rendered by them in the pacification of those districts. Squier's MSS., xxii. 131.

[XX‑44] In addressing the emperor from Madrid, December 15, 1540, Las Casas reports the commencement of the work, and that the lords of the provinces had already treated with the Dominicans secretly. He expresses the conviction that the country would be brought to acknowledge the sovereignty of Spain 'por via de paz, amor y buenas obras.' Col. Doc. Inéd., viii. 555-6.

[XX‑45] The date of his departure from New Spain and of his arrival at the peninsula are alike uncertain. Remesal states that he attended a provincial chapter of his order held in Mexico on the 24th of August 1538 at which the question of his mission to Spain was discussed and permission given to him, Ladrada, and Cancer to go thither. At the same meeting the title of vicar of the Dominican convent in Guatemala was conferred upon Fray Angulo. Hist. Chyapa, 147, 150. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 178, concludes that he arrived in Spain in 1539. Helps, Span. Conq., iii. 304-7, and Life of Las Casas, 178, avers that he returned from Tuzulutlan to Santiago in May 1539 and proceeded to Mexico to attend the chapter held on August 24, 1539. According to Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. pp. lv. lxii. 258, Las Casas was in Tlascala in the early part of 1539. For particulars regarding the sailing of the fleets to and from Spain see Id., pp. cxiv-v. February 15th was the day of leaving Vera Cruz as regulated by decree of 1564. Remesal states that previous to his departure Las Casas founded Rabinal after mature deliberation as to the choice of a site favorable to his design. The undertaking was extremely difficult, but through the curiosity of roaming natives and the friendly invitations of the original settlers, the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500, including neophytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted in this work by Fray Luis Cancer, who availed himself of the opportunity of visiting the interior as far as the towns of Coban. Hist. Chyapa, 143-4.

[XX‑46] These were respectively dated November 17, 1539, and April 20, 1540. In the first of these he is charged with insisting upon the liberation of certain slaves under penalty of their owners being refused the sacraments. Gavarrete, Cop. Doc., 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he was travelling about rather than looking after the Indians 'que estàn de guerra' and 'nunca los vió. Ni creemos que tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 15-16.

[XX‑47] Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540, can be found in Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 146-7; and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 152.

[XX‑48] This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also provided that in the event of the collection of tribute being decided upon by Las Casas the governor or bishop should appoint a proper person. Id., 153, et seq; Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 146-9.

[XX‑49] This decree, however, was not issued until January 28, 1541. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 155-6.

[XX‑50] My authority for giving this date is a passage from a letter addressed by Cancer from Seville to Las Casas at the court of Spain. It is as follows: 'Contéles luego el fundamento, que fue todo el suceso de las provincias de la Verapaz, y como S. M., á instancia de vuestra Señoría, me envió allá agora siete años y lo que se hizo con solo dos religiosos.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 185. This letter was doubtless written in 1548, shortly before Cancer's departure on his ill-fated expedition to Florida, which will presently be narrated. See copy of royal order dated December 28, 1547, extending permission, also assistance to the expedition. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 114-15.

[XX‑51] Bishop Marroquin states that nearly the whole of this region to the northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado, and that a hundred Spaniards settled therein. They afterward abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the more important affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was forgotten. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238.

[XX‑52] Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula, 'uno de los pueblos de paz que sirven á los españoles en la ciudad de Guatemala,' at which place four caciques of Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to Patal and Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. Informacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 216. From the same document it may be gathered that at the time of the visit the friars in the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis Cancer, Juan de Sant Lúcas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de Azcona, and two others whose names are not mentioned.

[XX‑53] Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly and ungenerous remarks against Las Casas: 'yo sé que él ha de escribir invenciones é imaginaciones, que ni él las entiende ni entenderá en mi conciencia: porque todo su edificio y fundamento va fabricado sobre hipocresía y avaria, y asi lo mostró luego que le fue dada la mitra.' But I do not find that the bishop of Guatemala differs in any material point from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. He says, 'y media legua ántes que llegase salió todo el pueblo hombres y mugeres á me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes ... y alabé mucho á Dios en ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principio,' and admits further on that the friendly reception was due to the method adopted by the friars. He describes the land as 'la mas fragosa que hay acá, no es para que pueblen españoles en ella por ser tan fragosa y pobre.' Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 238-9. See also Marroquin, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 139-40. Motolinia also states that Las Casas represented Vera Paz as of great extent and densely populated, but that it was not one tenth as large as represented by him. Las Casas, in Quintana, Vidas, 243.

[XX‑54] 'El tributo que tienen agora es intolerable, cada ochenta dias doscientas y cincuenta mantas, cuarenta y dos ziquipiles de cacao, y lo de la sementera, y creo que se la comen en las minas los oficiales.' He states, too, that with warriors taken from Tuzulutlan a town double its size had been founded near Guatemala. With regard to the tribute he hoped that it would at any rate be reduced to two payments a year, one on St John's day and the other at christmas. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 231-6. Nevertheless immoderate tribute was complained of for many years afterward. In 1551 a royal decree was issued for the purpose of lessening the burden. In 1568 the audiencia of Guatemala was ordered to moderate the tribute paid by the Indians of Vera Paz, the caciques having forwarded a petition to the crown; and in 1577 the audiencia is again ordered to reduce the tribute. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 702-3.

[XX‑55] The crown furnished Cancer with 800 ducados, with which ten tons of goods were purchased for the purpose of trading with the Indians. The friar addressed three letters to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being dated February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give the year, but there is little doubt that they were written in 1548. Copies of these letters are to be found in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 184-201.

[XX‑56] Ibid. Remesal states that Cancer took no companions with him from Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican convent in Mexico three friars and a lay brother. Hist. Chyapa, 515. There can be no doubt, however, that two of these accompanied him from Spain. See Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 199.

[XX‑57] Both Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150-1, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 515-16, attribute the catastrophe which followed to the action of the captain, who, they assert, was well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of Cancer. Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger, but refused to land farther off under the pretext that four Spanish armies had disembarked at that point without meeting with resistance. Oeuvres, i. 405.

[XX‑58] Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that the cacique of the neighboring village was grieved that the murdered friars had not been taken alive, in order that he might have conversed with them, and that he caused the skins of the victims to be stripped off and stretched upon the walls of his house, while their heads were stuffed with cotton and suspended from a tree. He then adds 'y comieronse la carne en vn gran combite, despues de muchos bayles y fiestas.' Hist. Chyapa, 516. According to the same author, between 1566 and 1600 four unsuccessful attempts were made by Jesuits, Dominicans, and Franciscans to christianize Florida. In these efforts nearly all the missionaries lost their lives. In a second attempt made by the Franciscans they gained a foothold in the country, and in 1612 a province called Santa Élena was founded by the chapter general at Rome. Id., 518-19. Dávila Padilla, 179-89, states that Fray Louis Cancer was a native of Saragossa in Spain. He was of noble family, and proficient in various branches of learning. He first went to Española, thence to Puerto Rico, where he founded a convent, and a few years later proceeded to Guatemala. Both this author and Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 150, assert that on a voyage from Mexico to Spain he was captured by Turkish pirates, but ransomed. To judge from his letters Cancer was a single-minded and devout missionary, filled with religious ardor, and sanguine of success.

[XX‑59] Las Casas, Oeuvres, i. 405-6. His vehement opponent Motolinia, in his letter to the king, dated January 2, 1555, while urging the necessity of carrying the gospel into Florida, remarks, 'but not after the manner of Las Casas.' Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 255.

[XXI‑1] Jan. 14th, according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 222; evidently before the beginning of March. See Quesada, Carta, May 25, 1855, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 1-3.

[XXI‑2] Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it finished.

[XXI‑3] The salaries of the different offices were to be fixed; each town was to have a casa de communidad, a strong box to contain their surplus earnings, a jail, tariff, records, and accounts of the estates of minors and the deceased; lands were to be assigned them; the mode of paying tributes was to be regulated; and, above all, they were to be instructed. Quesada, Carta, loc. cit.

[XXI‑4] Torres, Carta, Nov. 17, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 6.

[XXI‑5] Cavallon, Carta, Feb. 27, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 7.

[XXI‑6] Torres, Carta, Nov. 8, 1555; Torres, Carta, Nov. 17, 1555; Cárdenas, Carta, Dec. 6, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii., 5-7.

[XXI‑7] Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which no remedy could be found. The country was almost depopulated. Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 157. Juarros, Guat. (ed. Lond. 1823), 148.

[XXI‑8] They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted to prevent the seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks, and made many prisoners. The viceroy of New Spain was at once notified. Velasco, Carta, Sept. 30, 1558, in Squier's MSS., x. 1, 2.

[XXI‑9] Carta, Feb. 18, 1555, in Arévalo, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 25.

[XXI‑10] 'Que no solo le era licito al Rey hazerles guerra, sino q̃ en conciencia estaua a ello obligado, y para a defender a sus subditos totalmente destruyra los de Lacandon.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 616.

[XXI‑11] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 621, says many escaped in the direction of Yucatan through a large river connected with the lake which Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 161-2, supposes to have been the Zacapulas.

[XXI‑12] In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether Puchutlas was in Lake Lacandon or in another lake. Relacion, i. Fancourt in his map accompanying Hist. Yuc., places the town north of L. Lacandon. Other maps of this region do not attempt to give its locality. In making my map of this region I have drawn from this and other sources. Dávila says the expedition started forth to visit the provinces of La Candon, Pochultra, Catanu, and Tofilte pequena. Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 327.

[XXI‑13] This according to Juarros, though he does not give us his authority for the statement. Guat., i. 259.

[XXI‑14] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 622, piously observes that the expedition was ordained by God for the salvation of a single soul, that of an infant, 'Entiendese que solo la ordenò nuestro Señor para saluar vn alma predestinada de vn niño de solos quinze dias que hallãdole vn Español atrauessado con vna saeta le bautizò antes que espirase.' Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, takes the more practical view adopted in the text.

[XXI‑15] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 523-645, forms the chief and original authority for the foregoing events, and it is much to be regretted that we have no other account with which to compare his statements. In all subsequent descriptions of this expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed Remesal. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza., 51-80, copies him literally. Pinelo, Relacion, 2-4; Juarros, Guat., 258-9; Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 159-64, all follow him. Squier, Cent. Amer., 554-61, follows both Villagutierre and Pinelo.

[XXI‑16] Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 26. Vazquez, Chronica Gvat., 222, says that he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.

[XXI‑17] Dowerless maidens had been provided for, provisions had become abundant and cheap, and both Spaniards and Indians were contented. Cartas, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 28, 30.

[XXI‑18] 'Mandó que diesen los indios cierta cantidad de pescado cada semana, no habiendo rios ni mar dentro de diez y doce leguas. Mandó con pena ... que no vendiesen las gallinas por más de un real, valiendo á dos reales, y sino quisiesen venderla á real, dió licencia que los españoles se la tomasen por fuerza.' Las Casas, Representacion in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vii. 163.

[XXI‑19] Las Casas, Representacion, loc. cit.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 624-6; Cabildo, Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 36.

[XXI‑20] Hist. Chyapa, 639.

[XXI‑21] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646.

[XXI‑22] 'Que se le envie à mandar tenga especial cuidado del bien é aumento de los que en esta cibdad é provincias viven.' Carta, Jan. 26, 1562, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the appointment of governors preference be given those having experience in the Indies, as with a new governor there always came a number of servants, dependants, and relatives who had to be provided for, to the prejudice of the more meritorious conquerors and settlers. Carta, Feb. 12, 1563, in Id., 36.

[XXI‑23] Spelled Briceño by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646; Briceño de Coca, also Briseño, by Juarros, Guat., i. 354; ii. 49; the orthography here adopted is from the letters of the cabildo, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 39, 45.

[XXI‑24] Presbyter ... and visitador of the provinces of Popayan and Guatemala. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., 2.

[XXI‑25] At the end of July, according to Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646; Feb. 12, 1565, according to Juarros, Guat., ii. 49. In January of 1564 the cabildo were awaiting his arrival. In the following December they say that he arrived August 2d of the previous year, 'del año pasado,' which is evidently an error, the same year being meant.

[XXI‑26] Cabildo, Carta, Dec. 20, 1564, in Arévalo, Col. Doc., 39. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, represents Landecho's rule as very corrupt; that he was placed under arrest in his own house by Brizeño, and that to escape a fine of 30,000 pesos he secretly fled to the coast, embarked, and perished at sea. Remesal also states that all the oidores were suspended excepting one, whose name he does not give, and all fined in sums varying from 3,000 to 9,000 pesos. Juarros follows, in brief, Remesal's account of the corrupt rule, arrest, fine, escape, and death of Landecho, and the fining of the other oidores, including Loaisa, who he says was retained. In the account of Brizeño's arrival, however, he gives the popular tradition that the visitador came first in disguise and made himself known only to the prior of the convent of Mercy, with whom he lodged. Having learned from personal observation and conversations the true state of affairs, he proceeded to the town of Petapa, whence he announced his arrival to the audiencia and cabildo. The letter of the cabildo cited above does not favor either of these versions. It says: 'De la visita resultó quedar suspendido el Presidente y Gobernador que en ella estaba, juntamente con el Lic. Jufre de Loaisa Oidor.'

[XXI‑27] Corn sold at the exorbitant price of four tostones a fanega, and bands of men and women went about the country seeking work sufficient to enable them to obtain food. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 641, 645.

[XXI‑28] Private residences, and churches, and convents, were greatly damaged; many Indians were buried under the ruins of their houses, and the inhabitants were compelled to live in temporary shelters or in the open air, while constant prayers were offered to appease the divine wrath. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 647; Juarros, Guat., i. 88; ii. 353.

[XXI‑29] Minutes of Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580, quoted by Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 559-60.

[XXI‑30] At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting as procurator at court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter dated Feb. 20, 1564, he informed the cabildo that the transfer of the audiencia had already been determined upon, and about a month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the council deemed it a favorable opportunity to transfer the audiencia. Marroquin, Cartas, cited in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was established. Décadas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 35. The foregoing facts would appear to imply that the transfer of the audiencia had some connection with political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of the crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected by the powerful influence brought to bear against this change, which is indicated by the letters of Marroquin.

[XXI‑31] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646, gives May 17, 1564, as the date of the first decree, and Juarros, Guat., ii. 49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted are those given in Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2.

[XXI‑32] Marroquin, Carta, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and Panamá, Reales Cédulas, loc. cit.

[XXI‑33] Cabildo, Cartas, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 37-40; Panamá, Cédulas Reales. loc. cit.; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 646-7. Juarros, Guat., i. 259-60, says Oidor Loaisa conveyed the seal.

[XXI‑34] Cabildo, Carta, March 12, 1570, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 43-4, mentions the audiencia as already in Santiago. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 657-8 bis, says that Gonzalez was appointed June 28, 1568, but that he found decrees of September 27, 1567, and March 3, 1568, addressed to the audiencia of Guatemala. According to this same author the audiencia arrived on the 5th of January 1570. Juarros, Guat., i. 260; ii. 50, gives June 28, 1568, and Jan. 25, 1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the audiencia, and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez and the arrival of the audiencia at Santiago follows Remesal.

[XXI‑35] Mem. Hist. Guat., i. 169. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 50; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 658 bis. The oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiates, Jufre de Loaisa, Valdés de Carcamo, and Cristóbal Asqueta. See last two authorities cited.

[XXI‑36] Carta, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 44-5. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 659, says that he was honorably acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is followed by Juarros, Guat., i. 260. Escamilla, Not. Cur., MS., says Brizeño went to Santa Fe de Bogotá as president of that audiencia.

[XXI‑37] By Remesal he is sometimes called Domingo de Ara. Dávila says he constructed a vocabulary of the language of Chiapas.

[XXI‑38] 1590, says Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 114, but the above date is confirmed by Dávila, Teatro Ecles., 197; Concilios Prov., i. 325, and Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 653.

[XXI‑39] According to Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, the bishopric was established in 1556. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed April 21, 1560, and died at Zalamá, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala to be consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment in Guatemala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April 21st; went thence to Mexico; the following year was ordered to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls for his consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at Zalamá, Vera Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of September 1560, the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual 500,000 maravedís, until he had sufficient tithes for his support. I deem this author more reliable than the others as he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities for obtaining information.

[XXI‑40] Cabildo, Carta, Jan. 26, 1564, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 38-9.

[XXI‑41] Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 116, says Father Pedro de la Peña followed Angulo, then Cárdenas, and that Father Antonio de Ervias, Dominican, was bishop in 1570. Calle, Mem. y Not., 125, places Peña second, and says that he was removed to Peru in 1580; that Ervias ruled from 1583-90, and that Cárdenas was appointed in 1595. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa., 702-4, names Hervias as the successor of Cárdenas, in 1583 or 1584, Castro next, and finally Rosillo. This was the last bishop named, according to Remesal, who adds that while in Guatemala, in 1614, he was told by Bishop Cabezas, that the incorporation of the bishopric of Vera Paz with that of Guatemala was then being discussed. The order of succession as given by Remesal as far as Ervias, is confirmed by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, a most reliable author, and a resident of New Spain, where he wrote between the years 1575-96.

[XXI‑42] April 18, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 276, and after a long illness according to Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 149-50. See also Quesada, Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 5.

[XXI‑43] Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 149-50; Gonzales Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 150; Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565, 285.

[XXI‑44] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 654; Juarros, Guat., i. 276; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 190.

[XXI‑45] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 587-600; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 133-7; Quesada, Carta, Mayo 25, 1555, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 3-4.

[XXI‑46] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 532-7, 560-3; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 142; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 110-11.

[XXI‑47] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 500, 520-3, 578-84, 596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636-9, 642-7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 98-9.

[XXI‑48] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 382-5; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 144-9, 179, 223; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 326.

[XXI‑49] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 386; Relacion, in Prov. del Sto Evangelio, MS., 1; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 129-37, 147, 182-4, 224-6; Juarros, Guat., ii. 99-100, 106.

[XXI‑50] The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the clergy, 'having in his household certain women who were neither his sisters nor his cousins; and receiving bribes through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and of doubtful reputation,' appear to have been the principal charges. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 656.

[XXI‑51] In Aug. 1569, according to Juarros, Guat., i. 277; in Santa Ana, San Salvador, according to Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 153. See also Cabildo, Carta, July 9, 1567, in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 41-2; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 654-65; Vazquez, Chron. Gvat., 194-200; Juarros, Guat., i. 276-8.

[XXI‑52] Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 706; Juarros, Guat., i. 277-8.

[XXI‑53] At Guatemala he presented himself before the audiencia and demanded redress. A judge was sent to investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed by Bishop Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so that they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the absolute refusal of the natives to have el señor cura for their guardian. Vasquez, Chron. de Gvat., 243.

[XXI‑54] Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco de Tecpan Guatemala, La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San Miguel de Totonicapan, and Espíritu Santo de Quezaltenango. Vasquez, Chron. de Gvat., 261.

[XXI‑55] There were also six doctrinas belonging to the Merced order, and 22 to the padres clérigos. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 386.

[XXI‑56] The cabildo prayed the king for 200 strong breast-plates, (petos); 500 helmets, (celedas ó morriones); 400 coats of mail, (cotas); 400 arquebuses, etc. Many would be bought by citizens, and the rest remain in keeping of the audiencia. Gunpowder could not be manufactured in Guatemala for lack of saltpetre, etc., and they asked an annual grant of twelve centals from Mexico. Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 69-70.

[XXI‑57] 'The licenciado Rueda, late president of the audiencia, is about to leave for Spain. He has exercised his office with care and ensured good Christian government as will be seen by the papers connected with the vista on his conduct now sent by Doctor Sandé.' Santiago Cabildo (Feb. 16, 1595), in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 80. Contrast this with Juarros, Guat., 261. 'President de la Rueda was punished for having so badly treated the religious during his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from the house without clothes into the country, where he ate grass like oxen, and remained in that state till he died.' During Rueda's administration a bridge was built across the Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and had eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river was of great depth and communication was frequently cut off between the capital and the eastern provinces by inundation. Juarros, Guat., 239-41 (ed. Lond., 1823). Conder's Mex. and Guat., 201.

[XXI‑58] That by which the appointment of 'fiel ejecutor' was vested in the cabildo. The office was one of great profit and its duties were discharged by each member in rotation. The cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal license for many years, its concession being granted by cédula of July 9, 1564, and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. Juarros, Guat., 129. (London ed. 1823.)

[XXI‑59] Sandé came to Mexico as alcalde of the audiencia. In 1575 he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands and held that position until 1580, after which he became an oidor of Mexico. Datos, Biog., in Cartas de Indias, 840-1.

[XXI‑60] The king's grant of one half of the first year's tribute from the encomiendas becoming vacant during ten years, was of great assistance in opening these ports. The president sends a map of the port and of the country for more than 15 leagues about it. Santiago Cabildo, Carta al Rey (April 20, 1591), in Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 77-8.

[XXI‑61] As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao trade could grow it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth 500,000 pesos, were raised within an area of two leagues square in Salvador. Palacio, Relacion in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 15.

[XXI‑62] Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576 by which houses were destroyed and several lives lost. In a letter to the king he relates that he saw a large fragment of a church façade which had been hurled to a considerable distance. Relacion in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 23-4, 59.

[XXI‑63] Ponce, Rel. de Las Casas in Col. Doc. Inéd., lviii. 140.

[XXII‑1] Cimarron, a Spanish word, primarily signifies 'wild' as applied to plants, and 'untamed' as applied to animals; hence the appropriateness of the epithet. The cimarrones played a somewhat conspicuous part in the subsequent troubles of the country, and are not to be confounded with a tribe of Indians of similar name, the Simerones referred to in Native Races, iii. 794 this series. The mistake is made, however, by the author of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, 60, and also by Bidwell, Panamá, 53. Garcilaso de Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 466, says the epithet had its origin in the Windward Islands—'vocablo del language de las isles de Barlovento.'

[XXII‑2] García de Hermosillo was himself an eye-witness of one of the many cimarron atrocities in 1554, when eight men were killed including a son of one of the judges of the India House at Seville. Hermosillo, Memorial al Rey, Squier's MSS., xxi. 15.

[XXII‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Peru, ii. 466, calls him Ballano.

[XXII‑4] Ursua was a native of a town of the same name in Navarre. He went to New Granada with his uncle, the licenciado, Michael Diaz de Armendariz. Piedrahita, Hist. Gen., 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was sent in 1561 to explore some rich Brazilian forests in the neighborhood of the rio Marañon, where he met his death at the hands of his own countrymen.

[XXII‑5] As an illustration, a law of 1540, dealing with offences and their punishment, states: 'Mandamuos, que en ningun caso se ejecute en los negros cimarrones la pena de cortarles las partes, que honestamente no se pueden nombrar.' In towns and cities negroes were not allowed to be out after dark; arms were not to be carried, and any one lifting a weapon against a Spaniard, even though no wound were inflicted, was liable to receive one hundred lashes and to have a nail driven through the hand. For a second offence the hand of the offender was cut off. Negresses were not allowed to wear jewelry, pearls, or silk unless married to a Spaniard. Free negroes were required to pay tribute according to property. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 461-7.

[XXII‑6] Under date July 31, 1561, the king wrote to the audiencia on this subject, stating that his ambassador in London had informed him that a Portuguese named Bartolomé Bayon was fitting out a vessel for carrying African slaves to the West Indies, and ordering his arrest. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 540-1.

[XXII‑7] Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among the Indians in 1578. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 501-2. In 1589 it was ordered that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes. If the offence was repeated the culprit's ears were to be cut off. In case of a free negro, the punishment was 100 lashes and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos was paid to informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were liable to a fine of 100 pesos. Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 462.

[XXII‑8] Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 4-7.

[XXII‑9] In 1585 the number of ships was 71; in 1587, 85; in 1589, 94; in 1592, 72; in 1594, 56; in 1596, 69; in 1599, 56; in 1601, 32; in 1603, 34; in 1605, 17. Panamá, Des., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 103.

[XXII‑10] On Aug. 4, 1574, the king writes the president and oidores of the audiencia at Panamá, that he wants the people of the province to make him a gift or loan, to meet his urgent necessities. The audiencia, however, are to broach the subject as though it emanated from themselves, not even hinting that the king had solicited it. 'Tratareis dello como de vuestro oficio, sin dar á entender que lo aceis por órden y mandado Nuestro.' The influence of the bishop is to be called into requisition if the people appear unwilling to do anything before further communication from the king. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 510.

[XXII‑11] A Spanish trader in a letter dated August 28, 1590, says: 'Here I haue remained these 20 dayes, till the shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for every hundred ducats a man shall get 600 ducats cleerely. Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse. For in August, September, October, and Nouember it is winter here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru, and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor any place else in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the shipes begin to set on their voyage for those places.' Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 564.

[XXII‑12] A royal cédula of November 11, 1578, forbade the carrying of Manila dry goods. This is confirmed by cédulas of January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, and February 13th and June 13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all trade between the Philippines and Tierra Firme. Memorial sobre Manila, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 444. The cédula of 1593 is full and explicit: 'Toleration and abuse have caused an undue increase in the trade between the West Indies and China, and a consequent decrease in that of the Castilian kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall any vessel go to China or the Philippine Islands to trade.' Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 420. See also Decadas, Id., viii. 114. Another cédula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the license being still continued to New Spain at the instance of the merchants of Seville whose interests were jeopardized. The Portuguese had established factories in China, and though selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could undersell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of Chinese products themselves, and to sell them in the colonies at their own figures. Gran. Manila, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 405-6.

[XXII‑13] At a meeting held by the treasury officials and the city council of Panamá on January 29, 1600, it was resolved that, as the importation and sale of Peruvian wine had been forbidden in years past, an edict should be issued enforcing this regulation, and appointing fines and penalties for those who infringed it, or mixed such wine with that imported from Spain. The reason alleged is the injurious quality of the wine. This edict was also to be published at Lima, Trujillo, Quito, and Guayaquil. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 216-18. At a subsequent meeting, held April 12, 1600, the trade in Peruvian wine is denounced on account of its being a source of loss to the royal treasury. Id., xvii. 221.

[XXII‑14] The punishments for infraction of this law were heavy fines and banishment; and in the case of negro delinquents, bond or free, the fines were to be doubled, and 200 lashes in addition to be inflicted in public on the offender, whether male or female. Apothecaries were allowed to keep on hand two pounds of this article and no more. Recop. Ind., ii. 66.

[XXII‑15] The city council passed an ordinance that in future merchants should not purchase certain articles in larger quantities at a time than therein provided. Wine, oil, ham, sugar, pease, beans, lard, Nicaragua molasses, cheese, raisins, figs, and crockery, are among the commodities specified. Purchasers were required to produce their wares before a justice. The ordinance was referred to the audiencia and was fully approved and ordered into execution Dec. 11, 1592. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 233-7.

[XXII‑16] 'Here is a great want ... of provision for here is almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima there is no shipping come with maiz.... But I can certifie your worshippe, that all things are very deeire here, and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals.' Letter from Panamá, August 12, 1590. Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 563.

[XXII‑17] On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to interfere with the taking of provisions from the valleys of Trujillo, and Saña to Panamá City, and to see that Panamá was well provisioned. Recop. de Indias, ii. 64. A similar order was issued Feb. 18, 1597. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 339-60.

[XXII‑18] See Hist. Cent. Amer., i. 377, 409-11, this series.

[XXII‑19] 'Il peut le vendre à qui bon lui semble; mais pour l'ordinaire il le cède à son maître pour un prix modique.' Raynal, Hist. Phil., iv. 200.

[XXII‑20] He visited the islands in 1594, and found them inhabited by Spaniards and negro slaves 'kept only to fish for pearls.' Harris' Col. Voy., i. 746.

[XXII‑21] The expense actually exceeded the proceeds—'y la pesqueria de las porlas, por ser más las costa que el provecho.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 81. In prosperous days some 30 brigs were in engaged in the traffic. Id., ix. 81.

[XXII‑22] Ariza, Darien, MS., 33.

[XXII‑23] Dampier, Voy., i. 158; Ogilby's Am., 235; Harris, Col. Voy., i. 748. 'The city of Panamá received annually some thousand pounds of gold.... There is greater Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa María—not far off—than within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or perhaps in the whole World. Span. Emp. in Amer., 210-13. We have a glimpse of the working of the mines in a report of the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them worked for the king's benefit. At these were employed, in addition to the overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred negroes, of whom seventy were freshly imported Africans, and one third of the number were women.' The total expenditure for the year was a little less than $20,000. The several items of expense are given in Veragua, Relac. de las Minas, in Col. Doc. Inéd., xxxi. 365-72.

[XXII‑24] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 418, 441, this series.

[XXII‑25] A single extract will show the partiality of this report. 'Que del dicho Nombre de Dios al dicho de Panamá van 18 leguas por tierra por un camino muy trabajoso de muy grandes lodos y calores, y pasan un rio, y la primera jornada 112 veces ó mas en un dia.' García Hermosillo, Mem. in Extr. Sueltos, xxi. 28-9.

[XXII‑26] Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22, 1559, on May 17, 1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when they denounced Nombre de Dios as 'la Sepultura de Españoles.' Arévalo, Col. Doc. Antig., 27-33.

[XXII‑27] This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was written in 1565. Aniñon, Discurso, in Squier's MSS., v.

[XXII‑28] Pan. Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., iv. 108-9. Its original name was San Felipe de Puertovelo. Purchas, Pilgrimes, v. 889, errs in giving 1584 as the date of removal.

[XXII‑29] Some physicians ascribed these diseases to the use of Peruvian wine, notwithstanding the prohibitions already mentioned. To a statement made by the councillor of the corporation to the city council of Panamá a medical report is appended which reads thus: 'Muchas calenturas ardientes y podridas, muchos dolores de costado, cámaras de sangre, romadizo y otras indisposiciones de calor y humedad, por ser esta tierra mui caliente y húmeda por cuya razon hierve dentro de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las dichas enfermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y virùelas, y sarampion y ronchas. Fecho en Panamá en onze de Abril de mil y seiscientos.' Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 219-22.

[XXII‑30] Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 531-2; confirmed by Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 222-3, and Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 89-90. Juarros, Guat., states that it did not receive the royal approbation until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560 a royal cédula was issued, vesting the government of Tierra Firme in the president of the audiencia residing in Panamá. The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to this measure. See Reales Ced., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xviii. 531-2, and Decadas, in Id., xiii. 36-38.

[XXII‑31] A special cédula, dated July 30, 1588, on the appointment of García de Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes him to take part in and preside over the sessions of the audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the administration of justice. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 467. Other cédulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628 confirmed the one issued in 1571. The first of these three orders also made the provinces of Charcas and Quito subject to the viceroy of Peru. Recop. de Ind., ii. 109-10; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iii. 357; Montesclaros, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., vi. 191.

[XXII‑32] The king mentions this fact, and instructs the president of the audiencia to have a periodical examination of the accounts of the treasury officers made by one of the oidores. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 410.

[XXII‑33] The president of the audiencia stated to the king that the family were destitute, and that the money could not be recovered from them, whereupon his Majesty ordered its collection from the sureties. This document is dated July 8, 1580. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 487-8.

[XXII‑34] In 1595 travellers without passports visited the Isthmus in such numbers as to cause scarcity of provisions, and often included men whose services were needed in the army. The oidores were threatened with penalties unless there was a reform in this matter. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 410.

[XXII‑35] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. As early as 1526 this matter received special notice from the emperor, and many regulations were made in subsequent years, but apparently to little purpose.

[XXII‑36] The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in strong terms against Parker's conduct, but to no purpose. Queen Elizabeth not only justified his action but warmly commended him. Darien, Scots Colony, 56 (1699).

[XXII‑37] Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 395-7, 432-3, 490, 522-3.

[XXII‑38] See p. 49 this vol. for map of territory.

[XXIII‑1] In Clark's Life of Drake, 7, and Burton's English Heroe, 11, it is stated that in an apartment of the governor's house was a stack of silver bars 70 feet long, 10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave information that the treasure-house contained more gold, jewels, and pearls than their pinnaces could carry; but one must make due allowance for the vivid imagination of those chroniclers.

[XXIII‑2] The account given in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 778-9, differs materially from that of other authorities. The story is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, whose narrative the chronicles tells us 'was intercepted with the author thereof at the river of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586.' He states that Drake landed with 150 men, and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios, marched with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants fled to the mountains, but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish arquebusiers fired a volley upon the English, killing their trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, he says, the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned; sounding the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the signal being unanswered, the men left in charge retreated to their boats, thinking that their comrades were either slain or captured. Drake and his followers then threw away their arms, and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. It is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the command of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a retreat before a handful of Spaniards.

[XXIII‑3] Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan Lopez, son of Tomás Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish cosmographer, in a map prepared by the former in 1789, for the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In the map following the introduction to Dampier's Voy., published in 1699, the word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of islands off Nombre de dios. Bellin, Karte von der Erdenge, Panamá, 1754, agrees with Drake, but like Lopez places the group about half way between Nombre de Dios and Portobello. The author of Life and Dangerous Voy. of Drake, 16, speaks of 'the Isle of Bastimiensis or the Isle of Victuals.' See Cartography Pacific States, MS., and Hist. Cent. Am., i. passim, this series.

[XXIII‑4] This visit to the Isla de Pinos is not mentioned in Clark's Life of Drake, but is described circumstantially in Burton's English Heroe, 26. In the latter work it is stated that the supplies captured were sufficient to victual a force of 3,000 men, and it is not improbable that this was the case, for the galleons were now off the coast and the Isla de Pinos was the usual storing place for provisions.

[XXIII‑5] In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands are placed a few miles east of point San Blas and named the 'Islas Cabezas ó Cautivas.' By Burton they are also called the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas.

[XXIII‑6] In Burton's English Heroe, 41, it is stated that a post-mortem examination was made of the body of Joseph Drake, who died of this calenture, and that the 'liver was swoln, and the heart as if boyled.'

[XXIII‑7] In the account of Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 179, it is stated that Drake had with him 100 English besides the negroes. This is clearly a mistake, for the evidence is conclusive that he left Plymouth with only 73 men, and he could have had little chance to recruit his force except from the cimarrones; though, as remarked by the author of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, 59, he may have been reënforced from the vessels which he met with off the coast.

[XXIII‑8] The cimarrones carried two different kinds of weapons, one being an arrow pointed with iron, fish-bone, or hard wood for use against the Spaniards, the other a javelin with an iron head varying from a pound and a half to one ounce in weight, to serve in the pursuit of game, the metal being highly tempered and sharp enough to pierce deep into the flesh of a stag or wild boar. Burton's English Heroe, 43-4. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 37-8.

[XXIII‑9] The author of Selection of Curious Voy., iv. 15, states that Drake arrived at the summit of this mountain ten days after leaving the town of the cimarrones. According to other authorities the time was seven days.

[XXIII‑10] 'The ladies of Panama used to imploy hunters and fowlers to take the curious fowls in that countrey, by whom they might be discovered.' Burton's English Heroe, 49.

[XXIII‑11] The treasure was forwarded from Panamá to Cruces at night to avoid the heat encountered by day in the open country lying between.

[XXIII‑12] Venta Cruz according to Burton's Life of Drake, 18, Burton's English Heroe, and Life and Voy. of Drake, 42, and Venta de Cruzes in the map confronting p. 1 in Dampier's Voy. Probably both are identical with Cruces, or Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of Esquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, in which no such place as Venta Cruz is mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map before mentioned calls the place San Francisco de Cruces.

[XXIII‑13] Two horse-loads of silver, according to Clark and Burton; but it was more probably base metal containing about enough silver to make it worth the freight.

[XXIII‑14] The trains were frequently attacked by cimarrones. 'From Venta Cruz to Nombre de Dios they go always with their Treasure by day through the cool fresh Woods, unless the Symerons happily make them sweat for fear, as oft happens, and therefore their Recoes (a name applied to mules and muleteers travelling in company) are guarded with Souldiers.' Burton's English Heroe, 49. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 42.

[XXIII‑15] In Burton's English Heroe, 56, 57, it is stated that at Nombre de Dios parturition was usually followed in a few days by the death of the infant, but that children born at Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then brought to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also Life and Voy. of Drake, 47.

[XXIII‑16] Lopez Vaz, in Hakluyt, Voy., iii. 770, states that five or seven merchants were slain, and that the town was set on fire, property being destroyed to the value of more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless the work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in other authorities.

[XXIII‑17] In Burton's English Heroe, 70, and in Life and Voy. of Drake, 57, it is stated that they sat up to the waist in water and that each wave drenched them up to the arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances, even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a remarkable feat of navigation.

[XXIII‑18] There is some confusion in the narrative of the old chroniclers at this point. In Clark's Life of Drake, 20, it is related that a 'frigot' which sailed with the expedition to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of the river, while on account of shoal water the men ascended the stream in pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the raft, if this were the case, and why leave the vessel in so exposed a position? In Burton's English Heroe, 66, it is stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas, and, page 71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his men 'sayled back to their Frigot and from thence directly to their Ships;' but according to this authority both ships and 'frigot' were already at the Cabezas, where they lay secure from the Spanish cruisers.

[XXIII‑19] Drake made many other captures, the recital of which would be wearisome to the reader. According to Burton more than 200 vessels of from 10 to 120 tons traded at that time between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. Most of these, he tells us, the English captured, and some of them twice or thrice. Clark makes no mention of this; but the author of Voy. Hist. round World, i. 44, states that the English took more than 100 vessels of all sizes.

[XXIII‑20] Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 526-28.

[XXIII‑21] During the voyage Drake touched at the bay which still bears his name under the Punta de los Reyes on the coast of California. Here he spent five weeks, smoked native tobacco with the Indians, and took possession of the country, calling it New Albion.

[XXIII‑22] 'Which was Monday in the iust and ordinary reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or countrie, but in our computation was the Lords day or Sonday.' Drake's World Encompassed, 162.

[XXIII‑23] The vessel was afterward broken up, and a chair, made from some of the timber, was presented to the university library of Oxford by Charles II. Here the poet Cowley sat enthroned and drank a cup of wine, taking occasion to deliver himself thereupon of some vile verse, concluding with the lines (addressed to the chair):

'The Streights of Time too narrow are for thee, Launch forth into an undiscovered Sea, And steer the endless course of vast Eternity, Take for thy Sail this Verse, and for thy Pilot me.'

One can almost wish that the chair had taken him at his word, for the good ship deserved a better fate.

[XXIII‑24] Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his forces, there was probably some further reason for his abandoning the expedition after such feeble effort. His conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence which he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he had received orders to return to England, for it will be remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was ready to sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following year by Drake's bold dash at the harbor of Cádiz, during which he destroyed about one hundred vessels.

[XXIII‑25] In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was left in charge of the colony, had caused it to be abandoned through faint-heartedness, a vessel despatched by Raleigh, laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement. Bancroft's United States, i. 102, 103. 'These men who were thus brought back,' says William Camden, 'were the first that I know of that brought into England that Indian plant which they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, which they used against crudities, being taught it by the Indians. Certainly from that time forward, it began to grow into great request, and to be sold at an high rate, which, in a short time, many men everywhere, some for wantonness, some for health sake, with insatiable desire and greediness, sucked in the stinking smoke thereof through an earthen pipe, which presently they blew out again at their nostrils; insomuch that tobacco-shops are now as ordinary in most towns, as tap-houses and taverns.' Barrow's Life of Drake, 207, 208.

[XXIII‑26] Hawkins, now between 75 and 80 years of age, was a wealthy merchant and ship-owner, had seen 48 years of hard service, mainly at sea, and held the title of vice-admiral. It does not appear, therefore, what he had to gain by taking part in such an expedition. His promotion seems rather due to influence obtained through inherited wealth than to any remarkable qualities as a commander. Appointed by the queen to cruise off the coast of Spain in company with Frobisher, at the head of a strong and well-appointed squadron, he returned without taking a single prize. Thereupon he wrote a letter of apology to his sovereign in which he excused himself by using the quotation, 'Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but God giveth the increase.' On reading it Elizabeth exclaimed, 'God's death! This fool went out a soldier and is come home a divine.'

[XXIII‑27] Named Baskerfield in Burton's English Heroe, 199.

[XXIII‑28] Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied taxes without much heed to the voice of her parliament.

[XXIII‑29] The shot which carried away Drake's chair wounded three of his officers, who were seated at his table. Hawkins died of sickness while the fleet lay off Puerto Rico.

[XXIII‑30] 'On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de Dios; our men so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited for want of shoes, and weake with theyr diet, that it would have bin a poor dayes service that we should have done upon an enimie had they been there to resist us.' Drake's Voy., in Hakluyt, Soc. Col., 16. 'In this march a pair of shoos were sold for thirty Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for ten Shillings, so great was their want both of Clothing and Victuals.' Burton's English Heroe, 205.

[XXIII‑31] In a poem by Lope de Vega styled 'Dragontea' occur these lines:

'Mirad la disventura y la ruina De aquel hombre atrevido y indomable: Mirad que triste genero de muerte Del cuerpo el alma a los infiernos vierte.'

Vega declares that Drake was poisoned by his own men. The soul of the great navigator was perhaps less sorely vexed by such slander than by the silly verses written in his praise by his own countrymen. The following occurs in Fuller's Worthies:

'Religio quamvis Romana resurgeret olim, Effoderet tumulum non pute, Drace, tuum, Non est quod metuas nec te combusserit ulla Posteritas, in aquâ tutus ab igne manes.'

But the sorriest doggerel of all is found in Clark's Life of Drake, 71:

'Great God of Prowess, Thunderbolt of War: Bellona's darling: Mars of Chivalry: Bloody Enyo's Champion, Foemens fear: Fame's stately Pharos, Mapp of Dignity: Joves Pearl, Pearls pride, Prides foe, Foes enemy: Spains Shaking Fever, Regent of Wars Thunder: Undaunted Drake, a name Importing Wonder:'

The works published by the Hakluyt Society, and the Annales rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum, regnante Elizabetha, by William Camden, London, 1589, probably afford the most reliable information concerning Drake's several expeditions to the West Indies, though neither are free from error. Clark's Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake, London, 1671, and Burton's English Heroe, London, 1687, are chiefly compilations, though of considerable value, inasmuch as both authors had access to sources of information not now available to the public. The latter work passed through no less than 23 editions, and yet we find the opening lines of the preface copied unblushingly from Drake's World Encompassed, in Hakluyt Soc., 5 (published originally in 1628). The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Drake is borrowed mainly from Burton. Barrow's Life of Drake, London, 1843, though a recent publication, contains several copies of letters written by Drake, and was compiled in part from MSS. in the British museum, the state paper office, and the archives of Madrid.

[XXIV‑1] Six miles from the province of Nicaragua.

[XXIV‑2] These mines, which belonged to Juan de Ávila, were at the village of Jerez, or Chuluteca. Caballon, Carta, in Squier's MSS., xxii. 7-8.

[XXIV‑3] It was the intention of the rebels to seize the ships at Realejo, and proceed thence to Panamá and Peru, following the programme laid out by the Contreras brothers. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.

[XXIV‑4] Molina, Costa Rica, 39-43. He takes his information from three royal cédulas dated August 1561.

[XXIV‑5] Costa Rica, Carta del Cabildo, in _Squier's MSS._, vi.

[XXIV‑6] Nicoya was annexed to Costa Rica in 1573, though the right to its possession was not finally decided until the present century.

[XXIV‑7] He had expended 10,000 pesos, as was afterward proved before the juez visitador at Santiago in 1565. Coronado Probanza, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 485-503.

[XXIV‑8] West of the present Cartago, and north of Alajuela.

[XXIV‑9] Now written Votos. There is a volcano of that name north of Alajuela and west of the volcano de Barba. See map in Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica.

[XXIV‑10] Now probably Aserri. There are two villages of that name; one south of San José and the other about the same distance south-west of Cartago. See map in Molina.

[XXIV‑11] The entire quantity obtained thus far did not exceed 300 pesos in value. Dávila, Relacion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvi. 328-41.

[XXIV‑12] Before taking his departure he estimated the native population at 30,000 or more. Dávila places the number at only 5,000.

[XXIV‑13] Gaztela, Real Titulo, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xi. 124.

[XXIV‑14] Molina, Bosquejo de Costa Rica, does not even mention Coronado, but passes on from the administration of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino. Yet Coronado's appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents of the period, and by the narrative of Dávila.

[XXIV‑15] A detailed account of these instructions is given in Costa Rica, Real Instruccion, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 559-65.

[XXIV‑16] The personnel of this expedition is described in Artieda, Costa Rica, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, _Col. Doc._, xv. 261-300.

[XXIV‑17] Among those present were Fray Diego de Molina, vicar; Francisco Pavon, captain; Juan Gonzalez Delgada, 'Escribano de la Gobernacion dicha Ciudad, é publico del Cabildo de ella' (meaning of the city of Artieda); Pedro de Avendano, sargento mayor; Tomás de Barahona, maestre de campo; and Diego de Zárate, alcalde ordinario. Costa Rica, Acontecimiento, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 570.

[XXIV‑18] Ponce, Relacion de Las Casas, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, lvii. 350.

[XXIV‑19] Juarros, Guat., i. 326. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4, confirms Juarros except as to date, which he places in 1550, while Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 252, gives 1560. 'Segun ... el Informe manuscripto de la fundacion de esta Provincia.'

[XXIV‑20] See Hist. Mex., ii. 451, this series.

[XXIV‑21] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 254, makes the number six.

[XXIV‑22] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 393-4. Torquemada gives 17 as the number of convents, and 1565 as the date of the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130. Vazquez states that several convents were founded before the departure of Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at Cartago and San Lorenzo at Esparza. Chron. de Gvat., 254.

[XXIV‑23] His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua was, as given in the words of the Ill. bishop of Mantua: 'Primus huius Provintiæ (Sancti Georgii de Nicaragua) Fundator extitit Religiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Petrus) Betanzos plurium linguarum, præsertim vero Indiarum gnarus, qui molestias sibi, atque vexationes iniusté illatas ad tempus declinaturus, Goactemalicia ex Custodia cuius Alumnus erat, ad has partes, traiecit:' Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 545.

[XXIV‑24] Ogilby, 1671, Cartago; Læt, Novvs Orbis, 1633, Cartago; Jeffreys, 1776, Carthago; Kiepert, 1858, Cartago. Cartography Pacific Coast, MS., i. 142.

[XXIV‑25] Alonso Lopez de Cerrato, who, it will be remembered, took the residencia of Rodrigo de Contreras. See p. 183, this vol.

[XXIV‑26] Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the partition not having yet taken place.

[XXIV‑27] The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax, honey, poultry, etc., of the annual value of about 3,000 pesos. Squier's MSS., xxii. 9.

[XXIV‑28] Authorities conflict as to the order of succession. In Alcedo the name of Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers to the fact without giving any date whatever. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548, states that the appointment was made in 1551.

[XXIV‑29] Alcedo, Dávila, Juarros, and other writers of the period fail to mention Carrasco in their enumeration of the bishops of Nicaragua. We find him named only in Calle, Mem. y Not., 129, and Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548. Icazbalceta in a note in the Hist. Ecles. gives Valdivieso as the first bishop of the diocese instead of Osorio.

[XXIV‑30] Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba, 'el Gran Capitan,' was born in Montilla in 1453. El Gran Capitan, Quintana, Vidas, 102-3.

[XXIV‑31] Juarros, Hist. Guat., i. 278, gives 1551 as the date of appointment, and 1553 as the year when he entered on his duties. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 154, endorses Juarros, but assigns no date save that he was transferred in 1574. Calle, Mem. y Not., 129, simply mentions Córdoba as the one who followed Valdivieso, ignoring Vera Cruz and Carrasco. Córdoba's appointment is mentioned, but without date, by Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 548.

[XXIV‑32] The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by Osorio, Las Casas, and their associates in 1532 (see p. 169, this vol.), belonged to the provincia of Peru, and had now become very wealthy. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 598.

[XXIV‑33] 'Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes extremos por la ausencia de los Religiosos. Y para sacar el Padre fray Iuan de Torres la hazienda y alhajas del Conuento, tuuo necessidad de mucha maña y secreto.' Id., 599.

[XXIV‑34] Id., 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious effects of this second desertion of the province by the Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cédula under date of August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to a place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican orders were stationed in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas, Honduras, and Nicaragua.

[XXIV‑35] Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much gold is said to have been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence merchandise from Nombre de Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. Guatemala, Informe, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xv. 470-2.

[XXIV‑36] Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the mark of the leoncillo (little lion) which was introduced into Nicaragua with royal consent. In 1551 it was ordered that the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold. About the same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to melt metal, that 'la fundicion del oro é de la plata, sea al diezimo.' Carrasco, Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., v. 526-8.

[XXV‑1] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 513, this series.

[XXV‑2] Page 276, this volume.

[XXV‑3] New Survey W. Indies (3d ed., London, 1677), 419. The author lived in the Indies between 1625 and 1637, and made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos during these 12 years. He was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal matters, as the following passage will show: 'Whilest this traffick was (at Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church, which if by that means it have not come unto the knowledge of many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that to all England it may be published; which was, that one day saying the Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that prayer, which the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for their dead, there came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about, came to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of the people who were at Mass, for that the Altar was high, by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people far beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my Mass, and perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it.... Whereupon, not knowing what the people had seen, I turned myself unto them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a Mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not what to do unless they would help me to finde it out again.... After much searching and inquiry for the sacrilegious beast, they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if the Ark had been brought again from the Philistins to the Israelites, so they rejoiced for their new-found God.... I observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the Mouse, as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten by it.... And so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was confuted by a Mouse.' New Survey, 446-8.

[XXV‑4] Id., 420-21.

[XXV‑5] A castle with four bastions was erected, on a small rocky eminence. It was protected by a fosse and usually garrisoned by 100 men. Juarros, Guat., i. 52. Pelaez, Hist. Guat., ii. 176, says it was commenced in 1667, and Belly, Nicaragua, ii. 261, that the first castle was not built until 1666, and (in footnote) 'La construction du fort ne l'empêcha pas de reparaître une seconde fois en 1670 et d'obtenir les mêmes succès. C'est alors qu'un ordre royal décida la construction du fort Castillo, à douze lieues en aval du fleuve, qui fut terminé en 1675.'

[XXV‑6] 'El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes talentos y nacido, digámoslo así, para esta especie de ministerios.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 80-1.

[XXV‑7] Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to Gregorio de Montalvo. He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 239.

[XXV‑8] At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez de Castro, presented a petition which was unanimously adopted, setting forth the services already rendered by the fathers in behalf of religion and humanity, and praying earnestly against their removal. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 130.

[XXV‑9] In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit the place, and reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector of the college of Guatemala, concurred. When the recall was found to be inevitable, a second public meeting prayed that the ornaments and utensils of the church remain for a season, and this petition was granted. Id., 130-32.

[XXV‑10] The petition to the king is dated Feb. 13, 1621. A letter signed by all the members of the administration accompanied it. Id., 134.

[XXV‑11] Real's death occurred in 1619. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 239.

[XXV‑12] On the death of Bishop Valtonado the hospital was abandoned until 1650, when a company of priests came from Mexico and took charge of it. Santos, Chron., 481-82. Valtonado's successor was Hernando Nuñez Sagredo, who, says Gonzalez Dávila, 'Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de Cuenca, y del Consejo Supremo.' He fulfilled the duties of his office 'como buen pastor' and died in 1639. Previously to Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan Baraona Zapata were appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese. Next appears the name of Alfonso Briceño, a zealous and learned man, who wrote 'dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica.' He took charge of the bishopric in 1646, and died in 1649. Hist. Ecles., i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos, dean of the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua, and according to Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de Laguna received the mitre, though his name is not mentioned by Alcedo or Gonzalez Dávila. In 1655 Fray Tomás Mansa was appointed bishop. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 135 (Mexico, 1697), confirmed in Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. i. 323, but finding that Dávalos was still in office declined to take charge of the diocese. Id., 387. Soon after his arrival he died from eating too much fish. Id. The decease of Dávalos occurred in 1659. Medina, Chron. San Diego Mex., 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of Granada on the 27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an eloquent preacher and an accomplished scholar, was elected prelate in 1665. Vetancvrt, Menolog., 136; and Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série i. tom. ii. 3.

[XXV‑13] This vol. 172 et seq.

[XXV‑14] Hist. Cent. Am., i. 310.

[XXV‑15] 'In olden times it was supposed that the lakes Managua and Nicaragua were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in their former unity.' Stout's Nic., 101.

[XXV‑16] Mem. y Not., 131. Gage probably includes in his estimate of population the peaceable Indians settled in the neighborhood.

[XXV‑17] The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth century was Captain Alonso Lara de Cordoba, who was appointed in 1603. Others are given in the order of their succession in Pelaez, Mem. Hist. Guat., ii. 170-4.

[XXV‑18] He expended upward of 60,000 pesos of his own private means. Juarros, Guat., i. 374. Molina, Costa Rica, 11, makes the same statement.

[XXV‑19] He became superior of the order; founded many hospitals and made extensive journeys in the cause of the church. In 1687 he was named by the pope, first superior-general, and after being identified for 50 years with the order died Sept. 23, 1769, aged 79. Juarros, Guat., i. 330-2.

[XXV‑20] Sept. 28, 1709, the Indians of Talamanca rose and killed fathers Pablo de Rebullidas and Antonio de Zamora. Haya, Informe al Reg., 14.

[XXV‑21] Fantasmas, Molucas, Moscas, Payas, Jaras, and many others, partly of Guatemala and Honduras as well. See Native Races, passim.

[XXV‑22] Among other cédulas are three bearing date Oct. 30, 1547; Aug. 31, 1560; and July 2, 1594. Juarros, Guat., i. 346.

[XXV‑23] He might establish six convents subject to the provincial of Guatemala. Juarros, Guat., 349.

[XXV‑24] They began their labors in the latter part of January 1610. On ash Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and 130 converts were received during lent. Juarros, Guat., 351.

[XXV‑25] Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 291, mentions a circumstance which may partly explain what follows. A soldier who had previously killed two of the Indians was struck by one of the natives, whereupon he seized him, and with the assistance of a comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him in that position. The corpse was found by his tribe, and of course retaliation followed.

[XXV‑26] This incident occurred in January 1612. The narratives of the expedition by Pelaez and Juarros substantially agree.

[XXVI‑1] Hakluyt's Principal Navigation ... and Discoveries of the English Nation, iii. 499 (London, 1598-1600).

[XXVI‑2] See p. 138, this volume.

[XXVI‑3] The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of their human captives in the same way. 'Ils les mangent après les avoir bien boucannée, c'est à dire, rotis bien sec.' Du Tertre, Hist. des Antilles, i. 415.

[XXVI‑4] Voy. round the World, passim. Neither word was used at the time Drake was making raids on the Isthmus.

[XXVI‑5] 'The word flibustier is merely the French mariner's mode of pronouncing the English word freebooter, a name which long preceded that of buccaneer.' Burney's Hist. Bucc., 43. Some authorities derive the term from the Dutch word fluyts, that is to say fly-boats; but, as Burney remarks, it would not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft for corsairs. It is curious to note that the French translator of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispronunciation of the word, '& prirent le nom de Flibustiers, du mot Anglois Flibuster.' Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 20.

[XXVI‑6] Russell's Hist. Amer., i. 528. This author gives a sketch of the origin of the buccaneers and their customs, showing considerable research, and is endorsed in most material points by Burney's Hist. Bucc., 38 et seq. Both authors draw largely from Du Tertre, Hist. des Antilles, and the former from Raynal, Histoire Philosophique.

[XXVI‑7] While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated over the mangled bodies of the objects of his hate. Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier's Lives, 179-80; Burney's Hist. Bucc., 55.

[XXVI‑8] In the English translation of Exquemelin is the following interpolation: 'Tortuga, the common Refuge of all sort of Wickedness, and the Seminary, as it were, of Pirats and Thieves.' Bucaniers of Amer., i. 53.

[XXVI‑9] 'Siende dat'er oock geen quartier voor hem over was, alsoo hy 't niet ontloopen konde, door dien hy alreede gequetst was, bemorste hy hem met bloedt, en kroop onder de dooden die daer lagen.' Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 48.

[XXVI‑10] Or Sars River. Rio de Jagua, a river emptying into the gulf of Honduras. I. de Laet, 1633, R. Xagua; West-Ind. Spieghel places on the north coast of Yucatan, Xagua. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 308.

[XXVI‑11] 'L'Olonois y perdit environ trente hommes, et en eut bien vingt de blessés.' Exquemelin (or Oexmelin, as in the French version the author is styled), Hist. des Flib., i. 207. The pirates would not encumber themselves with the indigo: 'L'Olonois ... en auroit en pour plus de 40,000 écus; mais il ne cherchoit que de l'argent.' Id., 208.

[XXVI‑12] The French translator says: 'Leur canon étoit en batterie au nombre de cinquante-six pieces.' Id., 219. The original work of Esquemelin gives the same number as that in the text. De Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 70.

[XXVI‑13] This band proceeded along the coast to the town of Veragua which they captured and pillaged. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 223.

[XXVI‑14] The French version, contrary to Exquemelin's narrative, says that all the men left, the greater number in the long-boat and the remainder in canoes. Id., i. 228.

[XXVI‑15] Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 1678, 73, thus describes the death of L'Olonnois: 'Maer het scheen dat Godt niet langer de godtloosheden van desen mensch konde toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt straffen wilde voor alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is hy met sijn volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, by de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael van een sijner meedemackers, die het selve soude geleeden hebben, hadde hy sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert.' His English translator says: 'The Indians ... tore him in pieces alive, throwing his Body limb by limb into the Fire, and his Ashes into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of such an infamous inhuman Creature.' Bucaniers of America, i. 77. The French edition adds that L'Olonnois was eaten by the Indians. Exquemelin, Hist. des Flib., i. 230.

[XXVI‑16] Exquemelin, Bucaniers of Amer., i. 79. According to French translator of Exquemelin, Mansvelt had 600 men. Hist. des Flib., ii. 3.

[XXVI‑17] This island was used as a penal settlement by the Spaniards who employed the convicts on the works of the fortifications. Here Mansvelt expected to find some one familiar with the road to Natá. Id., 4-5.

[XXVI‑18] Or Moin, where they landed 1,200 men in the year 1666. Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344. According to Exquemelin they sailed along the coast as far as the river Zuere. Hist. des Flib., ii. 7. According to Haya, Informe, 11, the corsair Manflas landed 800 men. Consult Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 142.

[XXVI‑19] In Haya, Informe, MS., 11, is found the following strange statement: The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez de la Flor, the governor, sent Major Alonso de Bonilla with eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions for a greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the province.

[XXVI‑20] About ten leagues distant from Cartago.

[XXVI‑21] Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344-5. Bonilla took two men who were foot-sore. When asked the reason of their precipitate flight from so small a number, they stated that they had seen a numerous army marching against them. Haya, Informe, MS., 11-12.

[XXVI‑22] According to Juarros the prisoners made this confession under torture. Haya does not mention this.

[XXVI‑23] 'Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero en el dia mui desdichado.' Juarros, Guat., i. 58-9. It is two leagues distant from Cartago. Id.

[XXVI‑24] According to an account of this recapture of Santa Catarina by a Spanish engineer, it occurred in August 1665. A translation of the Spanish version of the affair is to be found in Exquemelin, De Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 76-80, and in the English translation of the latter work in Bucaniers of America, i. 82-5. In the French edition of Exquemelin the Spanish narrative is thus dismissed: 'J'aurois pu la traduire, & en gaossir ce Volume, mais comme elle n'est remplie que de bagatelles & de rodomontades Espagnoles, je ne m'en fuis pas donné la peine, ne voulant rien raconter ici que de véritable.' Hist. des Flib., ii. 10.

[XXVII‑1] Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 349-50.

[XXVII‑2] In 1604 Andrés Cortés was alcalde ordinario, Francisco Terii alguacil mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and others regidores. The names of the members for 1605 are also mentioned. Id., 228-32.

[XXVII‑3] 'A peculiar kind of wine very much in use at Seville,'says Salva, in Dic. Leng Cast., 54, 784; Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 228-30.

[XXVII‑4] The penalties were 50 pesos for the first offence; 100 for a second offence, and for the third perpetual banishment. The law was passed Sept. 23, 1605, and was approved by the audiencia. Id., 230-3. The evil increased, and in Dec. 1614 an act declared offenders punishable by fine of 50 pesos for the first offence, and 100 pesos and banishment for the second. Recop. de Indias, ii. 362.

[XXVII‑5] In West Indies, Geog. and Hist. Descr., the number of men aboard is stated at 300. In an appendix to Carranza, Descr. Coast W. Indias, 118, containing Parker's own account of the taking of Portobello, the latter mentions that he landed with 150 men, and it may be presumed that he left at least 50 in charge of his ships.

[XXVII‑6] In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives 'A Table made in the manner of an Alphabett. for the easier findinge of the Streates, and chiefest Places portraited in the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies, standing in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker, of Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1601,' etc. In Panamá, Descrip., Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc. x., the year 1602 is given on p. 105, and 1601 on p. 108. The year 1601 is also given in Casttell's Am., in Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 762. The town 'was pillaged by the English under Captain Parker, in the year 1601,' says Heylyn, Cosmog., 1086. The date of sailing from Plymouth, November 1601, is given in Harris' Col. Voy., i. 747; in West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79; in Purchas' Pil., iv. 1243, and in Holmes' Annals Am., i. 117. The landing at Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb. 1602. The author of West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79-80, gives both dates, but in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as on pp. 67, 78, and elsewhere.

[XXVII‑7] He was great-nephew of the Pedro Melendez who barbarously murdered Ribault, Landouiere, and others of the French who fell into his hands in Florida. West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 82-3.

[XXVII‑8] West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 82; Harris' Col. Voy., i. 747; Casttell's Am. in Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 762.

[XXVII‑9] On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the governor of Cartagena is said to have sworn to give 'a Mules lading of Silver to have a fight of Captain Parker and his Company,' and as Harris remarks: 'Had they been sure he would have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at Porto Belo did, 'tis very likely they might have sold him that favour, but his strength being uncertain as well as his pay, they did not think fit to attempt him.' Col. Voy., i. 747.

[XXVII‑10] Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In 1608, the bonds of treasury officials were reduced from 20,000 ducats to one half that amount. In a decree of Sept. 11, 1610, the fiscal is directed to go to Portobello on the arrival of the galleons and tarry during the season; all other officials to perform their usual duties and make the requisite reports. Among other duties the fiscal was authorized to prevent improper persons landing. 'Estorbando que los cassados y pasajeros que fueron con licencia, y mulatas moriscas y estrangeras y otras personas prohibidas á pasar á estas partes, no lo hagan, executando en ellos y en los que los lleban, las penas que estan impuestas.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 311-12.

[XXVII‑11] 'When I came into the Haven,' says Thomas Gage who was at Portobello in 1537, 'I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons were not come from Spain, knowing that the longer I stayed in that place, greater would be my charges.... A kind Gentleman, who was the King's Treasurer, falling in discourse with me, promised to help me, that I might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest rate. He, interposing his authority, went with me to seek one, which at the time of the Fleets being there, might continue to be mine. It was no bigger than would contain a Bed, a Table, and a Stool or two, with room enough besides to open and shut the door, and they demanded of me for it, during the foresaid time of the Fleet, six-score Crowns, which commonly is a fortnight.... I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crowns for a shop of reasonable bigness, to sell his wares and commodities that year that I was there, for fifteen days only, which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the six-score Crowns which were demanded of me for a room, which was but a Mouse-hole.' New Survey, 444-5.

[XXVII‑12] The length of anchorage ground is about 3,000 geometrical paces; the width from 1,500 to 1,800 paces, and the average depth 17 fathoms. Large ships ride at anchor opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer the mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels within, while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety without the forts. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 118-19.

[XXVII‑13] Panamá contained in 1610, eleven streets, three squares, a cathedral, five convents, a hospital, seven royal houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermitages, court-house with jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses, 112 Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight of the houses were made of stone. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 86. The statement that all but eight were of stone seems improbable. It is certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle of the 16th century, and that most of them were of cedar when Panamá vieja was destroyed during Morgan's raid in 1671.

[XXVII‑14] It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at which treasure from Panamá was shipped in barges for the mouth of the Chagre. The casa de Cruces was established in 1536.

[XXVII‑15] In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the 14th of August 1610, directed Governor Mercedo by all means in his power to develop mining operations in Panamá and Veragua. 'Para que los que tienen quadrillas do negros las refuerzen y acrecienten, y los que no las tienen las procuran.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 211-12.

[XXVII‑16] The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for 1,000 pesos, those of corredor devinos and auctioneer for 75 pesos each per annum. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited monopolies in which he did not participate. On the 29th of March 1621, Felipe III. decreed that as flour must be brought from Peru, and the corregidores had a monopoly of the trade, the viceroys must abolish that system so that dealers might purchase without restriction for the Panamá market. Recop. de Ind., ii. 64.

[XXVII‑17] In 1605, appropriations include 6,000 ducats for the governor, 2,000 pesos each for four oidores and a fiscal, and 400,000 maravedís each for the tesorero, contador, and factor. Others were in proportion. See Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 105-7.

[XXVII‑18] 'Por este camino se podrá poner freno á la entrada de los enemigos.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 214.

[XXVII‑19] 'Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que dello se siga ninguna costa a mi hacienda.' Id., xvii. 213-14.

[XXVII‑20] Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe III., and merchants resorted to all sorts of devices to conceal their specie. Commerce suffered great depression, and on April 10, 1643, Felipe IV., in a letter to the governor, says that under no circumstances would any further exaction be made, but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated dues. Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 249-52.

[XXVII‑21] Id., xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means reliable either as to names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco, a native of Lima, succeeded Don Diego de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco's administration the subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in Veragua was effected, and that his rule ended in 1624. Dic., iv. 41. Diego de Haya in his Datos para la Historia del Istmo makes no mention of either of the Velascos.

[XXVII‑22] In 1651 it was common to ship bullion from Peru as though destined for Panamá, and thence have it smuggled into Spain. This gave rise to several decrees. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5. Another device was to ship silver in bale goods. Dampier's Voy., i. 185. A common method of collusion between Spanish and English contrabandists was for an English vessel to coast off Portobello until visited from the shore by those prepared to trade. Having marked selections of goods the latter returned with their money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of peasants. Univ. Col. Voy., ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23, 1652, says that frauds were committed in 1651, in deducting from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels, under pretence that they were for residents of Panamá and Portobello; and that there was a dispensation to the merchants in 'el mero que hauian de hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los 600,000 pesos que se obligaron á mi Virrey del Peru.' He also demands a report of the reasons why 'no hicesteis enterar la suma que el Consulado, y comercio de Lima se obligo a suplir por ynmaxinaria, a lo efectibo del rexistro que salió de aquella ciudad.' Panamá, Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5.

[XXVII‑23] Provincia del Sto Evangelio MS., No. 16. See also Torquemada, iii. 280; and Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., iv. 32.

[XXVII‑24] Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, states that he held office for 15 years, and Alcedo, Dic., iv. 34, repeats the statement; and yet both are evidently mistaken. Chroniclers of the seventeenth century leave the order of succession to the see of Panamá in doubt, though they are agreed as to the date of Ábrego's death. Dávila mentions the elevation of Fray Pablo de Torres as the seventh bishop probably in 1559, and that he certainly entered upon the duties in the following year. In this Alcedo concurs. Both speak of his successor Fray Juan Vaca, but without giving the date of the decease of the former or of the appointment of the later. Vaca died on the voyage out, and the vacant see was not filled until Ábrego's appointment.

[XXVII‑25] Alcedo says that his full name was Bartolomé Martinez Menacho. Previous to his appointment the bishopric had been offered to and declined by Fray Pedro de Pravia, a distinguished theologian. Dávila Padilla, Fvnd. Santiago de Mex., 595.

[XXVII‑26] According to Alcedo this occurred in 1593. Id.

[XXVII‑27] This see was created in 1602. Bishop Calderon died at Salinas when upwards of 100 years old and was buried in the convent of San Agustin of which he had been a great benefactor. Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, 118.

[XXVII‑28] The sum of 3,770 pesos having been subscribed, the licentiate Terrin of Panamá offered to erect the buildings if a suitable site were provided, and expended for that purpose some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual endowment of 2,000 pesos, reserving founder's rights (patronazgo) for himself. Panamá, Descrip., Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 107; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 74.

[XXVII‑29] A cédula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct as 'an abuse that must be stopped.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 488.

[XXVII‑30] While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and became prior of the royal convent of Valladolid, and during his attendance at court he was chosen assistant-general of all the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the provinces of Bolonia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement VIII. Dicc. Univ., Hist. Geog., viii. 522. According to this authority he was a native of the city of Mexico, but Dávila, in Teatro Ecles., ii. 59, says he was a native of Cáceres in Estremadura.

[XXVII‑31] Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 237-9.

[XXVII‑32] At this time Panamá had convents belonging to the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Mercenarios, and the Jesuits, a flourishing nunnery, and a number of secular ecclesiastics. Its cathedral tithes amounted to 7,632 pesos, of which the prelate received 2,331. In the first named convent there were 10, in the second 11 religious; while the Mercenarios had 13 and the Jesuits 11. The nunnery had 24 nuns and 32 negroes of both sexes. The cathedral had two chapels, Santa Anna and San Cristóbal. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 108. Some years later, from 1625-27, Gage says there were 8 convents and monasteries for friars and nuns. Voyage, ii. 78-91.

[XXVII‑33] Instituted in Granada in 1538 for special service in hospital work. They followed the rules of San Agustin. In 1572 Pope Clement V. approved the order and thenceforward the fraternity labored in their specialty.

[XXVII‑34] Cámara founded scholarships in the college of San Agustin and left an annuity of three hundred pesos to the Jesuit college, a sum for the maintenance of two chaplains in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building fund. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 59, and Alcedo, Dic., iv. 35.

[XXVII‑35] The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649. He was a great ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral was attended by the audiencia and all the noble families of the province. Santos, Chron. Hist., i. 303.

[XXVII‑36] In 1636 they refused to deliver up the bodies of some persons who had died in the hospital, and prevented their interment in the chapel of La Concepcion. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 243.

[XXVII‑37] On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at Valladolid in the Dominican convent of San Pablo. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 59-60; Alcedo, Dic., iv. 35-6.

[XXVII‑38] In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV. approves of this measure. Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 241.

[XXVII‑39] 'Mandamos á los Presidentes y Oidores, y á todos los demas Ministros de nuestras Reales Audiencias, que ninguno de los susodichos, ni sus mujeres entren en la clausura de los Monasterios de Monjas á ninguna hora del dia, ni la noche: y asimismo, que no vayan á hablar por los locutorios, y puertas Reglares á horas extraordinarias, y esto se guarde con la precision necesaria y conveniente á la decencia de los Monasterios.' Recop. de Indias, i. 393.

[XXVII‑40] In 1624 Alvaro de Quiñones Osorio, marqués de Lorenzana and knight of the order of Santiago, was appointed governor, and in 1632 was promoted to the governorship of Guatemala. His successor was Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who held office only two years, Alcedo, Dicc., iv. 41, and was succeeded by Sotomayor, who died in 1639, Inigo de la Mota Sarmiento, a knight of the order of Santiago and a member of the supreme council, being the next in succession. Sarmiento died in 1642. There are no incidents worthy of note connected with any of them except Sotomayor, and it is by no means certain that Alcedo is right as to date or order of succession, but there are no other authorities on this point. Bazan succeeded Sarmiento.

[XXVII‑41] The date of the fire was the 21st of February 1644. Two days later another one broke out but was speedily controlled. Both were looked upon as the work of incendiaries, but if so they escaped detection. Panamá, Reales Cédulas (published 14th of May 1645), in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 273.

[XXVII‑42] On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of royal orders Bazan had appointed Estévan Gallejos, his wife's nephew, warden of the castle of San Felipe, Portobello; and on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives and dependents had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was alcalde mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one servant was captain of the companies of the garrison, and another was factor. He was censured, and again commanded to obey, 'porque demas que bos se ara la demonstracion que conbenga, sereis castigado con toda seberidad.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 275-81.

[XXVII‑43] Id., 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de Bitribeante y Navarra, knight of the order of Calatrava. Dic., iv. 42.

[XXVIII‑1] Captain Morgan said: 'If our number is small, our hearts are great; and the fewer Persons we are, the more Union and better shares we shall have in the Spoil.' Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 93.

[XXVIII‑2] Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 96.

[XXVIII‑3] Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 44, and Hist. Bucaniers, 98.

[XXVIII‑4] Burney's Buccaneers of America, 62, and Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates, 116, give the plunder at 250,000 pesos, besides slaves and merchandise, but Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 119, probably through a typographical error, at 25,000 pesos, apart from slaves and merchandise.

[XXVIII‑5] Six vessels with 350 men under the command of Vice-Admiral Collier, according to Sharp's Voyages, 124.

[XXVIII‑6] In Sharp's Voyages, 125-126, it is stated that the expedition was absent 52 days, and made prizes of two Spanish vessels, and that Morgan ascertained from the prisoners that the president of Panamá had granted commissions against the English to a number of Spanish privateers.

[XXVIII‑7] Two thousand two hundred. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 105. An intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated in Sharp's Voyages, 145, gives the number of men at 3,000.

[XXVIII‑8] Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 105.

[XXVIII‑9] Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 110. But this statement is not confirmed in other places. The Hist. Bucaniers, 126, implies that Morgan had no right to grant such commissions. See also Sharp's Voyages, preface. The governor must have been aware of the treaty pending between England and Spain.

[XXVIII‑10] It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the booty should be set aside for the commander's portion; that each captain should draw, besides his own, the shares of 8, 10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel, and that the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100 pesos, in addition to their regular pay. For those who should be maimed in action compensation was thus provided: for the loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one eye, 100; of both arms, 1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500; and of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves—on the basis of one slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should be the first to force his way into a Spanish castle, or to haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English standard on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a prisoner from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100 pesos; he who should throw hand-grenades among the enemy, 5 pesos for each one thrown; and he who in action should capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was to be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards and extra allowances were to be paid over before a general division should be made of the booty. I find nothing set aside for Christ or the church. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 108-110; Hist. Bucaniers, 126.

[XXVIII‑11] Exquemelin, Hist. Flibustiers, ii. 117, and Hist. Bucaniers, 129, 130.

[XXVIII‑12] Three ships and 470 men, according to Sharp's Voyages, 130.

[XXVIII‑13] The account given in Sharp's Voyages, 130, is that the buccaneers, in plying their hand-grenades, set fire to a guard-house that stood on the wall of the castle. This seems improbable, for they were separated from the fort by the crevasse, by the palisades beyond, and by the space between the palisades and the castle walls, which must have been beyond reach of such missiles.

[XXVIII‑14] In Sharp's Voyages, 133, it is stated that Morgan left only 300 men to guard the castle, and started for Panamá with 1,400 buccaneers, 7 small ships, and 36 boats. The intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated in the same work, states (page 153) that Morgan reached Panamá with 2,300 men. In Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 137, the number is given at 1,300.

[XXVIII‑15] Authorities differ materially in their accounts of this skirmish. Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 141, and Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 135, speaks of a flight of 3,000 or 4,000 arrows; but there is no evidence that a body of several thousand Indians was ever assembled at a given point, and if this were so it does not appear how they managed to shoot such a flight of arrows down a narrow ravine. The Hist. Flibustiers, i. 153, says the pass was cut through the rock, in order to shorten and render less difficult the route between Panamá and Chagre; in that case it could not have been of any great length. In Sharp's Voyages, 134, it is stated that none of the buccaneers were killed, and only three slightly wounded.

[XXVIII‑16] See intercepted letter from the president of Panamá translated in Sharp's Voyages, 151-52.

[XXVIII‑17] The old town of Panamá was destroyed by Morgan in January 1671. Exquemelin's Hist. Bucaniers, 148. In Sharp's Voyages, 142, January 1670 is given as the date.

[XXVIII‑18] Translation of the president's letter in Sharp's Voyages, 155. There is considerable discrepancy in the various accounts of the action before Panamá; but there is no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like a soldier. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 160, and Hist. Buccaniers, 140, Sharp, Voyagers, 138 (in the author's own account of the battle), and Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 140, all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the fight, and not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of the pusillanimous captain-general.

[XXVIII‑19] Here again authors differ essentially in their narrative. Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 147, states that the freebooters suffered severely from the Spanish artillery as they approached the city. Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 141, makes the same statement; but the Hist. Flib., ii. 164, says that they encountered no opposition; and this version is probably correct, for as remarked in Burney's Buccaneers of America, 67, Panamá had no regular fortifications, and in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain lighting. Sharp, Voyages, 141, indorses the Hist. Flib.

[XXVIII‑20] It is difficult to decide, amidst a conflict of authorities, whether the burning of Panamá was due to the Spaniards or to Morgan's orders. In Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 148, it is implied that Morgan gave such an order secretly, and for private reasons. In Hist. Flib., ii. 169, it is positively stated that Morgan, fearing the Spaniards might surprise him by night, caused the city to be fired. In Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates, 143, the blame is also laid to Morgan's charge. On the other hand, in the president's despatch, translated in Sharp's Voyages, 156, it is admitted that the city was fired by slaves and by some of the inhabitants. It is acknowledged by all these writers that the freebooters attempted to stay the conflagration. There seems no good reason why Morgan, who had now at his disposal 28 pieces of artillery, should have feared an attack from the Spaniards, or why he should commit an act which destroyed his chance of receiving a ransom. In Robles, Documentos para la Historia de Méjico, série i. tom. ii. 117, it is mentioned that a letter from the president of Panamá, dated April 3, 1671, nearly six weeks after Morgan's departure, was received in Mexico in December of that year. The letter confirms the intercepted despatch in many particulars, and adds that when the city was burned the buccaneers 'found themselves without provisions and supplies, and on that account did not carry out their main intention, which was to pass to Portobello by land, besiege it with vessels by sea, and capture it by blockade, and that they brought with them in anticipation a boy whom they styled the prince, and intended to crown king of Tierra Firme.'

[XXVIII‑21] Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 171. The ingots of gold and silver were of course in transit for Spain, and had been placed on board the galleon for safe keeping.

[XXVIII‑22] In Hist. Bucaniers, 152, it is stated that he was then hung up by the private parts, and flogged in that position.

[XXVIII‑23] All the leading authorities agree that the prisoners were subjected to excruciating torture. The author of Sharp's Voyages makes an attempt to clear Morgan's character, and to throw ridicule on the story of these atrocities. The work was published in London in 1684, a few years after Morgan was knighted by Charles II. The writer collected his materials in part from inquiry among the buccaneers themselves, and may therefore be worthy of credence in some matters of detail; but the fact that 16 out of 20 pages of preface are taken up with a sorry effort 'to rescue the Honour of that incomparable Souldier and Seaman,' while the narrative of the raid on Panamá occupies but 20 out of 170 pages, seems to show the purpose for which it was written.

[XXVIII‑24] 'Quatre cent quarante-trois mille deux cens livres, comptant l'argent rompu à dix piastres la livre.' Exquemelin, in Hist. Flib., ii. 191. In pages 197-8 of the same volume there is an explanation of the manner in which Morgan contrived to secrete a large quantity of precious stones. The buccaneers may have believed that such an amount of plunder had been obtained, though its real value was probably less than one third of what they supposed it to be. In Sharp's Voyages, 143, the worth of the spoils is stated at £30,000, a sum almost insufficient to defray the expenses that Morgan must have incurred in obtaining his title from Charles II. There are no reliable data on this point.

[XXIX‑1] 'It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houses.' Dampier's Voy., i. 178-9. So in _Drake's Univ. Col. Voy._, 63, and Coreal, Voy., i. 92.

[XXIX‑2] Under command of captains Harris and Sawkins. Ringrose's Voyage, 2.

[XXIX‑3] The foundation of the friendship between the natives of Darien and the buccaneers was laid by Captain Wright while cruising off the Samballas about 1665. In that year Wright made captive a lad who, in 1679, when the captain was again in those parts, convinced his people that Englishmen hated Spaniards, and would therefore prove useful allies. In proof of their friendly disposition toward the Indians, he instanced the kind treatment he had received. The natives then boarded the privateer; and being judiciously treated, an agreement was made permitting the English to cross this territory to the South Sea. Dampier's Voyage, i. 181-3.

[XXIX‑4] The buccaneers had just captured a packet conveying letters to Portobello, some of which were addressed to Panamá merchants from their correspondents in Spain. These letters alluded to a prophecy at that time current: 'That there would be English Privateers that Year in the West Indies, who would make such great Discoveries, as to open a Door into the South Seas.' This was interpreted by the captors to mean a passage overland through the territory of the Indians, and this interpretation coinciding with the invitation of the natives prompted them to undertake a march on Panamá. Dampier's Voyage, i. 180-1.

[XXIX‑5] Andrés was styled the 'emperor of Darien,' the magnate to whose service the freebooters now claimed to belong. These chieftains at one time ruled a large tract about the gulf of Darien; but had been straitened in their boundaries by the Spaniards, with whom they waged continual war. Sharp's Voyage, 2.

[XXIX‑6] 'Over a Bay.' Ringrose's Voy., 4. 'By the side of a bay.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 91. 'En doen over een Inham van byna een Mijl in de lengte.' Exquemelin, Hist. Boecaniers, 148.

[XXIX‑7] Ringrose speaks of this monarch with intense gravity, marred by no trace of irony. Probably this was the first crowned head with whom he had been on intimate terms.

[XXIX‑8] Ringrose calls the beast a 'Tygre,' Voy., 8; but it was more probably a jaguar, or a tiger-cat. It is true there may have been risk in using fire-arms, but why could not the Indians have killed it with their arrows?

[XXIX‑9] An anonymous authority states that the smaller party reached the rendezvous on April 12th, and seeing their friends had not arrived, held a whispered consultation among themselves. Andrés, on observing this, despatched a canoe up the smaller branch of the river, which soon returned with two canoes of the larger body, who all arrived next day. Sharp's Voy., 7-8.

[XXIX‑10] Sharp speaks of the peccary as the 'Warre,' and describes it as a wild animal somewhat resembling the hog in appearance and flavor, but 'the Navels of these kind of animals grew on their backs.' Sharp's Voy., 4, in Hacke, Coll. There is, however, no doubt that it was the peccary. Pascual de Andagoya mentions it, falling into the error common to old writers as regards the 'navel' on the back. Andagoya, Narr., 17. It is also noticed by Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. iv. cap. xxxviii., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. iv. De Rochfort speaks of it under the name of 'Javaris.' Hist. Nat. des Isles Antilles, 138 (ed. 1665). In Costa Rica the animal is still vulgarly known as the 'warré,' though the name is not found in print, and I have therefore adopted phonetic English spelling, which agrees with that of Captain Sharp.

[XXIX‑11] Exquemelin thus relates the incident referred to: 'Hier vonden en verlosten we d'oudste Dogter van de Konink van Darien (van wien hier boven is gewag gemaakt), die zo't scheen door een van de Soldaten van't Guarnizoen met geweld uyt haar Vaders Huys was weg genomen; en zwanger by hem was.' Hist. Boecaniers, 153.

[XXIX‑12] The affair is not noticed by Sharp. It seems probable that desire for vengeance might induce the father and grandfather, Antonio and Andrés, to exaggerate the wealth of Santa María.

[XXIX‑13] This massacre is not mentioned by Sharp, but he places the Spanish loss at about 70 in killed and wounded, which would perhaps include those murdered by the Indians. Journal, 6; in Hacke's Coll.

[XXIX‑14] It is stated that disappointment of their booty rendered the rovers more blood-thirsty than usual, 'for though they were faintly opposed, and lost not a man, 26 Spaniards were killed, and 16 wounded in the assault, and many others were deliberately butchered in the woods, subsequent to the surrender by the Indians.' United Service Journal, 1837, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX‑15] Ringrose's Voy., 11; Sharp, Journal, 7, in Hacke's Coll.; Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 96.

[XXIX‑16] The term piragua is here applied to a large canoe frequently carrying a mast and sails, and quite different from a common 'dug-out.' The buccaneers frequently called this boat a bark.

[XXIX‑17] 'It pleased God, that with extream danger even to those that rescued them, they were all saved. It being a certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd, it proving so with us, one of our Company being hang'd at Jamaica on Port Royal; And we were very near it here in London.' Sharp's Voyage, 11.

[XXIX‑18] Sharp says 14 days. Journal, 10, in _Hacke's Coll._

[XXIX‑19] Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 20-1. The last-named author gives the number of the crew as 137. Hacke, Col. Voy., ii. 10, and Sharp, Voyage, 12, say 130 men.

[XXIX‑20] See Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 98.

[XXIX‑21] Hacke's Col. Voy. Sharp reached Chepillo Island April 23d, but one authority states that the fleet and the bark parted company at this date.

[XXIX‑22] Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 21-2. One man killed and five wounded according to _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 10.

[XXIX‑23] According to Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 22, all the prisoners escaped except one. But Sharp's statement that his men reported to him 'that there were dead People lying on the Ground, which made them conjecture our Men had had a Fight with the Spaniards,' Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 12; Sharp's Voy., 12, disproves Ringrose's version, which glosses over this atrocity.

[XXIX‑24] The city of Panamá was usually garrisoned by 300 regular troops and 1,100 militia, but when the buccaneers arrived in the bay most of their soldiers were absent from the city, and the people were in the utmost consternation, having only some twelve hours' notice of the impending attack. The best of the soldiers remaining were placed on board the squadron, so it seems highly probable that if the pirates had landed instead of engaging the war-ships they might have gained possession of the place. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 28-9.

[XXIX‑25] Id., 25-6. Another account of this battle differs somewhat from the above: 'We boarded one of them, and carried her; so with her we took the second; and the third had certainly run the same fate, had not she scoured away in time.' Sharp's Voyage, 13-14.

[XXIX‑26] 'We had eleven Men Killed right out, and thirty-four more Wounded dangerously.' Id., 14. Sharp also gives the same numbers, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 12. Ringrose says their loss was 18 killed and 22 wounded, two of the latter dying afterward, one of whom was 'Captain Peter Harris, a brave and stout soldier ... born in the County of Kent.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 27. Burney says '18 were killed, and above 30 wounded,' Hist. Bucc., 99; as also United Service Jour., 1837, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX‑27] The ships captured in the action were also burned later.

[XXIX‑28] The crew of this vessel had captured another bark, and dismantling the old one and putting their prisoners on board of her without masts or sails turned them adrift. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.: Ringrose's Voy., 30.

[XXIX‑29] According to Sharp in Id., 14, and the anonymous narrator in Sharp's Voy., 15. Ringrose says: 'He drew off with him, to the number of Three-score and Ten of our Men.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 30.

[XXIX‑30] Sharp fixes this date at April 29th. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, 16.

[XXIX‑31] She contained 2,000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder, and 51,000 pesos according to Ringrose. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 31. Sharp, who made the capture, says the ship was taken on the 26th of April, having 1,400 jars of wine and brandy, some ammunition, and 50,000 pesos, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 15.

[XXIX‑32] For 3,000 pesos. Id., 16.

[XXIX‑33] So close was the blockade of the city, and so great the terror inspired by the buccaneers, that the first news received at the city of Mexico affirmed that Panamá was captured, many Spaniards slain, and that the nuns and many other people had fled to the mountains. This intelligence was transmitted by the president of Guatemala, and did not reach Mexico until August 8, 1680. Robles, Diario, ii. 310.

[XXIX‑34] While there Ringrose completed a chart of the bay of Panamá and a portion of the coast, which was more correct than any in the possession of the Spaniards. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 32-3. The authorities again differ with regard to the date.

[XXIX‑35] 'The Island Quibo or Cabaya, is in lat. 7 d. 14 m. North of the Equator.' Dampier's Voy., i. 212. It is called by Ringrose Cayboa. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 33. Its modern name is Coquimbo. In crossing thither a storm was encountered and two barks foundered, one containing 15 men and the other seven. This storm and wreck are not mentioned by the anonymous writer of Sharp's Voy., though Sharp himself alludes to it in Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 34.

[XXIX‑36] 'They entered the river with 50 Men ... and on their way up found two vessels, which they abandoned.' South Sea Company: A View of the Coast, 162.

[XXIX‑37] Before quitting Taboga, where they stayed about 14 days, one of the buccaneers, a Frenchman, fled to the enemy and betrayed all his comrades' plans. The stockades were built by the Spaniards on the advice of the runaway Frenchman, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 33-4.

[XXIX‑38] Besides Sawkins two other men were killed and three more wounded, according to Ringrose. The anonymous writer in Sharp's Voy., 16-17, says that the failure of the enterprise was owing to the 'Rashness and Want of conduct' of Sawkins, who rushed to the assault before one fourth of the men had landed, being a man that nothing upon Earth could terrifie.'

[XXIX‑39] As 'a Man who was as Valiant and Couragious as any could be, and likewise next to Capt. Sharp, the best beloved of all our Company, or the most Part thereof.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 33-4. Sharp was not a general favorite among the buccaneers. Burney says that 'Ringrose was not in England when his narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence to interpolate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's valor.' He goes on to say that in the MS. of Ringrose's Journal, preserved in the Sloane Collection, British Museum, the passage quoted concerning Sawkins' character runs: 'Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we ever had among us, which he well deserved.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 104-5. The inference suggested by Burney, therefore, is that Sharp, or somebody in his interest, foisted in the passages characterized as 'impudent.'

[XXIX‑40] According to Ringrose, page 35, who would have joined them but for the dangers of the journey, 63 men left. loc. cit. Those who departed numbered about 70, while 146 remained with Capt. Sharp. Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 35. 'In this mutiny 75 more of our Men left us, and returned over Land as they came, delivering up their commissions to our Emperour.' Sharp's Voy., 17.

[XXIX‑41] One John Cox took command of Cook's ship, the Mayflower, with a company of 40 men. Sharp's Voy., 17-18. Sharp does not mention Cox at this time.

[XXIX‑42] Ringrose's ship had been burned for her iron.

[XXIX‑43] The reason of the mutiny was that Captain Sharp had now some 3,000 pesos, and wished to return home immediately. Two-thirds of the crew, however, had no money left, having gambled it all away, and they were in no mind to return; so they supported the claims of Watling against Sharp. Sharp's Voy., 49. 'While we lay at the isle of John Fernando, Captain Sharp was by general consent, displaced from being Commander; the Company being not satisfied either with his Courage or Behavior.' Dampier's Voyage, introd., p.v. The story of the mutiny, without any detail, is found in Drake's Univ. Col. Voy., 56. Sharp says the conspiracy against him was mainly the doing of John Cox, whom he had appointed to a separate command under him for old acquaintance's sake. Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 45-46.

[XXIX‑44] After Watling's death, 'a great number of the meaner sort' wished Sharp once more elected commander, but the more experienced and able men were not satisfied and would not consent. The difference of opinion became so great that it was determined to put the matter to the vote; the majority keeping the ship, and the minority taking the long-boat and canoes, and going where they wished. Captain Sharp's party being in the majority, Dampier joined the smaller body, and taking their share of provisions, etc., they sailed for the Isthmus. Dampier's Voyage, introd., pp. v.-vi.

[XXIX‑45] Sharp asserts that he was unanimously restored to his command after the death of Watling, and does not mention the mutiny. Hacke's Col. Voy., 48.

[XXIX‑46] He carried off also several persons of both sexes, who were afterward ransomed for 1,000 pesos. Haya, Inform. al Rey, MS., 12; Nueva Esp., Breve Resum., MS., ii. 385. Juarros, Guat., i. 58, mentions that Esparza had been previously sacked by a French corsair in 1670. It was again attacked by pirates in 1686 or 1688, when it was abandoned by its inhabitants, who retired to the valleys of Bagaces and Landecho. Haya and Nueva Esp., ut supra.

[XXIX‑47] Their name inspired such dread that the new viceroy of Peru dared not sail from Panamá to his government in a ship of 25 guns, but waited for the arrival of the armada from the south. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 136.

[XXIX‑48] Las Casas, in his Relation of the Spanish Voyages and Cruelties in the West Indies, 217, distinctly lays down the principle that 'the Spaniards had no Title to the Americans, as their Subjects, by right of Inheritance, Purchase, or Conquest.' Darien, Defence of the Scots Settlement, 5.

[XXIX‑49] Ringrose expressly stated that they acted throughout without any commission. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 178, and Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 123. Burney says: 'From the defectiveness of the evidence produced, they escaped conviction.' Id., iv. 123. Three of Sharp's men were tried at Jamaica, and one was hanged. The narrator said this man was 'wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.' Id., iv. 124. See also, for the execution of this man, Sharp's Voy., ii. One of the principal charges was the capture of the Rosario, and killing her captain and another man: 'but it was proved,' says the author of the anonymous narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial, 'that the Spaniards fired at us first, and it was judged that we ought to defend ourselves.' Id., iv. 123-124.

[XXX‑1] They numbered 44 Europeans, one Spanish Indian, and two Mosquito Indians.

[XXX‑2] There were, moreover, two ships, one carrying 20 guns and 200 men, and the other ten guns and 150 men, cruising in the bay between the gulf and Gorgona. Dampier's Voy., i. 6.

[XXX‑3] Dampier strongly urged his comrades to run for the river Congo, three leagues distant, and ascend it to the limit of tide-water, but could not persuade them of the existence of a large river so near, 'but they would land somewhere, they did not know how, where, nor when.' Id., 7.

[XXX‑4] This landing was effected May 1, 1681. Id.

[XXX‑5] They here learned that they were not more than three miles from the Congo. Id., 12.

[XXX‑6] 'One of our men being tired gave us the slip.' Id.

[XXX‑7] It was only by bringing female influence to bear that they gained the Indian's assistance. His wife was presented with a 'Sky-coloured Petticoat,' and soon overcame his obduracy. Id., 13.

[XXX‑8] When they forded it the last time the tallest men stood in the deepest part and helped over the sick and those of smaller stature, so that all got over with the exception of two who had lagged behind. Dampier carried his journal and other writings in a large joint of bamboo, the ends being closed with wax. Id., 15-16.

[XXX‑9] The two men left behind, afterward, when they rejoined their comrades, stated that they found him lying dead in a creek with the money still on his back, but they did not take it, being intent on finding their way out of the country. Id., 17.

[XXX‑10] Here Doctor Wafer and four others, including the two stragglers, stayed behind. They rejoined their comrades, however, some months later. Id., 19, 24; Wafer's Voy., 4-43.

[XXX‑11] One day they crossed the same stream 22 times in a march of nine miles. Dampier's Voy., i. 19.

[XXX‑12] For two days they were entirely without food. On the third 'we got Macaw-berries ... wherewith we satisfied ourselves this day though coursly.' Id., 20. These berries were probably the fruit of the great Macaw-tree, acrocomia sclerocarpa.

[XXX‑13] One of the Samballas group which extends about 20 leagues from Point Samballas to Golden Island. These islands had, since 1679, been a favorite place for careening, and so had become a rendezvous for privateers, many of them being named after captains of vessels, as in the case of La Sound Key. Id., 22-3.

[XXX‑14] Davis, according to Exquemelin, was born in Jamaica. Bucaniers of Amer., 49. Lussan, in Id., 26, states that he was a Fleming. The first author gives a brief narrative, without date, of a bold raid made by this buccaneer into Nicaragua from the Atlantic side. In this enterprise he must have passed up the San Juan River, on the banks of which the pirates, 80 in number, concealed themselves by day, and rowed during the night. What city it was they attacked is not clear, but the booty obtained was more than 50,000 pesos.

[XXX‑15] Davis left to the cacique a bark half full of flour as a reward for his services. Eaton departed on the 2d of September, having taken on board 400 sacks of flour. Id., 129; Drake's Col. Voy., 59.

[XXX‑16] So named according to report by the Spaniards, from the fact that Drake there divided among his men the silver with which one of his prizes was laden. Dampier's Voy., 132. It was also called Drake Island.

[XXX‑17] Lussan gives an account different from that of Dampier. He states that an engineer on board Swan's ship told him that she belonged to the duke of York and had been sent out to take a plan of those parts, and that Swan falling in with Davis was compelled to join him because 'il aima mieux ceder au Forban que d'en être pris.' Journal du Voy., 64-5.

[XXX‑18] One was captured while hunting, and the other was one of Captain Harris' men who had been left on the Santa María River the year before. Dampier's Voy., 177-8, 186-7.

[XXX‑19] Dampier states that a Captain Bond planned this stratagem. Bond had been abandoned by Eaton and his own pilot, Morton, and persuaded his men to go over to the Spaniards. Id., 189-90.

[XXX‑20] For an account of their journey see Lussan, Journal du Voy., 37 et seq.

[XXX‑21] The French captain, called by Dampier Gronet, offered Davis and Swan each a new commission, extended by the governor of Petit Guavres, who was accustomed to supply his captains with blank forms. Captain Harris accepted one. Dampier says: 'I never read any of these French Commissions while I was in these Seas, nor did I then know the import of them; but I have learnt since, that the Tenour of them is, to give a Liberty to Fish, Fowl, and Hunt.' Dampier's Voy., 192.

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