XI. DARIEN EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS…

XI. DARIEN EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS

1515-1517.

GONZALO DE BADAJOZ VISITS THE SOUTH SEA—WHAT HE SEES AT NOMBRE DE DIOS—HIS DEALINGS WITH TOTONAGUA—AND WITH TATARACHERUBI—ARRIVES AT NATÁ—THE SPANIARDS GATHER MUCH GOLD—THEY ENCOUNTER THE REDOUBTABLE PARIS—A DESPERATE FIGHT—BADAJOZ LOSES HIS GOLD AND RETURNS TO DARIEN—PEDRARIAS ON THE WAR-PATH—HE STRIKES CENÚ A BLOW OF REVENGE—ACLA FOUNDED—THE GOVERNOR RETURNS ILL TO ANTIGUA—EXPEDITION OF GASPAR DE ESPINOSA TO THE SOUTH SEA—THE LICENTIATE'S ASS—ROBBERY BY LAW—ESPINOSA'S RELATION—A BLOODY-HANDED PRIEST—ESPINOSA AT NATÁ—HE COURTS THE ACQUAINTANCE OF PARIS—WHO KILLS THE AMBASSADORS—HURTADO SURVEYS THE SOUTHERN SEABOARD TO NICOYA—PANAMÁ FOUNDED—AN ABORIGINAL TARTARUS—RETURN OF ESPINOSA'S EXPEDITION.

While these expeditions were directed to the east side of Panamá Bay, other captains were equally active on the west side.

Gonzalo de Badajoz embarked at Antigua for the South Sea in March, 1515, with one hundred and thirty men.[XI-1] Landing at Nombre de Dios, where no white man had touched since Nicuesa's departure, a dismal spectacle was there presented. The dismantled fort stood surrounded by tenantless dwellings, whose walls were once the silent witnesses of despair; while crosses, heaps of stone, and dead men's scattered bones, seemed to tell how restless were these adventurers even in their last resting. The most impassive of all that callous company was struck by a momentary shudder as he gazed on these ghastly portents of his own probable fate; and they would have turned back on the spot had not their leader hurried the ships away beyond their reach.

[Sidenote: ADVENTURES OF BADAJOZ.]

The versatile adventurer quickly recovers himself, however, and what is more wonderful is the indifference with which sanguinary recitals often repeated are soon received. The homely adage that familiarity breeds contempt is nowhere more strikingly true than in our own intercourse with danger, pain, and death. It is not altogether a Hibernicism to say that men get used to these things, even to hanging. And when the oft-repeated disasters are distant, and only the survivors with their prizes are present, the terrible tale makes still less impression. That colony after colony in the New World occupation should be swept away or divided by death, and divided yet again, ten times, or twenty times cut in twain; or that expedition after expedition should return to Antigua, leaving half or two thirds of its number rotting on the heated plain, or scattered in the mountains furnishing food for carrion-birds, and yet new colonists continue to come out, and new expeditions continue to be organized by those willing to take the same even chances of never returning, shows an ignorance, or indifference, or both, to which fear of consequences is as inaccessible as ever was the feeling of love to Narcissus.

The mission of Badajoz was the usual one. He was to cross the Isthmus at its narrowest part, take possession of the country, and gather in its treasures. We all know what this implied. Were any but civilized Christians so to do it would be called murder, robbery, treachery, violation, and the rest.

Totonagua was the first victim on this occasion. His dominions were of great extent and thickly peopled, the village where he resided standing on the mountains opposite Nombre de Dios. Surprised by night he surrendered gold to the value of six thousand pesos. Tataracherubi, a wealthy cacique on the southern side, was similarly relieved of gold to the value of eight thousand pesos. Seeing the Spaniards so deeply in love with gold, Tataracherubi told them of a chief named Natá, some distance to the south-west, very rich and with few fighting men. Thirty men under Alonso Perez de la Rua were deemed ample for the adventure, but after a night's march the Spaniards found themselves, as morning broke, in the midst of a cluster of villages belonging to a numerous and warlike people. Retreat was impossible, and not a moment was to be lost. Rushing for the principal village they seized the leading cacique, Natá,[XI-2] and were masters of the situation. For when the savages pressed them hard in the fight that followed, and would have slain them all, they threatened Natá with instant death if he did not cause his men to lay down their arms. Natá obeyed. Presently Badajoz joined Perez, and the chief was released to collect for his captors gold in value to fifteen thousand castellanos. After remaining at Natá two months the conquerors surprised the village of Escoria, ten leagues to the southward, and secured gold[XI-3] to the value of nine thousand pesos. Westward from Escoria lived Biruquete[XI-4] and a blind neighbor, who were relieved of six thousand pesos worth of gold. In the vicinity were the villages of Taracuri, Pananome, Tabor, and Chirú, where the Spaniards obtained another considerable quantity of gold.

Gonzalo de Badajoz was gathering a rich harvest. Thus far his accumulations reached eighty thousand castellanos, equivalent to more than half a million of dollars at the present day. It was not a disagreeable way of making money. It was quite honorable stealing in the eyes of the plunderers themselves, although the stupid savages never could wholly make out the right of it. In addition to gold there were always plenty of women for slavery, and so the adventurers who for these benefits had staked their lives were happy.

[Sidenote: THE CACIQUE PARIS.]

Elated by their successes, the conquerors continued the good work. Not far from Chirú were the dominions of a cacique called by the Spaniards Parizao Pariba, subsequently abbreviated into Paris.[XI-5] Advised of their approach Paris fled to the mountains with all his people and treasure. Badajoz sent a message threatening to put the dogs upon his track unless he returned. Paris returned word that he was exceedingly occupied and hoped the Spanish captain would excuse his coming. He begged him, however, to accept an accompanying gift from his women, and wished him a prosperous journey out of the country. The gift so carelessly presented was carried by four principal men in baskets made of the withes of palm-leaves and lined with deerskins. In dimensions they were about one and a half by two feet, and three inches in depth. The contents consisted of fabricated gold, breast-plates, bracelets and ear-rings, valued, as the Spaniards affirmed, at forty or fifty thousand castellanos.

So much treasure so royally presented only excited their cupidity the more. Thanking the savages, Badajoz retired with his men, but as soon as Paris returned to the village, he surprised it at night and obtained as much more gold as had already been sent. This greediness resulted in their ruin. Paris sent out upon the road one of his principal men who was instructed, when captured, to pass himself off as belonging to an adjoining village, three leagues distant, and to say that it was well stocked with gold. He was on his way to the river to fish, but would show them his town. The strategy succeeded. Badajoz sent a portion of the men under his guidance to bring in the treasure. Meanwhile Paris had raised an army of four thousand warriors, and the invaders being now divided, as had been designed, he fiercely attacked and almost exterminated one part before the other could join it. The Spaniards fought until seventy of their number were slain, whereupon they abandoned the treasure, cut their way through the savages, and fled to the territory of Chame.[XI-6] Thence they crossed to an island occupied by Tabor, and afterward to Taboga Island, where they remained for thirty days recruiting their strength for the desperate attempt to reach Darien. This they finally accomplished, but Perez de la Rua lost his life immediately on returning to the mainland. Since they failed to bring home the gold of which their stories were full, we may each of us believe them according to our faith.

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[Sidenote: ATTACK ON CENÚ.]

The year 1515 was now drawing toward its close. It had been clouded with more than one disaster, and Pedrarias was anything but pleased. Himself a fighting man as well as civil officer, he determined to show his young captains what an old man could do in the field; for whatever his general character, and it was detestable enough, Pedrarias was not a coward. His first blow was to be directed against the Cenú people, toward whom he had not felt kindly since the slaughter of the two companies under Vallejo and Becerra. What right had these savages to kill Spaniards? And yet were his purpose known of entering within range of those poisoned arrows he would have few followers to the wars. An expedition of three hundred men was therefore organized ostensibly against Pocorosa, and with this he coasted westward until after night-fall, when he ordered the pilots to turn back and make for Cenú, whose tristful shore the next morning saw them close approaching. Anchoring, Hurtado was sent with two hundred men to fire the village and do what killing was convenient. He managed to cut in pieces a few women and children as they escaped the flames, and secure some captives for slaves, but the poisoned arrows soon terminated the sport, and the expedition turned again toward the province of Pocorosa.

The purpose of the governor was to found at least two posts of the line ordained by the king, but which his captains had failed to establish. Pedrarias resolved that the termini of the intended line on either ocean should be at once selected and town-building begun. Coasting westward in search of a site he came to a pleasant port, northward of Careta, beyond which extended a dry and fertile plain with timber suitable for ship-building, and from which led a now well-known route across the Isthmus. The natives called the place Acla,[XI-7] that is to say, 'Bones of Men.' There the governor began to build a wooden fort with such enthusiasm as not only to direct the laborers, but to assist them with his hands, until excess of zeal brought on a fever which rendered it necessary for him to be carried bedridden to Antigua. Gabriel de Rojas was left in command of the unfinished enterprise, and Gaspar de Espinosa with a stout force was permitted to try the fortunes of war on that permanent object of the spoiler, Pocorosa.

[Sidenote: THE LICENTIATE'S ASS.]

It seems that the youthful magistrate on finding his official duties spiritless without the mellow growl and inane wit of pettifogger or pundit, had laid aside the long-robe and buckled on the sword, this being in his opinion the more significant emblem in the arbitration of Indian affairs. And as the highest wisdom is that which adapts learning to the duties of the day, the licentiate would not be bound by the mechanical restrictions which governed the illiterate cavaliers in their encounters with the natives. There are some whom travel improves but little, though like Haddad Ben Ahab, they should climb to the top of the world's wall and look down the other side. Our juvenile judge was not one of these. Bonum est fugienda adspicere in alieno malo, was his motto. It is good to note in the misfortunes of others what we should avoid, for so Publius Syrus has said. He would go to the wars as a warrior, not plodding his way wearily over mountain and through morass, like a common foot-soldier, but he would enter the domain of the enemy mounted, and in a manner becoming a general and a judge. Athena went to war mounted on a lion, Alexander on a horse, Espinosa on—an ass. History gives the licentiate this honor, and as an honest man I cannot deny it him; he was the first to cross the Isthmus on an ass. Some horses had of late been brought to Antigua, which were employed to a very limited extent in the wars of Tierra Firme and also on the present occasion; but the alcalde mayor preferred to bestride an ass; it was a more judicial beast, not say surer-footed or more safe. Moreover, it was staid, and not liable to rush recklessly into battle. There was another advance. Several pieces of artillery were dragged across the Isthmus in this expedition.

When the savages first beheld the conquering hero borne triumphantly through crowds of admiring spectators, they fell back dumbfounded. They knew the force of Spanish steel; bloodhounds they knew, and arquebuses vomiting fire and hurling thunderbolts. But what was this? Its eyes were not fiery, nor its nostrils distended, nor its teeth flesh-tearing. Its countenance betokened mildness, and mind-absence, such as attend benevolent contemplation; there was in it nothing of that refined lust or voracious piety which characterized the faces of the Spaniards. And surely Apollo was in error when he gave Midas such ears because he could not appreciate music. For listen to its notes. Ah, that voice! When Sir Balaam lifted up his voice the savages fled in terror. Tremblingly they returned and enquired for what the creature was asking. The Spaniards replied that he was asking for gold; and during the campaign his musical beast brought the licentiate more gold than did ever Leoncico earn for Vasco Nuñez. And throughout that region the learned licentiate became known to the natives by the noble animal that he bestrode, so much so that those who entered the Spaniard's camp to see the general used to announce their object by braying like an ass, an appeal to which the chief officer ever obligingly responded.

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As alcalde mayor it was the duty of Espinosa at all times and in all places to administer the law. For so God and the king had commanded; so he had sworn to do. Now it was often somewhat inconvenient to rob and murder at pleasure, even under the liberal provisions of the king's Requirement, according to the governor's ideas of business. Therefore it was deemed wise and prudent to issue an edict from the imperial city of Antigua declaring all Americans in arms against the Europeans to be outlaws, doomed to slavery, mutilation, or death. Those who had taken part in the destruction of Santa Cruz should be burned; and it was quite remarkable in so young a jurist how quickly he determined, no matter how distant the evidence, whenever the destruction of a people, while promoting the sovereignty of law, would at the same time yield profit to the lawgiver.

The judge had not proceeded far upon his new circuit before he met Badajoz, who was returning dejectedly to Antigua, suffering from the effects of excessive cupidity. Informed of the immense treasure Badajoz had failed to bring back, Espinosa wrote Pedrarias for more men that he might go and gather it. Badajoz claimed the command as a right; but Pedrarias said, "Not so; Espinosa is alcalde mayor; furthermore, Captain Badajoz brings back neither slaves nor gold wherewith to purchase favor." With this the licentiate received one hundred and thirty additional men under Gerónimo Valenzuela. So great was becoming the abhorrence of the colonists for these hazardous and unholy adventures that this captain, in conformity to his instructions, scuttled his ship on reaching Acla, in order to deprive the men of the means for returning to Antigua.

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Cæsar's Commentaries on the Gallic wars are not more minute in detail than the narration[XI-8] of incidents during this expedition as given by Espinosa to the governor. The licentiate was exceedingly careful in every instance, first of all to propitiate the law by observing its smallest letter, such as reading and expounding the king's Requirement, and never to rob or kill the natives except in the name of the king of Spain, and the rights of man. His judicial conscience thus quieted, he went to work with a will.

[Sidenote: DEPOPULATION OF THE PROVINCES.]

The provinces of Pocorosa and Comagre were at this time almost depopulated, and the licentiate could with difficulty obtain food for the men or exercise for his arms. On the approach of the Spaniards, the poor remnants of these once happy nations fled affrighted to their hiding-places. This the learned licentiate ruled ipso jure a declaration of hostilities; in a word, if the law could not be twisted to fit the occasion, the chief guardian of the law, himself turned law-breaker and spoiler, was as ready to throw overboard the law as was the most lawless cavalier. Whole nations, I say, were declared outlaws by the honorable chief judge, because they would not come forward and embrace slavery of their own free will. If any fugitives were particularly hard to catch, that was proof of participation in the Santa Cruz affair, and they were burned according to law.

The caprice of the law, however, does not exhibit the pretensions of civilization and Christianity in these parts in their grossest absurdity. In the outrageous raids under Pedrarias, the most revolting crimes were committed in the name of religion. The itching palm of Quevedo, the bishop, has been more than once referred to; and now we see his dean actually enter the field of inhumanity in person against the unhappy natives. The licentiate writes: "We proceeded on our way about one league and a half to Poquina's land, where the Indians set fire to their huts and ran away. I sent the dean with one squad, and Ojeda with another, and they brought back some Indians, the number whereof will appear in the distribution. I gave Chiarna some of these Indians, and that overpaid him for the provisions he had furnished us." Unfortunately this is not the only instance we are doomed to encounter in this history, of a priest disgracing the faith by placing himself beside bloodhounds and bloody-minded men, and joining a hunt, in Christ's name, to bring innocent men and women and children to slavery and death.

After sending to Santa Cruz in the hope of finding provisions from Antigua, "we went to the province of Tamame," continues Espinosa, "whence I sent all the captains to explore the Rio Grande,[XI-9] on both banks, as I had been informed that Pocorosa's people were there hiding. Some Indians were caught, as will appear in the distribution, five of whom were burnt to ashes, on confessing their participation in the murders of Santa Cruz." Indeed, "I used to send men after the Indians, and justice was done upon all those who had participated in the Santa Cruz outrage, either by hanging or burning, and two were shot off from the cannon's mouth the more to frighten them."

[Sidenote: ESPINOSA ON THE PACIFIC.]

Crossing the Cordillera by way of Tubanamá and Chepo to Panamá, where he hoped to obtain food, but found only some huts and one woman, Espinosa passed on to Chirú, sending out his captains in every direction for plunder. At Chame the Spaniards found only four Indians; and as the chief had furnished corn to Badajoz, they did not molest him. The cacique of Chirú was captured with his women and gold, by Hurtado, but appearing peaceable he was liberated, and made the custodian of some slaves, and ornaments for the mass, for a church was to be organized on the shores of Pacific. Chirú sent Espinosa iguanas to eat, and chicha, fish, deer, and salt, and was given some hammocks in return.

After this the Spaniards charged on Natá one night, securing one hundred captives, and gold to the value of fifteen hundred castellanos. The cacique escaped, and rallying his warriors prepared to attack the Spaniards; but when the natives saw the horses they fled in terror, fearing that they would be torn in pieces by them. As it was, the horsemen pursued the fugitives and hewed them down in great numbers. Espinosa marvelled at the multitudes of people he here encountered, and at the number of their villages. He found also an abundance of maize, fish, and deer, and there were geese and turkeys. Four months' supply of corn was at once secured for the army; and for better protection during the sojourn palisades were erected.

One morning while the licentiate was reposing in his lodge, Natá with one attendant rushed unceremoniously into his presence, desperation depicted in their countenances, and with empty quivers in their hands. "You are too strong for me," cried the chief. "You have taken my warriors, my wives, my children; do with me as you please." Espinosa received him kindly, returned him his wives and children, and told him to bring his people from their hiding-places and fear nothing. The gold which had been taken from Badajoz was then demanded of him, but Natá denied having any of it, saying that Paris had kept it all. Being well established here the Spaniards proceeded against the neighboring provinces. The people fled, but were compelled by hunger to return. Among the captives taken some were employed in planting, and if any became unruly they were hanged. Others assisted in building a little chapel, for the zealous dean had now sheathed his bloody sword to preach through an interpreter the glad tidings of good-will to man, and many were baptized.

Meanwhile a deputation composed of the natives of Natá was sent to the cacique Paris, demanding his allegiance to the king of Spain, and the restoration of the gold taken from Badajoz. Paris replied by hanging all the ambassadors, save two, by whom he sent back word that every Christian caught within his territories would be treated in like manner. The licentiate prepared immediately to march against the redoubtable chieftain.

On the 29th of July, 1516, every member of the army was confessed by the priest. Vows were made to Our Lady of Antigua, "and in the name of God," says the licentiate, "we began our journey." Hurtado had been sent with fifty men to Escoria, and the ruler of that province together with Chirú and Natá was forced to accompany the expedition against Paris.[XI-10] The inhabitants melted before the invaders, and it was with difficulty that men could be captured for guides. The Spaniards had not advanced far before they learned that a council had been held by the chiefs confederated for self-protection, to determine whether the gold taken from Badajoz should be returned. Some were in favor of restoring it; but others objected that, this being given up, as much more would be demanded, and since fight they must in either case, it was agreed to do so before surrendering the treasure. It so happened that Diego Albites with eighty men was marching in advance, and coming to a rivulet he espied some Indians hidden under the bank and undertook to capture them. Instantly the country was alive with savages; Albites found himself surrounded by four thousand of the enemy, wholly cut off from the main body. The Spaniards fought desperately for six hours, and would have been destroyed had not Espinosa appeared and let loose upon the assailants the bloodhounds and the horsemen. Twenty caciques and a host of warriors were slain, and many of the Spaniards were badly wounded. "That night we slept upon the battle-field," says Espinosa, "and next day I threw up a protection of palisades and sent out in search of the cacique Paris." The cunning chief had burned his village and fled, thus leaving the invaders neither gold nor provisions. Albites went out to forage, with instructions to fire a cannon in case of danger. Nine times that night the licentiate heard the report of a gun, and was not a little alarmed for the safety of the captain. Great was his joy, therefore, when early in the morning Valenzuela appeared with reinforcement of one hundred men from Antigua and informed the licentiate that it was he who had fired the guns while in search of the commander's camp.

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[Sidenote: VALENZUELA JOINS ESPINOSA.]

Espinosa having now three hundred men felt himself strong enough to prosecute discovery according to the full tenor of his instructions, which were to explore the coast westward as far as practicable. As a first step he sent a detachment of eighty men under Valenzuela into the province of Guararí, near the seashore, in search of trees for canoes. Meanwhile the treasure lost by Badajoz must if possible be found before abandoning these parts. Companies were sent out in various directions under Albites, Hurtado, and Pedro de Gamez, between whom arose no small rivalry for securing the honor of the capture. Their purpose was to seize the caciques and wring from them the secret by torture. At length Gamez came upon the scent, and followed it into the province of Quema. He was even so fortunate as to capture the chief, but for want of an interpreter nothing definite could be learned. He nevertheless reported favorably to Espinosa, who ordered Albites and Hurtado to go to his assistance. Under the gentle persuasion of the rack Quema disclosed the place where part of the gold, some thirty thousand castellanos, was hidden, but denied any knowledge of the remainder. With this gold and other plunder, the three captains rejoined their commander, who had passed on to Guararí.

Two canoes being completed, each capable of carrying seventy men, and three smaller ones having been brought by Pablo Mejía from Chirú, they were placed in charge of Bartolomé Hurtado, who with eighty or ninety men coasted south and westward, while Espinosa with the remainder of the company followed by land. The rain fell in torrents, and the worthy licentiate was soon tired of wading through the thick mud; and so, after four days' march to a small port called Huera,[XI-11] in the province of Vera, a council was held which arranged that Hurtado should continue the survey with one hundred men, in boats, while the land party should return to Quema and search for the remainder of the Badajoz treasure.

The first province at which Hurtado landed was called Guanata, whence the inhabitants had fled, and where by reason of continuous rains the Spaniards rested seven days. Securing guides they then passed on to an island, called by the natives Caubaco, or Cebaco,[XI-12] three days distant. Hurtado was acquiring experience, and found it better to treat these wild people gently. This policy succeeded, and, although his landing was at first opposed, he and the islanders soon became the best of friends. Their ruler was absent on the mainland, fighting; and when he returned his subjects introduced the strangers with such warmth that he at once extended his good-will, giving Hurtado a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. Indeed, he proved most affable and accommodating, willing to acknowledge the king of Spain, accept Christianity, or anything they desired; so much so that the Spaniards called him Cacique Amigo. An expedition was organized against the inhabitants of a neighboring island, named by the Spaniards Isla de Varones, in which they were joined by Pequeari, brother of Cebaco, with nine canoes. These islanders were found entrenched in a log fortress, surrounded by a ditch, and so difficult to carry that the assailants were repeatedly thrown back and must have failed but for their artillery. Seven leagues to the westward was an island called Cabo,[XI-13] where the Spaniards found a little gold. Thence they kept along the mainland, but the inhabitants were so fierce they dared not land. Some boatmen told them, however, that through the lands of the adjoining provinces, Torra and Tabraba, the distance to the North Sea was but three days' journey. And here they met with rumors of a rich and powerful nation to the westward, with double faces and rounded feet—an allusion probably to the table-land civilization. There are people with the former characteristic even to-day, and among our superior European culture.

[Sidenote: SOUTH SEA EXPLORATIONS.]

Hurtado explored the coast as far as the gulf of Nicoya,[XI-14] about one hundred and forty leagues from Natá. In the vicinity of the Golfo Dulce,[XI-15] the people were called Chiuchires. The beauty and fruitfulness of the country proved a constant temptation to the Spaniards to land and dispute possession with the owners, who appeared along the shore with drum and trumpet to frighten the visitation. But such was not Hurtado's purpose, nor his ability; from Nicoya he returned to join Espinosa.

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After due deliberation it was determined at Antigua that the fishing station of Panamá[XI-16] should be the site of the chief city, the terminal post of the transcontinental line on the shore of the South Sea. And after the return of Hurtado, which was early in 1517, Espinosa proceeded, under present instructions from Pedrarias, to place an establishment there. Its first commander was Hernan Ponce, who had just returned with Hurtado from the Nicoya expedition.[XI-17]

[Sidenote: GOLD HUNTING.]

During the absence of Hurtado, Espinosa had proceeded to Quema in his search for Paris, and the gold that Badajoz had lost, but he was soon obliged to leave that province on account of the scarcity of provisions. Two days' journey inland brought the Spaniards to a village governed by a cacique called Chiracona, who was accused of having been instrumental in the defeat of Badajoz, and who now held in his possession two of the baskets of gold. Into this province, famous for the bravery of its men and the beauty of its women, and also as being haunted by tuyraes, or devils, Diego de Albites was sent forward with sixty men, the remainder of the company following at a slower march while feeding on reed roots. "By God's will," says the pious licentiate, "the cacique was captured with his women and children." Chiracona at first denied the impeachment, but when tortured he promised to produce the gold.

The poor fellow really knew nothing of the treasure, but he saw that it was necessary for him to confess something if he would live. And under the pressure his wits quickened. According to tradition the rendezvous of devils was a mountain fastness, ten leagues distant, into which Tartarean retreat no man had ever ventured. "If," thought the sadly battered Chiracona, "these infernal Christians can be enticed thither, there will be a happy end of them." But when he told them of the beauty and fertility of the place, and of the vast stores of wealth the ages had garnered there, a woman of Escoria, whom the chaste licentiate regarded with tender favor, besought her master not to enter that dangerous recess, for she had heard say that Chiracona sought only the destruction of the Spaniards, confident that the earth would open to swallow them. But the licentiate replied, "Have no misgivings, amiga mia; Christians fear not devils; devils fear Christians, and fly before them." And so Pedro de Gamez was sent with seventy men to the abode of the devils. The night following there was a terrible earthquake: both heathen and Christian believed his hour had come; and as Chiracona rode in his house the oscillating earth, as in a canoe he rode the billowy ocean, he smiled to think how well his plan was working.

Next day Gamez returned without the gold; whereat both white men and red were disappointed, the former because the treasure was not forthcoming, the latter because the Spanish had returned unharmed, since this would beside require Chiracona to invent some new pastime for their greedy avarice. The Spaniards remained at this place two months, living on supplies forced from Chiracona, and urging upon him Christianity, allegiance to Spain, and the delivery of the gold. Finding him obdurate on all these points, they gave him to the dogs and went their way. Paris being heard of at Quema, Diego de Albites was sent thither, but was unsuccessful in the primary object of his mission. The 2d of January, 1517, all passed into Escoria, whence Albites was despatched on a three days' journey to the northward to capture a cacique named Tabraba. He was successful, and secured gold to the value of four thousand castellanos.

[Sidenote: RETURN OF ESPINOSA TO ANTIGUA.]

Espinosa now made ready for returning to the North Sea. It filled him with indignation to witness the ingratitude of the few caciques whose lives he had spared. Natá apostatized, burned the Spaniards' palisades, destroyed their growing grain, and joined a hostile confederacy. The people of Chirú and elsewhere retired, thus adding insult to the failure to supply articles for plunder. While passing through Tubanamá, Espinosa overthrew a chief named Chamna, who had been hostile to Vasco Nuñez. In Comagre he found Serrano, sent again to scourge that almost desolate province. Half famished the Spaniards arrived at Acla, and were overjoyed to find Vasco Nuñez, who gave them food and provided them a vessel in which to return to Antigua.

The alcalde mayor's were the mightiest stealings of them all. Herrera estimates the returns of gold at eighty thousand pesos, and two thousand captives for slaves. After giving the king his fifth, and the governor and officials each a liberal share, there was enough distributed among the soldiers to make each esteem himself rich. Then followed days and nights of glorious debauch, in which, beside women and wine, gambling was conspicuous. A second distribution of capital was speedily effected under the auspices of the goddess unfathomable. It was paltry to bet less than a peso on any game, while a slave was a common wager. The governor, his council, and the soldiers took jovial parts in the exercise, and it is said that Pedrarias at one sitting played away a hundred slaves. It was of great avail, indeed, with such servants and subjects, for the king to forbid playing-cards to be sent to the New World, and for the Council of the Indies to restrict a twenty-four hours' loss at play to ten castellanos.

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XII. THE FATE OF VASCO NUÑEZ DE BALBOA

1516-1517.

AFFAIRS AT ANTIGUA—DIFFERENT QUALITIES OF PACIFICATION—COMPLAINTS OF VASCO NUÑEZ TO THE KING—A NEW EXPEDITION PLANNED—VASCO NUÑEZ MADE ADELANTADO AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF THE SOUTH SEA—PEDRARIAS KEEPS SECRET THE APPOINTMENT—RECONCILIATION OF BALBOA AND PEDRARIAS—BETROTHAL OF DOÑA MARÍA—VASCO NUÑEZ GOES TO ACLA—MASSACRE OF OLANO—THE MUNICIPALITY OF ACLA ESTABLISHED—MATERIALS FOR SHIPS CARRIED ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS—DIFFICULTIES, PERILS, AND MORTALITY—BALBOA AT THE PEARL ISLANDS—PREDICTION OF MICER CODRO, THE ASTROLOGER—RUMORED ARRIVAL OF A NEW GOVERNOR AT ANTIGUA—MEDITATED EVASION OF NEW AUTHORITY—THE INFAMY OF GARABITO—VASCO NUÑEZ SUMMONED BY PEDRARIAS TO ACLA—HIS JOURNEY THITHER—TRIAL AND EXECUTION.

During Espinosa's absence in the south, affairs at Antigua were exceptionally dull. The illness of the governor, unfortunately, was not fatal. Business had approached its end, for the fighting men were away, and the thrifty arts offered few attractions to piratical adventurers. So low was the colony at one time reduced that the Casa de la Fundicion, or melting-house, was closed and public fasts were appointed—a homœopathic policy, in truth, for a starving community. But for the feud between Pedrarias and Vasco Nuñez, which in that infamous environment was easily kept alive, little would have occurred worthy of record.

[Sidenote: QUARRELS WITH THE GOVERNOR.]

It should be no fault of the governor if the cavalier was not ruined. His choicest schemes were marred by incompetent and evil-minded men. He was vilified at court, and in the colony every indignity possible was laid upon him. The observant reader must already have drawn a contrast in the respective quality of enterprise pursued by these men. Whatever may have been the immediate results, whatever the wrongs and cruelties inflicted by either, in the one case there was the lofty aim of discovery and peaceful occupation; in the other, no higher object than plunder was apparent. Balboa had not time for much gold-gathering; the captains of Pedrarias had time for nothing else.

Excepting the raid of the alcalde mayor, the expeditions planned by Pedrarias were not remarkable for their success. Nor did Balboa scruple to rail at the old governor in consequence. "All the enterprises of Pedrarias met with such ill success," says Benzoni, "that Balboa laughed at him and mocked him, whereat the governor became irate, and serious contentions resulted."

* * * * *

Balboa was now in the prime of manhood, approaching forty, and had during the past few years developed from a careless rambler into a thoughtful ruler, with a New World fame second only to its first discoverer. "Behold," says Peter Martyr, "this rash royster turned into a politic captain, a violent Goliah transformed to Heliseus, and from Anteus to Hercules the conqueror of monsters." And of all monsters he might encounter by sea or land, old man Pedrarias was the most monstrous. It was exasperating beyond endurance to an ardent and chivalrous nature like Balboa's, thus to have his glories reaped and his energies placed in circumscription by a superlatively selfish person of far inferior natural abilities, made by mistake his political superior. And he never ceased to strike back with all the force at his command. By every departure he appealed to the royal authorities in Spain, laying before them vivid accounts of outrages on the natives, perversion of the laws, and gross mismanagement of the colony. "Most powerful sovereign," he wrote the king, "I, a true and law-abiding servant, sensible of the many obligations I am under to do loyal service for benefits bestowed—and may your Majesty live long to grant me more—humbly desire to undeceive your Majesty regarding the governor, Pedrarias Dávila, that your Majesty may order such provisions as may be deemed best." He urged Oviedo, when about to depart for Spain, to place before the Council of the Indies the true condition of things. And again he writes, "I beseech your Majesty not to regard me as a calumniator, or as stating aught in malice, but that you will order an investigation, that you may know all I have said is true." He still entertained hopes that the report of Arbolancha, accompanied by the presents, would be graciously received, and that his successes would atone for past irregularities.

* * * * *

While awaiting the results of these endeavors, he determined to make an expedition to the South Sea, without permission or aid from Pedrarias, and to extend his discoveries there in either direction. In pursuance of this purpose, and with the coöperation of the small remnant of those who had sworn fealty on the heights of Quarequá, he secretly despatched to Cuba for men and arms, a small vessel in charge of Andrés Garabito. Having thus set in motion the wheels of his fate, he awaited developments.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ADELANTADO AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL.]

We have seen how King Ferdinand received Arbolancha, how the royal heart was touched by the discoveries and pearls of the generous cavalier. And we must confess the monarch's dilemma. The establishing of Pedrarias' government had cost him much money, and the very qualities which achieved desperate adventure tended to loosen the bonds of allegiance. But Vasco Nuñez had manifested no disposition to throw off royal authority; furthermore, it had become a principle of colonial economics, that the services of successful commanders should be paid for out of their future gains. How then could any sovereign expect the extension of his dominions, if successful adventure was defrauded of its right? It was therefore determined that the reward of Vasco Nuñez should be the title of adelantado of the Southern Sea, and captain-general of the provinces of Coiba and Panamá, but subject to the supervision of Pedrarias as superior officer.

The royal despatches conferring this appointment reached Antigua early in 1515, prior to the departure of Espinosa. Pedrarias, of course, was at the same time informed of the fact. His mortification was only exceeded by his dastardly resolve. Take from Castilla del Oro its southern seaboard and the government was not worth the having, even though the jurisdiction of Antigua did extend nominally over the whole. The north coast was already stripped, and the climate was such as no European could long endure; while in the south wealth and dominion awaited romantic adventure. All despatches arriving at Antigua had to pass through the governor's hands. Those for Vasco Nuñez on this occasion were withheld.

Pedrarias well knew that some excuse would be necessary for his conduct; and he began to look about for one. It was unlawful in the provinces for any governor or captain-general to exercise the functions of office while undergoing his residencia. New charges against the former governor of the colony must therefore be invented, and litigious persecution renewed. By collusion with the judge this investigation, as the law then required, could be continued indefinitely. Still better, the alcalde mayor, who was the person most proper in this instance to take the residencia, might be allured from his friendship for the discoverer by the offer of a military command after proceedings had been instituted, for it was well known that the licentiate's vanity was not less than his cupidity.

Believing himself prepared, the governor summoned his council, revealed the secret, and urged that the commission should be withheld. All agreed save Bishop Quevedo, who had real friendship for Vasco Nuñez, and who saw more honor for Spain and for the Church in the elevation of the free-handed cavalier, than in the military raid of the alcalde mayor. And so seeing, he grew zealously virtuous, and began to storm about it. Outnumbered in the council, he mounted his pulpit and hurled invectives at his opponents. "Can it be," he cried, "that the execrable passions of envious and designing men may thus subvert the royal design, and withhold the just reward of eminent service?" Furthermore, he threatened to spread the bare facts before the authorities in Spain.

Pedrarias quailed. He had not anticipated the violent opposition of the prelate, and he feared the rising strength of his adversary, now that the royal favor and a royal commission were known to have been granted him. Vasco Nuñez might have his office, but the old man swore it should be the death of him. For he would lay around him such snares and pitfalls as would surely prove his destruction in the end. Pedrarias would be the power; and play upon this braggart as he would upon a pipe for devils to dance by.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: QUEVEDO AS MEDIATOR.]

The public acknowledgment of dignities, attended by the congratulations of friends and the discussion of southern projects in which alone interest now centred, raised in popularity and importance the new governor, to the overshadowing of the old one. But once more the destiny of Vasco Nuñez is to turn on the bad advice of a friend. Thrown upon himself, his own sound judgment had ever been sufficient, but the counsels of piety or erudition were as quicksand under his feet. Quevedo induced him, for the sake of peace and in order to enter without delay upon his South Sea schemes, to waive in favor of Pedrarias some portion of the rights the king had granted him. Espinosa and others were accordingly permitted to overrun the southern provinces at pleasure. This was a mistake.

Thus reconciled, in appearance at least, Pedrarias himself would fain have had rest, if it had been permitted by his evil nature, which still demanded its daily bitter pabulum.

Scarcely were these pacific fictions consummated when the vessel of Andrés Garabito returned from Cuba with men and supplies for the projected expedition of Vasco Nuñez. Arriving off the coast of Darien Garabito despatched a messenger to Balboa, informing him of his return, and asking orders. It soon reached the ears of Pedrarias that a suspicious-looking craft, armed and equipped as if on some illicit mission, lay hidden in a small bay some six leagues distant. He was furthermore informed that the captain of this vessel was in secret communication with Vasco Nuñez, and that preparations were being made for some mysterious undertaking. Pedrarias became both frightened and furious. He called to mind the fate of Nicuesa. Alarm for his own safety was mingled with ire and envious regrets for ever having yielded even in appearance to any recognition of this upstart's titles and honors. He ordered the instant arrest of Balboa, and even threatened to confine him for safe keeping in the large wooden cage stationed in the middle of the plaza.

The fears of Pedrarias were calmed, however, by the cooler heads; the nature and purpose of the intended expedition were explained; no lurking treason was discovered, no plot against the peace of Antigua or sinister designs upon the person of its governor were found; and having bound himself to new and more stringent restrictions, Vasco Nuñez was set at liberty, and the precarious friendship ostensibly renewed.[XII-1]

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About this time the bishop of Darien was seized with a luminous idea. Through his pertinacious devotedness the worthy prelate had twice rescued his friend from a life of independence and honor, and had twice consigned him to the mercies of an insidious enemy. He had prevented Pedrarias from sending him in chains to Spain, which would have sounded his renown and enlisted for him sympathy throughout Christendom; he had persuaded him to relinquish his rights to such an extent as to place his fortune at the disposal of an inveterate foe. I do not say Quevedo was an Ahithophel; yet the machinations of all his enemies could not bring upon Vasco Nuñez the evils consummated by this one friend. Nevertheless, the present conception happily brought forth, and malice and suspicion will forever give place to confiding affection.

[Sidenote: BALBOA'S BETROTHAL.]

Four blooming daughters Pedrarias had left in Spain. The health of the governor seemed to be yielding before the combined influence of temper and climate. Who could be a more fitting successor in the government, and who a more suitable son-in-law? Let Balboa take to wife Doña María, eldest daughter of Pedrarias, and so bind the North Sea to the South by cords of love. Such was the plan of the prelate. Vasco Nuñez, nothing loath, assented, for the daughter was as amiable as the father was malicious. Doña Isabel was not the mother to look coldly on so gallant a proposal; as for the daughter, then dreaming her maiden days away in a convent at Seville, her own consent to the betrothal was a question which gave parents little concern in those days; the chief difficulty was the splenetic father. Approaching the governor, not without misgivings, Quevedo said: "Time passes, Señor Pedrarias, and with time, all flesh. Those who shall take our places follow close at our heels. A powerful rival converted into a firm ally is double compensation, and the father of four daughters has not the opportunity every day to refuse a governor for a son-in-law. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, a man of no mean parts, well-born and famous, asks your daughter in marriage. Grant him his desire, and so heal discord and fortify your declining years."

Notwithstanding the obvious advantages, Pedrarias hesitated. It was no easy matter at once to purify the poisoned stream of thought. But the offer was too tempting to be declined, although Pedrarias would have much preferred for his adviser a Thrasybulus, who counselled Periander to cut off the tallest heads if he would maintain his power. The old man, still hugging his suspicions, signed the marriage contract, and ordered fair Doña María to appear and accept marital honors. But even the gift of the daughter was like the gifts of Medea—envenomed.

* * * * *

Now surely might Vasco Nuñez walk the firm earth, his fortune ascendant. Adelantado, captain-general of the Southern Sea, son-in-law of Pedrarias, and in favor with the royal authorities, though Ferdinand, poor king, was dead. The clouds which had so long obscured Balboa's rising fame were by this masterly invocation of the bishop forever dissipated. There was no longer any fear from the unclean ghosts of entombed mistakes, while his good deeds would shine with steadier and ever-increasing lustre. He might now prosecute adventure to the uttermost of his ambition, while his friend and counsellor, the bishop, carried the happy tidings of reconciliation to court.[XII-2]

The year 1516 was advancing toward its middle term. Vasco Nuñez craved permission from his father-in-law—for betrothal was equivalent to marriage so far as the political aspect of the case was concerned—to proceed to Acla and continue the business there begun, which was indeed none other than part of his original scheme. Pedrarias assented, placing every requisite at the command of his dear son. The South Sea expeditions had drained the colony of most of its available men, yet so esteemed was Vasco Nuñez that all who were at Antigua eagerly flocked to his standard. Fernando de Argüello, a notary, formerly the opponent of Nicuesa, but always a partisan of Vasco Nuñez, having accumulated wealth placed it at the disposal of his friend, and soon after Balboa embarked with eighty men.

[Sidenote: SOUTH SEA EXPEDITION.]

Arrived at Acla he found the post destroyed and the comandante Olano, the successor of Gabriel de Rojas, together with twelve soldiers, had been massacred by the men of Careta, in retaliation for the act of Hurtado which consigned one hundred of their number to slavery. For this outrage the people of the province were declared outlaws. Balboa immediately organized a municipality, appointed an alcalde and a regidor, laid out a new town, and began to build. Each citizen, either in person or by slaves, was required to plant sufficient for his sustenance. Requiring more men, Balboa accompanied Espinosa to Antigua, early in 1517, and returned with two hundred recruits. The restoration of Acla was intended only as preliminary to further South Sea discoveries; but this accomplished, an obstacle interposed itself, at first glance insurmountable. In order to navigate the new ocean ships were necessary. The short voyages hitherto undertaken in native canoes had been perilous in the extreme. Herein lay the difficulty. The cordillera here rises abruptly from the northern side of the Isthmus, undulating gently on the opposite side toward the Southern Sea. On the northern slope grew trees suitable for ship-building; on the southern side vegetation was more diminutive. But of what avail were trees on the border of one ocean, for the purposes of navigation on the other?

The true standard of greatness is in the application of means to ends. The magnitude of the means has no more to do with it than the results, which may or may not prove successful. With a few hundred Spaniards, and such savages as could be whipped into the service, Vasco Nuñez dared conceive and execute the project of building ships on one side of a chain of mountains for use on the other side; to navigate his vessels in pieces or sections, on the backs of Indians, over hills and swamps, and that under a sun so hot, in an atmosphere so poisoned, and through vegetation so rank and tangled as successfully to have defied the efforts of science for centuries thereafter. "No living man in all the Indies," testifies the moderate Herrera, "dared attempt such an enterprise, or would have succeeded in it, save Vasco Nuñez de Balboa."

The plan of Vasco Nuñez was to prepare his timber as near as possible to some navigable point on one of the many streams flowing into the South Sea, which are generally torrents on the mountain-side, but which become broad and calm before reaching the ocean. The stream chosen for the purpose was called the Rio de las Balsas,[XII-3] or River of the Rafts. Carpenters and builders are sent out in search of trees suitable for the purpose, and the preparation of the timber is begun. With fifty men Francisco Compañon passes over the cordillera and selects a place upon the river, twenty-two leagues from Acla, from which to launch the ships. Likewise on the summit of the sierra, twelve leagues from Acla, he builds a fort, to serve as a half-way house for rest and protection, beside stations established at other points. All is bustle and activity at Acla and in the neighboring forests; some are felling trees, some measuring and hewing timber; some preparing anchors, rigging, and stores. "In all labors," says Las Casas, "Vasco Nuñez took the foremost part, working with his own hands and giving aid and encouragement everywhere."

[Sidenote: CARRIES SHIPS ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS.]

Materials for four brigantines being at length prepared, the herculean task of transportation across the mountains is next to be performed. Thirty negroes have been secured from Antigua, but these are not a tenth part of the force required. Squads of soldiers are therefore sent out in every direction, and natives are driven in to the number of several thousand. Upon their naked backs the heavy timbers are laid, and goaded forward by merciless overseers, among whom is the black African as well as the white European, they are forced through the marshy thicket and up the rocky steep until they sink exhausted beneath their burden. Unused to labor, ill-fed, made desperate by their distress, some attempt escape, but the bloodhound is quickly on their track; some kill themselves, but more sink lifeless under their heavy loads. All along those terrible leagues the newly cut path is strewed with dead savages, and soon the air is rank from putrid carcasses. "More than five hundred Indians perished in the transportation of these ships," affirmed Bishop Quevedo before the court of Spain, and Las Casas says the deaths were nearer two thousand in number.[XII-4] To take the places of the dead, recruits are caught in the forest; the work goes bravely on, and the stupendous feat is finally accomplished. The wild bank of the Balsas was strewed with materials for this new sea navigation. But on putting the pieces together it is found that after all the toil there is timber enough for only two vessels instead of four; the rest has been lost by the way. And this is not the worst of it. That which has been brought over at such cruel cost, cut near the coast and hewed green as it was, is so full of worms that it cannot be used. All must be thrown away and the work begun anew.[XII-5]

Timber is sought nearer at hand this time, and with fair success. Vasco Nuñez now divides his force into three parties, and sends one to hew timber, one to bring supplies from Acla, and a third to forage on the natives. Again they are ready with new materials to begin construction, when the heavens suddenly darken and drop such a deluge on them that they are obliged to take refuge in trees. Part of the timber is swept away, and part buried in mud. To add to their misfortunes, foraging fails; hunger pinches; and "when Vasco Nuñez himself was forced to feed on roots," says Las Casas, always with an eye to his protégés, "it may well be imagined to what extremity six hundred Indian captives were reduced."

It now looks very dark to Vasco Nuñez, and he begins to consider if it were not better to move on, one way or the other, than to die there. But these misgivings are only for a moment. No, it is not better. Throwing a bridge of floating withe-tied logs across the river he sends over Compañon with a strong company, and tells him never to return except with food. Hurtado he despatches to Antigua for more men, and goes himself to Acla for necessary effects. In all which he is successful; and he is successful finally in floating two brigantines upon the Balsas. There is no such thing as failure this side of death.

What a bright vision it is that greets him as he drops down into the sea, his own sea that he had found and well-nigh lost again! Heaven is indeed beautiful if it be anything fairer. Silver and gold and pearl are the sunshine, land, and sky; while the sea, the murmuring, gladdening, majestic sea; it would inspire a brute with nobility, one sight of it!

Dreams and realities! Wild as had been the dreams of these ignorant and voracious men, dreams with their Indies and Araby isles, they fell far short of reality. How could they dream of a Montezuma empire waiting expectantly to welcome the destroyer, or of an Inca faction so evenly balanced that so light a hell-flake as a Pizarro might turn it?

[Sidenote: AT THE PEARL ISLANDS.]

Selecting Isla Rica, the largest of the Pearl Islands, as a rendezvous and place of settlement, Balboa discharged his vessels there and sent them back to bring from the Balsas the remainder of the company, together with materials for two more ships, which were in due time completed, making four in all. More supplies were brought from Acla, and journeys between the two seas were from this time frequent. Meanwhile, after pacifying the Pearl Islands, he embarked with one hundred men for a cruise eastward. After sailing twenty leagues a shoal of whales so frightened the sailors that they anchored for the night near the shore, and embraced the opportunity to kill a village of Indians for having put to death Bernardo Morales and his men in a former expedition. The wind being contrary the fleet next morning returned to the Pearl Islands.

Thus haply launched upon the tide of glorious adventure, with full freedom in the south, and in harmony with superior powers, what could fortune offer more satisfactory or secure? But fickle the goddess, and malignant the while, keeping alive suspicion and envy where only honor and good-will should be. It happened about this time that as one of Balboa's captains was setting out on his return to the South Sea, rumor reached Acla that Lope de Sosa, a native of Córdova, then acting governor of the Canary Islands, had been appointed to supersede Pedrarias. At one time such a prospect would have been hailed with delight by Vasco Nuñez, but now that his fortunes were so happily linked with those of his ancient enemy he could desire no change.

One evening while in friendly conversation with the vicar, Rodrigo Perez, and the notary, Valderrábano—for on these Pearl Islands now were all the paraphernalia of spiritual and temporal rulership—upon the probable effect of a change of governors on South Sea affairs Vasco Nuñez remarked, "It may be possible that Lope de Sosa has ere this received his commission, and that even now he is at Antigua, in which case my lord Pedrarias is no longer governor, and all our toilsome undertakings will profit us nothing. In order therefore to know best how to proceed in this emergency I am of opinion that it would be well to send some faithful messenger to Acla for our further necessities; and if the new governor has come, we will furnish our ships, and pursue our enterprise as best we can, trusting to his future approval. But if my lord Pedrarias is still in power, he will allay our fears, and we will then set out upon our voyage, which I trust in God will succeed according to our wishes." I beg the reader to remember these words, and say if in them is hidden the venom of treason to the father-governor when morbid acrimony decides them criminal. I do not say that at this juncture Vasco Nuñez would not have disregarded any whimsical malevolence on the part of his future father-in-law which might stand in the way of his high purposes. I think he would have done so. But that he saw no necessity for so doing, and never dreamed of disobedience or disloyalty, I am very sure.

As his ill-fate would have it, just when Vasco Nuñez was concluding his remarks on this subject, a sentinel on guard in front of the general's quarters stepped up under the awning to shelter himself from a passing shower. This fellow, whose sense of smell was so acute that he could detect disloyalty though hidden in a barrel of salt, found here at once a mare's nest. Of course his general was talking treason; he had often been suspected, and now he openly admitted that if affairs planned in Spain or at Antigua did not suit him, he would sail away and leave all emperors and governors in the lurch. And if he alone might have the disclosing of this villainy his fortune was made.

[Sidenote: MICER CODRO, THE ASTROLOGER.]

A story is told of one Micer Codro, a Venetian astrologer, who followed his stars to the Indies and there interpreted nature for a consideration. For up and down the world the devil used to lead him with the faintest thread of comet-light. While at the height of his power in Darien, the horoscope of Vasco Nuñez was cast by this philosopher, and his fate foretold with all the precision characterizing the profession. Directing the attention of his auditor to a particular star he said: "When you behold that star at yonder point, know that your fate approaches; your fortune then will be in jeopardy, and your life in peril. But if you escape that danger, wealth and renown such as have fallen to the lot of no captain in all the Indies will be yours." Amidst the bustling activities of life Vasco Nuñez had well-nigh forgotten the words of the soothsayer. But while waiting the progress of his plans at the Pearl Islands, he chanced to take a stroll upon the beach one night in company with his friends. The air was clear of moisture, and the heavens ablaze with stars which seemed by their own light multiplied. Nor was this gorgeous firmament more glorious than the hopes which then thrilled the breast of the cavalier. While in careless conversation his eye was suddenly arrested by the star of his destiny which hung portentous in the exact spot designated by Micer Codro. The prediction of the astrologer at once flashed upon him. "But surely," he thought, "the worthy fellow read carelessly, or else possesses little knowledge of his art, for my time of peril has passed. I will, however, accept the saving clause of his prediction, and now achieve the fame and wealth whereof he spake." Then with a smile he turned to his companions. "Have a care of soothsayers," he said gayly. "You all know Micer Codro. According to his prediction I stand this moment on the verge of demolition. But I defy thee, fate! See there those ships, and this wealth-bordered sea; see here this good right arm, this stout heart, and you, my friends, three hundred faithful men. Does this look like collapse?"

Notwithstanding the rumor of a new governor at Antigua, this South Sea enterprise ought to be prosecuted at all hazard. By authority both of the king and of his representative in Darien the expedition had been undertaken. Money had been spent and infinite toil; life had been adventured—the lives of Spaniards, that is to say, for a thousand or two dead savages were scarcely to be regarded in the account. And now it behooved them to give no new king or new governor the opportunity of ruining their hopes by countermanding the expedition.

It was finally arranged that Andrés Garabito, Luis Botello, Andrés de Valderrábano, and Fernando Muñoz should proceed to Acla, and as they drew near the town the party should halt; one of them should enter at night alone, and, proceeding to the house of Vasco Nuñez, should ascertain from the servant to be found there if Pedrarias was superseded; and if the new governor had arrived the party would withdraw unobserved, return to the South Sea, and proclaim Vasco Nuñez governor of Tierra Firme, at the same time giving him a paper purporting to be his commission. Thus would his command be deceived into the belief that he was legal ruler, and so follow his bidding without question. This was a glance toward treason; it was as bad as treason; but neither now nor ever was it treason. The projected stratagem was dangerous, and wholly useless, and most unfortunate, as the result proved; complicating affairs and aiding his enemies in casting over him that cloud of suspicion which ultimately involved him in ruin.

[Sidenote: TREACHEROUS MESSENGERS.]

Likewise the agents for this errand were unhappily chosen. Garabito was the deadly enemy of Balboa, though the latter did not know it. Worse than that, far more dastardly and damnable than enemy, he was a treacherous friend. Balboa had often shown him favors, and placed implicit confidence in him, as the prominence given him in this delicate mission plainly indicated. Within a friendly, even fawning exterior, lurked deadly hate. It originated thus: While Vasco Nuñez was yet under the cloud of the governor's displeasure, Garabito had attempted improper intimacy with Careta's daughter, Balboa's wife after the Indian fashion. One word from her protector, one glance from his eye—for the miscreant saw perdition in it—was sufficient to check his presumption; but Garabito never forgot it, and awaited only his revenge. While on the Balsas he had even written Pedrarias that it was Balboa's purpose, on reaching the ocean, to throw off allegiance to him, and to every one but the king. He further affirmed that Vasco Nuñez cared nothing for his daughter, loved only the Indian girl, and never intended to ratify his betrothal obligation. Though Garabito knew well enough he deserved hanging for this, and might even achieve that infamy, yet he understood both himself and Pedrarias, and he knew these lies would fatten on the old man's soul.

[Sidenote: GARABITO'S INFAMY.]

When Garabito arrived at Acla, instead of doing as he had been told, he set about to perform a little drama which should at once precipitate revenge and free him from the odium of traitorous friendship. Mingling with the gossips of the town, he talked mysteriously about South Sea affairs, threw out insinuations, and dropped dark hints concerning Vasco Nuñez and the government. By such means he succeeded in causing himself to be arrested; and when brought before the magistrate for examination, no torture was required to draw from him all he knew, and more. An abstract of the evidence taken in this investigation, together with the letters and papers of Garabito, was forwarded to Pedrarias.

* * * * *

When Vasco Nuñez embarked from Antigua on this enterprise, it was stipulated that he should return at the expiration of eighteen months. The time having expired, he wrote Pedrarias requesting its extension, giving as a reason for requiring it the extraordinary difficulties under which he had labored, and the attendant delays. He requested Fernando de Argüello, who had a large pecuniary interest at stake, to gain further time, if possible, as otherwise their expenditure and toil would all be lost. In answer to the application of Argüello, Pedrarias said little; but within the caldron the black stuff simmered.

This inopportune revival of the ancient feud between the governors excited no small stir at Antigua. And when tidings of Garabito's arrest were received, and the character of his testimony was made known, the friends of Vasco Nuñez entertained fears for his safety. It made little difference whether what this villain had said was true or false—though no one believed that Vasco Nuñez contemplated anything criminal—old man Pedrarias with his malignity aroused was a fiend incarnate. Argüello wrote Balboa that the governor would neither grant nor deny an extension of time, and the notary advised him to put to sea at once, and place himself beyond the rancorous caprice of Pedrarias. He further informed him that in the event of a rupture he could appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, at Santo Domingo, who would see justice done him. Unfortunately, this letter was intercepted and sent to Pedrarias.

* * * * *

The conflagration which sweeps a city is often kindled by a spark. The South Sea discoverer entertained a harmless ruse, justifiable, in his opinion, as tending to settle the minds of his men and ensure their more perfect obedience in hazardous enterprise; he harbored at the most the intention of placing himself for no unlawful purpose beyond the call of the new governor until he had consummated his long cherished schemes, and not of deceiving the old governor, to whom, if still in power, his messengers were to disclose all his fears, in the belief that his necessities would certainly be relieved. These trivial thoughts, flung distorted by Garabito into the inflammable breast of Pedrarias, were more than sufficient to light a flame beyond the power of man to extinguish. On former occasions the enmity had been rather of a political than a personal nature; now it enters the private chambers of the affections, and beside crimes plotted against the ruler, the father is to be wounded and insulted. And his hate becomes unto death, murderous.

With the several pretended disclosures of Garabito before him, his mind ran quickly back over the career of Vasco Nuñez, his ill treatment of Enciso, his expulsion of Nicuesa, his irregularities while in office, the king's order to call him to a reckoning, the brilliant discoveries intervening, the failure to convict him of crimes, the king's favor, and at last the nearer and to be hoped final reconciliation. Warmer yet within him glowed the thought of these things, as his mind dwelt upon the letters disparaging to himself which Vasco Nuñez had sent the king, and recalled once more what Garabito had said concerning the repudiation of both himself and his daughter. He talked with Bachiller Corral, who had been once arrested by Vasco Nuñez for improper conduct, and to the royal treasurer, Alonso de la Puente, whom Vasco Nuñez had once offended by demanding the payment of a debt, he read the letter of Fernando de Argüello, and then ordered the arrest of the writer.

He communed with his heart in his rage and was glad. And he wrote his son-in-law a letter, his dear son-in-law, a friendly, fatherly letter, requesting his presence at Acla for the purpose of consultation over affairs affecting their mutual interests. This letter was despatched by messengers urged to the greatest haste, that the friends of Vasco Nuñez might not have time to warn him of his danger. "Once within my grasp," muttered the old man, "he never shall escape me." That he might not embark on some lengthy voyage or otherwise delay his coming, Pedrarias ordered Francisco Pizarro to place himself at the head of as large a force as he could muster, and immediately to find and arrest his former comrade and commander, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, and bring him under safe guard to Acla.

Now the dissembling letter of Pedrarias, so the chroniclers tell us, was placed in the hands of Vasco Nuñez while yet the star of his destiny hovered, impatient of flight, about the spot whereon it was to determine his fate; which proves to any reasonable mind, beyond peradventure, several things; item, that the heavenly lights are fingered by Omnipotence for individual import; item, that Micer Codro knows the stars; item, that the stars know Micer Codro; item, parva momenta in spem metumque impellere animos.

Conscious of no wrong, Vasco Nuñez suspected no treachery, and on receipt of the letter he set out at once with the returning messengers to grant his father-in-law the desired interview, leaving his command at the Pearl Islands in charge of Francisco Compañon. As they journeyed toward Acla he interrogated his companions concerning the affairs of the colony. At first they were cautious in their replies, and made evasive answers; but the prompt and cordial manner in which Vasco Nuñez responded to the summons of Pedrarias carried conviction of his integrity. Further than this, they had long known Vasco Nuñez as a gallant cavalier and a genial friend, and they resolved, come what might, he should not fall into the clutches of his enemy without a word of warning from them. Enjoining secrecy, they told him all; that current opinion considered not only his liberty but that his life was in jeopardy.

Balboa would not believe it. Pedrarias might be very angry, though he had written in so friendly a strain; it was his nature to be suspicious and treacherous; he could not help it; he was martyr to a hate wherein he was created, and not unlike that of Acrisius who quarrelled with his twin brother Proetus before they were born. There might be some difficulty in pacifying Pedrarias, but as for fearing him, the idea was preposterous. Even though he had meditated treason against the governor, which he had not, he was not guilty of any criminal act; and surely a man cannot be hanged for his meditations. Of course he would go forward.

[Sidenote: THE ARREST.]

As he descended the mountains and drew near Acla, Vasco Nuñez was met by the force sent out by the governor. As the leader advanced to make the arrest, his old friend and patron cast on him a reproachful look and exclaimed, "How is this, Francisco Pizarro? You were not wont to come out in this manner to receive me!" He offered no opposition, however, and made no remonstrance when the irons were put upon him and he was led away to prison at Acla.

* * * * *

History presents few sadder pictures than the closing scenes in the career of Vasco Nuñez de Balboa. And as we look at it, our sorrow waxes hot with indignation over the triumph of wrong. Occasionally, in the hostile encounters of men, justice seems to abandon the arena, leaving iniquity master of the field; at which times the spectator burns for the power which Omnipotence declines to exercise.

The game here played was for a valuable life. On one side was a singularly morbid hate, envenomed and pitiless, united with unscrupulous treachery and hypocrisy, which in an old man of ability, breeding, and position, was hideous beyond expression. On the other side were recognized talents of so exceptional an order as to make the possessor the most popular man in the colony. This is what kept his irascible adversary on nettles. Vasco Nuñez was the hero of this conquest. He was to Pedrarias as Loki to Baldur, or as Hyperion to a satyr; and in their strangely assorted friendship they were more unequally yoked than in their enmity they were divided. He was the mirror in which by comparison the governor most clearly saw his own infirmities. Like Othello he was of that free and open nature which thinks men honest that but seem so. His faults were those of the times rather than of the man. He was as ambitious as Achilles, but it was a laudable ambition as times went. He was neither voracious nor avaricious; cruel he unquestionably was, but not wantonly so; he gathered gold, but he scattered it open-handedly. He coveted fame; and in those days neither equity nor humanity were essential to greatness. I do not regard him as greedy of office; he loved power, but he loved adventure more. Of course, in principle, the robber life he led was wrong, though sanctioned by philosophers and divines, and Vasco Nuñez aspired to belong to neither class. He was an illiterate cavalier, honest and religious, ready to accept the theories of the day if they did not too greatly interfere with his desires. Neither his loyalty nor his religion was sufficient to be of great injury to him; although, if we may credit Peter Martyr, he never attempted any adventure without the invocation of the deity and all the saints. Among his comrades he had ever at command a light artillery of wit; in logical argument he was not equal to his archenemy, but in action he was the inferior of no man. A natural and perfect leader, he was out of place as second. Conception and execution were one with him; he could not be bound by another's ideas. Latent in him were inexhaustible resources, known to exist, even by himself, only as occasion required them. Only with emotions of pride might any Spaniard regard his frank intrepidity, chivalrous bearing, and affable, generous disposition. In cruelty, subtlety, and base cunning Pedrarias was his superior, but not in war, or statesmanship, not to mention honorable enterprise. Throughout his entire career, whatever Vasco Nuñez touched by himself was a success; there was no chance about it, but simply energy and ability, temperate courage and common sense. His final overthrow was accomplished not by fair and open opposition, but by means most foul and damnable. Some might say that in this contemplated assumption of authority he was, like Icarus, flying too near the sun; yet, in truth, it was no sun, but fires infernal that melted the wax of his wings. His trial, to which let us now pass, was a judicial assassination.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: HYPOCRISY AND CUNNING.]

Old man Pedrarias could scarcely conceal his exultation in thus having, as he imagined, outwitted his prisoner. He could with difficulty refrain from feasting his eyes upon him; nay, he would not, and arraying his features in fatherly concern, he repaired to the prison. Gently he accosted Balboa, assuring him that he had been forced to this step against his will, that the treasurer, Puente, was the accuser, and that he, the governor, was in duty bound to investigate all charges, particularly accusations made by a royal officer. "But be not cast down, my son," said the venerable hypocrite, "neither give way to fear; for the more clearly your actions are brought to light, the brighter will shine your eminent and loyal services."

Going his way, Pedrarias threw himself with all his strength into the prosecution, or rather, I should say, persecution. The laws of Spain, transported to the colonies and administered by passionate and unprincipled men, were capable of almost any construction desired, and hence were as often used to cloak villainy as to punish crime. The law was ever on the side of him who possessed the power to enforce it. All the accusations of former trials were in this instance brought together, and old charges, long since obliterated by royal forgiveness, were renewed. To the oft-told tales of Enciso's imprisonment and Nicuesa's death, were added misdeeds conjectured or invented by the listening sentinel, Garabito, and the rest. Arguello's letter was offered in evidence, and all his enemies had their fling at him. The licentiate, Espinosa, before whom the case was brought, was now a firm adherent of the governor. He had been paid his price in the South Sea command, and the downfall of Balboa would open for him further empire in that quarter.

All is going well; Pedrarias is content. The prisoner's chains are doubled. A little torture now applied might be pleasing in effect. Dropping the mask, Pedrarias enters the prison. "So, villain! you thought to escape me," he cried. "Your governor has become your tool, your plaything; his daughter an idle jest, jilted for a savage strumpet. Thank God! your days are numbered."

Balboa at first made no reply, did not even manifest surprise. He had seen, soon after the trial began, that his judges thirsted for his blood, and that he was foredoomed. Finally he spake. "I am here at your bidding. Since last we pledged friendship I have toiled faithfully in your behalf, and mine. I have suffered many hardships, and have overcome obstacles deemed insurmountable by most men. Never for a moment have I entertained one thought disloyal to my betrothed or you. For the truth of this I refer you to my actions, and call God to witness. If I am guilty, as you say, why am I here? Think you, with four good ships and three hundred devoted men at my command, with fortune beckoning me from every direction, that had I harbored treason I would not have spread my sails and sought a land unknown, beyond all fear of capture? You know, my lord Pedrarias, that I am innocent."

[Sidenote: THE SENTENCE.]

It was patent to all that Vasco Nuñez was to be sacrificed to the insatiable hate of the hoary-headed governor. Even Espinosa was becoming tired of it, and would have discharged the accused, had it not been for Pedrarias and Puente, who insisted on what they called a verdict in accordance with the law and evidence. Under such pressure Espinosa was forced to adjudge the prisoner guilty. The penalty was death. Vasco Nuñez claimed the right of appeal to the Council of the Indies, which was denied him; to the Jeronimite Fathers, which was also denied. Espinosa became alarmed; he shrank from having on his soul the blood of this man, so gallant a cavalier, so eminent a discoverer; he never really desired more than to drive him into obscurity, and he begged the governor that the petition for appeal might be granted. "No," said Pedrarias, "if he has sinned, let him suffer."

With horror the colonists heard that Vasco Nuñez was condemned to be beheaded. Four of his friends were to suffer with him, Andrés de Valderrábano, Luis Botello, Fernando Muñoz, and Fernando de Argüello.

* * * * *

It was a dismal day at Acla, the chroniclers tell us, that on which five brave men were doomed to die, not for any crime, but as victims of a ferocious, savage-hearted old man. At an early hour the dull strokes of the carpenter's hammer were heard in the plaza where the scaffold rose. Troops of men gathered on the streets and talked of the coming execution, wondering if there would be an attempt at rescue. But Pedrarias had taken care of that. Were the heavenly powers a-dreaming that they should without interference permit this horrible crime? Alas! these very men had just as iniquitously slain their innocent thousands. Why should we pity them? And the same oft-invoked Omnipotence had permitted the ghastly work to be done in his name. Of what avail is it to wonder?

Heavily chained, and surrounded by a strong guard, the men were brought forth. First came Vasco Nuñez. His step and bearing were not those of a malefactor. Fire flashed from his eye and indignation flushed his cheek as he beheld the preparations for his ignominy. But this renowned and honored chieftain, even while marching to the scaffold, was less to be pitied than Pedrarias, who from behind a screened window was this moment feasting his eyes upon the victim. Before the prisoner walked the town-crier, who, as he approached the middle of the square, exclaimed in a loud voice, "Behold the usurper, a man recreant to his trust, and disloyal to his king. Let death be ever the doom of traitors." "'Tis false!" cried Vasco Nuñez. "Never have I been disloyal or untrue. To infamous treachery and wrong I yield my life, and not to justice."[XII-6]

[Sidenote: THE EXECUTION.]

The sacrament having been previously administered, and having made confession, Vasco Nuñez, with his usual firm step and calm demeanor, mounted the scaffold. Raising his eyes to heaven he called on God to witness his innocence. Then with a rapid farewell glance at heaven's light and earth's beauty, at the eager upturned faces of his friends, he placed his head upon the block, and in a moment more it was rolling trunkless on the platform!

Valderrábano, Botello, and Muñoz each suffered in turn. Argüello remained. A last attempt was made to move Pedrarias. "It cannot be," was the reply. "Rather than one of them should live, I myself will die." It was dark before the last dull heavy stroke told the crowd that the sickening work was done. With the death of the offender justice is satisfied; not so vengeance. By order of Pedrarias the head of Vasco Nuñez was placed upon a pole, and displayed in the market-place.

* * * * *

Time, which throws a misty cloud between the present and the past, and strips the hideousness from many iniquitous deeds, drops no friendly mantle over the horrors of that day at Acla. One century after another rolls by, and the colors on the canvas deepen; the red gore dripping from the scaffold becomes redder, the black heart of Pedrarias blacker, and the generous qualities and brilliant achievements of Vasco Nuñez shine yet brighter.

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XIII. DECLINE OF SPANISH SETTLEMENT ON THE NORTH COAST

1517-1523.

DISHONESTY THE BEST POLICY—PEDRARIAS STIGMATIZED—HIS AUTHORITY CURTAILED—QUEVEDO IN SPAIN—HE ENCOUNTERS LAS CASAS—THE BATTLE OF THE PRIESTS—OVIEDO ENTERS THE ARENA—BUSINESS IN DARIEN—THE INTEROCEANIC ROAD AGAIN—ITS TERMINI—PEDRARIAS AND ESPINOSA AT PANAMÁ—THE LICENTIATE MAKES ANOTHER RAID—THE FRIARS OF ST JEROME HAVE THEIR EYE ON PEDRARIAS—THE CABILDO OF ANTIGUA SHAKES ITS FINGER AT HIM—CONTINUED ATTEMPTS TO DEPOPULATE THE NORTH COAST—ALBITES BUILDS NOMBRE DE DIOS—LUCKY LICENTIATE—ARRIVAL AND DEATH OF LOPE DE SOSA—OVIEDO RETURNS AND DOES BATTLE WITH THE DRAGON—AND IS BEATEN FROM THE FIELD.

For the villainous adjudging of Vasco Nuñez, Gaspar de Espinosa received his place on the South Sea. And when true tidings reached Pedrarias of the appointment of Lope de Sosa as his successor, the grizzly old governor did exactly that for which he pretended to have beheaded Vasco Nuñez. Striking corollaries from the historical propositions of the preceding chapter.

[Sidenote: THE CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS CONDEMNED.]

That Pedrarias was not at once deposed may seem strange to us. He was deposed, however; but slipping south he sought new fields, as we shall presently see; and by the intercession of powerful friends at court he managed to retain rulership for a term of years. Then, too, the changes. It was troublesome and expensive for royalty to establish subordinate governments in the Indies; and as nearly all of Spain's New World governors, and, indeed, officials and subjects, were wrong in some particular, there was not always encouragement to make a change. Yet Spain and all Christendom were indignant over the infamous doings at Acla. The friars of St Jerome instantly clipped the wings of the cormorant, by ordering him in the kings name "to resolve upon nothing by himself, but to follow the advice of the cabildo[XIII-1] of Darien; and, moreover, to send to Española all the gold taken from Cacique Paris." This was of little practical avail, however. Royalty might issue edicts; but those appointed to enforce them seemed to turn to corruption on entering the atmosphere of the Indies.

Some said, if the good bishop had been there, Vasco Nuñez had not died. But according to Micer Codro it was scarcely among the possibilities for the inauspicious friend of Balboa to have been present at the right moment. Associated with the alcalde mayor and the governor in magisterial authority, the bishop could without doubt have diverted the quarrel from such gory channels; for there was always enough of the temporal in his spiritual polities to give his influence weight in balancing power. It was a wolfish flock. The bishop complained of it to the king; and on the other hand the royal officers complained of the bishop. Both were right. It was impossible too severely to censure such acts as were constantly perpetrated by the officials of Castilla del Oro, and although Quevedo had gone to Spain on the more pleasing errand of love and reconciliation, he found it convenient occasionally to say a word to the king in his own defense, and not without influence on the imperial ear. Once the royal officials wrote the king that the bishop neglected the conversion of the Indians, favored Vasco Nuñez against the government, and discouraged colonization by speaking ill of the country; and again that the bishop was a source of constant disturbance, and praying that a provisor, talented and upright, be appointed to superintend sacred affairs.[XIII-2]

Before the sovereign, Quevedo spoke disparagingly of both Pedrarias and Vasco Nuñez; the prelate alone was perfect. But beside the genuine ring of Las Casas, the base metal of Quevedo's composition sounded flat. The protector-general was at this time busy at once with his colonization scheme and his impeachment of the Jeronimite Fathers, who, although meaning well, were slack in exacting the right as measured by apostolic zeal.

On one occasion, in the royal antechamber at Molin del Rey, while waiting for the bishop of Badajoz, one of the king's preachers, with whom he had an engagement to dine, Quevedo was bluntly accosted by Las Casas. "I understand, my lord, that you are the bishop of Darien. I too am interested in the Indies, and it is my duty to offer you fellowship." "Ah! Señor Casas," rudely replied Quevedo. "And from what text will you preach us a sermon to-day?" "I have ready two sermons," retorted the always armed Protector, "which, if you would listen to them, might prove to you of higher import than all the moneys which you bring from the Indies." "You are beside yourself! You are beside yourself!" was all the bishop could stammer as his host appeared and withdrew him from the merciless shots of Las Casas. But Quevedo was not to escape so easily. Presenting himself after dinner at the house of the king's preacher, Las Casas tortured his enemy into yet hotter dispute. Young Charles hearing of it ordered the battle of the priests to be continued before him. This was the first audience by the prince in matters relative to the Indies. Brought into the royal presence Quevedo thanked God for the honor, pronounced the first governor of Darien a bad one, the second much worse, and the savages in a deplorable condition. Las Casas following charged the fault as much to royal officers and clergy as to hidalgos and lesser subjects.

Soon after this discussion Quevedo presented two memorials, one against Pedrarias Dávila, and the other for restricting the power of governors in general, and of the military, and for the better protection of the natives. He pledged himself to name a ruler for Castilla del Oro, meaning Diego Velazquez, then governor of Cuba, who would expend from his own private means fifteen thousand ducats in the service of the colony. Within a few days thereafter Quevedo was seized with an illness which terminated in his death; Charles was summoned to accept the imperial crown, and for a time little attention was paid to the affairs of the Indies.[XIII-3]

[Sidenote: QUEVEDO AND OVIEDO IN SPAIN.]

Another political agency appeared in Spain about this time. Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, first chronicler of the New World, who, as we have seen, came with Pedrarias to Tierra Firme as superintendent of gold-melting and acting notary-general, becoming disgusted with both the governor and the bishop departed from that shore in October, 1515. Scarcely had Oviedo arrived at Madrid when he received word of King Ferdinand's death, which was a severe blow, as he had hoped through the influence of his former patrons to reorganize the government of Castilla del Oro and place it on a better basis. Proceeding to Flanders he laid the matter before the ministers, and was referred to Cardinal Jimenez, who listened and did nothing. There the matter rested until the death of the cardinal, when Oviedo again appeared at court and succeeded in obtaining the appointment of Lope de Sosa to succeed Pedrarias in the government of Castilla del Oro. Satisfied thus far in his attempts to benefit the colonists at Antigua, he solicited for himself the government of Santa Marta. The appointment was conferred; but being refused one hundred knights of Santiago, who were deemed indispensable to the subjugation of the country, he declined the office. Like Quevedo, he aroused the enmity of Las Casas, through his opposition to the schemes of the fiery philanthropist in the management of the natives. Nevertheless Oviedo obtained many beneficial decrees for Darien. The duties of the governor were defined anew; royal officials were forbidden to trade; the royal assayer was required to give bonds; orders were issued regulating the gold-melting house; duties were abolished for four years; the export duty on gold was reduced nearly one half for a term of five years.

* * * * *

A business paralysis succeeded the dark days at Acla. Little was done in 1518 in the way of new adventure, though Pedrarias had enough to occupy himself withal, in keeping his own head on his shoulders. More than one lofty scheme was cut short by the stroke that laid lifeless Vasco Nuñez. The young and hardy scarcely dared achieve prominence; the old and imbecile could not; even the ferocious genius of Francisco Pizarro lay dormant all through his fiery youth, and past early impatient manhood, unknown even to himself.

Made captain-general of the South Sea, not long after the catastrophe at Acla, Espinosa was unable at once to take command in person of the force at Isla Rica. Though the licentiate was of a mild, obedient disposition, it was not without misgivings that Pedrarias permitted him to assume so important a trust, the most dangerous for purposes of revolt of any within the government of Castilla del Oro; for instruments employed in the accomplishment of base purposes are not apt to inspire the greatest confidence. But Espinosa was not a mere rover; he was an anchored judge already high in colonial office, whose robberies and murders, however unjust and lawless, were of a quasi judicial nature; moreover he was popular with the soldiers, for his legal decisions by no means interfered with popular rights in pillage and licentiousness. Indeed, when Pedrarias afterward contemplated absence, the people of Antigua begged that Espinosa might be left there to govern them, but this excited the jealousy of the governor, who refused the petition.[XIII-4]

The much talked of interoceanic chain of posts, with a commercial city at either end, was not yet an accomplished fact. As the breadth, coast-trends, and configuration of the country became better known, Acla was found situated too far to the eastward. The narrowest part of the Isthmus had been ascertained, as also the most practicable route for a road, requiring a north-coast seaport somewhere opposite Panamá, which had long since been decided upon as the best site for a city on the southern seaboard. Hernan Ponce de Leon, temporarily stationed there, had abandoned the place, so that both termini of the proposed road must be founded anew. The point selected on the north coast was Nombre de Dios.

[Sidenote: SOUTH SEA ATTRACTIONS.]

Before Espinosa was ready for his South Sea command, positive information of the appointment of Lope de Sosa reached Antigua. It now behooved both Pedrarias and the licentiate to look to their footing, for it was not unlikely to fare hard with them in their coming residencias. It might be as well, after all, for these astute and subtle minds to fall back upon the idea of Vasco Nuñez—indeed, the cavalier's ideas seemed better than any of their own—of withdrawing beyond the possibly too restraining influences of superior authority, and establishing themselves in freer latitudes. The north coast offered no further attractions in any event. Give them the South Sea, and Sosa might have the north, and die there at his convenience. For it was assuredly the abode of death.

Pedrarias accordingly determined to make the southern seaboard his future base of operations, and to convey thither as much as possible of what he esteemed valuable. To this end he embarked from Acla, and laid before the council at Antigua a proposal to abandon that site, and remove the capital to Panamá. The plan was not regarded with favor, as he neither expected nor desired it to be; for, if Panamá was made the capital, Sosa's government would be there, and might seriously interfere with his projects. Two advantages were, however, gained by making the proposal. By opening the question it unsettled the minds of residents at Antigua, and enabled Pedrarias with less difficulty to enlist recruits, and it could not afterward be said that he had sought to abandon the government, having offered to carry it with him. Nevertheless, he could not part with the people and their council without a fling at them; so, one night he summoned the cabildo to appear at his house, and took from them their insignia of office, leaving the municipality to manage as best it might during his absence. Returning to Acla, he ordered Espinosa to summon the forces stationed in the province of Pocorosa, and unite with them all the available troops of the colony. With these, and such provisions and articles of trade and use as they could lay their hands upon, the governor and the alcalde mayor set out across the cordillera for the Southern Sea.

[Sidenote: FOUNDING OF PANAMÁ.]

Pedrarias was not altogether satisfied with the site of his proposed Pacific city. On either side of the old fish-drying station thick tangled woods rose from marshy bottoms; so that, while the spot called Panamá was obviously malarious, there seemed at hand no better one.[XIII-5] At the Pearl Islands affairs were found as Vasco Nuñez had left them. Compañon had proved faithful to his trust. More acts of possession were now inflicted on this thrice-gulped wilderness, one on the mainland, January 27, 1519, and one two days after, on the Isla Rica of Vasco Nuñez, called by Pedrarias as Morales had christened it, Isla de las Flores.[XIII-6] Taking the ships Balboa had built, the governor and Espinosa embarked the forces, and proceeded to the island of Taboga,[XIII-7] where Badajoz had been three years before, opposite and some five leagues distant from the proposed settlement.

Pedrarias and Espinosa had now at their command about four hundred men, most of whom were opposed to city-building as detrimental to the nobler profession of plundering. But calming their fears in this regard, Pedrarias sought to secure their interest in his scheme by partitioning the lands adjacent to Panamá, and giving to each man a section. Foraging expeditions were sent out at once, and the soldiers were encouraged to make captures, and so secure laborers for their lands and means for the indulgence of their lusts. Thus every settler soon had from forty to ninety slaves, who did not live long, however. Nor were the colonists at Antigua forgotten in this division, to the end that by offering superior inducements here, the northern coast might the sooner be depopulated.

The formal act of founding the city of Panamá was consummated August 15, 1519; the public notary certifying that Pedrarias Dávila founded then and there a city, the name whereof was Panamá, and that in the name of God, and of the queen, Doña Juana, and of Don Cárlos, her son, he would defend the same against all opposers.[XIII-8]

* * * * *

Not the least important or successful among the foraging expeditions at this time sent out from Panamá was one under Espinosa, who with a hundred and fifty men embarked in one of the brigantines in search of the gold that Badajoz had lost. Ah! that gold; the Spaniards could scarcely sleep for thinking of it. But now the licentiate should judicially recover it; then might Panamá have rest.

Dropping westward a few leagues, Espinosa anchored at the mouth of a small river flowing through the province of Cutara, called after the son of the late Paris who now ruled that province. Ascending the river in canoes the Spaniards surprised by night the village, and no opposition being offered, the robbers took such plate, provisions, cotton cloth, and Indian weapons as they could lay their hands on. It then occurred to the more ghoulish of the company to search the death-chamber of the cacique Paris, whose body was then lying in state. And there, to their unutterable joy and thankfulness, round the corpse were not only the golden plates before captured, but piles of vessels and ornaments of the same blessed metal. By this desecration, gold to the value of forty thousand castellanos was secured, which made glad the heart of the old governor at Panamá. And who shall say the learned licentiate was not an humane and pious man, a just judge and good Christian withal, when after taking the trouble to drive the inhabitants of that village captives to the sea, he liberated them all at the entreaty of the youthful cacique, who had followed them wildly wailing, and faithfully promising a ransom of as much more gold as had been already taken? On the way back the licentiate stopped at the landing of the cacique Biruquete, of whom he bought a cargo of maize, without paying for it. Lest the treasure should fall into improper hands, half of it was buried at Panamá by Pedrarias and Espinosa; with the remainder the worthy couple set out immediately for Antigua, where the latter paid over the king's share, and then made preparations for a voyage of discovery along the coast, toward the north-west.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE STUBBORN CABILDO.]

It occurred to Pedrarias that while Espinosa was absent from Darien with the men and ships making discoveries, it would be well for him to visit Spain and place his declining power on a firmer basis. But in order to leave he must have permission from the chief authority, or else lay down his office and submit to a residencia. Since the Jeronimite Fathers had made the cabildo of Antigua their agent to watch Pedrarias, and if possible keep him within the bounds of humanity and decency, he applied to it for permission to leave the country, and was refused. It was very hard, he said, that the king's governor should be thus subject to check by a vulgar town council; but the friars at Santo Domingo must be obeyed.

Since he could not go to Spain Pedrarias wrote the royal authorities there, setting forth what he had done at Panamá, soliciting a South Sea government for himself, and the removal of the municipality and cathedral of Antigua to the new city. Again, midst much storming, he applied for leave, saying he had been chosen procurador in Castile; and again he was refused permission. Then he dissembled, spoke softly, and said he loved the councilmen as his children, but nothing availed.

An act of this council, passed during his absence, greatly exasperated him, as tending to show a disregard for his authority. This was the granting of a request by Diego de Albites to plant a colony on the coast of Veragua. Fearing that the friars might impose upon him further restrictions he abruptly broke off all conference with the council of Antigua, and proceeded to Panamá.

There he found the soldiers and colonists more than ever dissatisfied. Provisions were scarce, and there was fever among them, and they said, Espinosa among the rest, if they were to become citizens, they would prefer the pure air of Spain to this pest-hole. "Very well," replied the governor, "let the gold be unearthed, and that with all the rest returned to the people of Paris, as the Jeronimite Fathers have ordered, and let us return to Castile. I assuredly can live there without hunger." A threat from Pedrarias to do a righteous act was uncommon and terrifying. The disaffected were silenced; and while Pedrarias yielded so far as to agree to the search for a more favorable country to the westward, it was at the same time determined that the building of Panamá should be proceeded with.

[Sidenote: THE DOINGS OF ALBITES.]

Meanwhile the cabildo of Antigua proceeded as best it could with the establishing of a northern seaport. By several successful raids on the north coast, toward Veragua, Diego de Albites had accumulated wealth, and with wealth ambition more vaulting. During the war between Vasco Nuñez and Pedrarias he pictured to himself political dissolution, and sent to Spain Andres Niño, a pilot, and two thousand castellanos to purchase for him a South Sea government. Better skilled in navigation than in diplomacy Niño returned without the office and without the money. At another time, while left in command at Acla during Vasco Nuñez' absence at the South Sea, Albites slipped cable and sailed for Española, where he applied for authority to build a town at Nombre de Dios or establish a colony on the coast of Veragua. Referred by the friars to Pedrarias, as an excuse for his absence he enlisted sixty men, loaded his ships with much-needed provisions, and returned to receive the thanks of the governor whom he had sought to circumvent. For this faithful service he received permission from Pedrarias to make an incursion into the province of Veragua, which greatly offended Vasco Nuñez; and when Albites returned successful from this raid the cabildo at Antigua granted him permission to establish a settlement not only in that province, but at Nombre de Dios, to Pedrarias' extreme annoyance.[XIII-9]

It was in 1517 that Albites returned to Antigua from Veragua, Chagre, and Nombre de Dios with much gold and many slaves. According to Herrera he attempted an expedition to Veragua in 1518, but was driven back to Nombre de Dios, where he founded a city. Andagoya is correct, however, when he places the settlement of Nombre de Dios in the latter part of 1519, though it was not by order of Pedrarias as he affirms. Embarking from Antigua in a brigantine and caravel, Albites touched at the isle of Bastimentos, and coasted westward a few leagues, raiding upon the natives for gold with meagre results. One of the ships becoming leaky he returned to Bastimentos, where it foundered. Thence he was conveyed by the cacique in canoes to Nombre de Dios, and at once set about building a town.

Two opposite posts being thus established, a road was constructed from sea to sea, "through the mountains overgrown with thick woods never touched from all eternity," as Peter Martyr expresses it. At great labor and cost both to the crown and to the colonists, a way wide enough for vehicles was cut through the thickets; trees were felled and thrown into the marshes, obstructing rocks torn from their beds, and bridges made where necessary.[XIII-10] Thus was opened through primeval shades a passage for the blessings and the curses of that Atlantic civilization which was to illuminate the Pacific.

* * * * *

This same year the lucky licentiate and alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa, was gaining further renown as discoverer and treasure-seeker. With Juan de Castañeda as pilot, he coasted one hundred and eighty leagues toward the north-west, touching at Huistá, Natá, Chirú, Chame, and other posts, and returned to Panamá well laden with maize and other provisions, and gold to the value of thirty-three thousand castellanos. During this exploration he entered a gulf to which he gave the name Culebras,[XIII-11] from the many snakes of various colors seen there.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: INOPPORTUNE DEATH OF SOSA.]

A stroke of better fortune than he deserved likewise befell Pedrarias not long after. In May, 1520, Lope de Sosa, with three hundred men, arrived and anchored in the harbor of Antigua. Pedrarias, who was there at the time, immediately made preparations to receive him with becoming ceremony. Having given orders concerning his disembarkation, the new governor entered his cabin to dress. While there he was seized with a sudden illness, from which he shortly after expired. With mournful pomp and outward demonstration of grief Pedrarias conveyed the body to the church and buried it before the altar. Juan Alonso de Sosa, the son, and all the followers of the late governor were treated with that show of distinction which the old courtier could so well assume. Juan Rodriguez de Alarconcillo, who came as alcalde mayor, and before whom the residencia of the outgoing governor would have been taken, was favored with marked consideration. By way of prudence, some time before the anticipated arrival of his judge Pedrarias had sent his wife to Spain with all his gold and pearls.

* * * * *

Sosa's appointment to supersede Pedrarias was one of the reformatory measures which the chronicler Oviedo claims to have effected while in Spain.[XIII-12] For himself he had obtained, besides the offices of veedor and escribano-general, those of collector of chamber penalties and regidor perpetuo of Antigua. Orders were issued, furthermore, to all New World governors to furnish him a truthful report of all their acts, so that he might complete the General History of the Indies already begun. He was also appointed receiver of the property of Vasco Nuñez and his accomplices which had been confiscated to the king. He arrived at Antigua with his wife and two children soon after Sosa.

But the heart of the scholar was not in the coarse cunning of Darien politics; he became discontented, irritable, and while commanding the respect of the colonists he was not popular with them. They did not want reform so much as plunder. Pedrarias was his enemy, as he was the enemy of every well-meaning man of ability. The deaths first of a boy and then of his wife did not tend to sweeten his disposition. "Many times would I have returned to Spain," he exclaims, "had not need and shame prevented me."

The powers of the governor having been enlarged by means of the veedor, Oviedo's was the first head on which they were visited. The principal quarrel was over the depopulation of the northern coast. The veedor protested in the king's name, but the governor, now lord of all, was determined to execute his cherished project while he possessed the power. There was no longer any need of a north-coast capital; Pedrarias would make Panamá his metropolis. Before introducing further changes, however, it was necessary that his residencia should be taken. But this, with his experience, need be nothing more than an arraignment and trial of himself. At his request the licentiate Alarconcillo published the residencia for thirty days, during which time the governor continued to exercise the functions of office; no one appeared against him, and a certificate of the proceeding was sent to Spain. Pedrarias then took up his permanent abode at Panamá.

Not long afterward the veedor and contador were obliged to visit Panamá to weigh some gold and receive the royal share, since the governor would no longer send the metal to Antigua. The contador took up his residence there, but Oviedo returned to Antigua, more than ever determined to stand by that city. Seeing which Pedrarias was satisfied he could no more effectually ruin his adversary than by permitting him to have his own way. Besides, it were as well to stop the tongue and pen of one who could make and unmake governors. So when next Oviedo complained Pedrarias answered, "Señor Veedor, since you know so well how to achieve such desirable results, accept from me what power I possess, and govern Antigua according to your pleasure."

[Sidenote: OVIEDO AS RULER.]

After some hesitation Oviedo accepted the proposal, and presented his credentials to the municipal council in November, 1521. Opening his administration with the enthusiasm of a novice, he straightway set about correcting abuses. He forbade blasphemy, keeping mistresses, and selling or eating meat on Saturday. He prohibited gambling, and burned all the cards in the public square. A dishonest notary was required to make restitution fourfold and be suspended from office for one year. Indian women must no longer be employed as beasts of burden, and Indian children must not be sold and bought as slaves. Certain more practicable provisions, however, saved Antigua, for a time, from the effects of a morality which standing alone would have killed any colony in the Indies. The new ruler bought for small sums the houses of those leaving, and sold them to new-comers at cost. He erected a market, opened mines, built ships, and sent out expeditions to smooth the ruffled plumage of the savage. He made of old iron five hundred hatchets, which were sold to the Indians; and when they became dulled, their owners not knowing how to sharpen them, he placed on board a vessel three large grindstones, covered so that the uncivilized might not steal the secret, and proceeded along the coast grinding such implements as the Indians brought, and charging therefor a sum equal to the original cost, which was cheerfully paid. It is claimed that more than seven thousand castellanos were thus secured during one voyage.

A greater prosperity followed these measures than pleased Pedrarias. But by revoking the many decisions of his deputy that came up on appeal from dissatisfied colonists, the governor was enabled to render Oviedo's position one of little power.

The staff of officials was increased by yet another alcalde mayor, the licentiate Sancho de Salaya, for the South Sea government particularly, who arrived at Antigua in a caravel from Spain, the 1st of July, 1522. With him came Rodrigo Perez, the friend of Vasco Nuñez, vicar when sent in chains to Spain, but returned arch-deacon.[XIII-13]

About this time a rebellion broke out on the Rio Grande San Juan, caused by outrages perpetrated by the bachiller Corral and Martin Estete during a foraging expedition. Heedless of the warning of Oviedo, Martin de Murga, visitador of the Indians, in company with three Spaniards and ten friendly Indians, paid a visit to Bea, the cacique of this province, who slew the entire party. Juan de Escaray with forty men was sent against the revolted chieftain.

Soon after some christianized Indians came down from the mountains, eight leagues distant, and reported outrages on them by the cacique Corobari. Thirty-five men were sent to capture him, and when brought in, Salaya sentenced him to be burned; after which the licentiate proceeded to Panamá. Several spies caught near Antigua about the same time confessed under torture to an insurrection contemplated by the cacique Guaturo, who had joined Bea. It was his plan to fire the town and slay the inhabitants. Oviedo in person, with forty men, proceeded against the new rebel, who, with several of the conspirators, was captured and hanged. This was the last of the wars of Antigua.

[Sidenote: OVIEDO RETIRES.]

At length it pleased Pedrarias to depose Oviedo, and appoint in his place the bachiller Corral, who had shortly before incurred the anger of the chronicler, and had by him been sent in chains to Spain, on the charge of having there a wife while living himself in the Indies. The ubiquitous bachiller re-appeared at Antigua, however, almost in a twinkling. Of course, the chronicler was very indignant. The revocation was read in council; whereupon Oviedo laid his staff of office on the chair which he had occupied as president, and took his seat among the members, saying, "This is my place, given me by the emperor; here will I henceforth serve their Majesties, as in duty bound, and here only." Accompanying the revocation was a decree from Pedrarias, authorizing the city of Antigua to elect a representative to a general assembly, to be convened at Panamá for the purpose of providing measures important to the province, and to elect procuradores de córtes, or members of Congress to send to Spain. Pedrarias preferred Espinosa to represent Antigua, for obvious reasons; but instead of sending a delegate to the junta at Panamá, the people of Antigua chose their own representative in the person of Oviedo. While waiting for a vessel Oviedo occupied himself by presenting charges against Pedrarias before the new alcalde mayor, Alarconcillo, who had ordered a second residencia of the governor, and also one of Espinosa. For this pastime he not only narrowly escaped paying with his life, at the hand of an assassin, but Pedrarias ordered his late lieutenant's own residencia to be taken, and even placed him in irons until bonds should be given. The trial was passed without further damage than a fine of twenty castellanos for sending Corral to Spain. Another attempt being made at murder, Oviedo on the 3d of July, 1523, stole away, embarking ostensibly for Nombre de Dios, but bearing off, he directed his course toward Cuba and Jamaica, and thence sailed to Spain. Verily, these were the days of dissimulation.

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XIV. GIL GONZALEZ IN COSTA RICA AND NICARAGUA

1519-1523.

ANDRÉS NIÑO AND HIS SPICE ISLANDS—FAILS TO OBTAIN AUTHORITY TO DISCOVER—APPLIES TO GIL GONZALEZ DÁVILA—AGREEMENT WITH THE KING—ROYAL ORDER FOR THE SHIPS OF VASCO NUÑEZ—PEDRARIAS REFUSES TO DELIVER THEM—GIL GONZALEZ TRANSPORTS SHIPS ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS—EMBARKS FROM THE PEARL ISLANDS—GIL GONZALEZ PROCEEDS BY LAND AND NIÑO BY SEA—VISIT TO NICOYA—AND TO NICARAGUA—THE CAPTAIN-GENERAL CONVERTS MANY SOULS—AND GATHERS MUCH GOLD—FIGHT WITH DIRIANGEN—NICARAGUA APOSTATIZES—THE SPANIARDS TERMINATE THE DISCOVERY AND HASTEN TO THEIR SHIPS—NIÑO'S VOYAGE TO FONSECA BAY—RETURN TO PANAMÁ.

The pilot Andrés Niño was an enterprising fellow, not to be put down by any slight frown of fortune. He had lately seen service with Vasco Nuñez, and would, God willing, follow the fantasy thence engendered. If two thousand castellanos could not buy a small slice of dominion on the North Sea, he would try the South. And in the mind of Niño, as with other navigators of that day, the undiscovered South assumed fantastic shape. There was the originally created strait, actual though invisible, leading to the Spice Islands hard by. Why should not one pilot as well as another sail through that strait to those fragrant shores, even though the voyage must be begun by crossing a little strip of cordillera?

Such was New World geography in 1519, when the inspired pilot found himself in Spain, soliciting the Council of the Indies for the ships of Vasco Nuñez, in which to make his voyage to the Moluccas; for, if so be he might get there for the asking, it would save him much trouble. Niño had come under the patronage of Alonso de la Puente, the royal treasurer, and accompanied by Andrés de Cereceda; but the persuasive eloquence of the worthy pilot was wanting in the soft, seductive tones that come from the ring of precious metals, and a second time Bellerophon fell to earth.

[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF GIL GONZALEZ.]

It happened that the contador of Española, Gil Gonzalez Dávila,[XIV-1] was then at the court of Spain; and it was suggested to Niño, who seemed to have exhausted all his resources, that if he could engage that gentleman's interest in the enterprise, it would be equivalent to its accomplishment. For he was a man of no small influence, springing from a good family of Ávila, and having been formerly attached to the household of the all-potential bishop of Búrgos. Possessed of exceptional ability and integrity, he had been sometimes sent by the government on missions of importance and trust, and was engaged in one of them when first we met him at Santo Domingo, investigating the affairs of the defaulting treasurer, Santa Clara. His energy was of the substantial cast, authoritative, robust, and direct. He seldom made mistakes, either in men or measures; and seemingly was strongest when standing at ease. Neither so bold as Vasco Nuñez, nor so cunning as Pedrarias, nor so cruel as Pizarro, nor so learned as Espinosa, he was a man of deeper and broader experience than any one of them, with a more evenly balanced mind, a cooler, sounder judgment, not always a warrant for greater success than with a more senseless recklessness, but on the whole much safer as a colleague, and more reliable as a friend. He was not a man easily diverted by hollow schemes, however brilliant or high-soaring; but when Niño laid before him his plans, he saw at once that they were eminently practical. There were the ships, and there the undiscovered sea, of which was already known that its shores abounded in gold and pearls, guarded by naked and almost weaponless men—this, and little more. What more was wanted? It did not require a Periander to tell the accomplished contador that this was no ordinary opportunity. Fonseca, who had always retained a warm interest in his protégé, heartily approved the plan, and the details were soon arranged with Niño. Gil Gonzalez was to be captain-general of the expedition; to him was given the habit of Santiago, and he was recommended to the newly appointed governor of Castilla del Oro, Lope de Sosa. Niño was to be a partner in the enterprise, with the position of pilot. Cereceda was chosen contador of the discovery.[XIV-2]

A royal order[XIV-3] was issued at Barcelona the 18th of June, 1519, directing the governor of Castilla del Oro to deliver to Gil Gonzalez the vessels built by Vasco Nuñez, and authorizing an expedition for South Sea discovery, the expense of which was to be borne largely by the crown. With this cédula Lope de Sosa promised faithfully to comply.

During the year following the execution of these documents Andrés Niño so bestirred himself, that his captain-general was enabled to land at Acla with two hundred men, prior to the arrival at Antigua of Lope de Sosa. Pedrarias was incensed that any one should presume to intermeddle in Tierra Firme affairs. Gil Gonzalez nevertheless despatched to him with the royal order Juan de Sauce, who duly delivered it in the presence of the notary Martin Estete.[XIV-4]

[Sidenote: RECEPTION OF A CÉDULA.]

It is worth witnessing the reception by this arch-hypocrite of a royal command. "And forthwith the said lieutenant-general," writes the notary, "took the said cédula of his Highness in his hands, and kissed it, and placed it on his head, and said that he would obey it, and that he did obey it with the utmost reverence he could and ought, as a letter and commandment of his king and natural lord, whom may it please God our Lord to let live and reign during many and long years, with increase of kingdoms and seignories; and, as to the fulfilment thereof, that his lordship would see to it, and answer and provide thereupon as might be conducive to his Highness' service."

In which pathetic demonstration no one who knew Pedrarias could doubt that he never for a moment intended to do as he had said. Rather than tamely admit a new and dangerous rival, high in reputation and royal favor, some risk might be run. And so he at first agreed, then delayed, interposing technicalities and pretexts, and finally refused to deliver the ships, alleging as an excuse that they were private property, and claimed as such by individuals. In vain the captain-general urged that this was not a question of rights of property, but of royal command, which to disobey was dangerous. Pedrarias stood his ground; and fortune sustained him in the death of Sosa, who, had he lived, would have made all well for the expedition. But in Gil Gonzalez the old governor found his match; for the captain-general was no less decided than he, and far quicker in resources.

What Gil Gonzalez did was to copy the magnificent performance of Vasco Nuñez, under the circumstances scarcely less creditable in the imitation than in the original. After strengthening his command by recruits from the officers and men of the Pedrarias government, among whom were the treasurer Puente and the contador Diego Marquez, he dismantled his ships, packed up the sails and cordage, and taking from the hulls the iron, and such of the timbers as better suited the purpose than those freshly cut, which were also necessary, he secured the services of some Indians, and transported his vessels across the sierra to the same Rio Balsas used by Balboa. There he constructed and launched four vessels, but lost them all before reaching the mouth of the river.[XIV-5] The party, reduced in number more than one half since leaving Acla,[XIV-6] now crossed in canoes to the Pearl Islands.

A letter directed to Pedrarias in this emergency was productive of no results. Gil Gonzalez again requested possession of the vessels of Vasco Nuñez; his messenger brought back a surly verbal refusal. The captain-general then presented himself in person before the governor and demanded at least men for the building of new ships. Pedrarias dared not offer further opposition; and in time four small and poorly equipped vessels lay at the Pearl Islands ready for sea.[XIV-7] "In all my experience while in the service of your Majesty," writes Gil Gonzalez to the king, "I have nowhere been handled so roughly as in crossing Tierra Firme with the men I had brought from Castile, having to support them for two years, and spend my goods and jewels on them, and build the ships twice over."[XIV-8]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE VOYAGE NORTH-WESTWARD.]

Embarking the 21st of January, 1522, having on board a few horses, with arms and articles for traffic, Gil Gonzalez struck westward, and after sailing one hundred leagues he was obliged to beach three of his vessels to save them from the worms, while the fourth returned to Panamá for pitch and other articles for repairs. New water-casks had likewise to be made, as those on board were failing through the rotting of the hoops.[XIV-9] Leaving the ships in charge of Andrés Niño, with orders to follow the coast for eighty or a hundred leagues, and there in some safe harbor to await him, Gil Gonzalez with one hundred men and four horses continued his way by land. Poor food, a hot sun, with heavy rains and softened ground, made the journey excessively irksome. The wading of rivers while the body was heated brought upon the commander a cramp, so that he had to be carried. Thus they trudged for many days, gathering gold, and christianizing the country, meeting no resistance.

Presently they came to what they called an island, ten leagues in length by six in breadth, "formed by the branches of a river," which was no island, however, but the peninsula which forms the western side of the Golfo Dulce.[XIV-10] Here in a huge wooden shed, as high as a tower, which the chroniclers please to call a palace, dwelt the ruler of that land, who was invited to retire while the strangers took possession in the upper part, the lower being flooded. For a fortnight they sheltered themselves from the falling waters. One night the palace posts began slowly to sink into the softened earth. The outlook was not encouraging. Their only shelter was sinking, and with it they were being submerged. They saved themselves, however, by cutting through the roof, and thus made their way out, bearing the commander on their shoulders. They were then obliged to take to trees, and to dwell in them for several days, the commander's quarters being a blanket stretched between two branches. During the flood were lost many weapons and much plunder.

After this they proceeded, sometimes going inland for food, but groping along the shore as best they might. Once when obliged to seek the ocean ten leagues away, they descended a river on rafts, one of which floated out to sea in the dark, but was brought to shore next morning by a lucky breeze and some expert swimming. Finally, after visiting and robbing a number of petty chieftains, and securing gold to the value of forty thousand pesos, they came to a gulf[XIV-11] which Gil Gonzalez called San Vicente, and where to his great joy he found Andrés Niño with the ships.

Owing to his lameness Gil Gonzalez would have embarked by sea, sending Niño with the land party; but the men lost courage at the prospect of remaining on shore without their leader, because the caciques were becoming more powerful. He accordingly bound Niño by oath to explore the coast with two ships, slowly and by day only, and reckon the distance sailed, leaving the other two vessels with the gold in San Vicente Gulf, while he himself plunged boldly inland, determined to subjugate the people, peaceably, if possible, otherwise by force.

[Sidenote: NICOYA.]

Among the caciques whom Gil Gonzalez met was one most powerful living near the northern end of the gulf, named Nicoya, who gave a friendly reception as a friend, and presented him with gold to the value of fourteen thousand castellanos. When told of God, and of the bliss of heaven and the pains of hell, Nicoya very sensibly preferred the former place, and permitted himself, his wives and subjects, to the number of over six thousand souls, to be baptized. Furthermore he gave up six golden idols, each of a span in length, "For being now a Christian," said he, "I shall have nothing more to do with them." Which emblems of perdition the Spaniards did by no means scruple to take.

Nicoya was a great chief, but there was a mightier than he, fifty leagues to the northward, whose name was Nicaragua, of whom Nicoya said: "He is wise as well as valiant, and your little army will quickly melt before his warrior host."

It will be observed that the peaceful policy adopted in this expedition had thus far proved successful beyond that of any other similar attempt in the Indies. The sword remained sheathed, and it was found profitable as well as humane to keep it so. Hence these gentle robbers walked the land triumphant. The truth is, for the times Gil Gonzalez was an honest man. He tells large stories about baptizing, as we shall see; but we are accustomed to some degree of exaggeration where proselyting is concerned, and Gil Gonzalez really believed that the Christianity he gave Nicoya paid him well for his gold. Beside being honest, Gil Gonzalez was humane; he did not delight in blood. Let us doublemark these traits, for they are rare hereabouts.

How different was this from the usual form with which the captains of Pedrarias introduced themselves to savagism, may be seen in the approach by Gil Gonzalez to a people of doubtful temper. When within one day's march of Nicaragua's town he despatched to that chieftain an embassy of six Indians and two interpreters to notify him of his proximity and character. "Tell him," said Gonzalez, "that a captain cometh, commissioned to these parts by the great king of the Christians, to tell all the lords of these lands that there is in the heavens, higher than the sun, one lord, maker of all things, and that those believing and obeying him shall at death ascend to that loftiness, while disbelievers shall be driven into the fire beneath the earth. Tell him to be ready to hear and accept these truths, or else to prepare for battle."

[Sidenote: NICARAGUA.]

Nicoya spoke the truth when he pronounced Nicaragua a wise man. There is great advantage in possessing an intellect unclouded by learning. He was both wise and honest enough to manifest amazement when messengers brought to him things amazing. "Tell those who sent you," said Nicaragua, "that I know not their king and therefore cannot do him homage; that I fear not their sharp swords, but love peace rather than war; gold has little value, they are welcome to what I have. In regard to the religion they teach I will talk with them, and if I like it I will adopt it." Of the two messages, that of the savage was far the more logical and sensible.

Next day when within one league of the town the Spaniards were met by four of Nicaragua's principal men, who told them that the king awaited their coming in peace. On entering the town they were received by Nicaragua, who assigned them lodgings in the public square, and placed all the surrounding houses at their disposal.

After the presentation of gifts, which, voluntary or forced, was always first in order, and which in this instance consisted on one side of gold to the value of fifteen thousand castellanos, and on the other of a shirt, a red cap, and a silken dress, attention was turned to spiritual affairs. To a lengthy harangue on what the savage must do and not do in order to attain Christian salvation, Nicaragua replied: "I see no harm in it. We cannot, however, give up our war-paint and weapons, our gay decorations and dances, and become women!"

Before accepting baptism[XIV-12] Nicaragua desired to ask Gil Gonzalez a few questions. "You who know so much of the maker and of the making of this world, tell me," said he, "of the great flood; and will there be another? In the universal end, will the earth be overturned, or will the sky fall and destroy us? Whence do the sun and moon obtain their light, and how will they lose it? How large are the stars; how are they held in the sky, and moved about? Why are the nights made dark, and the winters cold; why did not the Christian's God make a better world; what honor is due him; and what rights and duties has man, under whose dominion are the beasts? Whither goes the soul which you hold to be immortal when it leaves the body? Does the Pope never die; and is the great king of Spain a mortal; and why do the Christians so love gold?" These and other questions of like import the savage asked, and Gil Gonzalez answered them. There was no question that brave and pious Gil Gonzalez could not answer. And Peter Martyr says that "Cereceda, the king's treasurer, witnessed the manner in which Gonzalez answered the questions of Nicaragua." Strange to say, the savage was not satisfied. Doubtless Gil Gonzalez could have made himself better understood by a Christian. "Came these men hither from heaven?" whispered Nicaragua to the interpreter. "They came from heaven," was the reply. "But how?" asked Nicaragua, "directly down, like the flight of an arrow, or riding a cloud, or in a circuit like a bent bow?" The interpreter could not tell.

Nicaragua finally consented to have the idols in his temple removed, and the Christian's cross placed in their stead. A specimen of the worship they had adopted was then given them with great solemnity. Upon a high mound, whose summit was reached by steps, Gil Gonzalez had planted the cross on first entering the town. A procession headed by the Spanish and the native leaders now marched solemnly about the town, and ascended the steps of the mound[XIV-13] on their knees, chanting their hymns of praise the while. Proceeding to the temple, they erected there an altar, and jointly placed upon it the sacred emblem, in token the one of giving and the other of receiving the true faith. Such was the conquest and conversion of Nicaragua, unique and spiritual.

[Sidenote: THE FRESHWATER SEA.]

Nicaragua's town stood on a large fresh-water sea,[XIV-14] into which Gil Gonzalez rode his horse and took possession, drinking of the water. It was barely three leagues from the South Sea; but there was no connection, and a canoe sent out upon it could discover no current. "The pilots I had with me," writes the commander in his narrative of the expedition, "certify that it opens into the North Sea; and if so it is a great discovery, as the distance from one sea to the other is but two or three leagues of very level road."[XIV-15] One other matter claimed the attention of the discoverer at this juncture; which was to ascertain whether the invaders of Mexico, whose conquest was known at Panamá prior to the sailing of this expedition, had carried their operations so far south as this point. After close inquiry among the natives Gil Gonzalez was satisfied that they had not.[XIV-16]

April of this year, 1522, was now at hand, and Gil Gonzalez, well satisfied thus far, must determine what next to do. Before he was aware of it, baptism had become the rage in all that region. His stay at Nicaragua had been for eight days. Then he went forward north-westwardly six leagues into the next province, and found there a cluster of six towns, of two thousand inhabitants each, all the towns being less than two leagues apart. These people, jealous lest Nicaragua should secure to himself all the efficacies of the mysterious rite, came forward in multitudes to receive it, freely giving the Spaniards gold and food and slaves.

[Sidenote: DIRIANGEN.]

Yet farther before the visitors spread their fame, until a powerful cacique, called Diriangen, came in great state from some distance to meet them. To make the most imposing appearance possible, when within a short distance of the Spaniards Diriangen halted, and arranged his train. Five hundred unarmed men advanced, each carrying one or two turkeys, whose gay plumage made brilliant the spectacle. After them came ten banner-men, their flags yet furled. Then followed seventeen women nearly covered with plates of gold; after which were five trumpeters; and lastly, the chief men of the nation, bearing on their shoulders a palanquin richly adorned with colored cloths and feathers, in which sat the potentate. The cortége then moved forward and entered the village where the Spaniards were encamped, drawing up in perfect order before the commander's quarters. The litter was placed on the ground, the ten white banners were unfurled, and the trumpeters blew a shrill melody. Presently Diriangen ordered the musicians to cease, and approaching Gil Gonzalez he touched his hand. Then turning to the women, he ordered the gold to be presented, including two hundred golden hatchets, which amounted altogether in value to eighteen thousand castellanos. The five hundred Indians now came forward, and after severally touching the hand of the commander, presented the fowls to him. "For what purpose," asked Gil Gonzalez of the chieftain, "have you come so far to meet me?" Diriangen answered: "Having learned that a wonderful people, bearded and riding upon beasts, had arrived in this land, I come that with my own eyes I may behold them, and offer such hospitality as is in my power." Gil Gonzalez thanked the chieftain courteously, presented him some European articles, and after further conversation asked him if he did not wish to become a Christian, and a subject of the king of Spain. Diriangen intimated that it would give him great pleasure to accept both of these flattering proposals, but that he first desired to confer with his women and priests; he would return answer within three days.

Now Diriangen was a wily lord, who cared not a jot for the king of Spain, or for his religion. He wished to see this spectacle, and he was willing to pay royally for admission to it. The faith his fathers had held was sufficient for him, and he preferred ruling himself rather than being subject to another. He believed he could vanquish that little company; at all events he would try. With these reflections he bid the Spaniards a warm adieu, mounted his litter, and was carried away. This was on the 14th of April.

Three days after, while the clergyman of the expedition was absent at a neighboring town whither he had gone mounted on the best horse and attended by two valiant men, to preach, and the Spaniards were taking their mid-day siesta, Diriangen came down upon them with three thousand[XIV-17] men, armed with flint-toothed swords, lances, and arrows, and mailed in coats of wadded cotton, and was within a cross-bow shot of them before the alarm was given. Gil Gonzalez sprang upon one of the three remaining horses, and shouted to his men to rally in front of his dwelling, which faced the square. He then placed one third of his force in the rear of the house, fearful lest the enemy should fire it, for it contained all their gold. By this time the square was filled with Diriangen's warriors, who gave immediate battle, hand to hand. The swift death-blows of the Spaniards seemed to carry no special terror with them, and for a time it was extremely doubtful how the fight would turn. The Indians brought six Spaniards to the ground, and captured one, whom, however, they manifested no disposition to kill. Finally, upon a charge of the commander and the two other horsemen with their lances, the enemy gave way and were driven out of the town. Gil Gonzalez recklessly pursued, until wearied with killing, and alone, he turned, when there fell on him a shower of stones and darts which hurried him back to his people. Diriangen had kept in the background during the battle, and disappeared immediately it was over. None of the Spaniards were lost. The captive was recovered; the priest returned in safety, and the Indians were finally permitted to carry off their dead. Luckily Gil Gonzalez had taken the precaution to increase the number of bearded men by cutting hair from the heads of Spaniards and fixing it to the chins of twenty-five young natives of his company.

[Sidenote: RESULTS OF THE EXPEDITION.]

After due consultation it was decided to terminate the exploration at this point and return to Panamá. They had obtained a large amount of gold, and had baptized many. The results from the conversions, however, would have been far more pleasing to the Spaniards had not so many of the Indians apostatized before their back was fairly turned. As the Spaniards entered the province of Nicaragua, on the way to their ships, a plan of that sapient ruler was revealed to Gil Gonzalez, none other than to repeat the experiment of Diriangen. Immediately sixty Spaniards, all who were at present sound, formed into a hollow square, so as to act defensively and offensively while marching, having the invalids and treasure in the centre, and at each corner a horseman and an arquebusier. As they passed by Nicaragua's town the natives cried out to the carriers, who had been lent the Spaniards by Nicaragua, to throw down their loads. To this the Spaniards made no reply; but when the natives attempted by force to accomplish their purpose, Gil Gonzalez hurried forward the weakest of his force, and placed himself with seventeen men in the rear. A desultory fight was kept up for some distance, during which the cargo-bearers managed to throw down their loads and escape, to the unutterable disgust of the Spaniards, who were thus obliged to carry them. Gaining nothing by this, but rather losing, the natives made peace. Nicaragua, by his messengers, disclaimed any agency in the attack, but the Spaniards had recognized some of his principal men among the assailants. At length they reached the gulf of San Vicente in safety, eight days after the return of the party discovering by sea. Niño had coasted three hundred and fifty leagues north-westerly, reaching, according to some estimates, the very southern limit of Cortés' conquests. Hardly any details, however, are given beyond the statement that he discovered a large bay which Gil Gonzalez named Fonseca, in honor of his friend and patron the bishop of Búrgos. To an island within this bay he gave the name of his own niece, Petronila.[XIV-18] Returning, the expedition reached Panamá, June 25, 1523, with gold in value to 112,000 pesos, half of which was of inferior quality. According to his reckoning Gil Gonzalez had coasted six hundred and fifty leagues, travelling by land three hundred and twenty-four leagues, and converting to Christianity thirty-two thousand souls.[XIV-19]

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XV. SPANISH DEPREDATIONS ROUND PANAMÁ BAY

1521-1526.

EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT ON THE WEST COAST OF AMERICA—PROGRESS OF PANAMÁ—LAWS RESPECTING SPANISH SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA—FINAL ABANDONMENT OF ANTIGUA—ADMINISTRATION OF THE SOUTH SEA GOVERNMENT—PIRACY UPON PRINCIPLE—PASCUAL DE ANDAGOYA EXPLORES SOUTHWARD—CONQUERS BIRÚ—RETURN TO PANAMÁ—COLONIES OF VERAGUA AND CHIRIQUÍ—THE CHIEFTAIN URRACÁ TAKES UP HIS ABODE IN THE MOUNTAINS AND DEFIES THE SPANIARDS—PIZARRO, ESPINOSA, PEDRARIAS, AND COMPAÑON IN VAIN ATTEMPT HIS OVERTHROW—BUILDING OF NATÁ—COMPAÑON AS GOVERNOR—HURTADO COLONIZES CHIRIQUÍ—CONSPIRACY—CAPTURE AND ESCAPE OF URRACÁ—SEVERAL YEARS MORE OF WAR.

At length we find on the Pacific seaboard a European settlement, in the aboriginal fishing-station of Panamá the germ of a Spanish city, the first on the western side of the American continent from Patagonia to Alaska, the first on the Isthmus which remains to the present day. And there was much about it which the befogged but in many respects far-seeing adventurers of the time could foretell. There was wealth on this shore, but to what extent they knew not, as Peru stood yet unrevealed. Unless some strait should be found, or some narrower thread of Tierra Firme offering superior advantages, Panamá would become the great entrepôt of South Sea traffic; but wild as were their speculations in some respects, in others the imagination was as far behind the facts. Even in their wildest dreams they had not seen resting on their broad-stretching beach ships from the north and the south, and the far western east, laden with the wealth of half a world, and in the streets of their sun-beaten city gold and silver stacked in bricks; and spices, and precious merchandise waiting transportation over the cordillera to Nombre de Dios, where cargoes of European goods in like manner waited carriage southward.

[Sidenote: THE SOUTH SEA METROPOLIS.]

To the importance of this city, even at this early day, the Council of the Indies was by no means blind; and beside the regulations[XV-1] of a general nature regarding settlement and city-building which began now to be enacted, Panamá was the recipient of special royal favors.

We have seen how Pedrarias, by fair means and foul, labored to depopulate Antigua; and it was a good work, though at the time he was not fully aware of it. Fortune had favored him in many ways of late, and the rewards of his rascalities were truly gratifying. Not to mention the deaths of Vasco Nuñez and Lope de Sosa, the successes of Espinosa and other gold-hunting captains, or the discomfiture of Gil Gonzalez, it was a fine stroke of policy making the licenciado Alarconcillo his lieutenant at Antigua; for the fraudulent residencias taken by him, under the artful management of the governor's wife in Spain, did Pedrarias and Espinosa good service at court. Nor was there any practical inconvenience to the governor in the royal orders prohibiting complex legal proceedings, that the truth might be simply and inexpensively arrived at in cases of dispute, and permitting appeals from Castilla del Oro to the audiencia of Santo Domingo; for the one gave his power a wider range, while the other could be easily regulated so as to work him no prejudice. Las Casas likewise had failed in his effort to displace Pedrarias, the privileges granted in Tierra Firme limiting him to territory outside of the jurisdiction of this governor.

[Sidenote: ABANDONMENT OF ANTIGUA.]

The abandonment of Antigua began in 1521, and was consummated in September, 1524, Diego Ribero, the last survivor, being massacred with his entire family by his own Indians, who afterward burned the town. Thus the streets wherein had been acted so many stirring scenes were vacant, and the country, after a struggle of fifteen years and the loss of thousands of lives, lapsed into its original savagism. By royal decree issued at Búrgos September 15, 1521, Panamá was made a city, and received royal privileges and a coat of arms, in further ennoblement.[XV-2] The regidores should enjoy the title of veinticuatros, as in Seville and Córdova. For the first ten years the city had to pay only a tithe on gold; the eleventh year, one ninth; the twelfth, one eighth, and so on to the fifteenth when the usual fifth would be due. Hitherto the currency consisted of pieces of gold cut into various weights; now silver and copper money were employed.

[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT.]

The first regidores of Panamá were Gonzalo de Badajoz, Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, Rogel de Loris, Pascual de Andagoya, Martin Estete, Benito Hurtado, Luis de la Rocha, and Francisco Gonzalez. The alcalde mayor, Hernando de Salaya, was made lieutenant of Pedrarias in Panamá, with a salary of 150,000 maravedís, Espinosa having turned his attention almost exclusively to military matters. The royal officers formerly at Antigua as a rule held their places in Panamá. These were Alonso de la Puente, the treasurer; Diego Marquez, the contador; Miguel Juan de Ribas, factor. To some of these Pedrarias was obliged to give repartimientos as an inducement to move.

More difficulty was experienced in having the episcopal see transferred to Panamá, but it was finally accomplished; the royal order to move it, with the clergy and paraphernalia of the church as well as the vecinos and the hospital, bearing date the same as the order making Panamá a city, namely, September 15, 1521. On the death of the first bishop of Darien, Juan de Quevedo, a successor was appointed in the person of Fray Vicente de Peraza. Salaya and the Archdeacon Perez came out together in 1522; Peraza came later, Salaya being commissioned to superintend ecclesiastical affairs until the bishop's arrival. And when he did arrive he appeared in no haste to move, and was still at Antigua in 1524. There, finally, Pedrarias went and exercised upon him his softest blandishments. The governor could make himself quite pleasing to one who did not know him. The bishop had not been long in Panamá before his eyes were opened, and then, indeed, forever closed; for one day, while the bishop and the governor were at cards, they had a quarrel, during which the latter was treated badly with words, and soon after the bishop died. Then with Salaya the governor employed sharp words, saying, if he did not mind he would cut off his head. "More than one head you have wrongfully cut off," Salaya retorted, "but he who cuts off my head must have a better head than mine, and that you have not." Then they were friends again. Nevertheless Salaya died. Both these men were poisoned; suspicion pointed to Pedrarias, though he was never formally charged with the crime.

For the building of churches in Castilla del Oro, the king gave large alms; his annual donation to the hospital was three hundred pesos,[XV-3] while the royal treasury covered the cost of an organ and a clock for the Panamá cathedral. About the time of the removal, Francisco de Lizaur, procurador of the new settlement for providing the Indians as well as the Spaniards with food, procured an order requiring the governor to attend to planting; likewise barter must be opened with the natives, and negro slaves were not allowed to accompany expeditions. The boundaries of the municipality extended about forty-five leagues in every direction from the three leagues of city lands in the centre.

* * * * *

The natives of the New World, and they alone, were expected to support the new city, and through Panamá to send great wealth to Spain. The object of the Spaniards was not agriculture, except to save themselves from hunger; nor even mining, except as they could force the natives to dig; it was unadulterated robbery, with only the lame excuses of civilization and Christianity, and Panamá was but a pirates' nest.

By no means the worst of the band was Pascual de Andagoya, who but for the bad company he kept might have been pronounced an honest man. He assisted Pedrarias, and acted as the forerunner of Pizarro, but when it came to wholesale infamies he had no zeal for them.

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION OF ANDAGOYA.]

A faithful retainer of the governor, he was in 1522 sent by him to explore the southern coast beyond the limits of the discovery of Vasco Nuñez. Landing at the gulf of San Miguel, Andagoya visited a province called Chochama, where he was informed that during the periods of the full moon, a fierce people infested its shore, driving the inhabitants from their fisheries, slaying them if they resisted, and spreading terror generally. This people came from a province called Birú, which name was corrupted by the Spaniards into Pirú, and finally into the Peru of Francisco Pizarro. Chochama begged Andagoya to protect his subjects from this scourge, and having obtained reinforcements from Panamá, Andagoya set out in company with his host and his warriors for the dreaded region. Ascending a large river for twenty leagues, the Spaniards found a number of villages and caciques, and on the outskirts of the province, near the junction of two rivers, they discovered a strong native fortress, well garrisoned, which on being attacked was defended with skill and bravery. But superior tactics soon prevailed, and after a struggle the stronghold was reduced and the inmates were brought to terms.

The subjugation of Birú being thus effected, Andagoya continued his voyage, the ships keeping well off shore, while the commander reconnoitred the coast in canoes navigated by friendly Indians. It happened one day, while thus employed, that his boat was caught in the surf and overturned. He was saved by the brave efforts of one of the natives whose cause he had espoused; but a rheumatic fever which followed determined him to abandon the discovery, and on the following day he turned his face toward Panamá, where he arrived in safety with a few captives.[XV-4]

Permission was then given to Juan Basurto to continue the discovery of Andagoya; but his sudden death cut short the preparations, and there the matter rested until taken up by Francisco Pizarro.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BRAVERY OF URRACÁ.]

Leaving for the moment affairs to the southward, let us return to the western side of Panamá Bay. There was a cacique named Urracá, whom the Spaniards sought to kill, whose domain was the sierra of Veragua, and whose crime was the love of liberty. Indeed so villainously depraved was this savage that he would not accept Spanish salvation and domination when offered him in return for his gold; he even thought to kill the good men who invaded his territory to kill him. Urracá was fierce and strong; his mountains were rugged, and his home almost inaccessible to the hostile invader. Therefore he must be approached with caution, and his capture intrusted only to picked men. As he was reported rich, and worth the trouble, two companies were fitted out against him, one by water under Espinosa, and one by land under Francisco Pizarro. The former embarked at Panamá in two vessels, and, after touching at the island of Cebaco, passed over to the mainland of Veragua and began his march on the redoubtable mountaineer. Urracá was not afraid of him, and after placing the women, the children, and the aged of his people in safety, with his warriors he marched boldly out against the enemy. He first encountered the Indian vanguard of Espinosa, and falling on them slew them to a man. Then he fiercely attacked the horsemen, of whom there were two or three, and the foot-soldiers, fighting with such determination that but for Hernando de Soto, who with thirty men had been sent forward by Pizarro to seek a pass, the licentiate would have been cut to pieces. Pizarro, who was near at hand, had not reached the place without hard fighting. And now Urracá defied them all. With every advantage of a rugged and well-known country on his side, he rallied his men and attacked the combined force with such desperate energy that when night came the Spaniards endeavored to withdraw secretly to the open plain. To this Urracá objected. He permitted them to break up camp, it is true, and to begin their march; but, when within the darkest pass, he was on them again like a trap, and from the black craggy defile they could not move, except against the lances and war-clubs that hemmed them in. With morning the question faced them, whether they should die there or escape? And thus the captains placed the matter before the men. Summoning all their strength, they threw their united force against the living obstructions at the opening toward the sea, and, treading down the enemy, escaped to their ships, and spreading sail directed their course toward Panamá. But it would not do to return empty-handed. So landing at Borrica they plundered the town, and took the inhabitants captive, though the licentiate finally released the women. While Espinosa with the main body of his troops proceeded to Natá, Francisco Compañon with fifty men surprised by night a peaceful village in the neighborhood. It was palisaded, and the Spaniards were repulsed. Hiding themselves, they waited until the inhabitants had come forth in the morning, and had scattered themselves about the fields. At a signal they sprang upon them. The poor natives ran for shelter from the merciless steel, and arriving at the gateway in a body they so blocked it as to be easily butchered. Those not killed were carried captives to Natá.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NATÁ AND CHIRIQUÍ.]

The native village of Natá was situated on an open plain, most beautiful, with a fertile soil and wholesome air. We have seen how on former occasions it had attracted the attention of the Spaniards. They had long desired to found there a settlement, and, the present expedition having proved a failure, Espinosa sent messengers to Pedrarias asking permission to remain and form a colony. The governor acquiesced, but ordered Espinosa with the ships to Panamá, leaving at Natá only fifty men under Compañon.

The new seaport lay nearer to Urracá than the island of Cebaco, although Espinosa began his march against this province at a point on Azuero Peninsula, opposite the island, more than thirty leagues from Natá, by sea.

It was near enough, at all events, for the wary Urracá to follow the Spaniards with his vindictive eye. The chieftain, by his emissaries, knew when Espinosa landed there, what he and the others did, when they went away, and how many remained. Peeping in on Compañon he thought he could manage fifty men. He would try it. Collecting his forces he made preparations to attack the Spaniards by night. On approaching their quarters he came to a house at some distance from the others, in which three men were sleeping. One of them the savages killed with a spear; one they captured; the third eluded them until he had secured his arms, when he sprang up and shouted as if to some companions near. Single-handed he then attacked them and put them to flight; after which he released his captive comrade, and the two sought their commander. Compañon immediately sent messengers to Pedrarias, informing him of the attack.

It was not praiseworthy on the part of Urracá to allow his multitude of brave warriors to be defeated by a single Spaniard; probably he never knew how easily he was beaten; and now confederating with his neighbors he confined the Spaniards so closely in their quarters that they began to suffer for food. The opportune arrival of Hernando Ponce de Leon with forty men, and shortly afterward of the governor himself with one hundred and fifty men, placed Compañon at ease again.

It is true; the old governor is in the field again! War, at home or abroad, is his natural element. This bold mountain chieftain must be put down; and who so fitting to do it, who so capable, as the governor? Appointing Francisco Pizarro as second in command, with his entire available force, among which are some horses and small cannon, Pedrarias sallies forth.

Urracá is ready to receive him. He has joined forces with a neighbor named Exquegua, and awaits the Spanish governor just beyond the strongest pass. He hopes a second time to entangle the enemy amongst the craggy steeps to him so familiar. The fox enters the trap. The governor must choose either to fight at great disadvantage, or retire and leave the country to its aboriginal lord. Urracá is powerful, sagacious, and brave. Occupying in his retreat the most elevated part of the cordillera where it cuts Veragua, and being about midway between the two oceans, he can draw supplies and reinforcements from either side. So pernicious is the influence he exerts that he can prevent the pacification of western Castilla del Oro: hence the importance of his extermination.

The old governor harangues his army. After the stale fashion of Xerxes and the Scipios he sneers at the enemy, and praises his own men. It is not common to hear Pedrarias praise any one. "You see the necessity of this chieftain's death," he concludes; "let it never be said of Spaniards that they left alive a rich heathen." A charge is then ordered. The battle lasts till nightfall. It is renewed the next day and the day following. Before such unparalleled obstinacy the Spaniards grow faint. Even the fire-belching cannon, with its reverberating roar and its balls sweeping down men, splitting rocks and trees, and tearing up the earth, confounds them but for a moment. For five days the engagement continues, much of the time in a desultory manner, the Spaniards fighting from under cover like the Indians.

Urracá at length resorts to stratagem. Withdrawing his forces as if in abandonment of the fight, he retires toward the river Atra, the rendezvous of the confederates from both sides of the cordillera. Pedrarias follows, thinking in some open spot to scatter the foe and kill them. Seeing which, Urracá calls to him several wise warriors, and instructs them to play the part of men of the country, and when captured by the Spaniards to direct them to their ruin. Through this ruse Diego de Albites falls into ambush, at one time with forty men, at another with sixty, narrowly escaping destruction.

Determined never to abandon the country until his purpose is accomplished, Pedrarias sends out parties against the villages of the confederates individually. Two caciques, Bulaba and Musa, are captured, but on accepting terms of peace are set at liberty. Urracá avoids another general engagement, and Pedrarias returns to Natá. The lands and captives are divided among such soldiers as are willing to remain as colonists under Diego de Albites, who is left there as the governor's lieutenant. Sixty elect to remain, who begin to build and plant. Thus is established the town and settlement suggested by Espinosa, which is called Natá after the cacique, and which name it still retains, and next after Panamá on the Pacific seaboard, Natá assumes importance as a Spanish settlement.

All the same it is exceedingly hard on the poor aboriginal, drudgery or death. Those enslaved under the fatherly-protection system endeavor by every means to escape; failing in which, if they do not kill themselves, they soon die from hard treatment. Urracá never ceases narrowly to watch the Spaniards, attacking them as opportunity offers. Albites retaliates with frequent incursions; but unable to overthrow Urracá he finally makes peace with him. This displeases Pedrarias, who thereupon recalls Albites and appoints Francisco Compañon governor of Natá. Under the new regime hostilities are yet more vigorously pressed, but in almost every instance to the discomfiture of the Spaniards.

* * * * *

Beyond the domain of Urracá, toward the west, in Veragua, was the province of Chiriquí. Thither Pedrarias sent Benito Hurtado to establish a colony. The country being thinly populated was easily taken and held. Indeed, the caciques of Chiriquí, Vareclas, and Burica, the chief rulers within an area of one hundred leagues, obeyed without resistance, and for two years the colony of Chiriquí was unmolested. But the more submissive the people, the more exacting the conquering race. The crushing weight of servitude becoming unbearable, the men of Chiriquí at length rose to arms. They were joined in a general revolt by Urracá. Unable to vanquish this chieftain, Compañon determined to capture him by fair means or foul. Overtures were begun by presents and fair promises, and at length, under the most solemn assurances of liberty and safety, Urracá was induced to visit the governor at Natá. No sooner had he entered the town than he was seized and ironed. I am disposed to praise the perfidious Compañon for not burning his captive, or giving him to the dogs; he only sent him, in violation of his sacred pledge, a prisoner to Nombre de Dios, with the intention of shipping him off to Spain. Before the sailing of a ship, however, the brave cacique managed to burst his fetters and escape. Breathing vengeance he roused the mountains, organized a yet more powerful confederation, and marched against Natá. Long and bloody warfare ensued, with alternate success. One of the most disastrous conflicts occurred early in 1527, in an expedition against a rebel chief named Trota, under Captain Alonso de Vargas, with forty soldiers, principally men newly arrived from Spain. The protestations of some of Trota's adherents, who entered the camp with humble mien but active eyes, induced the captain, at the recommendation of a veteran comrade, to send Pocoa, an allied chief and guide, with offers of peace. The fellow was no sooner out of sight than he cast the olive branch to the winds, and joining cause with Trota, advised him to seize so advantageous an opportunity for glory and revenge, when the force before him was weak and inexperienced and the commander ailing. Four days later five hundred warriors fell upon the camp, led by Pocoa in a glittering breastplate of gold. Although taken by surprise, the soldiers fought desperately, but the numbers were overwhelming, and Vargas succumbed with half his men. This blow was one more incentive for the Spaniards to exert themselves in retaliation and conquest. The country adjacent to the settlement being open and level, horses and cannon could be used with advantage; while on the other hand, to make up for lack of skill, were numbers, drawn from a great distance around, with the protecting mountains in which to nurse declining energies. Thus for nine years the war continued, until the chieftain Urracá, yielded up his life, though not, after all, to arquebuse or bloodhound: he died in bed, among his own people, but lamenting, with the last breath, his inability to drive out the detested Christians.

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XVI. THE WARS OF THE SPANIARDS

1523-1524.

OVIEDO IN SPAIN—HE SECURES THE APPOINTMENT OF PEDRO DE LOS RIOS AS GOVERNOR OF CASTILLA DEL ORO—PEDRARIAS DETERMINES TO POSSESS NICARAGUA—HE SENDS THITHER CÓRDOBA, WHO FOUNDS BRUSÉLAS, GRANADA, AND LEON—AND CARRIES A SHIP ACROSS THE LAND FROM THE PACIFIC TO LAKE NICARAGUA—HE MAKES A SURVEY OF THE LAKE—INFORMED OF SPANIARDS LURKING THEREABOUT—DEVELOPMENT OF THE SPANISH COLONIAL SYSTEM—GIL GONZALEZ ESCAPES WITH HIS TREASURE TO ESPAÑOLA—DESPATCHES CERECEDA TO SPAIN WITH INTELLIGENCE OF HIS DISCOVERY—SAILS FROM SANTO DOMINGO TO THE COAST OF HONDURAS—ARRIVES AT PUERTO CABALLOS—FOUNDS SAN GIL DE BUENAVISTA—ENCOUNTERS HERNANDO DE SOTO—BATTLE—CRISTÓBAL DE OLID APPEARS—FOUNDS TRIUNFO DE LA CRUZ.

Scarcely were the fair provinces of the Southern Sea brought under the yoke of the Spaniards, when the conquerors began contending among themselves. For it must be confessed that neither their culture nor their religion prevented them from behaving very much like the wild beasts and the wild men to whom they regarded themselves superior. In following these disputes we will now accompany, in a second visit to Spain, the author and veedor, and withal the maker of governors, Fernandez de Oviedo, whom we left in July, 1523, fleeing the wrath of Pedrarias.

At Cuba the veedor was entertained by Diego Velazquez, the governor; at Española he was invited by Diego Colon to take passage with him for Seville, where he arrived in November. After presenting himself to the Council of the Indies, at Búrgos, he went to Vitoria, where the court was residing. Vested with full power to act for the city of Antigua, Oviedo set forth the affairs of the colony, entered his complaints against Pedrarias, and urged the appointment of a new governor. In this measure he was opposed by the bachiller Corral, whom he had made an effort to send in chains to Spain, and by Isabel, wife of Pedrarias. Through their influence he was involved in litigation which lasted two years; and for his treatment of the bachiller he was fined one hundred thousand maravedís, which he was obliged to pay. But in the end the veedor triumphed in displacing Pedrarias, and in securing the appointment of Pedro de los Rios, of Córdova, as governor of Castilla del Oro, and of the licenciado Juan de Salmeron as alcalde mayor and judge of residencia.

The prospect of speedy displacement in office, no less than the success of Gil Gonzalez at the freshwater sea, determined Pedrarias to secure a footing in Nicaragua before the arrival of the new governor of Castilla del Oro. No one knew better than himself that by the customs of discovery and occupation, which were now fast becoming laws, he had not the slightest right there, having neither contributed to the discovery of Gil Gonzalez, nor even sanctioned it. As an act preliminary to taking possession of this discovery, Pedrarias despatched thither his lieutenant, Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba—not he who discovered Yucatan, though of the same name—and captains Gabriel de Rojas, Francisco Compañon, and Hernando de Soto, who embarked from Panamá in 1524.

[Sidenote: CÓRDOBA IN NICARAGUA.]

Landing at the gulf of Nicoya Córdoba founded a settlement at Urutina, on the east side, which he called Brusélas, but which existed only three years, being dismantled by order of Diego Lopez Salcedo in 1527. Thence Córdoba proceeded northward thirty leagues, to Nequecheri, on the shore of Lake Nicaragua, where he founded a city to which he gave the name Granada, building there a fortress and a church. In the province of Nagrando[XVI-1] he established another city which he called Leon. While at Granada Córdoba drew one of his brigantines ashore, and taking it apart conveyed the pieces overland to Nicaragua Lake. After rebuilding he made a circuit round the shore of the Freshwater Sea, and discovered its outlet in the Rio San Juan, though he did not descend the stream, on account of the rocks and rapids. With this leader had come many friars and religious men, some of whom were quite expert in performing miracles, and by this means was excited among the natives a furor for baptism scarcely inferior to the lively manifestation under the swift instructions of Captain Gil Gonzalez. Córdoba sent Pedrarias a full account of his proceedings thus far. He also informed him that a band of Spaniards was lurking thereabout, though as yet he had not encountered them, but he had sent Hernando de Soto to learn who they were.

[Sidenote: SPANISH COLONIAL SYSTEM.]

The colonial system of Spain as it unfolded in the New World seemed at this time to assume the form of a political tripod whose three props were the subjugator, the sovereign, and the executive vicegerent, each contributing to the support of the others, though in a manner oppugnant and contradictory. It was something wholly new in the polities of nations for royalty thus to delegate so much and so varied power at such a distance; and royalty was troubled for itself in consequence, and regarded with jealousy and mistrust such of its servants as it was obliged to confide in. Ashamed of his suspicions, the sovereign attempted to cover them by the application of chicane to a system of balancing, placing one agent to watch another, and counteracting the power of one deputy by the power of another deputy. The discoverer on returning from his perilous voyage must wear away the remainder of his life importuning for the promised recompense; and often he was compelled to lose beside his services the costs advanced by himself. The conqueror must be frowned upon in the moment of his triumph, lest he should forget himself, or rather forget his master. He, without whose adventurings the monarch's realm could scarcely find enlargement, must immediately on the attainment of new territory be diverted by the intrusion of some professional governor, who between law, selfishness, and despotism usually managed to defeat the aims of both king and conqueror, and attain his own end in ruin and disgrace. Thus it was on Española, and thus it is again on Tierra Firme. Had Columbus been less incompetent as the beginner in this colonization, and as governor; had he with wise statesmanship founded one New World colony on firm and liberal principles, the whole Spanish-American colonial system during the following three centuries might have been something quite different. Had the monarch found on trial that his deputies were trustworthy, he would have trusted them. Had he not, they would have compelled him. As it was they compelled him to treat them as unreliable and unjust, as indeed they were, that is to say such of them as were competent. While the monarch was far less blamable than his representatives, while as a rule he sought with honest and pious purpose the best welfare of his subjects, civilized and savage, it seemed his fate thus far to keep the colonies always in a ferment, every man's hand against his neighbor, and under such poisonous and perverting stimulus, that the vilest elements attained success, while the noblest were consumed to cinders. Witness Christopher Columbus and Bartolomé his brother as against Bobadilla and Ovando; Vasco Nuñez beside Pedrarias; and now Pedrarias and Gil Gonzalez.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: GIL GONZALEZ AGAIN.]

Upon the return to Panamá in June, 1523, of Andrés Niño and Gil Gonzalez, from their discovery of Nicaragua, Pedrarias undertook, as we have seen, at once to secure for himself every benefit of their adventure. And this without a shadow of right or reason. The pilot and the contador had acted under authority direct from the king; they had imperilled their lives and had exhausted their private fortunes; while the governor had not only contributed nothing, but actually disobeyed the king in refusing to deliver the ships of Vasco Nuñez, and in withholding men and means for the expedition. A grand achievement had been consummated by a handful of men, poorly equipped and in small unseaworthy vessels, whose consequent sufferings were in a measure caused by the inherent wickedness of the governor, now the first of all to clutch at the gold. He would have the honor of paying the king's fifth into the royal treasury, for he could make it advantageous for himself.

Gil Gonzalez would cheerfully have turned over the treasure to the king's officers, for his blood was up, and he wished to return immediately and chastise the impudent caciques, Diriangen and Nicaragua. But, when under his letters patent he demanded aid for that purpose, the governor promised it only on condition that he went as his lieutenant, and that the war should be conducted in his name. This the contador refused to do. Pedrarias then said that he would undertake the further pacification of Nicaragua on his own account, and plant a colony, perhaps, at the gulf of Fonseca; that a southern expedition which he had planned would be directed north, in view of the superior attractions appearing in the reports of the late discoveries. Upon this Gil Gonzalez determined to hasten from Panamá with the king's gold, which had been melted down by the assayer, and lay the matter before the audiencia at Santo Domingo, thence going to Spain if necessary.

There was a caravel lying at Nombre de Dios, which Gil Gonzalez purchased for one thousand castellanos, and stealing from Panamá he escaped with the gold, and set sail for Española just as Pedrarias in hot pursuit appeared upon the shore with a requisition and order of arrest.

The royal authorities at Santo Domingo listened with favor to their former contador; on comparing his actions with his instructions they found that he had acquitted himself creditably. They deemed it unnecessary for him to go to Spain, and thought he could better serve the king by continuing his important discovery. He might proceed at once to the eastern shore of Tierra Firme, and search for the strait communicating with the Freshwater Sea, or its outlet, which was sure to exist; or, failing in that, enter the territory, pass over to the Freshwater Sea by land, found there a colony and build a town. To this end the audiencia promised to aid him in raising three hundred men and fifty horses, which, with the ship he had brought from Nombre de Dios, would give him a fair equipment. Distributing, therefore, the royal share of the treasure[XVI-2] among five ships lying at Santo Domingo, according to the royal regulations, Gil Gonzalez despatched by Antonio de Cereceda, treasurer of the Nicaraguan expedition, the famous letter which I have so frequently quoted, and a map of the coast from Panamá to the Gulf of Fonseca, made with great care by the pilots of the expedition. In this letter, after giving an account of the discovery and presenting his plans, the writer begs the sovereign that his pay as captain be made over to his wife at Seville, for the support and education of his children; that the limits of his discovery may speedily be defined, and other conquerors and rulers forbidden to intrude; that letters patent may be granted him with the title of Admiral of the Freshwater Sea, together with a tenth of the king's revenue within the territory. Were it not that his majesty might deem it a desire on the part of the discoverer to call attention to himself he could tell much more; but this he would say of five things done by him, namely—no other Spaniard ever before discovered so many leagues on foot with so few men so poorly equipped; no man ever converted so many souls to Christ in so short a time; no discoverer as yet had brought so much gold; none had fought so many Indians without the loss of a man; and, finally, no one before him had ever returned from a voyage of discovery without having lost to the adventurers the cost of the outfit. Cereceda and the letter were graciously received by the emperor, who ordered Gil Gonzalez to continue his discoveries.

[Sidenote: ADMIRAL OF THE FRESHWATER SEA.]

But without waiting instructions from Spain Gil Gonzalez had hastened to occupy what he had discovered, before others should arrive to dispute possession with him. He sailed from Santo Domingo in the spring of 1524[XVI-3] for the eastern coast of Nicaragua, intending to cross to the Freshwater Sea, by way of its outlet, and thereby avoid collision with the governor at Panamá; but he steered too far to the right, and struck the continent on the north side of Honduras, about twenty leagues east of Golfo Dulce. Obliged by a storm to throw overboard some horses to save his ship, he gave the name of Caballos[XVI-4] to the port from which he had under the circumstances to turn away. From this point he was driven by the wind westward to Golfo Dulce. Finding himself in a strange mountainous country, and at a loss whither to proceed, he deemed it safe in any event to take possession and plant there a colony, and to this he gave the name San Gil de Buenavista. Leaving there a portion of his men he coasted eastward, to a point between capes Honduras and Camarones, and although still far from his destination he disembarked the troops and marched southward in search of his Freshwater Sea.

Continuing on this course Gil Gonzalez in due time approached the territory of Nicaragua, but only to encounter Hernando de Soto, sent by Córdoba to ascertain who were the rival settlers. Gil Gonzalez first learned of the presence of Córdoba in that quarter while passing through the valley of Olancho. There was but one way to settle rival claims under such circumstances, the old brutal way, practised by both savage and civilized from the beginning, and in vogue to-day among our most Christian and cultured nations—the weaker must give way to the stronger.

The two companies met at a place called Toreba. The savage method of warfare was adopted. Just before dawn, as Soto lay wrapped in slumber, Gil Gonzalez, with a portion only of his command, crept into the enemy's camp, and raising the war-cry, "San Gil! kill the traitors!" began a furious onslaught upon his countrymen. Soto commanded the superior force, and although taken at a disadvantage he was soon disputing for the victory with every prospect of success. The engagement lasted some time, and several Spaniards on both sides were killed. At length Gil Gonzalez, fearing defeat, cried out, "Peace! peace, Señor capitan, in the emperor's name!" And although Soto was urged by his associates to follow up the advantage, he ceased hostilities and prepared for an amicable adjustment of differences.

Thus matters remained for several days. But Gil Gonzalez had no intention of abandoning the field, as his actions and words implied. He only wished to gain time and bring up the remainder of his force. This effected, he again suddenly sprang upon the enemy, and after a short but severe engagement drove him from the field, securing his treasure, to the value of one hundred and thirty thousand castellanos.[XVI-5]

Satisfied with this success, and unprepared to meet a superior force under Córdoba, Gil Gonzalez disarmed the enemy, and retired to Puerto Caballos, where he was informed that a fleet had arrived from Mexico in command of Cristóbal de Olid, one of the captains of Hernan Cortés.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA.]

After the defeat of Soto, Córdoba took measures to strengthen his position at Leon, building there a strong fortress. Cristóbal de Olid, of whom I shall speak presently, founded a settlement on the north coast of Honduras, fourteen leagues east of Puerto Caballos, to which he gave the name of Triunfo de la Cruz.[XVI-6] Thus for the territory now embraced within the boundaries of Nicaragua and Honduras, there appeared three claimants—Gil Gonzalez, who, under the auspices of the crown, claimed for himself as the discoverer; Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba, who claimed for Pedrarias; and Cristóbal de Olid, who claimed for Cortés and himself.

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XVII. COLONIZATION IN HONDURAS

1524-1525.

CORTÉS IN MEXICO—EXTENSION OF HIS CONQUESTS—FEARS OF ENCROACHMENTS ON THE PART OF SPANIARDS IN CENTRAL AMERICA—CRISTÓBAL DE OLID SENT TO HONDURAS—TOUCHING AT HABANA, HE IS WON FROM ALLEGIANCE TO CORTÉS—TRIUNFO DE LA CRUZ FOUNDED—OLID AS TRAITOR—MEETING WITH GIL GONZALEZ—THE WRATH OF CORTÉS—CASAS SENT AFTER OLID—NAVAL ENGAGEMENT IN TRIUNFO HARBOR—CASAS FALLS INTO THE HANDS OF OLID, WHO IS SOON CAPTURED BY THE CAPTIVE—DEATH OF OLID—RETURN OF CASAS TO MEXICO—TRUJILLO FOUNDED—INTERFERENCE OF THE AUDIENCIA OF SANTO DOMINGO.

While certain of the Spaniards were settling themselves in possession of the Isthmus and parts of Central America, others were engaged in like manner elsewhere. Among the latter was Hernan Cortés, who sailed from Cuba, in 1519, for the conquest of Mexico, which was accomplished in 1521. So great was the glory of this achievement, complete details of which will be given in a later volume of this work, that fresh hordes flocked to the banner of its hero, whose further efforts toward conquest in different directions were little more than triumphal marches. On nearly every side his captains found rich provinces and populous settlements which promised flattering rewards in tributes, plantations, and submissive slaves; or their ears were filled with reports of still greater cities, still richer territories, further on. From such substance rumor blew its gaudy bubbles, which danced in iridescent hues and ever increasing size before the eyes of the conquerors, luring them on into the depths of mysterious regions beyond. Insatiate, a world apiece would scarcely satisfy them now.

[Sidenote: OUTLOOK FROM MEXICO.]

Of the several points toward which expeditions were sent out from the Mexican capital by its conqueror, the southern regions seemed in some respects the most alluring. Information came to Cortés of the high culture of the inhabitants in that quarter, of their manifold wealth, their palaces and great cities, all magnified by mystery and distance. Further than this, the possibility, nay, the certainty that Spaniards moving northward from the Panamá region would soon be in possession there if not forestalled, made delay seem dangerous. Hence it was that Oajaca and Chiapas were quickly made to open their portals; and now the redoubtable Pedro de Alvarado, second only to Cortés himself, was entering Tehuantepec to rend the veil which enfolded the Quiché kingdom, and to disclose the splendor of Utatlan.

Likewise the northern seaboard to the south of Yucatan claimed attention. This could scarcely now be called an undiscovered country, for Spaniards as well as natives poured into the conqueror's ears the sure truth of what might be expected. There were pilots whose course had led them along the coast of Hibueras, or Honduras,[XVII-1] and who charmed their hearers with tales of gold so abundant that fishermen used nuggets for sinkers. In this there was nothing startling to Cortés, however, for since his first entry into Mexico he had received such information touching this Honduras country, particularly two provinces, that were but one third true, "they would far exceed Mexico in wealth, and equal her in the size of towns, in the number of inhabitants, and in culture."[XVII-2]

These reports could not be disregarded. An expedition to this region would also be able to meet that of Alvarado, and crowned with success the two could then carry conquest onward, till sullen ocean, east, and west, and south, alone might bar the progress of their arms. Great would be also the reward in wealth and souls. Another wish, the discovery of a strait, ruled Cortés with equal strength. It was now known how short a distance lay between the two oceans, and this long narrow strip of intervening land might in some one of its many inlets hide the passage, though it was toward the north that the conquistador looked chiefly for it. The subject had been specially commended to him by the emperor. "Knowing the desire of your Majesty," writes Cortés, "to discover the secret of this strait, and the great benefit which your royal crown will derive therefrom, I shall leave all other interests and gains to follow this course."[XVII-3] As an earnest of his intention Cortés had begun to build vessels at Zacatula, on the South Sea, as early as 1522, and with these he would explore the coast northward till the passage was found, or proved not to exist. In the North Sea also fleets were prepared to coast northward to Newfoundland, and southward to the Isthmus.

The expeditions were all delayed, the first by conflagration, the others by incidents at Pánuco which for a time diverted all available forces. The latter difficulty over, Cortés reverted to his pet project, and the Atlantic fleet, which had been for several months at considerable expense waiting orders for sailing south, was now reinforced to muster six vessels fully equipped, with nearly four hundred Spaniards and thirty horses.[XVII-4]

* * * * *

So important an expedition called for a lieutenant not only brave and able, but trustworthy. Amongst the three or four thus esteemed by the great conqueror was Cristóbal de Olid,[XVII-5] before mentioned, who, owing to his prominent position under Governor Velazquez of Cuba, had been appointed captain under Cortés when he set out for the subjugation of Montezuma's empire. His devotion, courage, and ability had made him a favorite, and at the fall of Mexico he had been rewarded with an ample share of the treasures and encomiendas. While lacking in sincerity and depth of thought, and being less fit for the council, he possessed qualities which made him an admirable executive officer. He was at this time about thirty-seven, of powerful physique and stentorian voice, which contributed not a little to his success as a leader.[XVII-6]

Several of the old campaigners, but lately ensconced in snug plantations where they were enjoying a post-bellum repose, were called to aid Olid. This they did, though not always consenting with cheerful faces. Among the number was Captain Briones, a turbulent fellow, who had brought some scars from the wars in Italy, and, after airing his profane vocabulary as commander of brigantines during the siege of Mexico, had nursed a hatred against Cortés for services that he fancied to have been ill paid.[XVII-7] Two priests were added to the expedition.

[Sidenote: DEPARTURE OF OLID.]

Olid was instructed to direct his course to Cape Hibueras, and after founding a fortified settlement to despatch the three largest vessels to Cuba for supplies, while the three smaller, under command of Hurtado de Mendoza, the cousin of Cortés, were to search for a strait as far as Darien, exploring first the gulf thereabout, that is the Bahía de la Ascension, as the instructions read, from which "many pilots believe a strait to lead into the other sea." The fleet left San Juan de Chalchiuhcuecan, the present Vera Cruz, January 11, 1524, for Habana, where an agent of Cortés was then purchasing additional arms, horses, and stores for Olid.[XVII-8]

* * * * *

Let traitors beware of treachery. Cortés had been untrue to Governor Velazquez: by what law of compensation could he expect subordinates to be true to him? Scarcely was the fleet adrift before Briones was whispering his commander treason. And when on landing at Habana the Cuban governor, with all the hatred of foiled ambition, joined the foes of Cortés to work upon the fidelity of his captain, Olid was shaken. "Mexico by right is mine," argued the governor. "It is I who am your rightful chief, and I absolve you from the miscreant you follow. Strike out from him, as did he from me; I will furnish men and money, and the king shall know of your conduct and reward it."[XVII-9]

Ere the fleet left Cuba Olid had decided on his course. He had learned prudence, however, under his wily chief, and resolved to do nothing decisive, until he found himself strong enough, and had learned whether the country was worth the risk.[XVII-10] On landing, therefore, some fourteen leagues east of Caballos, the 3d of May, he not only took possession in the name of Cortés, but appointed the officials named by him. The papers of possession, however, bore Olid's name.[XVII-11] To the town here founded was given the name of Triunfo de la Cruz, from the day of landing.[XVII-12]

Olid was not long in openly declaring his intentions. Most of his company acquiesced; a few did not. These latter to the number of three score, under an officer named Valenzuela, after robbing the town during the absence of the men in the interior, seized one of the vessels and set sail for Mexico, but only to meet shipwreck and starvation at Cozumel Island.[XVII-13] All thoughts of searching for a strait had been abandoned, and Olid determined to hasten forward, make himself acquainted with the country, and secure possession. It was not many days before he came upon the bands of Spaniards whom we have seen there fighting each other, and Olid's presence among them tended in no wise to lessen complications.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: GIL GONZALEZ AND OLID.]

Gil Gonzalez was not in condition to meet so powerful an opponent as Olid, especially with a threatening avenger in the near west; and so he thought it prudent to retire until he might secure to his own interests at least one side by an alliance. Nor was Olid just then strong enough openly to brave a well known Spanish leader. He therefore met the advances made him by Gil Gonzalez in a friendly spirit, and sought by artful letters to lull suspicions regarding his true motives.

Surely they were not in vain, the lessons he had learned under the astute Cortés. Watching an opportunity, when Gil Gonzalez had confidingly divided his forces, he sent Briones, his maestre de campo, to surprise them in detail, while he himself prepared with another body to descend in two caravels on the coast settlements. Early next morning, as Olid awoke pluming himself over his well laid plans, a page rushed in, announcing, "Two sails in the offing, señor capitan!" Olid hastened to the shore not without misgivings that this might be a Mexican expedition, bearing perhaps his injured chief.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CASAS SENT AFTER OLID.]

It so happened that while the renegade Olid was at Habana, the royal factor, Salazar, had arrived there en route for Mexico to assume office, and learned only too clearly what was brewing. Nor was he the only one to carry the news. Cortés heard it with distended nostrils, and the characteristic swelling of his veins[XVII-14] indicated the anger which the next moment found utterance. "Villain! whom I have reared, and honored, and trusted; by God and St Peter he shall rue it!"[XVII-15] Unable to enter in person upon the determined chastisement, the general sent Francisco de las Casas, a resolute man of no mean ability, married to a cousin-german[XVII-16] of his, and therefore regarded with greater confidence. He relied also on the many warm adherents in the rebel camp who could require no very strong appeal to return to their leader. For this reason four vessels, two of them quite small,[XVII-17] and one hundred and fifty men were deemed a sufficient force to subjugate the usurper.

As the fleet approached Triunfo a boatman was captured who gave information of the state of affairs, and on entering the harbor Casas hoisted a flag of peace with the hope that friendly overtures might bring about a revolution of sentiment, among a portion of the rebels, in favor of his chief. Olid, however, who had at once suspected the character of the arrival, knew the danger of a parley, particularly since the greater part of his force was absent. Brave and resolute, he ordered his two caravels to be manned, and opened fire to prevent a landing. Finding his overtures disregarded Casas replied with equal spirit, covering at the same time the operations of the boats which he sent off. It was an original spectacle in these parts, Spaniards fighting Spaniards, in regular naval engagement; and as the hissing projectiles flew out from the smoke over the still waters, followed now and then by a crash, the noise of battle reverberating over the forest-clad hills, the dusky spectators who lined the shore should have been exceedingly grateful for this free exhibition of the wisdom and power of European civilization that had come so far to instruct them in such a fashion.[XVII-18] Presently, amidst the boom of cannon and dimly belching flames, cries of distress were heard, followed not long after by shouts of victory. Olid's gunners had found their match. One of his caravels was sinking, and the attacking boats were approaching the second. Hurriedly sounding the recall he sought the shore, with the loss of a few men,[XVII-19] sending meanwhile a boat to the victor with a proposal for truce, on condition that no landing should be effected till the negotiations for surrender were completed. Casas consents; and Ares dons the mask of Pallas. The first act of Olid on sighting the fleet had been to despatch a messenger to his lieutenant Briones, summoning him in all haste to his assistance. Time might now be gained by parley. But to the same lieutenant went another messenger from Casas with the most alluring promises for active or passive aid. And in this Casas was so far successful that Olid waited in vain for succor, while his opponent, under further prospect of support in the camp itself, lay confidently at anchor waiting the dawn.[XVII-20]

[Sidenote: OLID CAPTURES HIS ENEMIES.]

It was a golden chain of treachery thus lengthening itself from the capital of the Indies through Mexico and into the wilderness of Central America; Velazquez revolts from Diego Colon, Cortés from Velazquez, Olid from Cortés, and Briones from Olid. But what avails the cunning of man against the gods! That night a storm burst upon the harbor, and within an hour the late victor found himself, with the loss of his vessels and some forty men, upon the shore swearing allegiance to the enemy.[XVII-21] Buffeted to exhaustion by the waves, and without arms, Casas was thus fished in by the exultant Olid.

The next step was to secure the fleeing Gil Gonzalez, who was surprised at Choloma and brought to headquarters,[XVII-22] which had meanwhile been removed to Naco, a fertile and salubrious valley about twenty leagues from Caballos, occupying a central position and abundantly supplied with means of subsistence.

Olid was a generous jailer. He was haunted by none of the suspicious fear which resorted to manacles and shackles. Casas and Gil Gonzalez were treated rather as guests than as prisoners; they were given seats at Olid's own table, and allowed to share in every conviviality. They enjoyed in fact every liberty, except that of crossing the limit fixed for their movements. Finding the host so lenient Casas began to plead also for release. He wished to present himself before Cortés and justify his conduct. Olid of course would not consent. "You are too pleasant a companion for me to lose," he smilingly said to his captive. "Ah, well! your worship," Casas replied, "pray God I prove not so pleasant as some day to kill you." The prisoners had not failed to improve the opportunities which their trusting host provided, and finding that Briones held out as a rebel, they gained sufficient confidence to form a conspiracy. On a certain evening seats at table were secured for two accomplices, while near at hand were others awaiting the appointed signal. Ever a most agreeable companion, on this occasion Casas outdid himself; and had not Olid been of so unsuspecting a nature he would have seen through the veil of affectation that enveloped the conversation. When the table was cleared and the attendants had withdrawn, the conspirators exchanged glances; whereupon one of them, Juan Nuñez de Mercado, passed behind Olid, and seizing his head pulled it back, while Casas, who was seated beside him, rose and grasping him by the beard, began to slash at his throat with a pocket knife,[XVII-23] crying, "Tyrant! the earth shall no longer endure thee." Gil Gonzalez was instantly on the other side of Olid stabbing him in the breast. Yet with all their advantage they made slovenly work of it, cutting up the old hero. He was a powerful man, and in a moment had recovered himself and was hurling his assailants right and left. He called to his guard, but these were quickly secured by the conspirators. Olid made his escape, however, and sought a thicket where he fell, fainting from loss of blood. The conspirators shouted lustily, affirming that he was dead, and called on all present, in the name of the emperor and of Cortés, to rally round Casas.[XVII-24] None cared to refuse.

[Sidenote: THE DEATH OF OLID.]

Meanwhile Cristóbal de Olid, one of the proudest of Mexico's proud conquerors, felt that the knives of these assassins had been too much for him. He who had so many times faced death for mighty cause must now die of dastardly blows inflicted by countrymen. True, he was a rebel. But so was his master. And who of those present would not cast off any allegiance the moment their interests demanded it? The cold grasp of death was on him. Of what avail at this moment were the hardships endured, and the infamies so lately inflicted in the crushing of Montezuma and his people? Crawling to an Indian hut he begged shelter and secrecy, offering all his wealth for these favors, and for yet another, that a priest should be summoned. How many of this race had begged of him, and begged in vain! The owner of the hut went out upon his mission. It was almost impossible that the dying conquistador should not thereby be discovered, but to die unshriven was death thrice over. Closely upon the priest's heels like thirsting bloodhounds followed the assassins, who, now that their noble quarry was stricken, plucked up the courage to cut off his head by law. Dragging forth the dying man, a court was formed, which that night declared him traitor, and doomed him to death. As if to favor them, life lingered with the prisoner until morning, when he was brought into the plaza, his eyes half closed in death, to receive his sentence. There and then the hideous mockery was completed; and as the head was severed not one voice was heard, not one hand moved in sympathy for the gallant soldier who had so often led his men to victory, and whose hand had been as free to give as was his voice to cheer.[XVII-25]

Being now master of the situation, Casas made some necessary changes among the officials to insure the fruits of victory. Triunfo having proved unsafe, it was decided to form a settlement in a more secure harbor. Nearly four score enrolled themselves as settlers and a municipality was appointed, with the recommendation to select a site at Puerto de Caballos, if found suitable, and to name the town Trujillo, after the native town of Casas.[XVII-26] Eager to relieve the anxiety of Cortés and to consult with him, Casas did not stay to see this carried out, but selecting Juan Lopez de Aguirre, originally treasurer, as his lieutenant, aided by the new alcaldes, Mendoza and Medina, the latter also contador, he set out on his return to Mexico. A large number accompanied him, leaving but a little more than a hundred adherents of Cortés in the province.[XVII-27] Among those who went was Gil Gonzalez, too dangerous a man to leave behind, who must appear before Cortés and arrange with him as to what share in the province he might keep, if any. Meanwhile his men appear to have been left in possession of the Nito district.[XVII-28] The route taken led through Guatemala, the later highway to Mexico. On the road they came upon Briones, who fancied that his desertion of Olid entitled him to consideration on the part of Olid's enemy. But nobody liked the man, and regarding him, furthermore, as dangerous to the peace of Honduras, they took the precaution of hanging him.

* * * * *

Lieutenant Aguirre conducted his party to Caballos, as instructed, but the site did not meet with general approval, and a vessel arriving with a glowing description of Puerto de Honduras, it was decided to go there. The vessel was chartered and Aguirre went on board with nearly forty men, a number of native servants, and the stores and other articles which the party proceeding by land could not conveniently carry. When the land expedition reached the port no vessel was there. An anxious search being instituted for the possible evidence of a shipwreck, an inscription by Aguirre was found bidding the men not to grieve; he had sailed on for supplies and would soon return. The mockery of this message was only too apparent, and bitterly did they denounce the deserters who had carried off not only treasure and effects, but abandoned them on a strange shore with but scanty armament. The horses were now their main reliance. Although poorly provided they remained, and electing Alcalde Medina to the captaincy, proceeded on May 18, 1525, to found Trujillo and install officers.[XVII-29]

[Sidenote: THE SANTO DOMINGO AUTHORITIES.]

One morning, not long after, a caravel was seen approaching, and eagerly the officials set out to meet her. But it was not theirs. The audiencia of Santo Domingo had heard of the threatened collision of rival factions in Honduras, and of the fuel Casas was bringing to the flame. They were desirous that their authority should be felt in these parts. They would bend the spirit of these turbulent governors. On this occasion Fiscal Pedro Moreno, a better trader than judge, had been sent by the grand tribunal to Honduras to order away Casas, to enjoin Córdoba and Alvarado not to meddle, to impose on Olid and Gil Gonzalez the authority of the audiencia, with injunctions to peaceably occupy only that part of which they had been the first to take possession, and to surrender to the fiscal the royal fifth. To cover the expenses of the commission the chartered caravel had been loaded, for account of the crown, with arms and stores, which were to be distributed among the needy colonists at a profit. If the adventure proved successful the judges might make a part of the profit their own; if unfortunate, who so well fitted to bear the loss as the sovereign!

Medina related to Moreno the troubles of the colonists, including the desertion of Aguirre, and appealed to him for redress. He also asked for arms. Moreno offered to relieve the wants of the colony only on condition that it should transfer allegiance from Cortés to the audiencia, as agents for the emperor, and accept for captain Juan Ruano, one of Olid's officers, as had been done by Gil Gonzalez' men.[XVII-30] Pressed by necessity the colonists acquiesced. One of the first acts in connection with the transfer was to change the name Trujillo to Ascension. After a kidnapping raid on a neighboring pueblo, Moreno departed with about forty slaves, promising soon to return with a force strong enough to hold the province.[XVII-31] Hardly had his sails disappeared when the colonists restored the standard of Cortés, and sent Ruano to follow his patron, with the reminder that his moderation and efforts in their behalf had alone saved his neck.

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