XVIII. MARCH OF CORTÉS TO HONDURAS…

XVIII. MARCH OF CORTÉS TO HONDURAS

1524-1525.

DOUBTS CONCERNING CASAS—CORTÉS TIRED OF INACTION—DETERMINES TO GO IN PERSON TO HONDURAS—SETS OUT WITH A LARGE PARTY—ARRIVES AT GOAZACOALCO—THE GAY ARMY SOON COMES TO GRIEF—THE WAY BARRED BY LARGE RIVERS AND DEEP MORASSES—SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS—SUFFERINGS OF THE SOLDIERS—THE TRICK OF THE MERCHANT-CACIQUE—KILLING OF THE CAPTIVE KINGS—APOTHEOSIS OF A CHARGER—FEARS OF REBELLIOUS SPANIARDS DISSIPATED ON NEARING NITO.

Inordinate covetings had never been characteristic of Cortés; but when a man attains eminence in wealth, power, or fame, it seems natural, it is rather expected, that he should become sordid, grasping, callous to human sympathy, indifferent to noble sentiment, the slave of avarice and ambition. Greed constitutes no small part of grandeur.

Northward from the Mexican capital were limitless lands; Cortés could not tell how much there might be to the west; hence one would think he might well leave to his countrymen in the south something for their pains; that he might even give his captains independent governments without diminution of his manliness.

But insignificant to Cortés as was this Honduras country, and petty as were the bickerings of its occupants, they were nevertheless objects of solicitude to the great chief. No sooner had Casas left the Chalchiuhcuecan shore, than Cortés began to doubt the wisdom of his course in sending one servant after another. The more he reflected on the popularity of Olid and the number of his men, the comparatively untried ability of his opponent, and the reputed wealth of the country, the more he feared for the result, and wished to be present there in person.[XVIII-1] Not to mention the itching palm for power, this desire was increased by the petty espionage to which the imperial officers subjected his every movement. He longed to roam with kindred spirits in the wilds of the south, wherein native tradition located stately cities and treasure-filled palaces. He longed to meet a worthy foe. As he nursed the dream, the glow increased within him at the prospect of penetrating unknown regions, overcoming toil and danger, and discovering something new, something startling; perchance he might find the long-sought strait.

A hint in this direction was sufficient to rouse the anxiety of friends and enemies alike. He was the guiding spirit of all undertakings, and the protecting shield. All would return to chaos were he to withdraw; and the still wavering natives who respected and feared Malinche, as Cortés was called by the Mexicans, above any host of soldiers, might rise and overwhelm them.

So urgent and general were the representations to this effect that he yielded, or pretended to yield.[XVIII-2] But the spirit of the Castilian explorer once aroused could not be repressed. He felt that he had been too long idle, so he wrote his sovereign, and must do something in the service of his Majesty.[XVIII-3] Preparations were accordingly resumed under pretence that a disaffection in the Goazacoalco region required his personal attention.

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[Sidenote: PERSONNEL OF THE ARMY.]

He set out from Mexico in the latter part of October, 1524,[XVIII-4] leaving the government in charge of men whose flattery had blinded him to their insidious designs. The party consisted of about one hundred horsemen, half of them with extra animals, some forty archers and arquebusiers, and three thousand native warriors and servants,[XVIII-5] the latter chiefly under the leadership of the three deposed sovereigns, Quauhtemotzin the last emperor of Mexico, Tetlepanquetzal king of Tlacopan, and Cohuanococh king of Tezcuco, and five or six captive caciques, whom it was regarded unsafe to leave behind.[XVIII-6]

Among the leading officers in the train were the alguacil mayor, Sandoval, Ocampo, Ircio, Saavedra, Grado, and a number who acted as household officials and gentlemen in waiting to the leader. There were also a retinue of pages, youths of good family, among them young Montejo, later conqueror of Yucatan, and a number of musicians, jugglers, tumblers, and clowns.[XVIII-7] Cortés had a natural bent for pomp, the pomp that gracefully adorns the truly great. The church was represented by a clergyman and three friars; chief among interpreters was Marina, the Mexican maiden, whose clear head and devoted heart had more than once saved the Castilian invaders, and preserved their leader to her love.

The march was directed to Espíritu Santo, the place of review, not far above the mouth of the Goazacoalco. On the way the party was made the object of a series of demonstrations, and the settlers of Goazacoalco, including the 'true historian,' Bernal Diaz, came forth in procession, with fireworks and masquerade, to conduct the mighty conqueror under triumphal arches and amid salvos to his quarters. The joy was mingled with misgivings, however, for the small force and still smaller equipment awakened a fear that a levy might be made. This proved only too true, and while some joined of their own will, dazzled by the lustre of the leader's name, others, happy with a repartimiento of Indians, who existed only to attend their wants, were not so quick to fall into line.[XVIII-8] The chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to give information, and showed a surprising acquaintance with the country as far south even as the domain of Pedrarias. They also prepared a map on cloth, depicting minutely the different rivers, mountains, and pueblos on the route to Nito,[XVIII-9] some of them ravaged by Spaniards, and now deserted. The manuscript representation of this vast region, filled with great cities and rich provinces, determined Cortés to advance toward Honduras direct, and abandon the idea once entertained of going through Guatemala.[XVIII-10] Both the map and the imagination failed, however, adequately to picture the vast morasses and miry sloughs alternating with and bordering the countless rivers which served for highways to the natives. The lithe, unencumbered Indian could not clearly grasp the difficulties herein presented to the heavy cavalry, for in his light canoe he could speed along the mighty streams, pass up the tributary branches, and penetrate far and wide by means of the more shallow creeks into the primeval forests.

[Sidenote: A GAY COMPANY.]

After a week's stay the expedition advanced. Tumbler and fiddler led in the van a merry dance, perhaps to death; in the rear was a herd of swine, kept at a safe distance, however, lest its presence should too greatly tempt the appetite of the hungry soldiers. The artillery of four guns, a quantity of small arms, ammunition, and stores were sent by a vessel to Rio Tabasco, to be followed by two small caravels from Medellin laden with provisions. From this point it was intended to let one of them follow the coast, west of Yucatan, still regarded as an island, so as to be able to furnish supplies when called upon by the land force which also expected to follow the shore. The rainy season was not yet over, and the very brooks had swollen into rushing rivers. Two streams, nine and eighteen leagues respectively from Espíritu Santo, had to be crossed in canoes, the horses swimming,[XVIII-11] and beyond flowed a still wider watercourse which required a bridge of nine hundred and thirty-four paces in length. The difficulties of the march may be understood from the statement that while traversing Copilco province, fully fifty bridges had to be constructed within a distance of twenty leagues.[XVIII-12] It was a rich department with half a score of head pueblos, and having an abundance of provisions they were ordered to send tribute in kind to Espíritu Santo. After crossing a steep range a wide tributary of Rio Tabasco was reached,[XVIII-13] where the troops were cheered by the arrival of a score of canoes laden with provisions from one of the vessels. Natives of the province also appeared in obedience to a summons, and assisted in crossing the river and in opening a path along the thickly wooded bank to the capital of Cihuatlan[XVIII-14] province, twelve leagues up the river. As they approached it the guides and sappers suddenly disappeared in the close-knit jungle. A few steps further the path opened at the junction of a tributary river, and on the several banks was disclosed a large pueblo, silent as the grave; but the smoke yet curling from the ruins showed that it had only recently been abandoned. In the nearest suburb, which contained some two hundred houses, they remained for nearly three weeks. Meanwhile a bridge of three hundred paces was built across a marsh, and expeditions were sent out in vain search for reliable guides, and to explore the neighborhood.[XVIII-15]

The next objective point was Chilapan, capital of a province bearing the same name; this they also found burned and deserted, but well provided with food. The crossing of the river here, which detained the army for over a week, was effected on rafts, but despite the care taken the rushing torrent played havoc with the baggage. Beyond this lay a marshy tract only six leagues in extent, but so troublesome as to detain them two days. The horses suffered severely, sinking many times up to the ears, as Cortés expresses it, and endangering the safety of the men in their struggles, so much so that three Spaniards were lost, beside a number of Indians.[XVIII-16] After a week's rest at the ruined yet well-stocked Tamacaztepec, they made another marshy journey of three days before reaching Iztapan, a fine large pueblo on the banks of the Usumacinta, burned and deserted like the preceding. The Cihuatlatecs had, it seems, in their wild scamper spread the most blood-curdling stories of the fierceness and cruelty of the Spaniards. The timidity of the natives was proving inconvenient, and guides were sent out to assure the inhabitants of the peaceful intent of the invaders. The caciques were encouraged to tender submission in person, and were rewarded with presents, accompanied by a grandiloquent discourse about "the greatest prince on earth," and the mission he had given Cortés to remedy evils, bestow benefits, and point the way to salvation.[XVIII-17]

[Sidenote: CONQUERING AND TO CONQUER.]

A week's rest was taken, during which half a dozen Spaniards were sent up the river in canoes to receive the submission of chiefs, not to mention the accompanying presents that were to indicate the wealth of the district. Three soldiers were also sent down the stream, to Tabasco, with orders for the fleet to sail to Ascension Bay,[XVIII-18] after sending boats with provisions and stores to Acalan. It was to follow the shore so as to be near the army, if possible, for "it is believed," writes Cortés, "though not for certain, that the natives pass through the Bay of Términos to the other sea, leaving Yucatan an island." One of the three soldiers bearing the instructions was Francisco de Medina, an ill-tempered, violent, but able man, with some knowledge of the country and the language, who had managed to ingratiate himself with his chief so far as to be commissioned to share the command of the fleet with the actual captain, Simon de Cuenca, one of Cortés' mayordomos. On reaching the vessels at Xicalanco he assumed an overbearing manner, and quarrelled with Cuenca about the command till it came to blows. Perceiving the state of affairs the natives watched their opportunity, attacked and killed the crew, pillaged the vessels, and burned them to remove the evidence. The news spread until it reached the capital, although in a distorted form, which gave the impression that Cortés and all his force had perished. The anxiety became so great that Ordaz, one of the favorite officers of Cortés, set out among others to ascertain the truth of the report. Following the coast by water, he reached the scene of the slaughter, and received such evidence as to lead him to declare that the great leader must indeed be dead. Obsequies in his honor were accordingly held at Mexico, after which but a trusting few entertained hopes of ever seeing him again.[XVIII-19]

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Proceeding to Tatahuitlapan Cortés found the place partly burned, and deserted by all save a score of native priests, who inspired by duty had resolved to stay and die with the idols as ordained by the oracle. To show their impotence the images were destroyed, while the keepers were exhorted to devote themselves to the veneration of the cross, to whose merciful inspiration they owed their safety. It was a sacred duty with Cortés to erect the Christian emblem in all pueblos and camping-places, and where ceiba-trees grew they were fashioned into crosses which, blooming anew, stood as living symbols of the saving faith. On the crosses were fastened notices of the expedition. In this region exists to-day a village called Las Tres Cruces, from three crosses said to have been left by Cortés. The place is barely thirty miles from the famous ruins of Palenque, yet no allusion is made by the conquerors to the stupendous structures, the matchless palaces, and the curious sculptures there existing. Once the object of admiration and worship to countless pilgrims from far-off districts, the city now lay wrapped within the secure folds of dense forests, and only tradition spoke of her past glories. Perhaps it was well for the fortune-hunters, at least, that vegetation had obliterated the highways which in times past must have led to the shrine of the 'tree of life' from the malarious lowlands of the Usumacinta region, for a sight of such grandeur might have awakened hopes never to be realized, and prompted expeditions ending only in disaster.

[Sidenote: DARK FORESTS AND MORASSES.]

They now struck across to Huetecpan,[XVIII-20] higher up the river, and, after wading through a slough, plunged into a forest whose close growth shut out the very light of heaven.[XVIII-21] Here they groped for two days along the sappers' path, till they found themselves back on the route already traversed. Pressed by the troubled leaders the guides cried out that they were lost. This admission was not without danger, for the provisions were exhausted, and the men filled with gloomy forebodings, which found vent with many in curses on their leader for having brought them to such a pass. They demanded that the swine be slaughtered, but the mayordomo, who had prudently let the drove fall behind, intimated that the alligators had eaten them. They must be content with the scanty sustenance of roots and berries. Meanwhile Cortés had recourse to his maps and compass, and determined on a north-east course as the most likely to lead to his destination. This calculation proved correct, and although the place was in ruins, there was enough of food to bury gloom in feasting. Soldiers being sent in search of guides, found a little beyond the river a lake where the inhabitants had taken refuge in canoes and on islands. Finding themselves discovered the natives came fearlessly forth, stating that the Spanish boat expedition from Iztapan had reassured them, so much so that a brother of the cacique had joined the party with four armed canoes for convoy. The boats being recalled, brought evidence of the submission tendered by four or five pueblos in a cargo of honey and other delicacies, with a little gold. Similar contributions flowed from different pueblos whose inhabitants came to gaze at the bearded men.[XVIII-22]

Explorers were sent forward as on previous occasions, to report on the road, but finding it comparatively easy for some distance they neglected to examine the remainder,[XVIII-23] and misled the army as to the nature of the route. Beyond lay a large province bounded by the Laguna de Términos, the broad Usumacinta, and the ranges of Vera Paz, a low-lying country abounding in morasses, miasmatic inlets, and winding rivers tributary to the Términos. The fertility of this naturally irrigated tract, not inaptly known as Acalan, 'land of boats,' was evident in the rank growth of the vegetation, and the great variety of products. No roads existed, but the numerous streams provided a series of highways which the enterprising natives had not failed to utilize in carrying their surplus products to arid and less rich provinces, especially to the north-east and south, and in bringing back slaves and compact treasures. It was quite natural for a people engaged in traffic to choose as ruler the richest trader, and such a one was the present, Apochpalon[XVIII-24] by name. To him were sent a number of Spaniards and Indians[XVIII-25] with a reassuring message and an invitation to meet Cortés.

[Sidenote: BRIDGE-BUILDING.]

After a three days' march over a rough mountain track, the army suddenly found the path obstructed by a deep channel five hundred paces wide, with slimy borders. The passage was shown to be practicable only by means of a bridge which required patient labor, since the depth of water and mud proved to be fully six fathoms. Great was the dismay, for there were hardly any provisions left, and to recross the mountain was a formidable task under the circumstances. The murmurs of the worn-out soldiers were loud enough at the first sight of the obstruction, and when Cortés with his usual audacity gave orders to build a bridge, they rose almost into mutiny. The leader had been in worse troubles however. He knew every trait of a Spanish soldier's character, and he was versed in blandishments. He showed the futility of retreat, since apart from the mountain road, so long and severe, freshets must by this time have washed away the means of recrossing rivers, and no provisions were left in the deserted pueblos. Before them, on the other hand, lay a land of plenty, seamed with gold. He would guarantee the completion of the bridge within five days, or, this failing, he would follow their wishes. Wily Cortés! Could he induce them to begin the work, he would trust his wits to secure its completion. But the men remained sullen. They would die of hunger before the bridge was finished. Hibueras would never be reached. "Very well," said Cortés, "be spectators, I will build the bridge with the aid of Indians alone." Brief persuasion was needed with the latter, for the chiefs were in the tyrant's hands, and their word was law to their followers. Timber was felled, and with the aid of rafts the piling began. Shamed by this measure the Spaniards joined in the work, and to cheer them the solitary musician who had not fainted beneath the hardships of the march was ordered to play some cheering airs. But the men cried, "Peace! we want bread, not music." The gnawings of hunger could not be appeased with empty sound.

While some thus worked diligently on the bridge, others went in search of roots and berries, but with poor success. Overcome by famine and fatigue numbers lay down to die, while, to add to the catalogue of horrors, several of the Indian guides were seized by native auxiliaries and cooked. Among the victims to the adventure thus far, says Torquemada, was Fray Juan de Tecto, who, exhausted by hunger, leaned his head against a tree and surrendered his spirit.[XVIII-26]

[Sidenote: MORE AND DEEPER SLOUGHS.]

Before the expiration of a week the bridge was completed, a painful work indeed for fainting men, ill-furnished with the means, to perform within so short a time. It was composed, says Cortés, of a thousand trees, nine to ten fathoms long, the smallest almost as thick as a man, besides a quantity of small timber, secured with wooden pegs and withes. For years this and several other 'bridges of Malinche' remained a source of utility and wonder to the natives, who declared that nothing was impossible to the white man.[XVIII-27] Hunger and toil were for the moment forgotten in congratulations over the completion of the structure, but their joy was of short duration. Hardly had the rear of the army crossed the bridge when the van came to a slough which surpassed in difficulties any yet encountered. The horses sank almost out of sight, and it was only by the united efforts of the army that the beasts, on which their success so greatly depended, were finally extricated. This trouble over they were cheered by the arrival of Bernal Diaz, who had been absent foraging. It was not always that he returned so well laden, for now he had one hundred and thirty loads of maize and a quantity of fowl and other provisions. Sometimes he could find nothing; sometimes what he found he hid, lest with the starving army he himself should starve. He was sure it would be snatched from his hands the moment he entered camp; and so it was on the present occasion; the soldiers pounced upon and devoured it like famished wolves. During the scramble were seized also the stores intended for the officers, so that the general himself could not obtain a crumb. Fortunately Bernal Diaz had with his usual foresight placed in cache a portion of these very provisions, and suspecting this Cortés so petted and praised the old soldier[XVIII-28] that he had no longer the heart to withhold the food.

With Bernal Diaz came also messengers from the cacique bringing presents, including a little gold, and offering the hospitality of his realm. The following day Tizapetlan was reached, where food had been prepared. There the expedition remained a week. The attentive natives were awed no less by the number of the invaders than by their strange appearance. The horses were a perpetual source of wonder, and offerings of roses were made to allay the anger displayed by their fierce pawing. The merchant-chief had thought it prudent to be obsequious to men so formidable; but, when he saw how food disappeared before them, and how greedily every valuable was appropriated, he trembled with apprehension. If they were content to stay and feast for a week in one of his miserable border towns, how long might they not tarry in the central cities of the richer districts? To rid the province of the cormorants, the cacique pretended to have died, directing his son to lead them quickly in upon the lands of a neighbor. After the funeral rites and interchange of presents, the young man addressed the Spaniards. "You would reach the settlements of your countrymen in Honduras. They are quite near; hardly eight days distant is Nito, where are floating houses, and bearded men on giant deer."

This he could affirm, for there was an Acalan factory, and at its head Apochpalon's own brother, who had told him of these things. This news was more to the cacique's purpose than any artifice, and eagerly the expedition hurried to Teotilac,[XVIII-29] five or six leagues off, guided thither by the dutiful young chief over a circuitous route.[XVIII-30]

The ruler of Teotilac was by no means pleased to find thrown upon him this hungry host; and he revealed to Cortés the trickery of Apochpalon. Thereupon Cortés ordered the dead man immediately to appear. Two days later, accordingly, the sovereign-cacique arrived, looking most sheepish. He proffered innumerable excuses, and tendered as amends the hospitality of the capital. The offer was too tempting not to procure his forgiveness.

One of the two temples serving for army headquarters at Teotilac was occupied by a goddess, whose fierce passions could be appeased only with the blood of beautiful virgins. To insure the genuineness of the vestal offering, so that a mistake might not render it fruitless, girls were selected in infancy and brought up in strictest seclusion within the temple walls, till came the time for yielding their fair forms to the sacrifice. Cortés sought to impress on the people the absurdity of so atrocious a superstition, and destroyed the idol.

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[Sidenote: CONSPIRACY OF THE CAPTIVE KINGS.]

This place is remarkable for one incident which concerned the safety of the Spaniards, according to their account, and left an indelible impression on the natives of New Spain. Among those who followed the expedition as hostages, as we have seen, were three deposed kings, two of whom were now accused of treachery, Quauhtemotzin, and Tetlepanquetzal. These patriots were criminal in the eyes of the Spaniards; they had dared to regard the invaders as the enemies of their country, and bitterly to oppose them. It seemed now convenient to Cortés that they should die, and excuse was not wanting for killing them. Suffering every hardship of the march, the royal captives had found some consolation in observing how heavily it bore on their keepers, toiling, starving, discontented, blundering along an unknown and dangerous route. But this was not their only feeling. Quauhtemotzin, the sovereign, the general, the tactician, could not fail to observe the disparity between his followers and the hated white men. The latter were reduced in strength by famine and hardships, in the midst of a strange country, far from relief, while the Mexicans, if also weakened, and not so well armed, were tenfold more numerous, and more at home in these wilds. Inspired by a deeply rooted devotion to their traditions, to their princes, to their country, the merest whisper of revenge, of freedom, could not fail to find response. Yes, sweet was the thought of revenge; equally sweet the prospect of a triumphal return to Mexico, there to be greeted as a liberator ordained to restore the ancient grandeur of Montezuma's court; finally, perhaps, to be exalted by a grateful people to the pantheon of the gods, a dream so worthy the soldier and patriot, how oft may it not have smiled upon his fancy! What more natural, what more commendable indeed, than projects for the liberation not alone of the auxiliary host, but of their country and kindred? Treachery had been used to reduce them, and treachery must be met with treachery. This was justifiable, although the Indians probably weighed not the moral aspect of the question. As for the risk, one blow, one death, was preferable to the daily death which they were suffering on this journey. Yes, they must take advantage of the opportunity presented, and while the Spaniards were engrossed by the difficulties of some mountain pass, or engulfed in some morass, fall upon them, especially upon the feared Cortés, and then, with the prestige of victors, return to Mexico, where their compatriots would meanwhile, under advice, have risen simultaneously against the now disorganized and squabbling colonists, reduced as they were in numbers.[XVIII-31]

[Sidenote: THE KILLING OF THE KINGS.]

How long the plot had been brewing is not stated, but during the stay at Teotilac Cortés was startled by a revelation from a prominent Mexican,[XVIII-32] who gave him a paper with the names of the conspirators in hieroglyphics. Several were seized, and under separate examination confessed to the existence of the plot, although disclaiming for themselves of course any actual participation.[XVIII-33] Quauhtemotzin was also questioned, and admitted, says Bernal Diaz, that the hardships and dangers had aroused rebellious sentiments among the Indians, but claimed that he was not the author, and judging from his own feelings he regarded the whole thing as mere talk. A quick secret trial was held, and the sentence of death by hanging pronounced against Quauhtemotzin and Tetlepanquetzal,[XVIII-34] who were dragged forth during the stillness of the night to a ceiba-tree, where they met their fate. Cortés was present at the execution, and to him Quauhtemotzin addressed himself, writes Bernal Diaz. "Malinche, many a day have I suspected the falsity of thy words, and that thou hadst destined this end to my life. Why dost thou kill me without justice? God will demand of thee thy answer!" Tetlepanquetzal calmly expressed himself content to die with his royal companion, and together they listened to the exhortations of the friars, dying like true Christians.[XVIII-35] The execution took place during the carnival days preceding shrove-tide, and appears to have created no excitement either among Indians or Spaniards.[XVIII-36]

[Sidenote: EXCUSES FOR THE ATROCITY.]

Most Spanish authorities are of course inclined to uphold the act as a necessary punishment for a proven crime. Yet certain men, like Torquemada, a champion of the natives, and modern Mexican writers, side with the Indians in stamping it as a foul murder, carried out merely to be rid of the kings whose presence was becoming a burden to the conquerors. Others, like Bernal Diaz, soften the deed into a mistake, based on insufficient evidence, and prompted by a desire to smother a conspiracy which some imaginary spirits had conjured.[XVIII-37] But Cortés would hardly have removed so valuable a hostage without good reason. The reason being admitted, and this to some extent even by native records, the precarious situation of the Spaniards demanded that Cortés should take measures commensurate with the apparent danger.[XVIII-38]

Many of the natives, particularly those now encountering the Spaniards for the first time, regarded the discovery of the conspiracy with superstitious awe. The idea of treachery by an accomplice did not seem to so occur to them, but with mysterious shaking of the head they pointed to the compass and chart. Instruments which had so unaccountably, and better than any guide, pointed out the road and saved the army from destruction, could of course reveal a simple conspiracy. Nothing could be hidden from the owner of that needle. Conscious, perhaps, of some stray unfriendly thought, many hastened to Cortés to protest their devotion. "Look into the mirror, and you will find it so," they said, alluding to the compass, yet quaking the while lest a suspicion should there stand depicted. Apochpalon was so affected that he hastened to tender allegiance and to burn idols. So convenient a belief was not to be disturbed, and the natives were allowed to nurse it.

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[Sidenote: THE ARMY AT IZANCANAC.]

The army now proceeded to Izancanac,[XVIII-39] the populous capital of Acalan, conducted by Apochpalon in person. He was mounted on a horse, and the first apprehensions over, he strode his steed with childish delight. The soldiers were treated with sumptuous hospitality, and Cortés was gratified with presents of gold and women. Meanwhile, to facilitate the further march, the road was improved, a bridge built, and guides were provided, besides an advance corps laden with provisions. In return for all this Apochpalon asked merely for a letter to prove to other white comers that he had been faithful.

There was every inducement to prolong the stay at Izancanac, served and feasted as they were, but the nearness of the Spanish settlements, as alluringly depicted by the calculating Apochpalon, was an incentive for all to proceed. Laden with rations for a week, they departed on the first Sunday in Lent from the fair province of Acalan, over which, the protective letter notwithstanding, the withering influence of Spaniards was soon to fall. On the third day they entered the prairie-studded province of the Mazatecs,[XVIII-40] so called from the abundance of deer. These animals were here regarded with veneration, and the consequent immunity from pursuit had made them not only numerous, but tame. The soldiers, being restrained by no scruples of native superstition, could not resist the temptation of a chase over the verdure-clad fields, and soon a score of deer were added to the larder. The following day they came to a frontier fortress, built on a rock, and bounded on one side by a lake, on the other by a river, and with only one means of access. Besides this natural strength it was protected by a double stockade with moats, surmounted by towers, and the houses were also provided with shot-holes. The place was in fact impregnable, and every precaution was taken to meet the resistance for which the attack of some lately captured scouts had prepared them. Cautiously they advanced toward the entrance. Not a sound, not a movement. An ambuscade must have been formed, since no gate barred the entry. But within reigned silence, and it was only on reaching the plaza that some chiefs appeared with humble obeisance. This was one of the asylums erected by the Mazatecs for refuge against the wild Lacandones. But what availed walls and arms against the irresistible bearded men who controlled the lightning. Them the inhabitants dared not resist. They had fled to mountain fastnesses, leaving their wealth of provisions and arms at the disposal of the invaders, with the sole request that the place be not destroyed. The chiefs were reassured, and after replenishing their stores the Spaniards proceeded for seven leagues to a larger and similar pueblo called Tiac, situated on a plain, within a stockade, each of its three wards being provided with separate palisades. The caciques of this and several other pueblos of the province, each independent and quarrelsome, sent messengers with presents and offers of allegiance, but could not be prevailed upon to come in person with their people. The guides here obtained gave the cheering information that the white men were not far off, and conducted them to Ahuncahuitl, the last pueblo of this province, also fortified, and amply provisioned, so much so that rations were taken for the five days' march which intervened before reaching the province of the Itzas.[XVIII-41]

[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT THE ITZA CAPITAL.]

Four nights were spent in the mountains, in which was a bad pass, called Alabastro from the appearance of the rock. They now came to a small lake with an island pueblo, from which the inhabitants fled as the soldiers waded over.[XVIII-42] The following day they were surprised to behold the gleaming walls and lofty temples of a large pueblo, situated on an isle several miles from shore, in a large sheet of water, which Cortés assumed to be an arm of the sea.[XVIII-43] But his ordeal was not yet over. It was the lake now known as Peten, and the pueblo was Tayasal,[XVIII-44] the capital of the Itzas, which recalled in a measure to the old conquerors the first and never to be forgotten view of the famous queen city enthroned in the lake of Mexico.

The natives had taken to their canoes on the approach of the Spaniards, and heeded no signs or appeals, but with the aid of a dog a solitary boatman was captured. A friendly message was now despatched to the canek inviting him to a conference, and offering hostages. It was not long ere six large canoes approached the shore, and some thirty persons stepped fearlessly forth. At their head came one whose commanding figure and quiet dignity announced the ruler. A flowing white robe disclosed an elaborately tattooed skin, relieved by an embroidered maxtli. The braided hair was surmounted by a head-dress of feathers, and the face, also tattooed with black lines, was further ornamented with gold pendants in nose and ears. He bade Cortés welcome, and expressed himself secure in his company without the proffered hostage.

It was the hour for mass, and with a view both to please him and to teach a pious lesson, the ceremony was held with chant and instrumental accompaniment. The faith was thereupon explained by a friar, with so good an effect that the chief promised to destroy his idols and venerate the cross till teachers should arrive to give him full instruction. As an earnest of his intention presents were produced, consisting chiefly of provisions, with a few strings of red shells highly valued by the natives, and other trinkets; and though the gold was small in quantity, yet it encouraged Cortés to give in return a shirt, a velvet cap, and some cutlery. News had reached the island city of the doings of the Europeans, not only at Naco and Nito, but in Tabasco, where the natives some years before had been conquered in three battles. Cortés hastened to assure the canek that he saw before him the hero of those famed encounters, and finding that an impression had been produced, he warmed with a description of the power and grandeur of the greatest prince on earth. The canek was not merely impressed but awed, so much so that he at once tendered allegiance.

With new guides the main body proceeded round the lake southward, while Cortés entered the canoes with a score of archers to visit the island city. The officers sought to dissuade him from risking his person in the hands of a perhaps treacherous enemy, but the general did not wish to be surpassed in fearlessness and confidence.[XVIII-45] He was greatly admired by the islanders who thronged round his mailed followers with mingled curiosity and awe. On leaving he commended to their care a black horse which had been disabled by a wound in the leg. Ignorant of the treatment required by the animal, and eager to do reverence to the strange charge, they are said to have offered it flowers and fowl, on which diet it died. The grief of the Itzas was equalled only by their fear. What would the white chief say when he returned? Nothing now remained but to do homage to the carcass. They had seen the flash of the fire-arm as the mounted hunter chased the deer on the prairie, and fancied that this as well as the report issued from the horse. What more appropriate apotheosis of a charger than into a god of thunder? As Tziminchac it was accordingly adored. The bones were kept as sacred relics while an effigy sejant of the animal, formed of masonry, attracted direct worship.[XVIII-46]

[Sidenote: TOILSOME ADVANCE.]

The next resting-place of the army was at Tlecan, a deserted pueblo some seven leagues from Tayasal, where the Spaniards stayed for four days and provided themselves with a week's rations. Six leagues further a halt was made at a hamlet, in honor of the virgin's festival.[XVIII-47] Nine leagues beyond, a rugged pass was entered in which the rough sharp stones tore from the horses feet their very shoes. The next station bore the name Ahuncapun where a two days' halt was made. Five leagues beyond lay Tachuytel, after which began an eight league ascent of the roughest mountains yet encountered, called de Pedernales, Mountain of Flints. The horses could hardly move a step without slipping, and cutting their legs and bodies most dangerously. On any other occasion the sight of suffering among the prized animals, the chief reliance of the army, would have touched the men deeply, but now they were too much absorbed by their own sufferings to think of them. Many of the soldiers were also becoming disabled, and the provisions were giving out in the midst of the mountains, which in many places offered not even a root. Days passed by in slow and toilsome advance; none could tell how much longer this long journey would last. A heavy rain added to their torment, and past sufferings were forgotten in the present. Many fell from exhaustion and hunger, or slipped from the rocks into the abyss; and so extreme was the need, says Herrera, that one confessed to having eaten of the brains and entrails of three men who had died of hunger.[XVIII-48]

[Sidenote: A FORMIDABLE FORD.]

Cortés did his utmost to encourage the men. With pike in hand he would lead the march over the difficult parts of the road; he cheered and consoled them, and divided what he had with the sick and famished. This energy, this sympathy and generosity did wonders and animated the men to repress their murmurs. Finally, after twelve days of toil, says Cortés, the terrible flint road ended; but it had cost the lives of several men, and sixty-eight horses had fallen over the cliffs, or had been fatally disabled, while the rest did not recover from the strains and bruises for three months.[XVIII-49] Now the men began to breathe easier, but, as once before, the dawning joy was abruptly checked by a formidable obstacle. They found themselves on the banks of a wide river whose waters tore by with a rapidity that made even rafting impracticable. While the soldiers stood gazing in mute despair at the barriers behind and in front, praying for deliverance, Cortés sent out parties to search for an outlet, and soon reports were brought of a ford. It was as a reprieve from death. Te Deum was solemnly chanted, and tough old soldiers shed tears of joy. When the nature of the passage was observed, it seemed indeed as if heaven had decreed a miracle in their behalf. The ford, two thirds of a league wide, consisted of a smooth ledge stretching across the whole river, and intersected by over twenty channels, through which the water rushed with deafening roar. But even the channels could not be crossed without bridges, and fully two days were spent in felling timber for the twenty passages.[XVIII-50]

It was Easter eve[XVIII-51] when the ford was crossed by the infantry, followed by the disabled horses. Again came a check to their joy. Tenciz, the pueblo at which they now arrived, a league beyond the ford, had been evacuated, and nearly all the supplies carried off. For over ten days the men had eaten hardly anything but palm-cabbage, and very little of that, owing to the trouble in obtaining it.[XVIII-52] Fortunately, some natives were found who guided a foraging party back across the river a day's journey into the Tahuytal province, where an abundance of provisions was obtained, and which furnished the army with good cheer during the five days' stay at Tenciz, and with some rations for the journey into Acuculin province.

The guides here obtained ran away, and the Spaniards had to advance with the aid of native maps alone. The route was level, and eleven leagues were easily covered in two days by crossing two rivers. This brought them to a small settlement of Acalan traders, who had been driven from Nito by the Spanish excesses, and found refuge here. Soon after the capital of the province was reached, but it was deserted and almost devoid of provisions. This was most discouraging, and to advance without guides appeared dangerous. Notwithstanding the scanty sustenance obtained from palm-cabbage, cooked with pork, and unsalted, a week was spent in searching for guides. Finally a boy was found who led them a day's journey to a river in Taniha province, evidently Rio Sarstoon. Following the stream downward for a couple of days they came to Otulizti pueblo, where the natives reported that Nito lay only two suns away. In proof of this assertion two women were brought who had served the Spaniards there. Hunger and fatigue were forgotten in the rejoicing over this news, and the men impatiently begged to be led onward.

[Sidenote: APPROACH TO NITO.]

But there was need for prudence, since nothing was known about the condition of affairs in Honduras, and the troops were not at present in a position to meet a well-equipped foe, particularly if led by the redoubtable Olid. Sandoval was accordingly sent forward with a few chosen men to reconnoitre. It was not far to the shore of the Amatique Bay, beyond which lay the object of their journey. The bay was skirted till they reached the wide stream which forms the outlet of Golfo Dulce. Here they captured a trader's canoe, and then hid themselves to see what next should happen. It was not long before a canoe approached with four white men, who were outflanked and secured. They proved to be soldiers of Gil Gonzalez stationed at Nito, to which site the old settlement at San Gil de Buenavista had been transferred.[XVIII-53] On the whole the account of affairs was cheering to Sandoval, the main point being that the province was quiet, and thoroughly devoted to Cortés, although without a regular governor since the departure of Casas. A messenger was at once despatched to relieve the anxiety of the general, and the soldier to whom the commission was intrusted reaped a rich harvest from his overjoyed chief and comrades.

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XIX. CORTÉS IN HONDURAS

1525-1526.

HE IS MASTER OF ALL THE MISERIES THERE—MIASMA AND DEEP DISTRESS—EXERTIONS OF CORTÉS IN BEHALF OF THE COLONISTS—A VESSEL APPEARS WITH PROVISIONS—CORTÉS SENDS OUT FORAGERS—HE SEEKS A BETTER LOCALITY—SANDOVAL AT NACO—OTHERS SETTLE AT CABALLOS—CORTÉS AT TRUJILLO—VESSELS SENT TO MEXICO, CUBA, AND JAMAICA—TROUBLES IN MEXICO—CORTÉS IRRESOLUTE—STARTS FOR MEXICO—IS DRIVEN BACK BY A STORM—PACIFICATION OF ADJACENT PUEBLOS—CORTÉS SENDS PRESENTS TO CÓRDOBA—SHALL CORTÉS MAKE HIMSELF MASTER OF NICARAGUA?—ARRIVAL OF ALTAMIRANO—RETURN OF CORTÉS TO MEXICO.

Cicero says that a man's best adviser is himself. A wise man can find no better counsellor than his own cool, impartial judgment. Cortés was a wise man, and he could calmly judge. Had he counselled with himself before setting out on this adventure? He had led into Honduras, amidst great sufferings, an army. The end of his perilous march brought to him no great achievement, no great reward. There was no Olid to punish; Casas was not a traitor. Might not the proud conqueror with more advantage have remained at home? The assurance of a ready welcome, instead of a campaign against a formidable rebel, was a relief to the way-worn soldiers; but what thought the commander of it? It is not satisfying to a sane man's pride to beat the air, or charge on a windmill. A traitor to crush, or a fair city to conquer, would have been refreshing pastime to Cortés at this juncture.

[Sidenote: DESPERATE SITUATION OF THE COLONISTS.]

In advance of the army, and almost alone, he set out for Nito. If he entered not as a conqueror with sword in hand, he had at least the satisfaction of being welcomed as a savior. Malaria was there, and had so reduced the settlement that the frown of the natives loomed over it like Erinnyan phantoms. There were but three score Spaniards with a few women,[XIX-1] the greater number so reduced by fever and other ailments as hardly to be able to move, and all suffering from poor and insufficient food—zapotes, vegetables, and fish. Without sufficient arms and without horses, they did not venture abroad to forage, and seeing that death would surely overtake all if they remained, the able-bodied men under the leadership of Diego Nieto were repairing a vessel in which to depart.[XIX-2] The disappearance of the four men captured by Sandoval created no small alarm. Were they after all to be overwhelmed by avenging natives? Amidst such troubles no wonder that the appearance of Cortés was greeted as a descent from heaven, and that even men wept as they thronged round to kiss his hand.

The army was not a little surprised at the destitution of the famed Honduras. While ministering consolation, Cortés sent out bands of foragers. One of the parties ascended the Rio Yasa,[XIX-3] and coming to a deserted hamlet, six leagues from the mouth, took refuge from the rain. But it was not long before a band of Indians set upon them, and badly wounded they were driven to the boats, glad to escape with life. Another party found a path leading to a well-provided pueblo called Lequela, but it was eighteen leagues away, and too far for carriers. A third division met with better success.[XIX-4]

Meanwhile a vessel appeared in the harbor, having on board thirty Spaniards, beside the crew, and laden with a dozen horses, over seventy hogs, and provisions. It seemed a miracle. And the whole equipment Cortés bought for four thousand pesos.[XIX-5] Welcome as this was to the starving settlement, the sudden change in diet cost the lives of several persons. The site of Nito being so unhealthy and ill-provided, it was resolved to abandon the place, and Sandoval was sent with the greater number of soldiers, settlers, and Indians, to the fertile valley of Naco, Olid's abandoned headquarters, twenty leagues off, on the road to which several well-supplied pueblos offered good halting-places.

With the newly arrived vessel, a repaired caravel and a brigantine, built from some wrecks, Cortés prepared to take the remainder of the party by sea to a better locality. But first he would ascend the wide outlet lately crossed for food, for in this direction some captives assured him he would find rich settlements.[XIX-6] Exploration also impelled him to this quarter, for it was reported that when Gil Gonzalez first arrived here he had detached a vessel for the examination of this entrance; which had traversed two fresh-water gulfs; but the ascent of a tributary beyond had been prevented by strong currents and warlike natives.[XIX-7]

[Sidenote: CAPTURE OF PUEBLOS.]

Manning the new brigantine with forty chosen Spaniards and a number of Indians, and attended by boats, Cortés ascended the Rio Dulce, and speedily entered a sheet of water some twelve leagues in circumference, without settlements. Continuing south-west, he went through a long passage into another larger sheet of water lying amidst lofty ranges and most bewitching scenery. Inspired by the wild grandeur around him, he already fancied himself the laurel-crowned discoverer of the long-sought strait. But the dream was brief, for the water proved to be a gulf, some thirty leagues in circumference, and called Apolochic in the vernacular. Leaving the vessel at its western end, near the mouth of a stream, he proceeded with most of the men, under a local guide, over a rough route intersected by innumerable creeks. After a march of twelve leagues, during which only one village of any importance was seen, he came to a pueblo in which loud singing with instrumental accompaniment indicated a festival. Waiting till a late hour, when all was quiet, he fell upon the sleeping natives, and but for the excited exclamation of a soldier the place would have been taken without a blow. As it was, the cacique had time to rally, and in the melée which followed he with several others lost his life. Forty captives were here secured. Cortés was now guided to a larger pueblo, called Chacujal, eight leagues further, and again resorted to a night attack, but did not gain the place without considerable resistance. By morning the Indians had fled. The buildings, particularly the temples, resembled very much those of Mexico, but the language differed as well from the Mexican as from that of the pueblos hitherto met with. Among the captives was an Indian from the Pacific slope, who reported that only three-score leagues intervened between Nito and his country, where Alvarado was conquering.

The place was abundantly provided with cotton goods, maize, the much-needed salt, and other articles, and since it lay near the Polochic River, which entered the gulf twenty leagues from where the vessel lay, messengers were sent to bring it as far up the stream as possible to receive supplies. Meanwhile four rafts were made, and loaded each with forty fanegas of maize, besides beans, cocoa, and other provisions. These operations occupied nearly three weeks, during which time none of the natives could be induced to return and aid in the work.[XIX-8] Cortés now embarked with ten men on the rafts, sending the rest down by land. The current carried them rapidly past the winding banks, with their alternate forest and prairie land, relieved here and there by hamlets and plantations, half hidden amidst cocoa groves and fruit-trees. Nothing unusual occurred till night, when Cortés, who occupied the last raft, was startled by cries of alarm from the one before him, followed by Indian yells. It was too dark to distinguish anything, but the men prepared for what might come. The next moment the raft struck violently against a projecting rock, and a shower of arrows fell. Several warriors now attempted to board, but they either miscalculated the distance, or were pushed overboard by the crew. The Indians had foreseen the opportunity which the rock would afford for an attack, but the rafts escaped them, although most of the Spaniards were wounded, including the general, and half a cargo was damaged. So rapid was the current that the twenty leagues were made by morning. More supplies were obtained from other settlements, and on returning to Nito after an absence of five weeks, sufficient food was brought to fairly supply the fleet.

The whole colony, including Gonzalez' men, now embarked in the three vessels and proceeded to San Andrés Bay, or Caballos, where a number of Sandoval's soldiers had just arrived. The site seemed to be all that could be desired, "with the best port on the entire coast from the Pearl Islands to Florida," with fine indications of gold in the tributary rivers, and with a beautiful and well-settled neighborhood. A colony was accordingly founded there under the name of Natividad de Nuestra Señora, from the day of founding, and fifty settlers were left, chiefly Gonzalez' men and late arrivals from Spain, Diego de Godoy being appointed commander, with the necessary officials. A church was also built and placed in charge of a clergyman. Soon, however, the unhealthiness of the site became apparent, and half the settlers died. The Indians grew insolent and refused supplies, and threatened the destruction of the settlement. Cortés thereupon permitted the colonists to join the prosperous establishment at Naco. Here the Indians had been gradually reassured and conciliated by Sandoval, whose armed incursions had already reduced a number of pueblos of considerable size and wealth.[XIX-9]

[Sidenote: AT TRUJILLO.]

Cortés had meanwhile sailed to Trujillo, where the delighted colonists rushed into the water to carry the renowned chief ashore. His first and characteristic act was to enter the church and give thanks for safe arrival.[XIX-10] Then came the exercise of clemency for which he was humbly besought by the late adherents of Olid. Matters had been going smoothly since Ruano was exiled, and the general was too prudent to stir up animosity. With some slight reconstruction, therefore, the orders and arrangements of Casas were confirmed. An impulse was given to the town, and with the enforced aid of native laborers lots were cleared and buildings erected.

The four vessels now in port were not allowed to lie idle. One was despatched to Mexico with the invalids, and with letters for the officials, wherein Cortés commended their zeal for the government, and promised soon to return. Juan de Ávalos, his cousin, was placed in command, and ordered to pick up at Cozumel Island the party of Spaniards left there by Valenzuela. This was done, but on approaching Cuba the vessel was wrecked at Cape San Antonio, with the loss of the captain, two friars, and over thirty others. Of the rest only fifteen survived to reach Guaniguanico.[XIX-11] Of the other vessels, the new brigantine was sent to Española to report to the oidores concerning the overland expedition and the state of affairs in Honduras, and to represent that the kidnapping raid by Moreno was creating trouble among the natives. The authorities ordered the captives to be returned.[XIX-12] The two remaining vessels were despatched to Cuba and Jamaica with the plate and jewels of Cortés to purchase provisions, live stock, and plants wherewith to improve the colony.

One of these ships, in touching at Cuba, found there a vessel from Santo Domingo, destined by the oidores for Mexico to gain positive information about the rumored death of Cortés, and to report on measures against the disorders that might follow. Learning that the conqueror was alive and in Honduras, the messenger of the oidores resolved at once to change the route to Honduras, where his cargo of horses and stores would also find a readier market.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BAD NEWS FROM MEXICO.]

Licenciado Zuazo, the most honorable and trusted of the administrators appointed by Cortés over Mexico, had been arrested by his colleagues for opposing their nefarious plans, and sent out of the way to Cuba. These men had not only seized on the administrative power for their own advancement, to the neglect of public welfare, but, believing the mighty conqueror and his companions in arms to be dead, they had laid hands on their estates, and were persecuting their friends and whosoever ventured to protest. The country was in a most critical condition. Anarchy and spoliation were the order of the day. The colonists were arrayed in opposition to each other, and the Indians found every encouragement for rising against their white oppressors and blotting them out of existence.

All this was reported by Zuazo in a letter to Cortés, with the most earnest pleading for his immediate return, ere it was too late.[XIX-13] Cortés was at first furious; then he melted into tears at the thought of the desolation wrought by his enemies and at the inhuman persecution of his followers. "It serves me right," he said, in a calmer moment, "to be thus treated for placing trust in strangers and ignoring tried comrades."[XIX-14] The news reached him at an unfavorable time. The iron will and nerve which had carried the leader through the hardships of the march, had begun to yield to the insidious influence of the fever-infected bottom-lands of the Amatique Bay, assisted perhaps by disappointment at finding the first aspect of Honduras so far below his hopes. The letter served to rouse his bodily as well as mental energies, though not to that point of clear and prompt determination which had hitherto characterized his acts. He was irresolute. Honduras had been little explored, and the indication of gold near Caballos, though small, led him still to dwell on the stories of richer districts to the south. He feared to abandon a yet promising field, after the efforts lavished on it, and in view of the eager advance of his southern rival, him of Panamá.

The fortunate predictions of a soldier-astrologer in Mexico would not have made him disinclined, in his present frame of mind, to encourage similar counsellors; but no Sabean was at hand to interpret the scintillating oracles. The friars were directed to appeal to the supreme throne, and for three days services were held, with processions, and masses, and prayers for divine direction. Already during the progress of these appeals, Cortés felt a dawning inspiration in a renewed courage to face the treacherous sea, and stronger inclination to trust the development of the province to another. He would return to Mexico. Hernando Saavedra, his cousin, was appointed captain-general of Honduras,[XIX-15] and Sandoval was directed to proceed with his company from Naco to Mexico, by the Guatemala route already opened by Casas. He himself embarked on the government vessel, but at the moment of departure the wind failed, and hearing of a tumult among the colonists he landed to restore order. The unruly spirits appear to have been disappointed office-seekers, to whom the obscurity of official existence in a border province seemed a most ungracious return for their long toil. The general calmed the leading rioters by taking them on board to receive their reward in Mexico. Two days later he set sail, only to meet another check in the breakage of the main lateen yard just outside the harbor. After three days spent in repairs he again departed, with a good wind, but this soon increased to a gale, and fifty leagues from port the mast went overboard and obliged him to return for a third time.

[Sidenote: TIRED OF THE SEA.]

Surely, this was a warning from providence not to proceed. He must have misunderstood the inspiration, and would seek more correct advice. Upon one thing he was determined, not again to trust himself to the billows. The last tossings had cured him of nautical aspirations, and threatened indeed to cure him of all others, for his already weakened body was left in so racked a condition as to bring him near to death. Bernal Diaz describes him as a mere shadow of his former self, and states that a Franciscan robe had been prepared to shroud his body, and by its saving virtues to assist the soul through purgatory.[XIX-16] But, although the conqueror of Mexico had filled the measure of his great achievements, the cup of honors and of disappointments was not yet full. Masses had again been said to sanctify as inspiration his changing resolve. The vessel proceeded, however, bearing a trusted servant[XIX-17] with letters for a number of friends in Mexico, and with orders revoking the power granted to the usurping governors in favor of more reliable men. A number of Mexican chiefs accompanied the messenger to testify that Cortés still lived. They were to proceed to Pánuco after landing the servant in some obscure haven above Vera Cruz, whence he was to proceed alone and in disguise to Mexico, so as to elude any watching enemies. Sandoval was recalled, greatly to the disappointment of his party, who rose almost in open mutiny at being kept away from their estates in Mexico, which were by this time exposed to ruin in hands of strangers and usurpers.[XIX-18]

An additional excuse for the determination to remain may have been found in the hostile attitude of two provinces, Papayeca and Chapagua, some seven leagues from Trujillo.[XIX-19] Some time before this Saavedra had been sent to explore the valley above, and following it for some thirty leagues found a fertile district with a series of flourishing pueblos. A score of caciques appeared to offer their allegiance to Cortés, and into Trujillo flowed provisions and presents. The above-named provinces alone held aloof, pleading not without reason former maltreatment and the kidnapping of tribal members by Fiscal Moreno. No excuses could, however, be regarded as valid in refusing allegiance, and Saavedra marched against them. The people retired to the hills; but three of the Chapagua caciques being captured and peremptorily given a fixed term in which to repeople their towns, the submission of this province was speedily effected. Papayeca was now entered, and Pizacura, one of the two principal caciques, was captured. He threw the blame of resistance on his more powerful colleague, Mazatl, offering if released to secure and hang him, and thus bring the people over. Once free, the cacique cast the promise to the winds as readily as any Spaniard. Mazatl was captured, nevertheless, and given the alternative of repeopling the towns or dying. The chief disdainfully rejected an offer to purchase life with what he regarded as the enslavement of his people, and calmly accepted death.

This severity was thought to be prudent, and it certainly had the effect of bringing the inhabitants back to all the pueblos save the capital. Here Pizacura held forth, supposing, no doubt, that since his escapade no pardon was to be expected. He was soon captured, however, together with over a hundred followers. The latter were enslaved for their obstinacy, while he, with two other caciques, and a youth who appears to have been the true chief of the province, were kept as prisoners.[XIX-20]

[Sidenote: PACIFICATION OF THE COUNTRY.]

This success, as well as the comparatively kind treatment of the natives, tended greatly to promote the pacification of the country, and the name of Cortés became feared and respected far and wide.[XIX-21] One instance of this was the arrival of a deputation from the Gulf Islands, appealing to his power and clemency for protection against a slaving party which was raiding Guanaja. Cortés at once despatched a caravel which brought in the vessel with its slaves, destined for the mines of Cuba and Jamaica. The commander, Rodrigo de Merlo, exhibited a license for his expedition, so that severe measures could not well be taken, but means were found to persuade the captain to settle at Trujillo with his crew. The kidnapped islanders were restored to their grateful friends. They sent in their allegiance and received letters of protection, together with a number of swine which soon multiplied on the islands.[XIX-22]

Another instance of the influence of Cortés' name was afforded by the entry, from Nicaragua into Olancho[XIX-23] province, of an expedition under Gabriel de Rojas, consisting of sixty men with twenty horses. The natives resisted, no doubt, whereupon Rojas began to enslave and pillage. A deputation arriving at Trujillo to implore protection, Sandoval was instructed to interfere on behalf of the natives, as subjects of Cortés.[XIX-24] His force was insufficient, it seems, to drive out the intruders, but Rojas nevertheless retired by order of Córdoba.[XIX-25]

One reason for this withdrawal was that Córdoba could not afford to place himself in hostile attitude to any neighbor. One of the acts of Moreno during his arbitrary proceeding in Honduras had been to urge upon him to transfer his allegiance and province to the audiencia. This prompting found a willing ear. Blind to the accumulative evidence of failure, and untaught by disappointment, Córdoba allowed the few instances of successful revolt to overshadow every failure. He looked upon the force around him, and measuring the distance between himself and the grim Pedrarias, his dread grew fainter as the leagues increased; meanwhile hope kept whispering, might he not also become another Cortés, borne aloft by fame, or at least a Velazquez safe upon his usurped island? He wavered, and yielded. In maturing his plans for a step so full of risk, he resolved to learn further from Moreno what authority he possessed, and perfect arrangements with him. Pedro de Garro[XIX-26] was accordingly sent with a party of forty men to Honduras, bearing also petitions to the emperor and audiencia, and with instructions to explore the best route to a port in that province through which supplies and war material might be procured. Sandoval, on hearing of their approach, captured them, together with their retinue of beautiful women and numerous servants, but allowed a few under escort to proceed to Trujillo. Cortés received them with good-will, and as a proof thereof ordered four pack animals to be sent laden with horseshoes, mining tools, and other articles, as a present to Córdoba. But he could not countenance the overthrowal of a chief by a subordinate officer; for had not his present expedition been made to punish a similar attempt? He wrote him accordingly, advising fidelity to Pedrarias, and promising his aid in procuring supplies through Honduras, since Panamá, was regarded as too distant.[XIX-27]

[Sidenote: TEMPTATION.]

This intercourse had served to enlighten Cortés in regard to the condition and resources of the country to the south and south-west. He had learned that it was fertile and populous, filled with flourishing towns, and giving great promise of mineral wealth; facts confirmed by the splendid retinue of Garro and the demand for mining implements. Perhaps in this very country lay the rich provinces which had stirred his imagination, even before the fall of Mexico, and for which he had come in search this long way. Should he allow an interloper to deprive him of what his fancy had claimed all these years, and what had enticed him to superhuman efforts? But a valid excuse was needed for seizing a province already held by another, a king's lieutenant like himself. Cortés was too astute, however, not to find a way to prevent so rich a prize from eluding him. Was it out of friendship for a stranger that he had sent valuable presents to Córdoba, and offered to forward supplies through Honduras? No, he knew where to sow in order to reap. He had also written, as he admits, to some officers in Nicaragua whom he knew, and what subtle poison may not have been diffused by craftily worded advice. Córdoba understood the hint for himself, and was confirmed in his resolve. But his fellow-soldiers had also a word to say. The idea of risking life and fortune for the ambitious plans of a captain who was little, if anything, more than themselves, was by no means to the liking of all the officers. Several objected, and since it was now too late to retreat Córdoba must even persuade them by arms. Civil war threatened, and the news was not long in reaching Trujillo. Indeed, it seems that the rebel leader, on finding what a tempest he had invoked, sent to tender allegiance to Cortés.[XIX-28] And then the latter reasoned with himself. Could he, an imperial officer, stand calmly by and see his Majesty's interests sacrificed and his subjects, his countrymen, slaughtered? No, certainly not; and he congratulated himself upon the success of his plans. Here was the longed-for pretence, cast in his way by fortune. He must pounce upon the prize while the claimants were absorbed in contention.[XIX-29] The first step was to direct a large force of natives to open a road to Nicaragua, and Sandoval received orders to prepare for the expedition.[XIX-30]

Again it seemed as if the great leader had misinterpreted the signs of providence.

[Sidenote: ASSUMES GREATER POMP.]

His messenger to Mexico had safely arrived, and with prudent management a reaction had been started in favor of Cortés; the evidence that he was alive was half the battle; but his enemies, though checked, were not overthrown, and believing that everything depended upon his presence it was decided to recall him. The commission was intrusted to his cousin, Fray Diego Altamirano, an ex-soldier who had doffed the helmet for a Franciscan cowl, and a man of honor and business talent.[XIX-31] He fell like a bomb-shell on the manifold projects of Cortés for conquest and aggrandizement, which, if encouraged by one success, might have borne the victor triumphantly southward, perhaps to the realms of the Incas. Altamirano was not a man to let the stern present be obscured by the glowing fancies of enthusiasm. His visions turned alone toward Mexico, and his coloring was reserved for painting the sad condition of its affairs. This he did, boldly, yet with loving discreetness, and convinced his kinsman that return to Mexico was absolutely necessary to save himself, his friends, and the country from ruin. He also insisted that in order to succeed in controlling followers he must assert his dignity, and impose on the vulgar by an intimidating and awe-inspiring pomp. The familiarity grown out of the fellowship of the camp and the toil of the march might answer in a border province, but not in the well-settled districts of New Spain, or at the court of Mexico. More dignity should be assumed at once; here and now must he teach his followers the distance between the governor and the subject, and demand reverence as his due. There was not much need for exhortation in this respect, for pomp came naturally to Cortés. Readily, therefore, did he mount the gubernatorial seat with its imposing dais, and receive with a complacent smile the señoría[XIX-32] from the lips of the deeply bowing suite. In church, even, he occupied the higher level of the raised sitial,[XIX-33] while abroad the cannon belched forth in his honor.[XIX-34]

His distrust of the sea remained, and he determined to return through Guatemala. The laborers, therefore, were taken from the Nicaragua road to prepare the way for him;[XIX-35] but finally the pilots convinced him that at this season of the year the winds and currents were favorable, while the land route must be long and full of obstacles. He accordingly embarked in three vessels with twenty Spanish followers and their horses, and some two hundred Indians under Prince Ixtlilxochitl, setting sail April 25, 1526.[XIX-36] Sandoval joined him, but his company went overland. Saavedra remained as his lieutenant, with instructions to maintain native loyalty by good treatment, and to promote settlement. The general's yet wavering confidence in the sea received another shock off the very coast of New Spain, whence a gale drove him back and compelled him to seek refuge in Cuba. On the 16th of May he again set sail, and landed a week later near the present Vera Cruz. The news of his arrival spread rapidly, and soldiers, colonists, and natives hastened forward in throngs to bear the beloved leader, the mighty Malinche, in triumph to the island city which he had won and refounded. Doubts were dissipated and past disappointments forgotten as he gazed once more on the scenes of his brilliant achievements, and drank the plaudits of the multitude.[XIX-37]

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XX. PEDRARIAS REMOVES TO NICARAGUA

1525-1527.

CÓRDOBA MEDITATES REVOLT—SOTO AND COMPAÑON OBJECT—THEIR FLIGHT—PEDRARIAS NURSES HIS WRATH—SECRET MOTIVES FOR HIS DEPARTURE FOR NICARAGUA—CÓRDOBA LOSES HIS HEAD—THE GOVERNOR COVETS HONDURAS, AND COMES TO BLOWS—THE INDIANS FOLLOW THE EXAMPLE—BLOODY SCENES—PEDRARIAS INTERRUPTED IN HIS REVERIE—PEDRO DE LOS RIOS SUCCEEDS AS GOVERNOR AT PANAMÁ—HIS INSTRUCTIONS AND POLICY—RESIDENCIA OF PEDRARIAS—TRIUMPHANT RESULT.

[Sidenote: CÓRDOBA MEDITATES.]

With the departure of Cortés in drooping plumes, his pretentious projects for dominion in the south received a check, and the portentous clouds which had before loomed over Honduras again darkened the sky, extending over the adjoining lake province, there to threaten Córdoba's bright visions of independence. One can hardly blame the lieutenant for indulging his imagination with the alluring prospects of power, wealth, and fame, when kept in subjection on the one side by so unlovable a master as Pedrarias, and when prompted on the other by the powerful audiencia of Santo Domingo to cast off the unrighteous allegiance. With his mind thus predisposed, Córdoba saw clearly that Nicaragua could not permanently pertain to the jurisdiction of Panamá. It was a distinct province, conquered and abandoned by Gil Gonzalez, and now brought into resubjection by his own efforts and talents. If any one disputed his position he could point to the authorization of the audiencia. True, the fleet and men, the means and influence, used in effecting the reconquest pertained to his late chief. What of that? The ships did not belong to Pedrarias; the old governor had taken them in direct disobedience to the orders of the king. As for the money and the men, all had been obtained by vile indirection, and might as well be made to serve one traitor as another. But he was no traitor to the king who responded to the will of the king's audiencia.

There was much in common between the revolts of Olid and Córdoba, but the motives of the leaders differed. The former, bold, brave, and in the main true, had felt aggrieved that so broad a portion of the earth should fall to the lot of one man, whose pretensions thereto grew out of his accidental position as commander, while he, a captain who had shared every danger and hardship in the grand conquest, must be content forever to serve. The sole command of a small portion of disputed territory he had deemed a recompense small enough beside the imperial reward of his commander. Hernandez de Córdoba viewed matters from a somewhat different stand-point, though with an abundance of plausible excuses. He was an instrument chosen by Pedrarias to wrest a fair domain from the rightful conqueror. In this selection Pedrarias had been governed by his usual narrow policy. Throughout his whole career he could not abandon the vain attempt to accomplish great results by small means, and noble results by base means.

With such incentives and precepts Córdoba found little difficulty in disposing of the moral obstacles to his scheme, and on turning toward the material he saw nothing insurmountable, since most of the men were favorably disposed. In this there was nothing strange, for Córdoba was generous and confiding, and by the side of Pedrarias such qualities shone with double lustre. As a first step he called on the settlers, particularly of Leon and Granada, to petition the king for his appointment as independent governor.[XX-1] None objected save a dozen men headed by the captains Soto and Compañon. Loyalty had probably nothing to do with their opposition, but rather jealousy. They would not risk their liberty and prospects to raise so much above themselves a fellow officer who could never be in their eyes more able and deserving than themselves.

The remonstrances of these few persons were not to be regarded, however, and retreat for Córdoba was in any case too late. Soto, the first to object, was cast into the fortress of Granada, but Compañon, with a few faithful comrades, broke open the prison and liberated him. The little band, well armed and mounted, then took the field against Córdoba and openly bade him defiance. Córdoba recognized that prompt action was indispensable, and set forth in pursuit. Though Soto and Compañon failed to gain more adherents, as they had expected, they nevertheless took a stand near Granada against the usurper's formidable force, warning him that all their efforts, in case of attack, would be concentrated on killing him.[XX-2] The lieutenant hesitated. He well knew the determined character of his late officers, and pictured himself the target of their unerring missiles. The golden visions of his hopes became dimmer. He would like to be a governor, but he did not wish to be killed; and not possessing the spirit of greatness, he readily found an excuse for returning whence he came, while Soto with his gallant ten thought it profitable to acquaint Pedrarias and receive from him the reward of loyal servants. The journey back to Panamá was not easy, with its rugged mountains, impetuous streams, and pathless forests, while hostile natives, venomous animals, and gnawing hunger added to the hardships serious danger; nevertheless they would undertake it, and make a portion of their way by sea. Soon after starting they found their horses an encumbrance rather than an aid, and therefore they abandoned them. Barefooted and dilapidated they reached the town of Fonseca,[XX-3] in Chiriquí, where Hurtado, the founder, relieved them, and provided a canoe in which to pursue the journey.

[Sidenote: SOTO AND HURTADO.]

After the departure of Soto southward, the good Hurtado pondered over the situation. The rebel Córdoba, in common with Soto and the others, he held in low esteem. If with his small force he could not conquer him, he believed he could frighten the man greatly; at all events, here was an opportunity to gain favor with Pedrarias. He accordingly armed all the able-bodied men at his command and marched against the rebels, leaving the sick and helpless to ward off famine and the natives as best they might. After waiting some time in vain for the return of Hurtado, the abandoned remnant deserted the post and set out in search of him, directing their steps toward the gulf of Nicoya.

In the mean time Soto and his party reached Natá and sent their report to Panamá. Rage in the breasts of some men consumes both body and soul; but such was the nature of Pedrarias that the essence of his life appeared to be drawn from inexhaustible wells of vindictive spleen. Although approaching the time when most men die, the castigation of a traitorous lieutenant was too choice a morsel to intrust to another; and so, belting in his wrath, he prepared at once to march against him. To this he was impelled also by a desire to forestall any attempt on the part of the conqueror of Mexico, whose projects were even then casting a portentous shadow over the smiling shores of the Freshwater Sea. A still deeper impulse, however, was the looming spectre of a new governor, with orders for a residencia, which once instituted might prevent his departure.

To defray the expenses of the expedition Pedrarias was obliged not only to employ his own fortune but to borrow large sums from the house-holders and merchants. This he did, agreeing to share with them the profits of the adventure. He was shrewd enough to conceal how much a prospective successor and residencia had to do with his departure; and believing that the object was solely to secure for the benefit of Panamá, from a strange invader and rebel, the gold-seamed Nicaragua with its budding colonies and trade, the people were quite eager to aid him in so promising and loyal a scheme. Panamá and Natá had already been drained of able-bodied men by the expeditions under Pizarro and Almagro which were to yield such brilliant results, and Pedrarias was obliged to draw upon Acla and Nombre de Dios for soldiers. This additional levy so nearly depopulated the province that its four cities together could hardly muster occupants enough for 'a mediocre hamlet,' as Oviedo expresses it. A large number of Indians were also taken. The departure of the fleet took place in January, 1526.

* * * * *

Córdoba had not been comfortable since Soto's escape. The more he pondered the shorter to his mind grew the distance between himself and the grim Pedrarias. In his fear he bethought himself of Cortés, and sent to offer him the province on condition that he should retain the command as his lieutenant; for it was far better to be subject to the magnanimous conqueror of Anáhuac, whose name would prove a safeguard against his old master, while his distant residence in Mexico might leave a lieutenant almost wholly independent. This scheme received an encouraging acceptance, as we have seen, only to be abandoned before the urgent appeals from Mexico.

[Sidenote: EXECUTION OF CÓRDOBA.]

The more than peculiar conduct of Córdoba on meeting Soto has prepared us for almost any pusillanimity on his part. Either a blind reliance in Cortés made him careless, or the arrival at Leon of the hoary-headed Pedrarias was unexpectedly sudden; it seems at any rate that he did not even attempt to defend himself. Probably the settlers had become disgusted with his want of courage and failed to support him. All we learn is that he and his friends humbly met the governor and sought to deny their guilt, pleading, as in the case of Vasco Nuñez, that had mutinous intentions been entertained they would not thus have dared to come forward unarmed, but would have fled or defended themselves. The case was too clear, however, and Pedrarias never forgave: the head of Córdoba was required as a lesson to similar aspirants.[XX-4]

Having thus removed his rebellious subordinate, Pedrarias looked about to secure the permanent government of the province and extend his jurisdiction as best he might. If Nicaragua belonged to Castilla del Oro, as he of course maintained, so must the eastern and north-eastern extension of this region, as far at least as the gulf of Honduras, clearly the natural boundary. The efforts of Gil Gonzalez to secure Honduras showed that he had also regarded this province as pertaining to Nicaragua. But above all, was not the dreaded Cortés away, and was not his lieutenant, Saavedra, in command of a mere handful of men? What more convincing evidence of his right could there be? But even under these circumstances caution was necessary, and he resolved to secure at first only the adjoining border territory. With this object captains Hurtado and Rojas were sent to occupy Olancho Valley. The natives had too vivid a recollection of the former invasion under Rojas to feel safe, and hastened to Trujillo with their complaints. Saavedra, who saw the danger of countenancing encroachments from such a quarter, sent two envoys[XX-5] to demand the immediate withdrawal of the Nicaraguan troops. Pedrarias was not unprepared for this, and smooth and evasive was his answer. For the sake of peace he would come to an understanding with Cortés regarding his pretensions in that quarter, and submit the whole matter to the decision of the audiencia. Meanwhile there must be no fighting or attempted overreaching among countrymen.

The tone and manner of the old courtier would have convinced more experienced men than the Honduras envoys, and with satisfied hearts they turned to bear the peaceful message to their chief. Pedrarias gained his point. He never entertained the idea of writing to Cortés or submitting any question to the audiencia.

Fresh instructions were at once despatched to Hurtado and Rojas, and while the envoys were lulling Saavedra into fancied security they fell upon his adherents in Olancho, routed them, and secured their effects. The victors then proceeded northward with a view to occupy Natividad and secure for their chief a much needed port on the North Sea, through which to receive supplies and maintain communication with Spain and the Islands, for the Panamá route was too long and costly. Informed of their movements Saavedra sent a force to intercept them. The captains were not just then prepared to resist so strong a body, and like their master they resorted to fair words, both sides promising to return peaceably home. But neither believed in these assurances, and each resolved to watch the other. Rojas, for that matter, proceeded on the march to Natividad, while Hurtado returned to Olancho to protect his interests there. The Trujillo party pursued the latter, and a fight ensued wherein they proved victorious, after losing two men. These broils the natives observed, and saw therein their opportunity. They attacked Natividad, and the Spaniards, driven forth after a fight in which several fell, took refuge in a natural stronghold, there to remain until aid could arrive.[XX-6]

[Sidenote: HURTADO AND GRIJALVA SLAIN.]

Rojas appears to have learned of this uprising in time to retreat to Olancho; but here also the caciques had mustered in force[XX-7] to avenge the injuries which Pedrarias' soldiers were inflicting. Ordered by them to bring in maize and material for houses, they seized the opportunity to introduce within the bundles a quantity of arms. These were to serve the natives who remained in or near the camp waiting the approach of their regularly armed compatriots. All prepared, the word was given, and stealthily the dusky foe crept upon the unsuspecting Spaniards. Living in the midst of treachery, it seems impossible that they should have allowed themselves to be thus lulled. Suddenly forest, hill, and dale were alive with Indians, and the silence was broken by a piercing yell as the first victim met his fate. The signal was taken up, and from thousands came the avenging shriek, reverberating along the wooded slopes and rolling back upon the doomed band. Resistance seemed to avail them little. Sixteen were slain; a few escaped to a friendly cacique, named Guatucanola; and twenty horses were lost. The settlement was sacked and burned. Among the fallen were Captain Hurtado, who had rendered so many eminent services as explorer, leader, and founder, and Juan de Grijalva, a man who, as captain of a Cuban expedition, had achieved the honor of discovering the Mexican mainland, and who might even have gained the glory of that brilliant conquest but for his fine sense of honor and other manly qualities. Often a too strict integrity impedes the path to greatness. At all events, these qualities lost him the favor of his master and governor, Velazquez, and despite his faithful services, his courage and talent, he was sent forth in disgrace, to die ignobly in this wilderness.[XX-8]

Rojas arrived soon after and sought to restore peace, but the natives were too strong for him, and for years they held their ground. Saavedra charged Pedrarias with being the cause of the disaster, and not without reason, for the treacherous conduct of his captains had encouraged the uprising. Quarrels and recriminations followed, but without any attempt on the part of Saavedra to take active steps against the Nicaraguan invaders. Finding his adversary so tame, the old governor felt emboldened to take the step he had so long been meditating, to secure possession of the remainder of Honduras. To this effect he despatched Captain Diego de Albites and Sebastian de Benalcázar, regidores of Leon, with Notary Espinosa, to demand the submission of Saavedra and the cabildo of Trujillo to his jurisdiction. The envoys were hardly on their way, however, before tidings came from Panamá which sent Pedrarias in all haste back to the Isthmus, leaving the government in the joint charge of several of his most trusted officers, among whom Martin Estete figured as lieutenant-general.[XX-9]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PEDRO DE LOS RIOS.]

The new governor of Castilla del Oro, Pedro de los Rios, had arrived with his fleet at Nombre de Dios July 30, 1526,[XX-10] attended, as was common in such cases, by many followers, among whom were Licenciado Juan de Salmeron, alcalde mayor; Bachiller Diego de Corral; Diego Gutierrez de los Rios, a nephew, and Egas, the half-brother of the governor. Oviedo was also of the party, bearing as his reward for procuring the change of rule the appointment of captain-general and governor of the province of Cartagena. The day following the arrival the new officials were sworn in, and within four weeks they had taken up their residence at Panamá. The jurisdiction of Rios covered the same territory as had that of Pedrarias, excepting Paria and Veragua. As usual, he had been particularly enjoined to look to the good treatment of the Indians and promote the formation of towns on healthy sites. In all matters of importance he was to consult with the alcalde mayor, as a man learned in the law, and a faithful servant of the king. The governor was empowered to settle all disputes and punish all crimes according to his judgment and the laws of the country, and with regard to thieves and robbers he was recommended to go even somewhat beyond the law. This was a power admirably suited for a reformer as Rios came heralded, but the rising rejoicings of the people at the removal of the old governor began quickly to calm on finding, as Oviedo says, that in the place of one hydra head cut off two others had appeared.[XX-11]

Pedro de los Rios was quite a different man from Pedrarias; indeed we shall scarcely again in this history meet the equal of the old governor of Darien. Though possessing more bulk of body the new governor lacked the strength of mind of the old one; he lacked the cunning, indomitable energy, and the vindictive pertinacity of Pedrarias. He loved gold, however, in which predilection he was joined by his wife, who even surpassed him in this respect. In accordance with royal orders, among his first acts were to seize the effects and estates of Pedrarias, including his encomiendas, to secure control of the Pearl Islands and their revenues, and to hold all until the residencia of the outgoing governor was taken. Pedrarias knew that his authority at Panamá was lost, but he did not like to lose his property. It was a pecuniary disaster alone that could have taken him from Nicaragua at this critical moment.

The news of his coming was brought by a vessel laden with kidnapped Nicaraguans, to be sold by auction in the Panamá market. He himself reached Natá in December, and after writing to Rios made his appearance at the capital February 3, 1527. Three days later the residencia was proclaimed by Salmeron.

Not knowing who the judges might be, Pedrarias had taken the precaution to petition the India Council for power of appeal in any decision which might be rendered against him. And this had been granted, with the order to pay at once any judgment under ten thousand maravedís, and to make a deposit which should cover all amounts of larger claims. Further than this, he had taken with him to Nicaragua, and had left there, those who might most trouble him in his residencia. The greater part of the aggrieved were thus out of the way, and their opportunity lost.

He had also despatched Enciso to Spain, to represent his interests at court and neutralize the machinations of his enemies. The result was the arrival of a cédula from the king just in time to provide that no questions were to be raised in the present residencia touching matters disposed of by the pretended investigations under Alarconcillo. This reduced still further the complaints against Pedrarias, and as he at once made overtures to his judge, sparing neither money nor humility, and as he still had influence, his feebly presented crimes were lightly regarded. Oviedo deemed himself exceedingly ill used in these proceedings, and loudly chronicles his complaints. After presenting a long list of claims, which were denied, the historian was glad to escape assassination at the hand of his ancient enemy.[XX-12] Charges of course were sent to Spain,[XX-13] citing instances of abuse of power, and of private frauds. Among the more serious accusations was the embezzling of royal moneys, which had helped to swell a remittance of seventy thousand pesos de oro, sent secretly to a safe receptacle in Spain. So pressing and puzzling were these charges that the India Council held repeated consultations on the case.

[Sidenote: BEFORE THE INDIA COUNCIL.]

But Pedrarias had not been idle. He had requested his powerful relatives to hold forth to the king himself, to the best advantage, the many valuable services he had rendered in Africa as well as in the Indies. The words of the agent Enciso were likewise powerful, and made these records stand out resplendent, backed as they were with the dazzling treasures of the Pearl Islands.[XX-14] Not only was Pedrarias acquitted and reinstated in his rights and possessions, but new favors were showered on him. Yet the government of Panamá could not be restored to him; indeed the crown itself had not been so blinded as some of its satellites to the many evils that had characterized the government of Pedrarias in Castilla del Oro. At all events it was considered timely to allow the oppressed province to recover from the selfish tyranny of his rule under a more fatherly supervision. His shrewd foresight and usual good fortune were paving a new way, however. It so happened that Gil Gonzalez, the rightful claimant to Nicaragua, died about the time that Pedrarias sent in to the king a glowing report on the resources of this province, together with promises of great revenues. Not only was he now entitled to the first consideration for the post of governor, but it was probably considered advantageous to the royal purse that a man of such natural proclivities for extortion should be given a field where watchful energy alone was needed to develop untold wealth. Again was the star of Pedrarias emerging from behind the Hyperborei Montes, but with lustre dimmed by clouds rising, this time in the direction of Honduras.

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XXI. RIVAL GOVERNORS IN HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA

1526-1530.

COLONIAL POLICY—SALCEDO DISPLACES SAAVEDRA IN THE GOVERNMENT OF HONDURAS—SAAVEDRA'S ESCAPE—PEDRARIAS' ENVOYS TRAPPED—SALCEDO INVADES NICARAGUA—HIS CRUELTY AND EXTORTION—DISTRESS AMONG THE COLONISTS—RIOS ALSO PRESENTS CLAIMS, BUT IS DISCOMFITED—PEDRARIAS FOLLOWS TRIUMPHANT—SALCEDO'S IGNOMINIOUS FATE—ESTETE'S EXPEDITION—SLAVE-HUNTING PROFITS AND HORRORS—GLADIATORIAL PUNISHMENT OF REVOLTED NATIVES—PEDRARIAS' SCHEMES FOR AGGRANDIZEMENT—HE GRASPS AT SALVADOR AND LONGS FOR PERU—BOTH ELUDE HIM—FURTHER MORTIFICATION AND DEATH—CHARACTER OF THE CONQUERORS.

One of the chief causes which gave rise to the disputes of rival leaders for the occupancy of Nicaragua and Honduras was the policy which governed the Council of the Indies in regard to the colonial possessions of Spain. Gradually the discovery of Columbus had assumed gigantic proportions, and the indefinite and unknown limits to the territories which had been given to the first governors were becoming more fixed and determined. The immense extent of the discovery and the vast dominions which had been allotted to each colony was then first ascertained. It was deemed wise and prudent by the court of Spain that such broad possessions should be divided into smaller states, and governed by many, rather than that the whole should be under the jurisdiction of a few arrogant viceroys. Thus checks could be more easily placed on individuals, and the distant provinces of the New World could be more readily held in subjection. With this in view it was that Hernandez de Córdoba had been urged by the audiencia to throw off allegiance to Pedrarias, and that the enterprises not only of Gil Gonzalez but of Olid had been encouraged by the Spanish government.[XXI-1]

But a resort to arms as a method for settling their differences was by no means desired; and when the emperor became aware that hostilities had broken out among the colonists of Honduras and Nicaragua he peremptorily forbade any Spaniard to draw his sword against another, under penalty of his severe displeasure. The better to curb the encroaching conquerors on either side, and to further his policy, he resolved to appoint new governors for these provinces; and thus it was that Pedrarias, owing in a great measure to his wife and to family influence, had obtained the long desired lake region, even before the result of his residencia was known; while Honduras was given as early as 1525[XXI-2] to Diego Lopez de Salcedo, regardless of the great efforts and means expended by Cortés in its colonization, wholly from his own resources.[XXI-3]

[Sidenote: SAAVEDRA AND SALCEDO.]

Salcedo was at this time residing in Española, and on receiving the appointment, together with instructions to inquire into the late trouble and punish the guilty, he at once prepared to set out. The audiencia also took the instructions to heart, and, regarding Cortés as implicated, they seized one of his ships at Santo Domingo, with its cargo of merchandise.[XXI-4] Salcedo found the settlers at peace on reaching Trujillo. Saavedra and Alcalde Figueroa set the example to the other officials in doing reverence to the new ruler, who was solemnly inaugurated on the 27th of October, 1526.[XXI-5] The first act under the new régime was to make an investigation into the late political disturbances, and the result was the arrest of Saavedra, regidores Garnica and Vega, and two settlers named Martin Cortés and Morales, who were placed on a vessel for transmission to the judges in Española. Their safe-keeping was intrusted to Diego Morillo, who was installed with a staff of justice, to give him greater authority. But the emblem of the law failed to impose upon the prisoners, who were in this respect hardly less imbued with the spirit of the times than Pedrarias and his followers. They had too wholesome a fear of the quality of mercy dispensed by the pompous rulers at Santo Domingo, and determined to make an effort for liberty. The mainland had barely been lost to sight when they appealed to the master's sympathy. Their argument was sufficiently weighted to be convincing, and the shackles were not only transferred to Morillo, but he was relieved of all his effects. The vessel's course was thereupon changed to Cuba, where the mutineers dispersed in search of wider spheres of operations.[XXI-6]

Shortly after Salcedo's installation the three envoys of Pedrarias arrived at Trujillo. Finding a royal governor instead of the intruder Saavedra, they did not venture to present their demands for the submission of the province, but sought instead to regain Nicaragua and warn their master. Salcedo had them arrested, however, as concerned in the disorders in Nicaragua and Olancho, and turned the tables by declaring Pedrarias an arraigned culprit, answerable to the residencia judge at Panamá, and Nicaragua as falling within the jurisdiction of Honduras, instead of pertaining to Castilla del Oro. He intended, in fact, to take possession at once, and in this course he was encouraged by petitions from the anti-Pedrarias faction of that province. The limits of Salcedo's government had not been fixed, and what more natural than to base on the claims of Cortés and Gonzalez the pleasing illusion that Nicaragua must belong to his jurisdiction? An additional excuse was to be found in the late political disturbances in that province, which it behooved him as a royal officer to stop. The captive envoys should accompany him as guides and hostages.

Preparations were soon concluded, and Salcedo departed with nearly one hundred and fifty horsemen, leaving the small remnant at Trujillo under command of Francisco de Cisneros.[XXI-7] He sent forward Alonso de Solis, one of his captains, and a priest, with instructions to report to him the condition of the Indians throughout the district; whether they were friendly or otherwise; and what were their feelings in regard to the Christian faith which they had previously professed to adopt. Solis speedily came back with the information that bands of Spaniards were prowling about the Olancho Valley. Salcedo advanced upon them, and a skirmish ensued in which two men were lost. Suspecting that Albites and his companions might be connected with this untoward check, he sent them back to Trujillo with instructions for their immediate transmission to Santo Domingo, on the charge of inciting native revolts and other disorders. These charges were not sustained, however, and the prisoners soon returned fully exonerated.

[Sidenote: WOES OF THE NATIVES.]

Still another check came to dampen the ardor of the party, and Treasurer Castillo, among others, urged the abandonment of the expedition; but the fair shores of the Freshwater Sea had taken too deep a hold upon Salcedo's fancy, strewn as they were by rumor with much gold. No; he knew his duty as royal officer, and would extend his beneficent rule to this region. As for his losses and disappointments, he would look to that universal source of redress, the natives. Caciques were summoned to furnish Indians for carrying burdens and gathering food, and soldiers went forth to enforce the order. A number of those suspected of complicity in the disturbances at Natividad were hanged and others enslaved, to be eventually sent out of the country and sold. Great were their woes. Those who lost their relatives or near friends fled to the mountains, preferring starvation and death to the cruel oppression of the strangers. This feeling extended also to the district of Comayagua, and created a distrust which was at once magnified into revolt. The Spaniards immediately fell upon them, and a terrible havoc ensued. The natives resorted to the passive retaliation of withdrawing supplies, and even of destroying the crops, so as to leave the Spaniards without food, and compel them to devour horses and dogs. This heightened the feeling against them, and even the carriers were made to suffer so severely that many threw off their loads and sought to escape, only to be overtaken and slaughtered. The panic spread, and tribes distant from the scene burned their villages and fields to seek refuge in the mountains, lest they should be exposed to similar outrages on Salcedo's return.

In Nicaragua the rumor of these doings had impelled the natives to assume a threatening attitude, so that when the Spanish party finally arrived at the city of Leon they were hailed as saviors. This helped to pave the way for Salcedo, and when he submitted his commission to Martin Estete, the officer in charge, and to the municipal body, they gave one glance at the sturdy forces by his side and then recognized it as valid. The new governor was sworn in May 7, 1527. Once in undisputed possession the humanity of Salcedo underwent a change. He would no longer carry panic into native villages by means of raiding parties; nay, he would even relieve the Indians from the oppression of their present masters, the late subjects of Pedrarias, and place them under the experienced control of his friends and followers. Without more ado the choice repartimientos were transferred to the hands of himself and his adherents, with not even an attempted excuse to the late holders. Such high-handed proceedings created general dissatisfaction, not only among the despoiled settlers but also among the enslaved, who were regarded as cattle, and treated with a severity paralleled only by the Honduras atrocities. More spirited, however, than the former victims, they retaliated with sullen stubbornness, and refused to gather gold or perform agricultural labor. The distress increased, and many could not procure the common necessaries of life. The rupture between the two races developed into open warfare, in which rights, grievances, and passion often figured only as minor impulses by the side of the cravings of hunger.[XXI-8]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PEDRARIAS AND RIOS.]

To these distressing straits was the country reduced when a new claimant to the government presented himself, in the person of Pedro de los Rios. Invested with the same power and authority over Castilla del Oro as his predecessor, he thought himself entitled to jurisdiction also over Nicaragua, since it had been occupied and settled under the same auspices. He had deferred his departure from Panamá till Pedrarias should have been securely entangled in the meshes of his residencia, and therefore unable to object. But the latter was desirous to see him leave, in the hope that a change in his own favor might be effected, perhaps by some friendly ingulfing wave, some devoted assassin, or some native treachery; for the road was new and Rios inexperienced. As a proof of his friendly interest in the project Pedrarias counselled him to invest heavily in merchandise, which must pay a large profit. Such advice was not to be disregarded, and, as circumstances would have it, the gubernatorial trader was received with open arms by the sorely pressed settlers of Nicaragua. But Rios had not the foresight which characterized Fiscal Moreno's proceedings in Honduras, two years before, and on presenting his claims to the supreme office the colonists returned a cold stare. They saw nothing in his commission which expressly included Nicaragua within Castilla del Oro, and although much afflicted by the avaricious and oppressive measures of Salcedo, they determined to support a governor whom they might call their own rather than submit to one residing at such a distance, and evidently intent on enriching himself and Panamá at their expense.

It is not improbable that the cause for the change lay partly with Pedrarias, whose emissaries hoped by this means to embroil the new aspirant with his proposed subjects. Salcedo was strong enough, however, with his own troops to dictate terms to his rival, and he peremptorily ordered him to leave the province within three days, under a penalty of ten thousand pesos. Rios had too much respect for his portly person to expose it to profane usage. Still he would have lingered had not the threatened fine urged him away. As it was, in the flurry of departure he even forgot his gout, with which he was just then severely stricken, and his groans were not resumed till the vessel had turned prow for Panamá. He carried one consolation, however, to soothe his ruffled spirit; he had made these boorish colonists pay tenfold for his cargo of merchandise. After all, the trip had not proved unprofitable, and he laughed within himself at the thought. On his way back he stopped at Brusélas, in the gulf of Nicoya, where a friendly reception was accorded him. Informed of this, Salcedo with vindictive jealousy sent a troop of sixty horse under Garabito to destroy the hospitable town.

The rankest despot could hardly deport himself with more capricious severity than these petty upstart lieutenants in the Indies. Salcedo was evidently a fitting successor to Pedrarias, as far as displaying his jealousy, greed, and cruelty; but he lacked some of the commanding characteristics which had so often enabled the latter to weather the storm raised by his tyrannous impulses. His rule was to be brief and ignoble. One of his last acts, which bore the relieving stamp of a public measure, was to order Gabriel de Rojas to explore Rio San Juan, the outlet of the lake, and to found there a settlement.

This order was disregarded, for just then came the rumor that Pedrarias was about to return as governor. This sufficed to bring the general dissatisfaction with Salcedo to an issue. At first he treated the news as absurd; but, when the report came that Pedrarias was actually on the way with a royal commission, he resolved to collect his scattered followers and make his escape. The step was fatal, as it encouraged the still wavering Estete with his friends to pronounce in favor of the expected chief. The officials of Salcedo were arrested, which rendered the executive powerless to act, and his horses were seized, so that he might not escape a reckoning. So ominous became the demonstration against the deposed governor, that he abandoned the building which had hitherto given him shelter, and sought the protecting walls of the church. There he remained, closely guarded by the rebels, till Pedrarias arrived. Several persons had remonstrated with Estete with regard to these arbitrary proceedings, based as they were on a mere report from Panamá; but this officer, who had everything to gain by the movement if the report proved true, declared that Pedrarias should be supported even if he came without a royal Commission. In any case it would be suicidal now to restore the relentless Salcedo to power.[XXI-9]

All doubts were solved by the arrival of the old governor at Leon in March, 1528, and the timely turncoats were liberally rewarded; Estete receiving the command of Leon, and Diego de Tejorina that of Granada. Immediately on receipt of his appointment Pedrarias had hastened to Nicaragua, leaving an agent at Panamá to finish his residencia, and to collect the property and effects which had been attached. In connection with the new government the king had appointed Licenciado Castañeda alcalde mayor, and Diego de la Tobilla treasurer, both of whom arrived eight months later.[XXI-10]

[Sidenote: IMPRISONMENT OF SALCEDO.]

Salcedo's case claimed the first attention of the new ruler, and claims and charges began to pour in, the chief accusation being that he had stationed spies to watch for the arrival of Pedrarias and native assassins to despatch him. An investigation was ordered, to embrace also the question whether Salcedo had royal authority for his entry into the territory. The accused denied the charges, of course, and protested that he had come merely to pacify the country, in accordance with his instructions. He demanded liberty to depart for Honduras, where the king required his presence as governor. Any other person might have felt awed by a demand coupled so plausibly with the royal name, but Pedrarias had too often mocked even the direct commands of his sovereign to care for indirect requirements. He flaunted in the face of the accused the royal order lately received forbidding him to meddle in Nicaraguan affairs, and declared that since he had done so there was every prospect for a residencia. The order for it might arrive at any moment, and he must give bonds to answer the claims against him. The bonds not being forthcoming he was placed under restraint, and on his attempting to escape, close confinement was imposed.

Ten weary months Salcedo lay in durance. Finally Treasurer Tobilla and Osorio, afterward bishop, intervened and brought about a peaceful settlement. But the conditions extorted from him as the price of liberty were so humiliating that shame and vexation preyed upon his mind, and destroyed his health, already weakened by imprisonment. He was obliged to renounce his claims to the south, and promise to confine himself to a triangular section of territory bounded on the east and west by Cape Gracias á Dios and Puerto de Caballos.[XXI-11] The three envoys of Pedrarias, whom he had sent to Española to answer false charges, and who had returned acquitted, were to be compensated, and he must give security for twenty thousand pesos to appear in case a residencia should be instituted against him. On Christmas eve, 1528, the prison doors opened before him, and the once dashing Salcedo tottered forth, pale and emaciated, weighed down with infirmities of body and mind, an object of pity even to the down-trodden Indians. It had been a game of rogue against rogue, and Pedrarias as usual was the winner. Salcedo felt that he deserved little sympathy, either from the oppressed colonists or from the cruelly treated natives, and within ten days he set out for the shielding precincts of his own government.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: EXPLORATION OF THE RIVER SAN JUAN.]

Pedrarias had long before this taken steps to secure for himself the large tracts of country which he intended to extort from his prisoner, chiefly because they were reported to be rich in gold. For this there were also additional motives. The report of mineral wealth in the province had induced the king to inquire regarding the desirability of erecting smelting works, and similar measures, and although the avaricious old governor required no incentive to gold-hunting, yet the communication was welcomed as a good pretence for his preparations. The already projected expedition by Rojas to the river outlet of the lake was therefore ordered to proceed, reinforced to more than one hundred and fifty men, but the chief command was intrusted to Estete, with instructions to explore the country, particularly for minerals, to take possession for Pedrarias, and to found settlements on the river and along the sea-shore, as desired by the king. On the river, where it receives the waters of the lake, was formed the settlement of Nueva Jaen, flushed at first with brilliant anticipations of a vast entrepôt trade and a flourishing colony, but doomed to speedy abandonment. From the mouth of the San Juan the party followed the coast northward, blazing their way with branding-iron and sword, and finding good mines at Cape Gracias á Dios, as rumored. There they established another colony, of which Rojas was left in charge, while Estete returned to Leon.

Their pathway thither had been stained sanguine by the most abominable cruelty against the natives, in the form of wholesale enslavement and wanton bloodshed, and this in face of the repeated and stringent orders from the king for their good treatment.[XXI-12] Of what avail were orders which suited not the taste of Master Pedrarias! On setting out for Cape Gracias á Dios, Estete received from the chest, in which it was kept under three locks by order of the crown, the branding-iron, which was intended to be used only on rebels and criminals, and pursuing his circuitous route, he captured and branded indiscriminately all natives who fell into his hands, and sent them as slaves to Pedrarias at Leon. Captives were secured by iron collars around the neck, chained together in gangs, and forced to carry heavy burdens. When one fell from exhaustion, in order to save time and trouble, his head was severed from the body, and this released the collar so that the others might pass on.[XXI-13]

This and other kidnapping expeditions, made chiefly in the interest of Pedrarias, fairly glutted Leon and Granada with captives; but if they could not be used here there was another means of utilizing them. The native population of the Isthmus, as we have seen, had already been so greatly reduced by the ever dripping sword, by the hardly less speedy measures of relentless taskmasters, and by the flight of panic-stricken border tribes, that the settlers found it difficult to fill the constantly occurring gaps in their labor gangs. A slave market had accordingly been opened at Panamá, where natives were sold by auction. Its origin was with Pedrarias, and with a fatherly regard for his former government he felt it a duty to sustain an institution so useful to the colonists and so comforting to his coffers. A regular trade thereupon sprang up in Indian slaves, and several ship-loads were taken down to Panamá about this time by different persons.[XXI-14]

[Sidenote: DEPOPULATION.]

The supply of unfortunates was drawn not only from the outlying districts, but from the very centre of the lake settlements, and their capture assisted the sword and lash to no small extent in decimating the population. When Gil Gonzalez first entered the country it was densely populated, and the city of Managua alone contained forty thousand souls, it was said. A few years of Spanish rule sufficed to turn whole tracts of flourishing country into uninhabited wilds, leaving here and there only small communities of terrorized natives groaning under extortionate and cruel masters. On appealing to their idols they were assured that a flood could be called forth, but in it would perish Indians as well as Spaniards. Such was the comfort derived from their religion. Although they had not courage enough to adopt this remedy, women widely formed the resolution not to perpetuate a race foredoomed to slavery and cruel death.

At first, when numbers still gave self-reliance, they ventured to renew the hostilities which under Salcedo had led to such bloody results. Soon after Estete's departure for Cape Gracias a general revolt broke out. In the districts of Leon and Granada bloodshed was averted, but in the interior the slaughter of natives was great, and if the Spaniards lost comparatively few, the loss was increased by the horrors of cannibalism.[XXI-15] Among the victims were Alonso Peralta, the royal treasurer, an hidalgo named Zurita, and two brothers of the name of Ballas, who in 1528 set out from the city of Leon to visit the Indians that had been allotted to them respectively. None ever returned; all were slain by their vassals. Pedrarias despatched a band of soldiers, who captured eighteen caciques supposed to be implicated in the murders.

The Indians becoming daily more bold and troublesome a new method of striking them with terror was invented. As in the introduction of Christianity to the natives diplomacy was frequently made to take the place of logic, so in war and punishment a refined cruelty, in the exercise of which the aged Pedrarias Dávila stood unexcelled, was deemed the most effectual means of pacification. The governor of Leon determined on a grand spectacle, modelled somewhat after the gladiatorial exhibitions of Rome. An inclosure was made in the public square of the town, and on a fixed day the Indian chieftains were brought forth. One of them was led into the arena and given a stout stick or club with which to defend his life against the dogs to be let loose. At first five or six young and inexperienced animals were set upon him, which he could easily keep at bay with his stick. After witnessing this sport until it grew tame, and just as the unfortunate captive began to rejoice in the hope that through his skill and bravery his life was saved, two fierce bloodhounds rushed in, seized him by the throat, brought him to the ground, tore into shreds the flesh, and devoured the entrails, assisted by the still yelping whelps. On the authority of Oviedo, an eye-witness, this horrible scene was repeated seventeen times. Pedrarias ordered the dead bodies to be left on the ground as a warning to others, but soon the stench became insupportable, and the Indians were allowed to remove them.[XXI-16]

* * * * *

Thus did the effort to open a transcontinental route by way of San Juan not only fail, but it carried a host of evils with it, as we have seen. Pedrarias was not content, however, to abandon to Panamá so fruitful a project without another struggle, and since the strip of land between Leon and Caballos was well suited for a road, he prepared to open one. But orders came from the king forbidding the work. The Isthmus was regarded as sufficient for present traffic, and it was also feared that too many lives would be lost in constructing the new road.

[Sidenote: SALVADOR.]

One of the objects of Pedrarias in connection with the undertaking was to secure possession of the western territory wrested from Salcedo, and in this, at any rate, he resolved not to be defeated. Estete was accordingly despatched northward with a strong force, accompanied by Rojas. He was first to explore the northern lakes to determine their outlet, and then to occupy the district between Golfo Dulce and the South Sea, north of Fonseca Bay. This province, known as Salvador, had already been conquered by Alvarado, the lieutenant of Cortés; but Pedrarias knew that the settlers left in possession were not numerous, and that the king would be more apt to favor the annexation of the province to the adjoining small government of Nicaragua than to the distant and too extensive New Spain. Besides, Honduras had claimed it, and that claim was now his. Estete advanced into the heart of Salvador and occupied the town there founded by Alvarado. Few as they were the settlers refused to recognize the authority of the Nicaraguan governor, and his lieutenant retired to the town of Perulapan, upon which he bestowed the high-sounding title of Ciudad de los Caballeros, together with a batch of officials who were to aid him in the congenial task of oppression and enslavement. His sway was not of long duration, however, for Jorge de Alvarado, then in charge of the Guatemalan government, receiving notice of the intrusion, came down upon his settlement and compelled him to evacuate the province in hot haste, with the loss of half his force, which deserted to the enemy.[XXI-17]

Pedrarias' schemes for aggrandizement were evidently not succeeding according to his desire, and he grieved at the thought of the many heavy ducats lost on this last expedition. It was the more deplorable in view of the failure to direct through Nicaragua the transcontinental traffic, which would have yielded so rich a harvest for himself. But above all hovered a deeper grief than any of these. Peru, with its glittering wealth, was now dawning on the world, and none would have been more dazzled by the sight than Pedrarias, had not the agonizing fact intruded itself that he had been tricked out of these very treasures, or at least a large share of them.

When the first expedition was organized for this conquest by Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque, Pedrarias, then governor at Panamá, had stipulated for a fourth interest, in return for which he bestowed the weighty sum of his patronage. But the opening events proved to be less flattering than he had expected, and when demands came for pecuniary aid toward the enterprise, he shrank from the prospect, and allowed himself to be bought off for the paltry consideration of one thousand pesos de oro. Soon came glowing reports, however, and bitter were his denunciations of the folly which had permitted so rich a prize to escape him; and deep his feeling rankled against the late partners, whom he never ceased to suspect of duplicity and of having beguiled him with misrepresentation.

While he was thus brooding, it happened that Nicolás de Ribera arrived in Nicaragua, commissioned by the Peruvian conquerors to procure reinforcements. He sought in particular to win for this purpose Hernando de Soto, Hernan Ponce, and Francisco Compañon, all men of means, who had two vessels on the stocks, nearly finished and available for the voyage. By revolving before their eyes, in kaleidoscopic harmony, a few specimens of the Inca's treasures, illustrated by tales no less alluring, he secured the active sympathy not only of these men, but of a crowd of beggared adherents.

[Sidenote: THE PERUVIAN ADVENTURE.]

Not least dazzled was Pedrarias. Indeed, he could not sleep for the visions that crowded upon his brain. Finally the idea struck him that he might here retrieve his folly by securing an interest in the vessels and reinforcements, and obtain a fair proportion of that gold-enameled region, perhaps the whole. Pizarro and Almagro had already prepared the way, and it might even be his fortune to secure the results of their victories. In order to lull the Peruvian emissaries he promised to do everything to aid Pizarro and Luque; as for Almagro, he had been deceived by him, and deceit his confiding nature could not endure. He thereupon entered secretly into negotiation with the owners of the vessels, but overreached himself by demanding the lion's share in command as well as returns. Feeling himself in duty bound to spare his own purse, he looked about for victims to furnish means, and bethought himself of Ribera's vessel. An alguacil was sent to seize it, but Ribera received timely warning and escaped, after prevailing on Ponce, Soto, and their adherents, to sail away to Panamá and there arrange with Pizarro for a liberal share in the conquest, leaving behind the foiled Pedrarias.[XXI-18]

The governor's mortification was increased by local troubles, as might be expected from his arbitrary rule and irascible temper, which had now reached octogenarian crabbedness. A most distasteful feature had been the arrival of Alcalde Mayor Francisco de Castañeda, appointed by the king to take charge of the judicial affairs of the province. This division of authority was intolerable, and, on the pretence that disorders must result where different persons exercised judicial and gubernatorial powers, he urged his friends in Spain to obtain for him the privilege to appoint and remove at pleasure alcaldes mayores and lieutenants. Meanwhile he made an effort to exercise this power, alleging the possession of a royal cédula authorizing him to do so; but Castañeda, who was not so easily imposed upon, challenged him to produce the document, and this not being done, he added to his chagrin by ignoring him.

There was little likelihood of any arbitrary powers being conferred on the governor, for complaints of abuses were fast pouring in against him, headed by the influential ayuntamiento of Leon. A grave charge was peculation. When Rodrigo del Castillo surrendered his office to the formally appointed treasurer he took the opportunity to inform the king that large sums in gold had been taken from the Indians by Córdoba. All this the governor had laid hands upon without any accounting therefor to the crown. He had also managed to appropriate the confiscated estate of Córdoba, and to defraud a host of others, besides perpetrating outrages and cruelties of every description.[XXI-19]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF PEDRARIAS.]

In the midst of the brewing troubles, in the year 1530,[XXI-20] this Timur of the Indies died at Leon, nearly ninety years of age. His body was buried in the same church with his victim Hernandez de Córdoba, and his spirit went to meet the spirit of Vasco Nuñez, and the spirits of the hundreds of thousands of slaughtered savages whose benighted souls he had sent on before.[XXI-21] Not that he quailed at the thought. By this time his mind had become so fixed in some incomprehensible mould of logic that there was no disturbing it. Further than this he knew he could not escape the inevitable.

A disposition so ready to find solace is to be envied, the more so since it forms a redeeming feature. No man is, for that matter, wholly depraved, nor are any faultless. In the worst there is much that is good; in the best much evil. And the difference between the best and the worst is, in the eye of the Creator, much less than in the eye of the creature. For a period of sixteen years, during the most important epoch in the history of Darien, an irascible old man, cruel and vindictive, plays a prominent part. His name is infamous, and so it deserves to be. Some of his misdeeds may be attributed to inherent wickedness, others to infirmities of temper; but many to peculiar conditions incident to the colonization of a new country, and to the teachings of the times. Spanish colonists of the sixteenth century, reared under the influences of excessive loyalty, and suddenly withdrawn from the presence of their august sovereign to distant parts, were like children for the first time freed from the arbitrary rule of injudicious parents. While the safeguards of society were removed, and free scope thus given to passion, there yet remained their religious belief, the fruit of early teachings. That strange fanaticism which blended avarice and deeds diabolical with pretended zeal for the glory of God, not only permitted but demanded blood and vengeance. Under the circumstances, therefore, the wonder is, not that we find so much that is wicked in these Spanish adventurers, but that men so taught and conditioned display so many qualities noble and magnanimous. Farewell Pedrarias! Few there are who came to these parts of whom so much of evil, so little of good, may be truthfully said. And thou Death, almighty leveller! who by thy speedy compensation has brought this rusty, crusty old man, these several centuries, and for all the centuries time shall tell, to be no better than Vasco Nuñez, than Córdoba, than the meanest of the multitude of savages he has vilely slain, we praise thee![XXI-22]

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XXII. MARCH OF ALVARADO TO GUATEMALA

1522-1524.

RUMORS IN MEXICO CONCERNING THE COUNTRY TO THE SOUTH-EASTWARD—PACIFICATION IN THAT QUARTER—THE CHIEFS OF TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC—AT THE GATE OF GUATEMALA—SUMMARY OF ABORIGINAL HISTORY—ALLEGIANCE AND REVOLT—PREPARING OF AN EXPEDITION—DELAYED BY THE TROUBLES AT PÁNUCO—A SECOND ARMY ORGANIZED—THE MARCH—SUBJUGATION OF SOCONUSCO—THE TAKING OF ZAPOTITLAN.

Some time before Olid entered Honduras the attention of Alvarado was directed toward Guatemala. Lying between Mexico and Nicaragua, this country was one of the first links in Cortés' chain of projected conquests; it was the foreground in the glowing picture which rumor had painted of the regions to the south. Here were the greatest of cities and the finest of palaces, maintained by a people as numerous and cultured as any in Anáhuac. A vast table-land, with an Italian climate, made bright with meandering streams, studded with verdure-fringed lakes, produced in abundance the choicest of products, while the mountains and river-beds, in the ardent imagination of the conquerors, at least, were veined with gold. Soft sensuous pearls were distributed by an equally lavish fancy along the shore bathed by the southern sea.

On first touching the borders of New Spain vague stories had reached Cortés to this effect, and while captive Montezuma still held sway at Tenochtitlan he had sought further information. The reports poured into his ears served only to magnify the mystery and render the allurement irresistible. As soon, therefore, as the contest with the empire was over he despatched two small parties southward, and once again the drama of Vasco Nuñez was performed, once more was discovered and claimed the boundless ocean, emblem of infinity, incentive to ever greater deeds, to ever grander discoveries, "for within it," writes Cortés to the emperor, "must be found islands rich in gold and pearls, and precious stones and spices, and many other secrets and wonderful things, as men of experience and learning affirm."[XXII-1]

There was more than speculation in this statement, for the explorers returned with native envoys bearing gold and pearls and other specimens of riches. Nor had they failed, in accordance with the Catholic doctrine of appropriation, as I have intimated, to take possession of the new shores in the names of their Catholic majesties, the king and queen of Spain, and to erect the cross, emblematic of their religion. With doubled impulse the conquerors now advanced along the new route opened, and speedily the vast provinces of Michoacan and Oajaca were overrun. About the same time Pilot Andrés Niño had stretched the limit of discovery by sea from the gulf of Nicoya to very near this parallel,[XXII-2] disclosing to the world the vastness of the sea baptized with the blood of Magellan, and by him endowed with a new name.

[Sidenote: TEHUANTEPEC AND TUTUTEPEC.]

Native envoys were meanwhile entering into Mexico to lay homage and rich gifts at the feet of the bearded white chief. Made happy in return with Castilian trumpery and the gracious condescension of the demi-gods, they went back to pour into the ears of their princes the tales impressed upon them by the strangers, of the power and grandeur of their king, and of the kindness and vast benefits to be derived from a submissive alliance with them. Among the first of the meek and friendly spirits to act upon these reports was the lord of Tehuantepec. Less credulous was his neighbor of Tututepec, who had great wealth, and by no means relished the idea of throwing open his gates to rapacious invaders. He expostulated with his neighbor, saying that the course meditated would be ruinous to them all. The two chieftains had quarrelled before on a less momentous issue than the present, and it was quite easy for them to quarrel now, and fight. If the silly lord of Tehuantepec wished to throw away himself and all his belongings, it were better they should fall into a neighbor's hands than to strangers; so he of Tututepec attacked him and pressed him hard, until the ruler of Tehuantepec called to Cortés for help.

In answer to this request Pedro de Alvarado was sent to his aid. Leaving Mexico early in 1522, with a strong force, he swept southward like a whirlwind, and within a few weeks entered the doomed capital of Tututepec, captured the chieftain and his heir, and held them subject to heavy ransom. Nor was this all. There were rich mines thereabout, so he was told; and at the sea, into which he entered with brandished sword to take possession, his eyes feasted on lustrous pearls. This sealed the fate of the ocean-bordered realms, and permanent footholds were established, to serve as nuclei for radiating conquest, and as retreats for booty-laden raiders. It was on this occasion that Soconusco was peaceably occupied by the Spaniards.[XXII-3] Still more dazzling was the confirmation received of the wonderful kingdoms of the Quichés and the Cakchiquels, hitherto invested by distance with the charm of mystery, but now by proximity disclosing glimpses of no mean splendor. He found himself, in fact, not far from the border, and guides being at hand, he resolved to send two soldiers to investigate, with instructions to spy out the land and speak of their king and their religion.

And thus are opened the portals of Guatemala,[XXII-4] a region within whose parallels centuries rocked the cradle of American civilization, now disclosed by monuments the most imposing of any on the continent. The history of their origin is hidden in the remote past, of which only an occasional glimpse is permitted the investigator. A mighty Maya empire looms forth under the name of Xibalba, founded perhaps by Votan, the culture-hero, and centring round the famous Palenque. A golden age was followed by long struggles with a growing power, which brought about its downfall toward the beginning of our era. The Nahuas now rise into prominence, but some five centuries later disaster falls also on them, and a general breaking-up ensues, leading to mighty migrations and the formation of smaller independent nations, such as the Toltecs, Chichimecs, and Quichés. After this even tradition ceases to speak, save in alluding vaguely to a later foreign immigration. With this come also certain Toltecs, who, after the downfall of their empire in the more northerly Anáhuac, seek here an asylum where once again may bloom the culture that, cradled in this very region, now returns with invigorating elements. Mingling with the natives, they stir anew the progress paralyzed by civil wars, infuse fresh spirit into tottering institutions, and, combining with the aboriginal culture, develop the new era apparent in the art relics of this western plateau.

A series of struggles soon ensues, out of which rises in the twelfth or thirteenth century the Quiché empire. Subordinate tribes gradually acquire sufficient strength, however, to cast off a yoke which has grown burdensome, and foremost among the new nations figure the Cakchiquels, who in the early part of the fifteenth century are dividing domination with the Quichés. The Cakchiquels themselves divide soon after, the northern and weaker branch forming the Zutugils, their respective capitals being Patinamit and Atitlan. These, with their former masters, are the three rival monarchies of Guatemala in the beginning of the sixteenth century. The Quichés, who govern at Utatlan, nevertheless maintain a certain preëminence, both in political standing and culture. There are, besides, a number of minor independent peoples only too eager to stimulate enmity between the leading powers, and to ally themselves with that which is likely to favor their own interests. This condition of things, so favorable to foreign intrigue, has not escaped the attention of the ambitious Aztecs, who are already masters of the Soconusco border province. Their agents are in fact scattered throughout the country, laying plans for further conquests, when the Spaniards step in to lay their iron hand upon the country, which here as in other parts they find too well prepared for them by ambition and misrule.

[Sidenote: SIGNS AND OMENS.]

Nor do we fail to find foreshadowed here, as elsewhere upon the pages of history, the momentous event. There were startling occurrences, such as conflagrations and locust ravages; there was a ball of fire, which for many evenings rose in the east and followed the path of the sun; and there were other like omens. When the troubled priests went to seek an explanation from the oracular black stone at Cahbaha, their awe was increased by finding it broken in twain. In 1520 cholera swept the Cakchiquel country, followed in 1521 by the small-pox, which, after desolating Mexico, fell upon these southern provinces and carried off half the population, including the two kings and the flower of the nobility, leaving gaunt famine in its trail by way of remembrance. Amid such presages it was that the news came of the achievements of the white men in Montezuma's realms, of their wonderful war enginery and invincible prowess. Less awed by these reports, the Quichés, who had probably suffered less from epidemics, prepared to resist the prospective invasion with the same determination that they had formerly shown against the Aztecs; but the Cakchiquels were more broken in power and spirit, and more inclined to welcome the new-comers, particularly since the Quichés were again becoming dangerous.[XXII-5]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: KING BELEHE QAT.]

Thus stood affairs when the two messengers of Alvarado appeared at Patinamit. On their arrival at the capital they were peaceably received. When admitted into the presence of King Belehe Qat[XXII-6] they were asked if they had been sent by Malinche,[XXII-7] and whether they had come on great sea monsters similar to those that had been seen off the coast the year before,[XXII-8] and whether they were accustomed to tell the truth; whereupon they made answer that they had come from the emperor of the world, and from his invincible captain, who, though no god,[XXII-9] had found his way hither to show them the path to paradise. Their journey had been by land, they said, and they would by no means lie, their truthfulness being as unvarying as the polar star. Then one of them[XXII-10] drew an enormous carac with six masts, and, Peter Martyr adds, as many decks, which was indeed a fair specimen of Spanish veracity. The Indian nobles gazed in wonder at the enormous vessel, with its sails, and spars, and countless ropes, and thought it must indeed be a true representation, since there were so many adjuncts.

At length the king spoke. "How is it that the Spaniards are so invincible, being no larger than other men?" "In the God of heaven our strength lies!" came the answer; "He whose holy law we proclaim, he gives us victories, lending us courage sharp like iron, and intelligence powerful like caged thunder, and beasts withal, which are in themselves a host." And the diplomatic Apelles drew a colossal horse, of fierce aspect, mounted by a man. The spectators were awe-stricken. Right willingly now would the king enter into an alliance with these wonderful beings. He would supply them with fifty thousand warriors if they would overthrow the neighboring foes who were devastating his land. Alas! for ready friendship, the humble offer of vassalage, and open hand; peaceful policy or bold defiance alike led to the oppressor's yoke. The embassadors were dismissed, promising to report the ruler's wishes to their commander, and gayly they went their way, accompanied by five thousand slaves, laden with the products and manufactures of the land, with cacao, maize, and poultry, besides raiment, and vases, and jewelry to the value of twenty thousand pesos de oro.[XXII-11]

On receiving this earnest of advantage Alvarado hastened back to impart the news to his chief and to assist him in plans for conquest. It was determined to advance at once by sea and land. A force of forty Spaniards, mostly carpenters and seamen, was despatched to Zacatula, on the Pacific coast, to engage in ship-building, as an aid to proposed conquest and colonization. We find, moreover, that during this same year, 1522, two Spanish envoys, with certain natives of Mexico and of the province of Soconusco, were sent to Utatlan and Guatemala,[XXII-12] and on their return they met Cortés at Tuxpan,[XXII-13] on his way back from Pánuco, where he had been engaged in pacification. About one hundred[XXII-14] embassadors accompanied these messengers, sent by the rulers of those cities to tender friendship and service to the king of Spain. Nothing could be more courteous and dignified than the bearing of Cortés while accepting this allegiance, as he terms it, and the costly offerings of gold ware, rare plumes, and feathered tapestry brought by the Indian envoys; and again were produced and presented with imposing mien the gewgaws of Spain. Especial favor and kind treatment, the embassadors were assured, should be extended to these princes and their subjects, inasmuch as this tender of friendship was voluntary and in good faith. An appropriate display of warlike power was made before the visitors, who were then dismissed.[XXII-15]

About the beginning of 1523, however, rumors reached Cortés that these allies were scarcely to be relied on, and that the settlers in Soconusco were molested by inroads from the southern provinces.[XXII-16] Although the truth of the reports was doubtful, Cortés deemed it not adverse to his interests to regard them as true, for there were advantages in the conquest of rich provinces which peaceful possession could not give.[XXII-17].

The subjugation of the districts being thus resolved on, naturally the leadership fell to Alvarado, who had already taken some steps in that direction, as we have seen. He had probably stronger claims upon Cortés than any captain in the Mexican conquest, having shared with him, as second in command, many desperate battles and many brilliant triumphs. Perhaps more so than with any of the others, his character was apparent on the surface: reckless, impetuous, merciless, lacking in veracity if not in common honesty, he was still zealous and courageous; and with his native dexterity, and past experiences under Grijalva and Cortés, he may now be called an able commander. If less staid and regular than Olid, his loyalty was regarded as above suspicion. At all events, the general could not himself undertake the work, and the best proxy was this captain.[XXII-18]

[Sidenote: PERSONNEL OF THE EXPEDITION.]

Preparations were begun early in 1523. A force was quickly organized, but operations were diverted by the inopportune arrival at Pánuco of the adelantado Francisco de Garay, who endeavored to supplant Cortés in that quarter. Alvarado was therefore despatched against the interloper, and it was not until the 6th of December that the expedition set out for Guatemala. It was a gallant array, as finally formed, the very flower of New Spain chivalry, one hundred and twenty horsemen, three hundred infantry, of whom one hundred and thirty were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and over twenty thousand picked native warriors.[XXII-19] Spiritual guides were present in the persons of two friars and two army chaplains.[XXII-20] And it was a proud moment for Alvarado as he marched out of the Mexican capital the chief commander of that brilliant company, the panoplies of the cavalry glittering high above the flashing helmets of the infantry, while the long sombre line of swarthy allies was broken here and there by the colored insignia and gaudy plumes of some great chieftain. For a little way Cortés himself rode beside his subordinate and friend, reiterating his instructions, charging him specially to render punctually his report, and such a one as would be acceptable to his majesty. Nor was the parting devoid of pleasure, for one would be rid of sometimes unpleasant interference in affairs at the capital, while the other would be independent of any superior.[XXII-21]

[Sidenote: AT TEHUANTEPEC.]

It was about the middle of the dry season; and the time of year, the weather, and the condition of the roads all were favorable, so that the southward march promised to be an easy one. After turning aside to quell an insurrection in the mountains of Tehuantepec[XXII-22] Alvarado continued his course, and on the 12th of January, 1524, wrote to Cortés from Tehuantepec city, where he had been received in all friendship and with reiterated expressions of allegiance. He then entered the province of Soconusco, upon whose people the Spanish yoke seemed to rest a little heavy.

The shadows which flit behind substantial record in Soconusco's history represent the people as independent for ages and in the usual state of chronic warfare with their neighbors,[XXII-23] by reason whereof they became so weakened as to fall under the sway of the Olmecs, who oppressed them almost beyond endurance. Numbers indeed abandoned their homes, leaving many tracts nearly depopulated. Under Aztec domination, however, they regained somewhat their strength, and when the Europeans came the district was quite populous and advanced in civilization. And now, when the purposes of the Spaniards were made known to them, they turned and joined the nations of Guatemala confederated for resistance.

At no great distance from the Tehuantepec border Alvarado first encountered serious opposition, and before the Guatemalan border was reached many patriots had been punished and many freemen made slaves. The subjugation of the Soconuscans was decided by a pitched battle at Tonalá a town of fifty thousand inhabitants,[XXII-24] where a large army under a Quiché prince was defeated.[XXII-25] At the border of Guatemala proper the army entered, early in February, the dense forests of Zapotitlan,[XXII-26] now Costa Cuca and Costa Grande. For three days they marched in the shadow of lofty evergreens, through uninhabited wilds, skirting pestiferous swamps or plunging into snake-infested canebrakes; now hacking their way through thickets, now fording high-banked streams or scaling rugged hill-sides, while painted macaws screamed at them, and poisonous insects left their sting. Amidst the customary prayings and cursings they struggled forward, and finally emerged from the forest and entered cultivated lands.

[Sidenote: APPROACH TO ZAPOTITLAN.]

Messengers had been sent forward summoning the provinces in due form to allegiance. And now were captured three natives, believed to be spies from the city of Zapotitlan,[XXII-27] who were despatched with a second requirement, to which there was no response. The Spaniards then advanced along a broad open highway, and soon after entered a narrower road, which they found barricaded; whereupon they pitched camp in an open plain near by. On a height beyond a deep ravine, through which flowed a river,[XXII-28] stood the city, bathed in the bright rays of the setting sun, like a beautiful maiden arrayed for the sacrifice. Between the plain and the city the ground was thickly covered with plantations of cacao, which would materially impede the action of cavalry.

[Sidenote: RESULT OF BATTLE.]

The Spaniards had not long to wait attack. In the dusk of evening a small band sprang from cover and slew a number of the allies. The cavalry were thereupon ordered to sweep the plain. They came upon a large force, and a skirmish ensued in which some of the horses were injured. Alvarado's blood was now up, and he ordered an immediate march on the city. No serious opposition was encountered until the army came to the ravine, spanned by a narrow, rudely built wooden bridge, the crossing of which was fiercely contested by a large body of warriors. The artillery was accordingly brought into action and did efficient service. The doomed natives fought well, rallying again and again under the frightful havoc of the guns, until a great breastwork was formed of their slain. At length the cavalry, under cover of a heavy fire, succeeded in forcing a way across the stream and began to climb the height to a bench overlooking the ravine. The infantry followed. The passage was made in the midst of the fiercest attacks; but Alvarado protected his rear with consummate skill, and soon he had the satisfaction of drawing up his troops on the open ground above, safe from molestation. In the streets of the city, which the army now entered, the natives made another desperate effort to save themselves; but without avail. Those terrible guns! those terrible horses! that life-compelling steel, falling with a force and precision worthy the death-dealing enginery of the gods! For half a league beyond the town the allies were permitted to pursue and slay, after which the victors took up their quarters in the abandoned market-place, where for two days they rested and reconnoitred.[XXII-29]

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XXIII. CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA BEGUN

FEBRUARY-MARCH, 1524.

OVERTURES OF KICAB TANUB TO THE LORDS OF THE ZUTUGILS AND CAKCHIQUELS—DEATH OF THE QUICHÉ KING—TECUM UMAM HIS SUCCESSOR—GATHERS A GREAT ARMY—INTRENCHES HIMSELF AT ZACAHA—PASSAGE OF PALAHUNOH BY THE SPANIARDS—A SKIRMISH—A BLOODY ENGAGEMENT—QUEZALTENANGO ESTABLISHED—THE ARMY ADVANCES ON XELAHUH—THE CITY—BATTLE OF XELAHUH—TECUM UMAM SLAIN—FORCIBLE PROSELYTING.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF KICAB TANTUB.]

As we may well imagine, the presence of the conquering army created a profound sensation throughout the whole Quiché dominion. They were a warlike people, rulers and subjects, and proud withal. It is stated that while Alvarado was yet in Soconusco, Kicab Tanub, king of Utatlan, had endeavored to bring the lord of the Zutugils and the lord of the Cakchiquels into a combination which he was forming for purposes of defence against the approaching army. But they haughtily declined the overtures; one because the Quiché king had secretly aided a rebellious vassal of his, and the other because he felt sufficiently powerful to defend his gates against all comers. The ruler of the Cakchiquels,[XXIII-1] indeed, declared openly for the Spaniards, while the king of the Zutugils was so insulting in his rejection of the proposed confederation that King Kicab Tanub was deeply humiliated. His chagrin, added to the anxieties attending preparations for defence, brought on a fever, from which he died in a few days. He was succeeded by his son, Tecum Umam.

Meanwhile all the forces of the kingdom were placed under arms, and a general muster of allies and tributaries was appointed to be held at Totonicapan. Thither marched Tecum Umam at the head of sixty thousand warriors, and he was soon joined by a still larger force. With this army he occupied the table-land on which stood the strong city of Xelahuh,[XXIII-2] and which overlooked the ravines of the Tziha and the Olintepec. Ten lords governed this city, and with all their armies brilliantly equipped they went to the assistance of the Quiché monarch. Never since the days of the great Kicab[XXIII-3] had there been seen on the Central American plateau a military display so imposing. Redoubtable warriors were there, made fierce of aspect by the skins of wild beasts, the lion, the jaguar, and the bear, and a vast array of fighting men, two hundred thousand and more,[XXIII-4] while conspicuous above them all in military splendor was the Quiché king and the royal retinue. On one side of the elevated plain was Zacaha, a line of fortifications commanding the defile through the mountains by which the invading army had to enter. The place was now strengthened by throwing up round many of the hills stone walls, along the sides of which a ditch was carried, set with poisonous stakes. A number of military machines were constructed, such as towers on wheels, and catapults for hurling missiles, which would have done honor to the man-killing profession of any European nation of that day. There King Tecum Umam intrenched himself and awaited the incoming army.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PALAHUNOH PASS.]

And to this inland plateau, in the very heart of the Quiché country, Alvarado was now with difficulty making his way through a narrow gorge of the sierra, leaving the people of Zapotitlan quite subdued. After crossing two rapid rivers a steep ascent six leagues in length was begun, leading to Palahunoh, as the pass was called. It was indeed a rugged way, more in the nature of a height to be scaled than an opening in a chain of mountains. So severe were the struggles with nature and Satan, to whom these stubborn soldiers ascribed most ills, that their former troubles seemed to them as pastime now. The place was so steep and rough that it was with the utmost difficulty the horses, plunging and struggling, could make their way up. It was impossible to accomplish the whole distance in one day, and the panting and foot-sore army, too exhausted to proceed farther,[XXIII-5] was ordered to encamp when half the ascent had been made. The next day through similar efforts they reached the summit, where a woman and a dog were found sacrificed, in token of defiance and challenge to war, as the interpreters explained.

During the descent to the plain, at no great distance, in a narrow part of the pass, a strong breastwork of undefended palisades was discovered, quite incomprehensible to the Spaniards, as a few men properly disposed could have held the place against any invading army.

The nature of the ground was still so unfavorable for cavalry that Alvarado sent forward the infantry, and presently the enemy was encountered. A body of three or four thousand fell upon the allies and threw them into confusion. The cross-bowmen, however, came to their support, and soon the entire infantry were engaged in the contest, which was carried on along the hill-tops and down the slopes until the ravine of Olintepec River was reached. There the Spaniards were drawn into an ambuscade, formed by over six thousand warriors from Utatlan, from whom they received some wounds.[XXIII-6] The troops were soon collected on the other side of the ravine, however; but none too soon, for presently was seen advancing with bold front a detachment of the grand army, thirty thousand strong, as if to annihilate them at one blow. Fortunately the ground here was level and favorable for the cavalry. The horses being greatly fatigued, Alvarado determined to wait till the last moment before charging. After permitting the enemy to amuse themselves with the allies during a brief breathing space, their confidence momentarily increasing, the commander at length gave the order to the impatient horsemen, who swept forward instantly like an avalanche, and as if the hills indeed had fallen on them the affrighted Quichés scattered. Mad Ajax among the defenceless sheep took not more lives than did each Spaniard on that day. Like sheep the poor natives scattered, and like sheep they were pursued and slaughtered.[XXIII-7]

A league farther brought the thirsty troops to some springs, but the period of refreshment was short. At hand was a yet more formidable native force, led by Prince Ahzumanche, one of the highest among the relatives and officers of the king.

The engagement which followed was exceptionably bloody. The Quichés approached over the extensive plains, and when they had arrived at a position favorable for the Spaniards to make the attack the horsemen charged upon them. But the Quichés were better on their guard than before. Recovered from their panic, and animated by the example of their leader, they displayed greater bravery this time, standing the shock unflinchingly,[XXIII-8] fighting foot to foot, or banded two and three together, endeavoring by their own strength to overthrow the horses, seizing them by mane and tail, and trying to pull them down, and laying hold of the riders to unhorse them. The Spaniards were indeed closely beset, and for a time it seemed by no means certain that victory would finally declare for them. But what naked power could long withstand the steady fire of arquebuse and cross-bow, the steady fall of sword-blow and lance-thrust!

Relaxing their efforts for a moment, the natives were charged by the cavalry with deadly result, and were trampled under foot by hundreds, and speedily routed. For a league they were followed with great havoc, till they took refuge in a stronghold of the sierra. By pretending flight, however, Alvarado drew them from their position to the open plain, and then wheeled and fell upon them. The carnage for a time was dreadful; the ground was covered with the mangled bodies of the dead and dying, and the waters of the Olintepec ran crimson with blood. And henceforth the stream was called Xequiqel, that is to say, River of Blood.[XXIII-9]

Among the fallen was Prince Ahzumanche, and a number of the nobility and chiefs. The contest being over, the army encamped for the night at the springs before mentioned. The loss to the Spaniards, as usual, was insignificant.[XXIII-10]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: A MAGNIFICENT PRIZE.]

Let us pause for a moment to review the position of the invaders. They had surmounted with irresistible progress the coast range, had crossed the summit, fought their way down the corresponding slopes, and were within a league of Xelahuh, the great stronghold of the Quichés, on their western confines. All the defences to it had been won, the Zacaha fortifications had been carried, passive nature's majestic guardianship had been overcome, and human opposition had proved futile. Far behind them stood the deadly forest through which they had struggled; over the golden-edged hills, the rugged steep by which they had made their way hither. Around them now were open pine woods,[XXIII-11] and at their feet the wide cultivated plains of the table-lands on which the sun shed its uninterrupted rays. Dotted with towns and parti-colored with maize-fields and orchards, silver-threaded by streams, the landscape displayed before the Spaniards the picture of a paradise. And this beautiful realm now lay helpless in the conqueror's grasp, its very air[XXIII-12] becoming traitorous by refreshing and invigorating the invaders, bracing their nerves and inspiring their hearts to new enterprise.

* * * * *

At dawn the Spanish camp was astir; and while the voices of Christian priests chanting praises to God for past victories floated over the hideous battle-field, Christian soldiers were buckling on their armor for the further butchering of helpless human beings who had done them no harm. A hermitage and a town were established at Zacaha, the former under the charge of Friar Francisco Martinez de Pontaza,[XXIII-13] whose memory was ever after fragrant in those parts, the latter under the direction of Juan de Leon Cardona.[XXIII-14] The natives of the subjugated neighborhood finally came in and helped to swell the numbers of the town, which was called Quezaltenango.[XXIII-15]

These measures taken,[XXIII-16] the army advanced on Xelahuh,[XXIII-17] only to find it abandoned. The inhabitants, terror-stricken at the success of the invaders, had fled to the mountains. Alvarado took up his quarters in the deserted city, where for six days he remained, resting and reconnoitring.[XXIII-18]

[Sidenote: THE GRAND ARMY.]

Tecum Umam was an ambitious prince and a brave commander. With no small concern he had seen defeated one after another the forces sent against the foe, and he now resolved to take the field in person. About noon on the seventh day of their sojourn at Xelahuh the Spaniards saw converging to that point from every quarter dense masses of warriors.[XXIII-19] Well aware that his great strength lay in the cavalry, Alvarado with a large part of his force[XXIII-20] hastened to occupy an open plain, three leagues in length, at no great distance from the city. Tecum Umam was shrewd enough to comprehend the manœuvre, and before the last Spaniard was a bow-shot from camp the Quiché army in two principal divisions was upon them. Alvarado had divided his cavalry into two bodies, commanded respectively by Pedro Puertocarrero and Hernando de Chaves, who were directed to assail at different points one of the opposing bodies when well in position, while the infantry, commanded by himself, were to engage with the other. The onset was terrible. Through and through the dense columns rush the horsemen, heedless alike of the flint-tipped arrow, the javelin with fire-hardened point, and the slung pebble. Resistance was not possible. Plunged through and hurled to earth, crushed beneath the horses' hoofs, the broken ranks of this division sought the protection of the other. Thus half of Tecum's last hope was lost, while the other half was fast dwindling. Early in the combat the Quiché king had recognized the conspicuous figure of the mounted Spanish commander, and as Tecum now saw his forces broken by the cavalry, he determined upon one last desperate effort. Gathering around him a few chosen warriors, he threw himself in person upon Alvarado, and with his own hand so wounded his horse that the Spaniard was obliged to fall back and mount another. A second and a third time the undaunted warrior assailed his superior foe, till pierced by Alvarado's lance he fell, staining with his life-blood the ground he had fought so bravely to defend.

It was not often that the heavenly powers deigned to help the poor natives in their dire struggle with the steel-clad Europeans, as was so frequently the case with the Spaniards. The gods usually prefer fighting on the strongest side; but here we find an exception. It is my duty to relate, as a truthful historian, that during the mortal combat between these two leaders an eagle with great pinions was observed by the Quiché army circling round and round the Spanish commander, ever and anon swooping down upon him, and with beak and claw attacking him about the head. It was the nagual, the guardian spirit of Tecum Umam. But less strong than Alvarado's lance, it was discomfited at the moment of the monarch's death, and disappeared from the sight of the vanquished Quichés.[XXIII-21]

Contrary to the usual course pursued by natives in warfare, the fall of their commander did not immediately disperse the Quiché warriors, but seemed rather to enrage them; for the moment after there fell upon the Spaniards such a blinding tempest of javelins as would have delighted the Spartan Dieneces. It was but for a moment, however; it was their last expiring effort, for soon the cavalry came thundering on their flanks, dispersing and slaying after the usual fashion. For two leagues along the plain they were pursued by the horsemen, who then turned and rode back, repeating the carnage over the same field. The slaughter was particularly bloody at a stream on one side of the plain, and the commander proudly refers to it in his despatch.[XXIII-22] The infantry captured a vast multitude which had taken refuge from the insatiate horsemen on a hill near by.

Thus ended another day in the annals of the grand extermination, a day dark indeed for the noble Quiché nation, but of which European progress and propagandizing might well be proud.[XXIII-23]

[Sidenote: PERSUASIVE PROSELYTING.]

By this crushing defeat the Quichés were humbled and their confidence in their deities, not to say themselves, was weakened. Though in great grief at the loss of their chief and the triumph of the Spaniards, an opportunity was given them through the preaching of the priests Torres and Pontaza to embrace the religion of their conquerors. Four captive chieftains[XXIII-24] of Xelahuh were baptized and received their liberty. Christian raiment with swords was then given them and they were entertained at the table of Alvarado.[XXIII-25] After this they were sent out as missionaries to their affrighted brethren, bringing quite a number to a knowledge of the Savior. They also aided in erecting a more suitable hermitage at Zacaha, and in building houses for the Donatís.[XXIII-26] Nay more; in their growing enthusiasm they suggested that the place where Tonatiuh had gained his crowning victory, and over which still hung the odor of corruption and blood, the blood of their slain countrymen, should be called by the name of Espíritu Santo.

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XXIV. DOWNFALL OF THE QUICHÉ NATION

APRIL, 1524.

UTATLAN, CAPITAL OF THE QUICHÉS—ITS MAGNIFICENCE—THE ROYAL PALACE AND PYRAMIDAL FORTIFICATIONS—PRIVATE APARTMENTS AND GARDENS—PLAN TO ENTRAP THE SPANIARDS—A FEAST PREPARED—THE ENEMY INVITED—THE TREACHERY DISCOVERED—MASTERLY RETREAT OF ALVARADO—THE QUICHÉ KING AND NOBLES ENTRAPPED—THEY ARE MADE TO GATHER GOLD—AND ARE THEN DESTROYED—UTATLAN BURNED AND THE COUNTRY DEVASTATED—SUBJUGATION OF THE QUICHÉS COMPLETE.

Upon the central plateau, near the present town of Santa Cruz del Quiché, stood Utatlan,[XXIV-1] the ancient capital of the Quiché nation. It was surrounded by a deep ravine, and could be entered only at two points. To one of these entrances over thirty stone steps led up an almost perpendicular cliff; to the other a narrow artificial causeway, connected at one point by a bridge which could be easily destroyed. The city was further strengthened by the grim fortress of Atalaya, four stories in height, and the pyramidal fortification of El Resguardo,[XXIV-2] one hundred and twenty feet high. In wealth and splendor Utatlan, in which twenty generations of the present dynasty had reigned, vied with the city of the Aztec kings and the gardened capital of the Incas. In its centre stood the royal palace, surrounded by the imposing residences of the nobles, and beyond, the humbler dwellings of the common people. The palace was one of the most magnificent structures of Central America. It was built of hewn stone of various colors, mosaic in appearance, and its colossal dimensions, and elegant and stately architectural form, excited mingled awe and admiration.[XXIV-3]

Within the lofty portals the quarters of the household guards, surrounding a spacious barrack yard, were first presented to view. Dusky warriors, lancers, and archers, clad in wildly picturesque garbs of dappled tiger-skins or sombre bear-hides, in brilliant plumes and polished arms, with silent tread measured the well paved court. In the principal apartments near at hand the various arms and paraphernalia of battle lay ready for immediate use, while on the walls hung hard-won trophies of war. Next lay the residence of the unmarried princes, and beyond this the palace proper, containing besides the apartments of the monarch the council-chamber, with the gorgeous throne canopied with costly tapestry of feather work of rare designs and wrought with cunning skill; also the royal treasury, the hall of justice, and the armory. Three separate suites of rooms, for morning, afternoon, and night, were each day occupied by the monarch, and all these more private apartments looked out upon delightful gardens, with trees, and flowers, and fruits, and in their midst menageries and aviaries, with rare and curious collections. Beyond lay the separate palaces of the monarch's queens and concubines, with their baths, and gardens, and miniature lakes; and lastly the maidens' college, in which were reared and educated the female offspring of royal blood.

And all this was but one pile of buildings, the largest, it is true; but there were others of no mean pretensions, the residences of the nobles and of the wealthy trading class. Of a truth Utatlan was a fine city, and a strong and noble one. And must it now be yielded to the spoiler? Is there no hope? None. Then perish all, for who would live with king and country gone; and with its occupants, also this fair capital which so long has harbored kings. Ah! if this strong trap could but be baited, and the white foxes enticed thereto and strangled. Rare thought! It were worth dying a dozen times to see these braggarts but once die. And so the Quiché cunning ones determined. In general council it was agreed that the Spaniards should be invited to a feast, and while there the city should be burned and brought down upon their heads!

[Sidenote: OXIB QUIEH SUCCEEDS TECUM UMAM.]

By the death of Tecum Umam his son Oxib Quieh[XXIV-4] succeeded to the throne. His situation was not an enviable one. The best troops, in fact the very flower of the nation, had been destroyed or scattered. His father, with numbers of the first men of the land, had fallen, without having in a single instance gained a battle or baffled the foe. Their puny efforts were as gnats stinging or destroying a band of wild boars.

Yet the grandson of the great Kicab Tanub would not abandon the field without a struggle. The council might burn the city if they chose. And though their hopes and the prospects of success were great, the king and his nobles relaxed none the less their efforts to raise fresh troops. Should the plan fail, they would again take the field. Not only did Oxib Quieh draw all the forces possible from his own provinces, but he adopted every means to smooth the differences that existed between himself and the neighboring provinces. By these exertions at length a strong league was formed, and again the natives in formidable numbers were ready to do battle for their gods and their country at the proper moment.

These preparations completed, an embassy with presents of gold was despatched to greet the conqueror, to sue for peace, and to tender their king's submission as vassal to the king of Spain. Alvarado was also invited to the court of Utatlan, where the king was waiting to offer in person his allegiance and entertain with all due honor the redoubtable Spaniard. Alvarado graciously accepted both the presents and the invitation, and made presents in return, and on the following day set out with his army to pay the promised visit. It was quite natural on both sides, the invitation and the acceptance. Here were war and a conquered country; here the conquered with overtures of peace; and so the Spaniards marched into the trap without suspicion.

[Sidenote: THE PLOT DISCOVERED.]

But as they passed along the narrow causeway and came to the bridge, certain soldiers[XXIV-5] fancied they saw where it had been recently weakened. When the attention of Alvarado was called to it he made no alarm, nor did he turn a moment from his course. He relished the flavor of such an adventure, and grasping his sword the tighter he commanded the strictest caution and the closest observation. On entering the city the suspicions of the Spaniards were confirmed. The men were armed; the women and children had been withdrawn; there were few provisions at hand and little valuable merchandise in the storehouses; in many buildings throughout the city brush and firewood had been deposited, while the anxiety displayed in the uneasy deportment of the natives themselves could not be disguised. It was observed, too, that the streets were so narrow and the houses so compact that it would be impossible for the cavalry to move; and lastly, the Quezaltenango allies who accompanied the Spaniards obtained and brought to Alvarado positive information of the intentions of the Quiché chiefs.[XXIV-6]

Not only are prompt measures now necessary, but they must be such as will not arouse the suspicions of a most suspicious foe, whose keen eyes are watching every movement. Without formally summoning a council Alvarado moves in holiday mien among his officers, dropping here a hint and laying there a stern command; meanwhile, outwardly undisturbed, he rides forward into the nest of nobles awaiting him and greets them with a frank smile amid renewed protestations of friendship. This done he looks about for the disposal of the horses. They are worshipful brutes, in some respects the equals and even the superiors of men; they are not given to feasting like men, but they must not be forgotten at the feast. Their greatest delight will be to feed upon the open plain; he will conduct them there and return without delay. Greatly disconcerted the nobles press the Tonatiuh to immediate entertainment, which even now awaits him; under the direction of the soldiers they will provide the best care for the noble animals. By no means, Alvarado intimates; the horses will never forgive him if he neglects them on so important an occasion. Thus all the Spaniards return over the causeway, and the weakened bridge, and with a feeling of intense relief reach the plain in safety.

Now for a sweet morsel of revenge. While gathering grass for the horses the soldiers are fired on from the ravines and thickets, and one Spaniard, a servant of the commander, is killed. The king and his nobles, who remain near the city entrance, on witnessing the outrage from this distance are distressed, and take measures to prevent hostile demonstrations on the part of their people. Alvarado pretends to regard it all as of no moment, and continues his attitude of confidence and cordiality with the chiefs. It is unfortunate, this accident of the servant; but after what has happened probably the feast had better be postponed. As a further mark of friendship and esteem, will Oxib Quieh and his companions look in upon the camp of the Spaniards? Poor boy! So easily caught, and in a trap, a steel one, quite different from the bungling bridge-drop at Utatlan. Now may all men open their eyes and judge as gods, for these present must die!

The mask is thrown aside, and the avenger in his wrath stands revealed. Oxib Quieh and his caciques are seized and charged with their treacherous intentions. Their condemnation is a matter predetermined, but execution is delayed a little that the tiger may sport with his prey. Little gold has been gathered on this expedition, and it may be well to put upon the scene in Guatemala the grand drama of Montezuma not long since performed at the Mexican capital. The prisoners shall have their lives if they gather much gold. This done, they shall have their lives if they gather more gold. And when the kingdom is stripped of its gold and the Spaniards become impatient, a great fire is built, into which those of the prisoners who are not hanged are thrown alive; and the smoke ascends to heaven as grateful incense to their god.[XXIV-7]

[Sidenote: COURAGE OF THE QUICHÉS.]

Notwithstanding these merciless lessons, during which three of the Quiché kings, of three several generations in direct line of succession, had been sacrificed, hostilities were speedily renewed. A fierce attack was made on all sides, the natives issuing in great numbers from the many ravines which intersected the neighboring ground, and the assault was obstinately maintained for some time; but the artillery[XXIV-8] committed such dreadful destruction, opening through their dense masses lanes strewn with mutilated bodies and torn-off limbs, that they speedily recognized the futility of their attempts, and fled back to the gulches. Keeping ever to inaccessible ground, and avoiding open engagement,[XXIV-9] they harassed the army incessantly, by cutting off stragglers and inflicting harm in any way that they were able. At length Alvarado determined upon the plan of burning their city and devastating the country; and he sent to the friendly king of the Cakchiquels, requesting a contingent of troops to assist him in dislodging the Quichés from their fastnesses. Four thousand warriors were at once sent[XXIV-10] by the submissive lord, with which additional force, and the energetic measures he pursued, Alvarado carried on the process of subjection with effect. The warlike Quichés, their city burned,[XXIV-11] their crops destroyed, hunted from one retreat to another, driven from their lands, at length were forced to yield. Alvarado received their overtures with generosity. He pardoned the repentant in his great mercy, and promised them their lives, at the same time ordering them to return and occupy their lands. He moreover released two captive sons of the royal line and put them in possession of their father's realm, the leading monarch being named Sequechul.[XXIV-12]

[Sidenote: ENSLAVEMENT.]

Thus was terminated for a time the struggle of the Quichés for independence—a struggle that ceased only with the destruction of their principal nobility and all the bravest warriors of the nation. To their obstinate valor the conqueror himself bears testimony,[XXIV-13] and recognizing the difficulties of his position, and how man of himself can do so little, he begs Cortés to order in the Mexican capital a procession of all the clergy, so that the virgin might help him. And further, would he "please take care to inform his Majesty how we are serving him with our persons and means, and at our own cost, in order that his Majesty may reward us?" Nor did the lieutenant fail to report that his majesty's interests had been carefully attended to, all captives taken in the war having been branded and reduced to slavery.[XXIV-14] The royal fifth of these captive Quichés had been delivered to the treasurer, Baltasar de Mendoza, who sold them at auction for the better security of the revenue.

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XXV. THE CAKCHIQUELS AND ZUTUGILS MADE SUBJECTS OF SPAIN

APRIL-MAY, 1524.

MARCH TO THE CAKCHIQUEL CAPITAL—WITH A BRILLIANT RETINUE KING SINACAM COMES FORTH TO MEET THE SPANIARDS—DESCRIPTION OF PATINAMIT—OCCUPATION OF THE CAKCHIQUEL CAPITAL—EXPEDITION AGAINST TEPEPUL, KING OF THE ZUTUGILS—THE CLIFF CITY OF ATITLAN—A WARM BATTLE—ENTRY INTO THE STRONGHOLD—RECONCILIATION AND RETURN TO PATINAMIT—LOVE EPISODE OF ALVARADO.

[Sidenote: SINACAM GREETS THE SPANIARDS.]

The lieutenant-general was now ready to advance, and on the 11th of April, 1524, he left Utatlan for Patinamit, the capital of the Cakchiquels.[XXV-1] The weak and yielding Sinacam,[XXV-2] king of the Cakchiquels, had already sent with his troops a present of gold to Alvarado, and renewed his assurances of allegiance. He now prepared to meet him with such stately pomp as would be sure to gratify his future master. By this means he hoped his tottering throne might be secured to him. Servility and profuse hospitality would surely win their hearts, he thought; and then, with the powerful strangers on his side, he might laugh at his enemies. As the Spanish army approached his capital he issued forth with native pageantry to meet it. He was borne aloft by his nobles on a litter, beneath a canopy which dazzled the eye with blazing ornaments of gold and changing hues of quetzal feathers, and round him were the members of the royal family in litters scarcely less conspicuous than his own, while a large body of warriors, with their plumed head-dresses and warlike apparel, marched in the rear and on either side. Alvarado's greeting was not of that unalloyed cordiality which Sinacam had hoped. The Spaniard was suspicious. He had but just escaped destruction, and the late danger had taught him discretion. What he had observed on the march had not tended to inspire confidence or promote peace of mind. All along the route despoiled corpses of slain Indians had met his sight, and the ground was discolored with human blood. Large bands of armed warriors were everywhere seen, and it was evident that the whole country was in arms. But fear was no part of Alvarado's character; therefore, when the king came near, he calmly dismounted, approached him with courteous mien, and with expressions of esteem placed in his hands a rare and curious piece of silver jewelry; then he asked with sombre brow, "Why dost thou seek to do me harm, when I come to do thee good?" Informed of the meaning of the words so seriously addressed to him, and conscious of his own faithful intentions, Sinacam, with calm yet somewhat severe dignity thanked him first for the present, replying, "Quiet thy heart, great captain, scion of the sun, and trust in my love." It was then explained to Alvarado that the warlike demonstrations he had discovered were directed against a rebellious vassal, who, with the aid of the kings of the Quichés and the Zutugils, had revolted and attempted to make himself a ruler.[XXV-3]

[Sidenote: PATINAMIT.]

Alvarado professed to be satisfied, and permitted himself to be escorted by the monarch to the capital.[XXV-4] Patinamit,[XXV-5] like Utatlan, was situated in a naturally impregnable position. It occupied an elevated plain, surrounded by ravines, the side of which nearest the city was perpendicular to a depth of five or six hundred feet. Across this chasm, at one point only, could entrance into the capital be gained, by means of a narrow causeway, which was closed by two gateways of stone,[XXV-6] one on each side of the city wall. This isolated plateau was about three miles long and two broad. The chronicler Fuentes describes the remains of this city with much minuteness, leaving vivid impressions of its former grandeur. On one edge of the natural platform, according to that writer, were the ruins of a magnificent building one hundred paces square, of extremely well hewn stone. In front of this edifice extended a plaza, on one side of which were the remains of a splendid palace, and in close proximity the foundations of many residences. The city was divided by a ditch running north and south, more than eight feet deep, and surmounted by concrete breastworks three feet high. This was the dividing line between the dwellings of the nobles and those of the commoners. The streets were straight and wide, and extended in the direction of the four cardinal points. To the west was a mound dominating the city, on the summit of which stood a round building five to six feet high, resembling the breastwork of a well. Around this the judges held courts; but before their sentences could be executed they had to be confirmed by the sacred oracular stone, which was preserved in a shrine in a deep gulch. It is described as of a black diaphanous material, more precious than the ordinary building material. In its gloomy transparency the demon made visible the judgments that were to be passed. If no manifestation occurred, the accused was released; otherwise the sentence was carried into effect on the same mound where the judges sat in deliberation. This oracle was consulted also in matters of war.[XXV-7]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ATITLAN.]

King Sinacam's reception of the guests in this his capital and court fully equalled his promises. Sumptuously lodged, and bountifully supplied with all the luxuries the land could produce, Alvarado himself admits that they could not have met kinder treatment in their own land.[XXV-8] For eight days the Spaniards feasted,[XXV-9] and in return Sinacam succeeded in obtaining the aid of his powerful friends against his hostile neighbors. Frequent conversations were held relative to the subjugation of the Zutugils, and to insure this happy consummation Sinacam expatiated on the contemptuous pride of Tepepul, king of Atitlan,[XXV-10] and his further wickedness in not tendering allegiance to the Teules.[XXV-11] It seems that the Zutugil ruler had incurred the hatred of Sinacam by giving assistance to his rebellious vassal, Acpocaquil,[XXV-12] and making nocturnal incursions into the Cakchiquel territory by means of canoes. These outrages were prompted partly by his reliance on the impregnable position of his city, situated on the hanging cliffs above Lake Atitlan, seven leagues from Patinamit. Alvarado required little persuasion to engage in his favorite pastime of gold-hunting and blood-letting. He was well aware of the supercilious nature of Tepepul, and had already determined to visit him in person. While at Utatlan he had sent four messengers to the court of Atitlan, bearing the usual requirement; but the haughty monarch, instead of paying the respect due to so important a demand, put the messengers to death. This ruffled Alvarado, though it did not dishearten him. "I think," he writes to Cortés respecting this city, "that with the help of our Lord we shall soon bring it to the service of his Majesty."[XXV-13]

Alvarado would help King Sinacam, but first he would like some money for travelling expenses. This reasonable request could not be refused; not only was the treasure house of Patinamit emptied, but the entire district, so far as possible, was stripped of its gold, jewels, and whatever the Spaniards regarded as desirable.[XXV-14] After this the Spaniards were ready to pass into the next district and levy like tribute, with or without bloodshed.

[Sidenote: THE CITY TAKEN.]

In order to proceed with regularity, Alvarado again sent envoys to Atitlan, demanding that Tepepul should cease hostilities against the Cakchiquels, who were the allies of the Teules, and again the ruler displayed his contempt by putting to death the messengers.[XXV-15] Thereupon Alvarado set out with sixty cavalry, one hundred and fifty infantry, and a large body of Cakchiquels, commanded by their chiefs.[XXV-16] Meeting no opposition he advanced with thirty horse to the height above the lake, and descended over difficult ground to a level plain that lay in front of a fortified rock in the water. This was approachable only by means of a narrow causeway, intersected at different points by wooden bridges. Near by the enemy were now discovered drawn up in two bodies, each eight thousand strong. They advanced at once to the attack, armed with lances, bows and arrows, and other weapons, protected, moreover, by cotton corselets.[XXV-17] As the rest of his forces were not far behind, Alvarado did not hesitate to charge, and when the infantry soon came up the engagement became general. For some time it was most obstinately maintained, and numbers of the Spanish soldiers were wounded. The cavalry, however, succeeded as ever in breaking the enemy's lines, relieving the hard-pressed foot-soldiers, who thereupon rallied and renewed their efforts so vigorously as soon to send the enemy rushing for the stronghold. The pursuing horsemen arrived at the causeway as soon as the fugitives; here they were obliged to dismount, as the place was impassable for horses; yet they followed the Indians so closely that no time was given to destroy the bridges, and the Spaniards entered the fort with them. The infantry soon came up, and though the Zutugils struggled desperately to maintain their position, the volleys of the arquebusiers made such havoc in their ranks that at last they plunged into the lake and swam to a neighboring island, whence many of them escaped before the tardy arrival of three hundred Cakchiquel canoes.

That evening, after sacking all the houses on the rock, Alvarado pitched his camp in a field of maize. On the following morning he implored divine protection and marched against Atitlan. He found the city abandoned, his capture of what they regarded as an impregnable stronghold in the lake having so discomfited the Zutugils that they dared not contend with him for their city. At mid-day he took up position in the capital, and at once set about to overrun and devastate the country; but it was so rugged that the men could with difficulty move, and he was obliged to content himself with destroying some plantations of maize and cacao.[XXV-18] He succeeded in making a few captives, three of whom were despatched to King Tepepul with the usual demand of submission, accompanied by threats in case of refusal. Perceiving the necessity, the Zutugil monarch gracefully yielded, whereupon the conqueror became gracious. He complimented the Zutugils for their bravery, pardoned their offences, and exhorted them to remain faithful, and to make no more war on such of their neighbors as were the recognized subjects of the king of Spain. To give efficacy to his words he built a strong fort in a suitable position, and left in it four hundred and eighteen men, Spaniards and Mexican allies, under the command of Héctor de Chaves and Alonso del Pulgar. Then he returned to Patinamit.[XXV-19]

Within three days the lords of the lake district presented themselves, with presents of gold and raiment. They expressed joy at becoming vassals of his majesty of Spain, for wars and woes should thenceforth be unknown among them. The Spanish commander was extremely affable as he presented his visitors with some glass trinkets, of great value in their eyes, and dismissed them with every demonstration of affection.[XXV-20]

* * * * *

Perhaps one reason why the play of Helen of Troy was not oftener performed by the Spanish conquerors in America was on account of the cheapness of women there. There might be lacking gold, or pearls, or provender, but seldom was a people found so poor that they could not furnish the army a liberal supply of pretty slave girls. Less is found in the chronicles of this kind of traffic than of the traffic in gold and the traffic in pearls. The merchandise of morality, or rather of immorality, was less portable than the other kinds. Women were to use and throw away; gold would keep; while pearls were usually a staple article in the Spanish nation.

[Sidenote: ALVARADO IN LOVE.]

Now the pious Alvarado, next to his delectable master Cortés the most pious pirate in all the Indies, had tasted every iniquity condemned in his most holy scriptures except that invented and acted by the sweet psalmist of Israel. He had severally broken every commandment of the decalogue, then he had put them together and had broken them in every conceivable combination. But while maidens were so plump and plenty he had never felt the desire, like good King David, to go after the wife of any Uriah the Hittite. But while enjoying the luxurious hospitality of the Cakchiquel capital, with a world to give for a new sensation, Alvarado's eye fell on the beautiful Suchil,[XXV-21] wife of King Sinacam. In some respects it was the Israelitish tale reversed, for Sinacam was by no means a poor man in respect of women, nor was Suchil his only ewe lamb. The susceptible heart of the dashing commander was smitten by the graces of this queen, and he resolved to possess her. Being a conqueror, with a king for a slave, he might have obtained his desire by the simple demand; but in those days there was something sacred in royalty, even in heathen and captive royalty. Sinacam was now an acknowledged subject of Spain, and as such possessed rights; besides, that was not the way set forth by the bright exemplar of his faith.

Upon some pretext, therefore, Sinacam was arrested and put in irons. Gold was then demanded, and yet more gold. It was the old method of making the penalty supply the place of guilt and condemnation. Then Suchil was seized, I do not say unwillingly, for the Spanish commander was fair and fascinating, and the Cakchiquel queen was after all but a woman. Above all things on earth, or beyond the earth, Sinacam regarded her—and for her restoration he offered more jewels, and pretty maidens, ay, the daughters of chieftains, by the hundred. Alvarado refused the prayer but not the offering. When love had cooled he released the king and went his way.[XXV-22]

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XXVI. EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR

1524.

CAMPAIGN AGAINST ITZCUINTLAN—A ROUGH MARCH—THE TOWN SURPRISED—DESPERATE DEFENCE—ALVARADO DETERMINES TO EXPLORE STILL FARTHER SOUTH—CROSSING THE RIVER MICHATOYAT—THE SPANIARDS COME TO ATIQUIPAC, TACUYLULA, TAXISCO, NANCINTLAN, AND PAZACO—THE TOWNS DESERTED—POISONED STAKES AND CANINE SACRIFICE—ENTER SALVADOR—MOQUIZALCO AND ACATEPEC—BATTLES OF ACAJUTLA AND TACUXCALCO—BLOOD-THIRSTINESS OF THIS CONQUEROR—ENTRY INTO CUZCATLAN—FLIGHT OF THE INHABITANTS—RETURN TO PATINAMIT.

[Sidenote: CONQUEST OF ITZCUINTLAN.]

While receiving at Patinamit, after the Zutugil campaign, the fealty of numerous chieftains of the southern coast provinces, Alvarado was told that the district of Itzcuintlan[XXVI-1] defied him. And with their refusal to accept the benefits of Christian civilization certain irritating expressions of contempt were reported to have been uttered by the ruler of the province. Chiefs of other tribes who wished to pass through it, in order to tender allegiance to the Spaniards, were deterred and insulted, and the conqueror was challenged to enter the land.[XXVI-2] Somewhat ruffled by these bold proceedings, the impetuous commander marched against Itzcuintlan with all his available force, Spanish horse and foot, and a large body of Quichés and Cakchiquels.[XXVI-3] It was a very rough country through which he had to pass. Roads there were none, other than mere tracks through the thick woods, for intercourse with Itzcuintlan had been almost entirely closed, owing to incessant war; but these circumstances favored a secret entrance into the hostile territory. For three days they forced their way through an uninhabitable tract almost closed to man by tropical undergrowth, which required constant application of axe and knife, so that one day they were unable to proceed more than two leagues. On reaching the province it was found covered with thick plantations alternating with swamps. Such ground being no place for horses, the arquebusiers took the front, and advanced upon the town from three different quarters. It was raining heavily at the time, a shower preliminary to the season of rain, and the sentinels had retired, so that the surprise was complete.[XXVI-4] Unable to arm or unite, the inhabitants fled to the woods to escape the swords of the conquerors. In the fort, however, which commanded the town, a considerable body of warriors had gathered, who offered a determined resistance, wounding many Spaniards and causing great loss to the Indian auxiliaries. After five hours of unavailing attempts to gain possession of the stronghold, the enraged Alvarado set fire to the place. The brave defenders appear to have escaped, thanks to the heavy rain and the proximity of the surrounding woods. Indeed, according to Alvarado's own statement, he did no harm beyond burning the town.[XXVI-5] The subjection of the district was not yet accomplished, however, and messengers were sent to the ruler with the usual summons and threats. If they persisted in keeping aloof and refusing to submit, their lands and cornfields would be devastated, and they and their children made slaves. This menace had the desired effect; the cacique and his chiefs submitted and swore obedience, and during the eight days Alvarado remained in this place a number of the surrounding towns sent in their allegiance. But the restless spirit of both leader and men was not to be satisfied with the subjugation of one province only. The lieutenant-general had heard exciting accounts of immense cities and wonderful palaces, and discovery was almost as attractive to him as pacification. He had already informed Cortés that it was his intention to winter fifty or one hundred leagues beyond Guatemala. As an additional incentive he had received positive information that a march of twenty-five days from Guatemala would bring him to the end of the land: if that should prove to be the case he was confident of finding soon the famous strait, for which so many were searching.[XXVI-6] Besides the strait he desired also to find a harbor where he could construct vessels for exploring the coast at a later date. Already a great soldier, he desired to become also a great discoverer. Even the rainy season, which has just set in, should not deter him, though his difficulties would be greatly increased thereby.

[Sidenote: TOWNS TAKEN.]

Starting southward, then, from Itzcuintlan, the first difficulty encountered by the army was the River Michatoyat,[XXVI-7] which could be crossed only by bridging. The first town reached was Atiquipac,[XXVI-8] where the Spaniards were amicably received, but at sunset the people abandoned their homes and fled to the mountains.[XXVI-9] There was no time to be wasted with them, for the roads might at any time be rendered impassable by the rains, and so the army pushed forward after branding a few unfortunates as slaves,[XXVI-10] the commander taking every precaution in the disposition of his forces for the security of baggage and the protection of the auxiliaries. The next town reached was Tacuylula, standing to-day under the same name. The reception here was similar to the former, except, perhaps, that the natives detected the quality of their visitors more quickly than did the people of Atiquipac. Within an hour they had all fled.[XXVI-11]

From Tacuylula they advanced to Taxisco, where, according to Alvarado's report, the inhabitants appeared friendly.[XXVI-12] They passed the night in the town, with every precaution against attack, for it was strong and populous, and the Spaniards were under no little apprehension of an assault. They were unmolested, however, and left on the following morning for the town of Nancintlan.[XXVI-13] For better security the commander placed ten horsemen in the rear and an equal number in the centre with his baggage, while with the remainder of the cavalry he led the van. He had advanced between two and three leagues when a fierce assault was made upon his rear, wherein a number of his Indian allies were killed, and, what he deplored still more, a great quantity of his baggage, stores, and material was carried off.[XXVI-14]

This was a grave loss, and the commander immediately sent his brother, Jorge Alvarado, with forty or fifty of the cavalry to attempt a recapture. On arriving at the scene of the late disaster this officer fell in with a large body of warriors[XXVI-15] and put them to flight, but recovered none of the lost effects. In the mean time the army arrived at Nancintlan, and Jorge Alvarado having returned with little or nothing accomplished, Puertocarrero[XXVI-16] was sent back with a detachment of foot-soldiers. The second attempt was as unsuccessful as the first. The fact is, the country was all in arms; the natives had retired to mountain fastnesses, whence they issued forth to attack as occasion offered. Nancintlan had also been abandoned, save by the principal men who were detained as prisoners. During the eight days' stay[XXVI-17] here, Alvarado sought in vain to induce the people to return, and, as he could delay his march no longer, out of pure spite the dastardly commander burned the town and his prisoners.[XXVI-18]

The Spaniards now advanced to the neighboring town of Pazaco.[XXVI-19] The lieutenant-general had already received an invitation from the chiefs, with protestations of friendship, which could hardly have been sincere, for as the Spaniards approached the town their advance was interrupted by short poisoned stakes, ingeniously hidden in the ground.[XXVI-20] The roads, also, were found to be closed near the town, with all possible impediments to an advance. As they entered the place, the spectacle of a canine sacrifice, a ceremonial significant of hatred and defiance, met their gaze.[XXVI-21] Nor were hostilities long delayed. At a signal the natives suddenly appeared, shouting their shrill war-cries, and threw upon the Spaniards so heavy a discharge of arrows, lances, and stones, that it was with difficulty they held their ground. Slowly but surely, however, Spanish weapons and coats of mail prevailed, and the Indians, unable to stand before them, fled to the surrounding heights, amidst the attendant horrors of pursuit.[XXVI-22]

[Sidenote: ACROSS LA PAZA INTO SALVADOR.]

The army thereupon passed across the La Paz River[XXVI-23] into what is now the state of Salvador, first entering Moquizalco,[XXVI-24] and then they went to Acatepec. Both of these towns received the strangers hospitably, but the inhabitants soon fled, overcome by terror at the cruelties committed. Angered by this continual desertion, Alvarado ordered the Indians to be pursued, and as many of them as could be seized were branded as slaves. He then hastened forward, directing his march to Acajutla.[XXVI-25] On arriving within half a league of the town he encountered a mighty host drawn up in battle array to oppose him, their ranks extending over a wide plain that lay before the city. It was indeed an inspiriting sight for an Indian fighter. Times had been somewhat tame for the last few days, but here was the promise of rare sport, indeed. Alvarado, who was in advance with the cavalry, approached to within a cross-bow shot, and then halted for his infantry to come up. As he ran his experienced eye over the forests of spears, and marked the magnitude of the hostile array, he felt that all his coolness and all his skill would be required to save his army that day. War plumes waved from the heads of thousands, and battle devices were scattered as far as the eye could reach, while the feathered banners floating above the parti-colored bands threw over all an air of peculiar brilliance.[XXVI-26] The foe had chosen, too, an advantageous position. In their rear thick woods offered easy refuge in case of need. Yet already, before they were his own, Alvarado began to plan that none should escape him. He stood there like a hunter overlooking a band of antelope, and thinking how he could best secure them all. Of what advantage was it to Charles, or Cortés, or even to these panting wolves themselves, that this ill fated multitude to the last man should die?

[Sidenote: NOBLE GAME.]

As the remainder of his forces[XXVI-27] came up, Alvarado advanced a little nearer to the enemy. The Indians manifested no inclination to leave their position; they appeared to be awaiting attack. Alvarado then feigned retreat, which the army performed in perfect order, though in apparent haste,[XXVI-28] the commander himself having charge of the rear. The result was as he anticipated. The duped natives eagerly pursued; at last, they thought, these beings maledict are afraid. And they flew at them with wild demonstrations of joy at the expected victory, making in their onset such a roar as would have appalled any but veteran troops. In their blind enthusiasm they grappled and struggled with the retiring cavalry, seizing the horses' tails and the riders' stirrups. Their arrows rattled thick like hailstones against the metal armor of the soldiers, or with angry hiss passed them by, reaching to the farthest end of the Spanish army. For some time this movement continued over the level plain, on which no obstacle interposed to prevent its successful achievement.[XXVI-29] After thus drawing the enemy away from the friendly wood, and to such ground as best suited the purpose, the order was given; the Spanish army wheeled and fell on the unprepared foe like a storm of Sodom. Sennacherib's hosts before Jerusalem met no more complete destruction than the army of warriors before Acajutla that day. Incased in cumbersome cotton armor, they could not flee, and when overthrown by the charging horsemen they could not rise again.[XXVI-30] As they lay helpless on the ground the infantry and auxiliaries would cut and pierce them as if they had been swine, following as zealously as possible the example of Alvarado, who, severely wounded[XXVI-31] and out of humor, vented his malignant spleen upon these home-defenders. Ah! war is a glorious thing; and grand that civilization which refines and ennobles war!

[Sidenote: ANOTHER GREAT BATTLE.]

The revenge of the chivalrous commander was ample; not one of all that multitude of warriors was left alive upon the field.[XXVI-32] When the extermination was finished the victorious army entered Acajutla, and remained there five days caring for their wounded, of whom there was a great number; then they passed on to Tacuxcalco.[XXVI-33] Pedro Puertocarrero had been sent forward to reconnoitre, and succeeded in capturing two spies, who reported that the warriors of this town and its dependencies were assembled in large numbers to oppose their advance, whereupon the scouting party proceeded until they arrived within sight of the enemy. Gonzalo de Alvarado, who led the van, his brother being ill of his wound, presently came up with forty of the cavalry, and drew up in order, waiting for the main body to arrive. The commander, though still suffering severely, mounted a horse as best he could and issued his orders. The Indians were drawn up in one solid phalanx; he would assail them on three sides at once. Thirty of the cavalry, under the command of Gonzalo de Alvarado, were to attack the right, his brother Gomez was ordered to lead twenty more against the left, while Jorge[XXVI-34] was to charge the front with the rest of the forces.

These arrangements made, he took his post on elevated ground above the battle field. Even his stout heart sank somewhat within him as he viewed the scene. One portion of the plain was covered with a forest of tall spears,[XXVI-35] and the compact body of foemen told him that they were even more numerous than the army he had defeated a few days before.[XXVI-36] His apprehensions were in no wise lessened as he watched his forces draw near the enemy and observed how immovable they stood, and without sign of fear. But what seemed to him most strange was that his own men hesitated to charge. He afterward ascertained that between the opposing lines lay a narrow meadow which the Spaniards mistook for a swamp, and delayed their onset until they had assured themselves of the firmness of the ground. Presently the stirring cry of Santiago! was heard, and Alvarado's heart swelled within him: his passion for human blood appears to increase with the slaughter of his tens of thousands, and the lately gay and gallant cavalier is becoming a monster delighting in carnage and butchery, killing men for the mere pleasure of it. With a feeling of fierce delight the wounded man now watched his army break into the Indian columns. He marked the rout and bloody pursuit, and noticed with satisfaction how the plain became streaked with dead bodies in the track of the fugitives and pursuers, which ghastly line was soon over a league in length.

[Sidenote: MARCH ON CUZCATLAN.]

Taking possession of the town, the Spaniards remained in it for two days, and then moved on to Mihuatlan.[XXVI-37] All the towns and villages hereabout were found deserted; the natives seemed to have discovered that there was no chance of success in the field, and no escape from oppression when once their liberty was lost. At Atecuan[XXVI-38] the commander was met by envoys from Atlacatl, the king of Cuzcatlan, bearing proffers of friendship, which were received with satisfaction, for the delay and fatigue of battle with the reward of empty towns, however pleasurable, seemed profitless.[XXVI-39] So far, indeed, Alvarado seems to have effected little with respect to the actual conquest of the country. His line of march was marked by heaps of slain, by burned cities and deserted villages,[XXVI-40] but as for native subjects of his Majesty, or Christian converts, or colonies, or any permanent advantages, they were few. If, now in the very heart of the country, he could gain a faithful ally, a second Sinacam, pacification might become more permanent and profitable. To this end he directed his march toward Cuzcatlan,[XXVI-41] the capital of that country, a large and beautiful city, inhabited by a considerable population, and, according to the report of the conquerors, hardly second to Patinamit.

Although the Indians along the road manifested their friendliness by supplying the Spaniards with fruits and fresh provisions in abundance, and although they were cordially welcomed into the city by the chiefs, yet on taking up their quarters the whole population rushed to arms, and a few hours after the city was deserted.[XXVI-42] All efforts at reconciliation on the part of Alvarado were unavailing. Summons to obedience and menaces were equally disregarded, and a formal requirement was sent, coupled with the usual conditions; but no reply came. Then the invaders tried force, but for once they were baffled. For fully seventeen days the most strenuous exertions were made to subdue them, during which time several sanguinary encounters occurred, wherein a number of Spaniards were wounded and eleven horses killed, the auxiliaries suffering severely. Thus even the occupation of the capital failed to secure the primary object of the invasion.

Alvarado now perceived that with the present force he never would be able to subjugate these Cuzcatecs, and he saw that his position was becoming critical. The rainy season was now well upon him, the roads were becoming bad, and every day would render retreat more difficult. The return march extended over several hundred miles, and he could not expect to meet with much hospitality or assistance. He decided, therefore, to return to Guatemala. But before he set out he would make legally secure his claim upon the vassalage of the Cuzcatecs. With this view he instituted a process against them in the form prescribed by law, and summoned them to surrender. As no attention was paid to his proclamation, proceedings were closed after the legal time had expired and sentence was passed. They were pronounced traitors and their chiefs condemned to death.[XXVI-43]

[Sidenote: CHRISTIANIZING AND BRANDING.]

This solemn ceremony ended,[XXVI-44] Alvarado was ready to depart from the country, though not till he had branded all he could lay hands upon. He was somewhat chagrined at his failure to draw the Cuzcatecs into the fold; but he would return again. Indeed, this was imperative, for the Cuzcatlan campaign had been quite unproductive[XXVI-45] in securing either wealth or dominion. From Itzcuintlan to Cuzcatlan there was scarcely a town that would not require a second subjugation. An additional cause of vexation lay in the statement of natives that no strait existed toward the south.[XXVI-46] On the other hand he was gratified to learn of great cities beyond, built of stone and lime, and inhabited by dense populations, and he promised himself due compensation from them for his present disappointment. Of his homeward march particulars are unnecessary. That the way was difficult and that the soldiers suffered much we may be sure.[XXVI-47] Pinched by hunger, drenched by rain, midst the lightning and the thunder, they beat their way back over the soft soaked ground, braving the heavens and the earth which seemed to have risen against them. At night, if no deserted town afforded shelter, the worn-out men, after partaking of scanty fare and shivering in wet clothes round feeble camp fires, threw themselves upon the swampy ground to sleep. Yet with all their sufferings they did not scruple to destroy fields, burn such villages as fell in their way, and so reduce others to the same sad plight as themselves. Sweet to us are the misfortunes of others!

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