VI. THE GOVERNMENTS OF NUEVA ANDALUCÍA AND CASTILLA DEL ORO
1506-1510.
TIERRA FIRME THROWN OPEN TO COLONIZATION—RIVAL APPLICATIONS—ALONSO DE OJEDA APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF NUEVA ANDALUCÍA, AND DIEGO DE NICUESA OF CASTILLA DEL ORO—HOSTILE ATTITUDES OF THE RIVALS AT SANTO DOMINGO—OJEDA EMBARKS FOR CARTAGENA—BUILDS THE FORTRESS OF SAN SEBASTIAN—FAILURE AND DEATH—NICUESA SAILS FOR VERAGUA—PARTS COMPANY WITH HIS FLEET—HIS VESSEL IS WRECKED—PASSES VERAGUA—CONFINED WITH HIS STARVING CREW ON AN ISLAND—SUCCOR—FAILURE AT VERAGUA—ATTEMPTS SETTLEMENT AT NOMBRE DE DIOS—LOSS OF SHIP SENT TO ESPAÑOLA FOR RELIEF—HORRIBLE SUFFERINGS—BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF LAS CASAS, OVIEDO, PETER MARTYR, GOMARA, AND HERRERA—CHARACTER OF THE EARLY CHRONICLERS FOR VERACITY.
The voyages of Bastidas and Columbus completed the discovery of a continuous coast line from the gulf of Paria to Cape Honduras. In 1506 Juan Diaz de Solis, a native of Lebrija, and Vicente Yañez Pinzon took up the line of discovery at the island of Guanaja, where the admiral had first touched, and proceeding in the opposite direction sailed along the coast of Honduras to the westward, surveyed the gulf of Honduras and discovered Amatique Bay, but passed by without perceiving the Golfo Dulce which lies hidden from the sea. The object still was to find the much-desired passage by water to the westward. Continuing northerly along Yucatan, and finding the coast trending east rather than west, they abandoned the undertaking and returned to Spain. Meanwhile Juan Ponce de Leon was enriching himself by the pacification of Puerto Rico, preparatory to invading the mainland to the northward in search of the fountain of youth; in which sapient attempt he lost his money, and not long afterward his life, unfortunately never finding the liquid immortality that bubbled somewhere in the jungles of Florida.
And now ten years had elapsed since Cabot and Columbus first saw the western continent, the former in 1497, the latter in 1498, and although several attempts had been made, as yet there was no European settlement on any part of it. It was not that the thirst for western spoils was by any means assuaged; but Ferdinand was busy, and the experiences of Ojeda and Columbus on the mainland were not encouraging to the most chivalrous cupidity. Returned, however, from his Neapolitan wars in 1507, his disaffected nobles somewhat quieted, and the disputes attending Isabella's succession allayed, the king began to look about him. By the queen's testament he inherited one half the revenues of the Castilian colonies. And the king wanted money. It is a royal weakness. Then he remembered what Columbus had reported of the rich coast of Veragua; and although the licenses hitherto granted for private voyages had not proved very lucrative, and expenditures at Santo Domingo were too near receipts to be satisfactory, no better way seemed feasible than to throw open to colonization the mainland, or tierra firme, as the discovered portion of the continent now began to be called.[VI-1] Further than this, Ferdinand was well aware that if he would retain his western possessions he must occupy them; for stimulated by the success of Portugal and Spain, France, England, Holland, and Sweden had all awakened to oceanic enterprise. He had before this commissioned Ojeda to watch the inroads of the English at the north, and directed Pinzon to have an eye on the Portuguese and the pope's partition line at the south; now he was resolved to break the territory into kingdoms and provinces, and apportion them for government to such of his subjects as were able and willing to colonize at their own cost.
[Sidenote: OJEDA AND NICUESA.]
When the intention of the king was known, two dashing cavaliers appeared and asked for the government of the rich coast of the Tierra Firme. One was Diego de Nicuesa, a native of Baeza, well-born and an accomplished courtier, having been reared by Enrique Enriquez, chief steward and uncle of the king. He came to the Indies first with Ovando. The other was Alonso de Ojeda, then in Santo Domingo, and already famous in New World annals, making his first appearance there with Columbus in his second voyage, and having already achieved two notable voyages to Paria, or the Pearl Coast, one in 1499 with Juan de la Cosa and Amerigo Vespucci, and one in 1502, with García de Ocampo and Juan de Vergara. The last had been made in four ships, and for the purpose of colonizing; instead of which disputes arose, and the fiery commander was seized and carried in shackles to Española. There he was tried, and a decision rendered against him, which however was overruled on appeal to the Council of the Indies; but he came out of his difficulties stripped of all his possessions.
The candidates were much alike, each being a fair type of the Spanish cavalier. Both were small in stature, though none the less men of prowess. Symmetrical in form, muscular, active, and skilful in the use of weapons, they delighted in tilting matches, feats of horsemanship, and in all those pastimes which characterized Spanish chivalry at the close of the Mahometan wars. The school in which Ojeda had studied experience, as page to the duke of Medina Celi, who appeared in the Moorish wars at the head of a brilliant retinue, was in no wise inferior to that of his rival. Their accomplishments were varied, though not specially in the direction of colonizing new countries. Not only was Nicuesa a fine musician, playing well the guitar, and having some knowledge of ballad literature, but he could make his horse prance in perfect time to a musical instrument. As for Ojeda, there was little, in his own opinion, he could not do. The more of recklessness and folly in the exploit the better he could perform it. Once at Seville, while Isabella was in the cathedral tower, out from which ran a beam, at a height so great that from it men on the ground looked like pygmies, to show the queen of what metal he was made, he mounted this beam, balanced himself, then tripped lightly as a rope-dancer to the end of it, wheeled, and lifting one foot poised himself on the other at this fearfully dizzy height, where almost a breath would dash him to destruction; then, returning, he stopped at the wall and placing one foot against it threw an orange to the top of the tower.
With such distinguished ability on either side, it was difficult to determine between them. Who so suitable to baffle miasma, poisonous reptiles, and wild beasts while dressing the institutions of Spain for the wilderness of America, as the graceful and witty Nicuesa! What a glorious missionary Ojeda would make! So moderate, so wise, so gentle, so just, both! Nicuesa had money, a necessary commodity to him who would colonize at his own cost. But then Ojeda had influence; for Fonseca was his friend, and an inquisitor his cousin. Yet Nicuesa was not without advocates at court; money alone was a powerful argument. When, finally, the veteran pilot, Juan de la Cosa, threw his experience and earnings upon the side of Ojeda, to whom he was devotedly attached, and offered himself to embark in the adventure, the king concluded to let them both go; and then it was that he divided Tierra Firme between them, making the gulf of Urabá[VI-2] the dividing point. The eastern or South American portion was called Nueva Andalucía, and of this Alonso de Ojeda was appointed governor; the western division, extending from the gulf of Urabá, or Darien, to Cape Gracias á Dios, was named by the king Castilla del Oro,[VI-3] or Golden Castile, and the command given to Diego de Nicuesa. The island of Jamaica, whence they expected to draw their supplies, was to be held in common by the two governors. Were it not so much more delightful to bargain with new suitors who have money, than to reward old servants who have none, a fine sense of decency might have prompted the monarch to give Castilla del Oro to the adelantado, Bartolomé Colon, who had assisted in discovering, and in an attempt to colonize the country, and who had little to show for his many and valuable services to Spain. But Diego Colon was determined they should not have Jamaica, and so sent thither Juan de Esquivel, as we have seen, to hold it for the governor of Santo Domingo.
[Sidenote: MAINLAND DIVISIONS.]
The mainland governors were each appointed for four years, during which time supplies were free from duties. Their outfit, with four hundred settlers and two hundred miners each, might be obtained from Santo Domingo. They were given the exclusive right to work for ten years all mines discovered by them on paying into the royal treasury for the first year one tenth of the proceeds, the second year one ninth, the third one eighth, the fourth one seventh, the fifth one sixth, and for the remaining five years one fifth. The king conditioned, moreover, that each governor should build two forts for the protection of the colonists, to whom the lands in the vicinity of which were to belong.
It so happened that the doughty little governors met at Santo Domingo, while making their final preparations. Swelling with new dignities, active and mettlesome, each desirous of obtaining as many recruits as possible, it was not long before they came into collision. First they quarrelled about Jamaica; as a supplement to which Ojeda stoutly swore that should he there encounter Juan de Esquivel, his head should pay the penalty. Then their partition line became a bone of contention, both claiming the Indian province of Darien.[VI-4] The geography of the coast was at that time but little known; their dominions toward the south were limitless, and for aught they knew larger than Spain. Although both the commanders were small corporally, in feeling they were large, and required much room. The breach thus opened was in no wise lessened by the superior success of Nicuesa, who with a deeper purse, and a government famous for its wealth, drew off recruits from his less fortunate rival. Five large caravels and two brigantines, flying the flag of Castilla del Oro, rode in the harbor. All were well equipped and liberally provisioned; and already Nicuesa mustered nearly eight hundred men and six horses, while Ojeda at his best could muster but three hundred men in two small ships and two brigantines.[VI-5]
[Sidenote: THE RIVAL GOVERNORS.]
Nettled at every turn he made about the little town, Ojeda, who was a better swordsman than logician, at length proposed to settle all scores by single combat. "Agreed," replied Nicuesa, who was equally brave yet less passionate, "but for what shall we fight? Match me with five thousand castellanos, and I am your man." Finally old Juan de la Cosa interfered to prevent bloodshed; the river Darien, or Atrato, was made the dividing line, and measures were taken to hasten departure before the fire of hot Ojeda should blaze out again.
But Ojeda was not without his little triumphs. There dwelt at this time at the capital of the Indies a lawyer, known as the Bachiller[VI-6] Martin Fernandez de Enciso, who during a successful practice of many years had accumulated some two thousand castellanos. Tempted by the offer of being made alcalde mayor[VI-7] of the new government, he was induced by the impetuous Ojeda to embark his entire fortune in the adventure. It was arranged that the bachiller should remain at Santo Domingo for some time after the departure of Ojeda, in order to obtain further recruits and fit out another ship, and then follow the governor to Nueva Andalucía.
Of Ojeda's party was Francisco Pizarro; and flitting restlessly from one heterogeneous group to another, enviously watching preparations in which circumstances prevented their participating, were other dominant spirits waiting opportunity, notably Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, tied by debt to distasteful agriculture, and Hernan Cortés, fortunately forbidden to embark by illness.
Ojeda was the first to sail, embarking November 10, 1509. Nicuesa would have weighed anchor at the same time, but was prevented by his creditors; for his success in securing followers was attended by so copious a drain of purse that not only his money but his credit was gone.
Favorable winds wafted Ojeda quickly to Cartagena, where he landed and proclaimed in loud and vaunting tones his manifesto.[VI-8] A shower of poisoned darts was the reply; a mark of disrespect from his new subjects which set the governor's blood boiling. Breathing a short prayer to the virgin, Ojeda seized a lance, and charging the natives at the head of his followers scattered them in the forest, and rashly pursued them. These were no effeminate islanders; the women fought side by side with the men, who were equal to those of Veragua, with the additional advantage of envenomed arrow-points, which, with the occasional shelter their forests afforded, made them more than a match for the Spaniards.[VI-9] This Ojeda had all to learn, and to pay dearly for the knowledge. Of seventy of his best and bravest who followed him four leagues inland but one returned. Even his staunch and veteran friend, Juan de la Cosa, after vainly attempting to dissuade his self-willed colleague from his purpose, placed himself by his side and died there. Ojeda fought like a tiger until his men were scattered and killed, and he was left wounded and alone in a marshy thicket, where several days after a fresh party from the ships found him half-dead. When warmed into life and returned to the harbor he saw entering it Nicuesa's fleet he hid himself, afraid to meet his rival in that plight. Told of this by Ojeda's men, as supplemental to their dismal tale, Nicuesa's anger was aroused at the unjust suspicion. "Tell your commander," he exclaimed, "that Diego de Nicuesa is a Christian cavalier who makes no war on a prostrate foe; that not only shall past feuds be buried, but he promises never to leave this spot until the deaths of Juan de la Cosa and his comrades are avenged." He was as good as his word. Landing four hundred men, he surprised an Indian village, put men, women, and children to the sword, and secured large booty.
[Sidenote: NUEVA ANDALUCÍA.]
After Nicuesa had departed on his way, Ojeda cast off from that ill-fated shore his ships, and brought them to the gulf of Urabá, where on its eastern side, near the entrance, he built a fortress, the beginning of his capital city, and called it San Sebastian[VI-10] in honor of the arrow-martyred saint, whose protection he craved from the venomous darts of his subjects. From San Sebastian, Ojeda despatched to Santo Domingo one of his vessels with the gold and captives he had taken, at the same time urging Enciso to hasten his departure, and send supplies. Meanwhile Ojeda's temper, which was as sharp and fiery as Damascus steel, made little head-way against tangled marshes and poisoned arrows. Persisting in his high-handed policy, he could do nothing with the natives, food being as difficult to obtain as gold, and his ranks rapidly thinned.
While harassed by hunger and watching anxiously the coming of Enciso and the return of their ships, the colonists descried one day a strange sail. On reaching San Sebastian it proved to be a Genoese vessel which, while loading with bacon and cassava bread at Cape Tiburon, had been piratically seized by one Bernardo de Talavera and a gang of vagabonds from Santo Domingo, who escaped with their prize and had come to Nueva Andalucía to seek fortune under the wise and happy rule of Governor Ojeda. To buy the cargo was the work of a moment, for the pirates were very ready to sell; and, indeed, had they not been, the governor would have compelled them. The poison was in his blood, which was now hot with fever, and he was in no mood for ceremony. But the relief thus obtained was only temporary. Day by day the food supply diminished. The colonists were reduced in number from three hundred to three score. And with bodily ailment came as usual mind-distempers, wranglings, ruin, and despair. Where now was the valiant Ojeda? Humiliated to the dust, as well before the savages as before the Spaniards.
[Sidenote: DEATH OF OJEDA.]
Yet he would not yield to fate without another effort, wasted and weak as he was. Giving Pijano command of the fortress, Ojeda took passage in the freebooter's ship and sailed for Santo Domingo. But his patroness, the virgin, had indeed deserted him. Shipwreck met him at Cuba, whence he crossed to Jamaica. Talavera and his gang, after the most extraordinary exertions, likewise reached Jamaica, but only to be seized by order of Diego Colon and hanged. Ojeda said nothing to Esquivel about striking off his head, but humbly took the kindly extended aid. Proceeding to Española in a caravel he found Enciso gone, and himself a bankrupt invalid. Pride, which seldom deserts a Spanish cavalier, gave way. Reduced to penury, broken-hearted, he died, begging as proof of his humility to be buried under the monastery portal, that all who entered should tread upon his grave. Farewell, daring, dashing, irrational Ojeda!
Let us now look after Nicuesa. When from the discomfited Ojeda the gallant governor of Castilla del Oro last parted, he coasted westward toward Veragua, where he purposed to plant his colony. The better to survey the seaboard, he took a small caravel, and ordered Lope de Olano, his lieutenant, to attend him with two brigantines, while the larger vessels kept farther from the shore. Thus they proceeded until reaching the Indian province of Cueba, where a port was discovered into which flowed a small stream called Pito. There they landed and said mass,[VI-11] and therefore named the place Misas.
Leaving there the largest ships in charge of a relative named Cueto, who was to receive word when to follow, Nicuesa pressed forward toward Veragua with a caravel carrying sixty men, Lope de Olano still attending in a brigantine with thirty men. A storm arising not long after, the latter took advantage of this and the darkness of the night to separate from him, impelled partly by a conviction that they were on the wrong course, partly by ambitious projects. After waiting two days in vain for his companion Nicuesa continued westward. In the search for Veragua he attempted to follow a chart drawn by Bartolomé Colon, though his pilots Diego de Ribero and Diego Martin, both of whom had been with Columbus, assured him that he had passed the place. The storm increasing, Nicuesa ran his vessel into the mouth of a large river; but when attempting to proceed after the storm he found himself caught in a trap, and his vessel on the bar amidst the breakers, the water having subsided. Unable to move the ship in either direction, its destruction was inevitable, and the men set about saving themselves. A rope was stretched to the shore at the cost of a life; and scarcely had the last person reached land when the vessel went to pieces.
[Sidenote: CASTILLA DEL ORO.]
Behold, then, the courtly Nicuesa, so lately the proud commander of a fleet, by this sudden freak of fortune cast upon an inhospitable shore, his whereabouts unknown to himself or to those in the ships, and his almost naked followers destitute of food, save one barrel of flour and a cask of oil flung them by the surly breakers! His mind was moreover ill at ease concerning Olano, whose reputation was none of the best, and who Nicuesa thought might have joined him had he been disposed. The ship's boat fortunately drifted ashore, and in it Nicuesa placed Diego de Ribero and three seamen, ordering them to keep him company along the shore, and render assistance in crossing streams and inlets. Already faint with hunger, they began their march. But whither? Still westward, but not toward Veragua. Each weary footstep carried them farther and farther from their destination. It was not a pleasant journey feeling their way through tropical forests, with such impediments as tangled jungles, hot malarious mudbeds, craggy hills and treacherous streams to block their way. Some of the party had no shoes, some no hat; sharp stones cut their feet, thorny brambles tore their flesh, and their half-clad bodies were exposed alternately to burning sun and drenching rain. They were soon glad to get shell-fish and roots to eat with their leaves. One day an arrow from an overhanging height struck dead Nicuesa's page, but fortunately the savages retired without pressing their advantage. Nicuesa's dog, seeing murder in his hungry master's eye, took to his heels and was never afterward seen. Yet greater misfortunes awaited the Spaniards. After crossing an inlet in the boat one evening, they rested for the night, and in attempting to resume their march next morning found themselves upon an island. Calling for Ribero, he was missing. Nor was the boat anywhere to be seen. It could not be possible that he had left them to die on that circumscribed and barren spot. Loudly they called, searching every inlet, and sweeping the horizon with terror-lighted eyes. It was true; they were abandoned!
It is curious to witness the effect of despair on different minds, of the near approach of that hateful means for our final suppression. Some will fight the monster; others succumb, sinking into drivelling imbecility; others calmly abandon themselves to the inevitable, even the ludicrous aspect of the case coming home to some of them, looking grimly cheerful. As elsewhere, both fools and philosophers were found among Nicuesa's crew. Some prayed and confessed, with divers degrees of accompaniment, from low lamentation to frantic raving; some cursed; some nursed their horror in sullen silence.
I shall not attempt to describe Nicuesa's sufferings while on this island. Suffice it to say that on a scanty diet of roots and shell-fish with brackish water many died, while others wished themselves dead; for the former might rot in peace, but the latter yet living swarmed with impatient vermin. And there was little satisfaction in effort, when drinking only increased thirst, and eating but kept alive despondency. Truly it was a good thing, a grand thing to adventure life to capture wild lands and rule one's fellows!
Thus weeks passed. Then like a ray shot from the Redeemer's throne a sail was seen. Men wasted to the last extremity shook off death's grip and roused themselves, stretching their long lank necks, their bony chins and glazed eyes toward the approaching vessel, which soon came to anchor before the island. Ribero was not a villain after all. Satisfied that Veragua was behind them, but unable to convince Nicuesa, Ribero won over to his views the three boatmen, left the island during the night, retraced their course and reached Veragua. There they found the colonists, with Olano bearing rule, who on the information of Ribero could scarcely do less than send his governor succor.[VI-12]
* * * * *
Leaving here Nicuesa, let us inquire concerning the other portions of his scattered colony. Two months having elapsed since the departure of the governor from the port of Misas, and hearing nothing from any one, Cueto, in whose charge the fleet was left, became uneasy, and taking a small vessel, set out in search of his commander. The only tidings he could gain were from a letter found on an island, wrapped in a leaf and fastened to a stick, which informed him that Nicuesa was well and still journeying westward. Returning to Misas, Cueto with the entire fleet sailed for Veragua; but so badly worm-eaten were the ships that he was obliged to come to anchor at the mouth of the River Chagre,[VI-13] which from the ravenous alligators that swarmed there was called by the Spaniards Lagartos. There portions of the cargoes were landed; and while attempts were made to repair the ships, one of the pilots, Pedro de Umbría, was sent in quest of the lost governor. Meanwhile Lope de Olano arrived.
[Sidenote: WOES OF NICUESA.]
Evidently the lieutenant did not in his heart desire his captain's return. For although in reciting to his comrades the circumstances of the storm, and the disappearance of the governor, with such variations as suited his purpose, with tears which would have done honor to the crocodiles thereabout, he made no effort to find Nicuesa. He affected to believe him dead. "And now, gentlemen," he said, "let no more mention be made of him if you would not kill me."
The fleet now proceeded to Belen, where the usual catalogue of disasters attends the disembarkation. Four men are drowned. The worm-eaten ships are dismantled, broken in pieces, and of the fragments huts are made on the site formerly occupied by Bartolomé Colon. Olano, after some opposition, is formally proclaimed lieutenant-governor. Raids follow; but the quibian, grown wise by experience, retires with his people, and leaves the Spaniards to shift for themselves. There being nothing to steal, they starve. Disease and disaffection follow; Olano is not happy.
Wrathful, indeed, was Nicuesa on reaching Belen. Against Olano his indignation was extreme. He charged him with wilful desertion, with felonious destruction of the ships, and with gross mismanagement. He had ruined all. Branding him as a traitor he ordered his arrest; and when some feeble attempts were made by the others to mitigate the governor's displeasure, he broke forth on them. "It well becomes you," he exclaimed, "to ask pardon for him, when you should be begging mercy for yourselves!"
But of what use were oaths and bickerings? Of his gallant company half were dead, and the less fortunate remainder lived only to suffer yet awhile before following. Of all the men who came from Spain, proud Nicuesa lost the most, having most to lose. Of all New World woes, Nicuesa's woes were greatest; the half of what thus far has been words cannot tell, and the worst part is yet to come.
[Sidenote: NOMBRE DE DIOS.]
Now that the rich Veragua was reached, the Golden Castile of greedy anticipations, what then? The gold with which to load the ships was wanting; the ships with which to bear away that gold were almost all destroyed. The fertile soil was marshy, the spicy air malarious, the redundant vegetation yielded little food for man. Sallow-faced skeletons of men clamored their distress. Death was busy enough, so Olano's life was spared, though his badge of office was exchanged for fetters. Even foragers perished for want of food; every member of one band died from eating of a putrescent Indian. The governor grew peevish; his generous temper was soured by misfortune. The colonists complained of his harsh treatment and indifference to their sufferings. And they said to him: "The fates are against us here; let us abandon this place." "Oh, very well!" snarled Nicuesa. Leaving Alonso Nuñez, with the dignified title of alcalde mayor, and a few men to harvest some grain planted by Olano, the colonists embarked in two brigantines and a caravel, built of fragments of the broken ships, to seek some healthier spot. After sailing eastward some twenty leagues, a Genoese sailor named Gregorio addressed the governor: "I well remember, when with the admiral in this vicinity we entered a fine port where we found food and water." After some search the place was found, the Portobello of Columbus, and an anchor dropped there by the admiral was seen protruding from the sand. Landing for food, the Spaniards were attacked and twenty killed; indeed, they could scarcely wield their weapons so weak were they. Faint and disheartened they continued their way about seven leagues farther, when approaching the shore Nicuesa cried out: "Paremos aquí en el nombre de Dios!" Here let us stop in God's name! They found anchorage, the place being the Puerto de Bastimentos of Columbus. The companions of Nicuesa, however, ready in their distress to seize on any auspice, took up the cry of their commander and applied the words Nombre de Dios[VI-14] to the harbor which they then entered, and which name to this day it bears.
Here another attempt was made to locate the government of Castilla del Oro. Disembarking, Nicuesa took formal possession, erected a fortress, and began again his necessary though suicidal policy of foraging. The natives retired. The malarious atmosphere wrapped the strangers in disease and death. The caravel was sent back to Veragua, and Alonso Nuñez and the remnant of the colony brought away. The vessel was then sent to Española for supplies, but neither ship nor crew were ever afterward heard from. Meanwhile Nicuesa and the remnant of his luckless company made a brave stand, but all of no avail. Long since fate had decreed their destruction. It was not possible in their present condition to live. Reptiles as food became a luxury to them; the infected sunlight dried up their blood; despair paralyzed heart and brain; and to so dire extremity were they finally reduced that they were scarcely able to mount guard or bury their dead.[VI-15]
In my bibliographical notices thus far I have had occasion to make mention more particularly of original documents referring to individual episodes. I will now say a few words concerning the early chroniclers, Las Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, and Gomara, and of the later and more general writer, Herrera. On these, the corner-stones of early Spanish American annals, the fabrics of all who follow them must forever rest.
[Sidenote: THE WRITINGS OF LAS CASAS.]
The lives of Las Casas and Oviedo constitute in themselves no small portions of their respective histories. Both came to the New World, and each took an active and prominent part in many of the matters of which he wrote. They were nearly of an age; the former being born at Seville in 1474, and the latter at Madrid in 1478; but Oviedo did not come to America until 1514, being with Pedrarias Dávila when he went to govern Darien, while Las Casas took up his residence under Ovando at Española in 1502. Las Casas was an ecclesiastic whose life was devoted to befriending the Indians, and he did not leave America for the last time until 1547, after half a century of most humane service; Oviedo was a cavalier who sought to better his broken fortunes by obtaining through his influence at court the office of veedor de las fundiciones del oro de la Tierra Firme, supervisor of gold-melting for Tierra Firme, which office he held throughout his connection with the affairs of the continental Indies, until 1532. Both were influential men at court, Las Casas being quite intimate with young Charles, while Oviedo had been mozo de cámara, or page to Prince Juan. Both made frequent trips between Spain and America; Oviedo crossed the Atlantic twelve times, Las Casas even more.
Las Casas was as able an annalist as he was reformer. His greatest work, Historia de las Indias, was begun in his fifty-third year, and completed in 1561, five years before his death. It was extensively copied and used in manuscript, but was not printed until 1875-76. Though consisting of five volumes, it comprises but three decades, or books, and brings the history of the New World down only to 1520. It was the author's original intention to have continued his work through six decades, which would have brought it down to 1550, and hence have included his important experiences in Guatemala, Chiapas, and Mexico. Next to the general history of the Indies stands the Apologética Historia, comprising a description of the country and the customs of the people, and written to defend the natives against the accusation that they lacked system in their societies, not having reason to govern themselves. His first printed work was issued in Mexico in 1546; it was entitled Cancionero Spiritual, and was dedicated to Bishop Zumárraga. At Seville, in 1552, was published, in one volume 4to, Breve relacion de la destruccion de las Indias Occidentales, and other tracts of a similar nature; such as his Controversy with Sepúlveda; his Thirty Propositions; Remedies for the Reformation of Indies; Rules for Confessors; a treatise proving the sovereign empire and universal authority which the kings of Castile and Leon have over the Indies, etc. This collection was put in print in Latin, French, Italian, German, and Dutch, some of the translations appearing in several editions. The Controversy with Sepúlveda was issued separately. Juan Antonio Llorente printed at Paris in 1822 a Coleccion de las Obras del Obispo de Chiapa, 2 vols. 8vo, which was published the same year in French, under title of Œuvres de Don Barthélemi de las Casas. The collection comprises several of his less important works; the French translation is remarkably free, the author being at times quite lost sight of, and several new pieces of doubtful origin are added. As a writer, Las Casas is honest, earnest, and reliable, except where his enthusiasm gets the better of him. His learned opponent and arch-enemy, Sepúlveda, pronounces him most subtle, most vigilant, and most fluent, compared with whom the Ulysses of Homer was inert and stuttering. He was not only a thorn in the flesh of evil-doers, but by his persistent and stinging effrontery he often exasperated mild and benevolent men. But whatever his enemies may say of him, and they are neither few nor silent, true it is that of all the men who came to the Indies he almost alone leaves the furnace with no smell of fire upon him.
[Sidenote: GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE OVIEDO Y VALDÉS.]
Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés was of the noble family of Oviedo in Asturias. In early childhood, before entering the service of Prince Juan, he was with the duke of Villa Hermosa. While watching the fall of Granada he met Columbus, and afterward witnessed his triumph at Barcelona. After the death of his young master in 1497, who in fact was of his own age, Oviedo went to Italy, where art and science were enlivened by war, serving under Frederico of Naples, and sometimes jewel-keeper to Queen Juana. Married at Madrid, in 1502, to the beautiful Margarita de Vergara, whom he lost in childbirth ten months after, he plunged into the excitement of war, serving as secretary to Córdoba in the French campaign. Marrying again, he hovered about the court until, in his thirty-sixth year, his dwindling fortunes sent him with Pedrarias to Darien, in the capacity before mentioned. His doings there will be told in the text of this history; suffice it to say here that most of his time there was spent in broils with the governor, beside which he had to endure the loss of his wife and child, imprisonment, and the dangerous wound of an assassin's knife. But, obtaining at last the appointment of Pedro de los Rios in place of Pedrarias, and for himself the governorship of Cartagena, which office, however, he never exercised, after three years' further residence in Tierra Firme, this time in Nicaragua, he returned to Spain in 1530, spent two years in arranging his notes, resigned his veeduría, and received the appointment of Cronista general de Indias. In the autumn of 1532 he went to Santo Domingo, and although appointed the following year alcalde of the fortress of Santo Domingo, the remainder of his life was passed chiefly in literary work. After an eventful life of seventy-nine years he died at Valladolid in 1557, while engaged in the preparation for the press of the unpublished portion of his history. Throughout the whole of his career Oviedo seems to have devoted every spare moment to writing. Even before he was appointed royal chronicler he was an indefatigable collector of material. He was well acquainted with the prominent persons of his time, and few expeditions were made without adding to his store. Want of discrimination in the use of authorities is more prominent in his writings than want of authorities. Of twelve literary efforts but one, beside those relating to America, found its way into print. He formed the plan of writing about the New World long before he first crossed the ocean, and actually began his history, according to José Amador de los Rios, before 1519, keeping open the general divisions for additions to the day of his death. After his return from the second voyage to Darien he wrote at the request of the king, and chiefly from memory, as his notes were at Santo Domingo, De la Natural Hystoria de las Indias, printed at Toledo in 1526. This work was republished by Barcia, Historiadores Primitivos, i., translated into Italian by Ramusio, Viaggi, iii., and garbled by Purchas in His Pilgrimes, iv. 5. This, it must be borne in mind, is totally distinct from the Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Islas y Tierra-Firme del Mar Océano, por el Capitan Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, primer cronista del Nuevo Mundo, and which alone admits the author to the first rank as a historian. The General History was originally divided into three parts, containing in all fifty books. The first part, comprising nineteen books, with the preface and ten chapters of the fiftieth book—not 20, 21, or 22 books as different bibliographers state—was published during the author's life at Seville in 1535, under the title Historia General, etc., and republished at Salamanca in 1547 as Hystoria General. This rare issue contains in several places a few columns of additional matter which have not escaped my attention. An Italian version of the same parts was published by Ramusio in his Viaggi, iii.; the first ten books were translated into French and published as Histoire Naturelle, etc., Paris, 1556; the twentieth book, or the first of the second part, was published separately at Valladolid in 1557 as Libro XX., etc. Thirteen chapters of Book XLII., relating to Nicaragua, were published in French by Ternaux-Compans, Histoire du Nicaragua, in his second series of Voyages, iii., Paris, 1840. Finally, the fifty books complete were beautifully and accurately printed at Madrid in four folio volumes, with plates, by the Real Academia de la Historia in 1851-55. The editor, José Amador de los Rios, gives in an introduction the best notice of the life and writings of the author extant. Oviedo was not a learned man like Peter Martyr, and it is doubtful if a further insight into the books of the day would have made him any wiser; yet a man who could dictate the natural history of a new country without his notes cannot be called illiterate. He knew Latin and the modern languages; but his familiarity with Latin was not sufficient to prevent an unpleasant parade of it. Nor did he possess the genius or practical sagacity of Las Casas; yet his extraordinary opportunities were not wholly wasted, nor did life at court, political quarrels, or gold-gathering at any time wholly stifle his ambition to achieve the useful in letters. Oviedo was a fair example of the higher type of Spaniard of that day; he was intelligent, energetic, brave; but cold, unscrupulous, and cruel. And this is true, without going full length with Las Casas in his fiery fanaticism when he says:—"Oviedo should regret what he has written of the Indians; he has borne false witness against them; and has calumniated them in every way.... He should have inscribed on his title-page, 'This book was written by a conqueror, robber, and murderer of the Indians, whole populations of whom he consigned to the mines, where they perished'.... His work is as full of lies as of pages." To which sentiment I by no means subscribe. Probably no kind of work, however thoroughly and conscientiously done, is more open to criticism, is more certain to be criticised on every side, than contemporaneous history from facts for the first time gathered, and from many and conflicting witnesses. Ternaux-Compans says well:—"Oviedo n'est pas exempt des préjugés de son temps contre les Indiens, mais après tout, ce qu'il dit se rapproche plus de la vérité que les peintures fantastiques de l'évêque de Chiapa, qui veut retrouver l'âge d'or même chez les nations les plus féroces." Both of these authors, Las Casas and Oviedo, wrote in the heat of the engagement of the abnormal and ill-understood scenes passing under their immediate notice. What they wrote was certainly true to them; it is our business to analyze and sift, and make their records true to us. In the showy criticisms of these and a kindred class of authors we see generally something brought in about style and arrangement. The latter is always bad, and the index worse than none; but critics should find something better to do than find fault with the words and their arrangement of these old fighting chroniclers. Of course their style is bad, abominable; but who cares for style in them? One wants only the facts. Their books are not made to be read, but to be used. Rios seems to entertain a proper appreciation of the matter when he writes:—"Mas ya fuera porque procurase dar á su lectura aquella diversidad, tantas veces por él apetecida, ya porque la misma fatiga é irregularidad con que recibia los datos, le impidiese someterlos á un plan maduro é inalterable; es lo cierto que la crítica de nuestros dias, al par que aprecia y agradece tan interesantes inquisiciones, echa de menos cierta cohesion y armonia en la exposicion de las costumbres de los indios, no hallando mayor enlace en la narracion de los descubrimientos y conquistas, que ni se refieren siempre en órden cronológico, ni guardan entre sí la conveniente relacion para que pueda comprenderse sin dificultad su influencia recíproca."
[Sidenote: PETER MARTYR'S WORKS.]
While the Protector of the Indians and the First Chronicler of the New World were thus gathering and recording historical data in the several parts of America, one of the most learned men of Europe, Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, or latinized Anglerius, commonly called Peter Martyr, was collecting similar facts in Spain, and recording them, copiously diluted with the philosophy of the day, in the form of ten-year epochs, constituting in the end a series of decades. The duchy of Milan was the early home of this chronicler, and 1457 the year of his birth. His family was of noble descent, and originally of Anghiera. Going to Rome in 1477 to finish his education, he became so conspicuous for learning and eloquence that ten years later the Spanish ambassador invited him to try his fortune at the court of the Spanish sovereigns. By them he was graciously received, especially by Isabella, who wished to occupy him in the instruction of the young nobles of Castile. The ardent Italian must have a taste of war, however, before settling into permanent sagedom; so he fought before Baza, and laid not down the sword till the city of the Alhambra fell. Then he became a priest, and turned toward pursuits more in keeping with his natural bent and erudition. He opened various schools of learning, which youth of quality made it the fashion to attend. Having risen into high consideration at court, in 1501 he was sent by the crown on missions to Venice and Cairo, in which he acquitted himself creditably, and wrote on his return the De Legatione Babylonicâ, an account of Lower Egypt in three books. On Ferdinand's death he was appointed by Jimenez ambassador to the Sultan Selim, but refused the honor on account of his age; and afterward he did not find Charles less inclined to acknowledge his merits. During the three years following his return from Egypt he was appointed prior of the cathedral of Granada, and by the pope apostolic prothonotary, and in 1518 he took his seat in the Council of the Indies. His life was one of rare industry, in which he gathered and disseminated much knowledge, and which gained him the respect of princes; his death occurred in 1526, in the 69th year of his age, and he was buried in his cathedral at Granada. Peter Martyr is the author of at least two great works, viewed historically. They are written in Latin, of anything but Ciceronian ring, for patristic is to the patrician Latin as the 'Frenche of Stratford atte Bowe' is to the French of Paris. Of these his two notable works the chief is De Orbe Novo, an account of the New World and its wonders, in eight decades, or books. The first, and the first three, of these decades were published at different times during the author's life, but the eight decades complete did not appear before 1530, when they were printed at Alcalá under the title De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis Protonotarii Cæsaris senatoris decades. Three of the decades translated into English by R. Eden were printed in 1555, and reprinted in 1577, with another decade added by R. Willes. The best complete edition of the eight decades, in their original Latin, next appeared in Paris, published by R. Hakluyt, 1587. Indeed, beside the edition of 1530, this is the only complete original edition of the De Orbe Novo. In 1612 appeared the work entire in English, the result of the 'Industrie and painefull Trauaile of M. Lok Gent.' This has been included in a supplement to Hakluyt's Voyages, London, 1812. Beside these important editions, partial translations, extracts, and compilations have appeared at various times and in various languages. In 1534, at Venice, in Italian, were published, in three several parts, summaries of the history of the Indies taken from Peter Martyr, Oviedo, and others. The other of the two works alluded to is a collection of Peter Martyr's letters, in Latin, which brim with notices of contemporary events, and run from 1488 to his death. Two editions of these collected letters were published, the first at Alcalá in 1530, the second at Amsterdam, by the Elzevirs, in 1670. The title runs thus—Opus Epistolarum Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis, etc.; a translation of the letters has never been published. So confused, misdated, and interposed are the epistles that Hallam expressed his disbelief in any connection whatever between actual and ostensible dates and service. But the De Orbe Novo may be regarded equal in authority to the relations of the eye-witnesses Las Casas and Oviedo. Peter Martyr was the first of the chroniclers to write and to publish on the New World, his decades beginning to appear about the time Oviedo first went to the Indies. Immediately Columbus set foot on shore, on his return from the first voyage, the eloquent and philosophic scholar began to question him and those who came with him, and to write, and he never ceased writing until death stopped him. There was so much for a man of his mind to think and talk about. For a time after this marvellous discovery the learned and intelligently curious lived in a ferment concerning it. It was to some extent the revolutionizing of science and philosophy. The lines of tradition were snapped; the cosmos had lost its continuity. Peter Martyr, a grave man of broad and deep capabilities; well situated for procuring information, meeting daily, many of them at his own table, those who had returned from the Indies—discoverers, conquerors, explorers, sailors, priests, and cavaliers—having access to the official letters, diaries, charts, and relations of these men, his account, I say, should be as reliable and as valuable as that of one who had actually mingled in the scenes described. In some respects it should be more so, able as he was to see with a hundred eyes instead of two, and to determine disputes more coolly and equitably. It is true his, records are marred by the haste with which they were written, and by the admitted lack of correction or revision by the author; order and method are nowhere present; mistakes and contradictions are frequent. But we have the raw material, which is far better than any elaboration. Las Casas was the first of the chroniclers to visit the Indies, and the last of the three thus far named to begin to write and publish history, which was in 1552. Oviedo began to write at about the date the history of Las Casas terminates. It was four years after the death of Peter Martyr that Oviedo was appointed official chronicler of the New World. The general relations of the three historians were antagonistic; from which their writings may all the better be brought to harmonize with truth. Of the hundreds who have made their criticisms on the writings of Peter Martyr I will mention but two. Says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., i. 32: "De los cuales cerca destas primeras cosas á ninguno se debe dar más fe que á Pedro Martir;" and Muñoz remarks, Hist. Nuevo Mundo, xiii.: "Merece indulgencia por el candor con que lo confiesa todo, por su ningun afan en publicar sus borrones, y principalmente porque tal qual es la obra de las décadas contiene muchísimas especies que no se hallan en otra parte alguna, y estas escritas con la conveniente libertad por un autor coetáneo, grave, culto, bien instruido de los hechos, y de probidad conocida."
[Sidenote: GOMARA AND HERRERA.]
Of much less importance than the preceding are the writings of Francisco Lopez Gomara, particularly his history of the Indies, which is an imitation rather than a genuine original, and of which too much has been made, notwithstanding Muñoz pronounces it the first history worthy the name. Although Icazbalceta, a high authority on the subject, gives the name Gómara, or Gómora, with the accent on the first syllable as the Peninsular pronunciation, with the remark that it is commonly called Gomára in Mexico, I have not thought best to depart from an almost universal usage. Bustamante goes out of his way to signify an accent where it would naturally fall, writing Gomára. Born in Seville in 1510, of an illustrious family—it seems exceptional to find any man of note in Spain whose family was not illustrious—and educated at the university of Alcalá, he became a doctor of both civil and canonical law, and filled for a time the chair of rhetoric. From the military life designed for him by his parents he was driven by literary tastes into the priesthood; and in 1540, upon the return of Cortés from his last visit to Mexico, he became chaplain and secretary to the marquis. From this some have inferred and erroneously stated that he spent four years in America prior to publishing his history. At Saragossa in 1552-3 appeared his La Historia General de las Indias, in two folio parts, the first general, and dealing chiefly with Peru, the other devoted to Mexico. The book was popular; and in 1553 from Medina del Campo issued another folio edition; and another from Saragossa the year following, with this difference as to the last, however, that its second part was treated as a separate work and entitled Cronica de la nueua España con la conquista de Mexico, y otras cosas notables: hechas por el Valoroso Hernando Cortes, while the first part appropriated the original title of Historia General, etc. Then appeared an edition at Antwerp, 1554, and one in which the date, 1552, is evidently spurious. The author seems to have handled government affairs too roughly; for in 1553 we find the book suppressed by royal decree, which, however, was not fully enforced, and was revoked in 1729. Barcia printed a mutilation of the two works in his Hist. Prim., ii., in 1749, and the two were again published, in a correct form, in Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, xxii., Madrid, 1852. A somewhat singular case occurred in Mexico in 1826, when was issued, in 2 volumes 8vo, Historia de las Conquistas de Hernando Cortés, escrita en Español por Francisco Lopez de Gomára, traducida al Mexicano y aprobada por verdadera por D. Juan Bautista de San Anton Muñon Chimalpain Quauhtlehuanitzin, Indio Mexicano. Publílcala para instruccion de la juventud nacional, con varias notas y adiciones, Carlos María de Bustamante, which being interpreted, at best is confused. It says that the work, written in Spanish by Gomara, was translated into the Mexican language, and there leaves it. On turning over the leaves we find the book printed in Spanish, and not in Nahuatl, as we were led to suppose. Nor does a lengthy preface by Bustamante make the matter clear in every respect. Turning to other sources, and by comparing all information, we finally learn that Bustamante and others once believed in the existence, somewhere, of a history of Mexico, by the learned and noble native Chimalpain. Probably it lay hidden in some one of the libraries or government offices about Mexico. Boturini spoke of various historical manuscripts written by Domingo de San Anton Muñon Chimalpain, some in Castilian, and some in Nahuatl. Note, in passing, the difference in the name, here Domingo, and in the title Juan Bautista. Clavigero, Leon Pinelo, Beristain, and Antonio de Leon y Gama also vaguely mentioned some work or works by Chimalpain. Bustamante claimed, at first, to have found the Mexican history of Chimalpain in manuscript, and obtained contributions of money from various sources to enable him to print a translation of it, with notes. But before the translation was fairly issued in Spanish, the editor was obliged to confess himself mistaken as to its being an original work; it was only Gomara rendered into Mexican by the learned Indian, and now translated back again into Spanish by Bustamante, the text much marred by the double transformation, but enriched by notes from both editors. There are men so uncharitable as to say that Don Carlos María Bustamante never found Chimalpain's translation, because Chimalpain never made one. I do not know. Any one of three or four ways was possible. Bustamante may have found the alleged translation of Chimalpain, and while translating into Spanish what he believed an original work, may have discovered it to be Gomara; it may have been then in type or printed, or too far advanced to stop; or it may be Bustamante, having received the money, felt bound to go on with the work, and concluded to trust to his own and Chimalpain's notes to satisfy those concerned and the public; or Bustamante may have perpetrated a deliberate fraud. This last, although he is openly accused of it by his countrymen high in authority, I can scarcely believe to be the true solution of the mystery, and rather lean to the first possibility; but I must say that Bustamante committed a serious mistake in not admitting this frankly, if true. Gomara's history was translated into Italian, and published at Rome, one edition, 4to, in 1555, and one in 1556; and at Venice, one in 8vo, 1565, one in 4to, 1566, and in 8vo again, in 1576. In French, at Paris, six editions in 8vo, 1569, 1578, 1580, 1584, 1587, and 1597, the last five reprints of the first, except slight augmentations in the last three. London furnished an English translation by Henry Bynneman, in 4to, in 1578. The prologue warns all persons against translating the book into Latin, as he was engaged thereat himself; but his Latin version never appeared. Gomara wrote well. His style is better than that of any predecessor; but while his opportunities were great, for he had culture, leisure, and access to the knowledge and material of Cortés, it is painfully apparent that his desire was greater to please the master than to present a plain unvarnished tale.
And now, after a century of writing and discussions, comes Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas as royal historiographer to gather, arrange, and embody in one general history all knowledge available at that time. It was a work needing attention; for if it were further postponed much information then obtainable would be lost. He was born in Cuéllar in 1549, and although the father bore the name of Tordesillas and the mother of Herrera, for the sake of euphony, distinction, or other unknown vagary, the son took the name of his mother, a thing not unusual then or now in Spain. At an early age we find him in Italy holding the position of secretary to Vespasiano Gonzaga, viceroy of Naples, upon whose death Herrera was so well recommended to Philip II. that, in 1596, he was made chief historiographer for the Indies. Honored also with the title of historiographer of Castile and Leon, he fulfilled the duties of both offices through portions of the reigns of the three Philips, II., III., and IV. He was likewise nominated for the first vacant place among the secretaries of state, but died before that vacancy occurred, in the 76th year of his age. As an historian Herrera has made a respectable place for himself, but his reputation rests principally, though not wholly, for he wrote much, on his Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar oceano ecrita por Antonio de Herrera coronista mayor de sv M:d d las Indias y sv coronista de Castilla, 4 vols. folio, Madrid, 1601-15. On the elaborately engraved title-page of the first volume is added, En quatro Decadas desde el Año de 1492 hasta el de 1531, which refers only to the first two volumes, as the whole four volumes consist of 8 decades, comprising general events to 1554. The first two volumes were printed in 1601, and reprinted at Valladolid in 1606; the second two volumes appeared in 1615. The work was freely translated; the first decade appearing in French, at Paris, in 1659, and with the second decade the year following, the remaining decades in 1671. A most vile translation into English was made by John Stevens and published in London, in 6 volumes, the first two in 1725 and the last four in 1726, new editions of which appeared in 1740 and 1743. There were two reprints in Spanish; one in Antwerp, in 1728, by Verdussen, without maps and otherwise faulty; and one in Madrid, 1728-30, with notes, corrections, and index by Barcia, and therefore better than the first edition, in fact the best extant. At the end of the second volume of the first edition, and as a prefix to the first volume of the Barcia edition, should appear the Description de las Indias Occidentales, with maps, translations of which were made in Latin, Dutch, and French. An attempt was made to carry on Herrera's history, and it was continued for three decades, from 1555 to 1584, by Pedro Fernandez del Pulgar, the chronicler who succeeded Solis, but it was not deemed of sufficient importance to print. The original manuscript is in the Royal Library at Madrid. Herrera was quite a voluminous writer, being author of a general history during the reign of Philip II.; of a history of Scotland and England during the life of Mary Stuart; of Portugal, and the conquest of the Azores; of France from 1585 to 1594, and of moral and political tracts, and historical, political, and ecclesiastical translations. But though all his works were highly prized for their erudition, none attained the celebrity of his History of the Indies. Even to-day he may be called chief among historians of Spanish-American affairs; not for his style, bald, and accurately prolix; nor for his method, slavishly chronological, and miserably failing in the attempt to do several things at once; but because of his massed material. His position as state historiographer gave him, of course, access to everything, and he made use of his opportunity to an extent then exceptional. At a later period in the art of history-writing his work must have been regarded as crude even for early times. But from one who lived when piety and patriotism were ranked as the highest virtues, higher than truth, integrity, or humanity, the more searching philosophy cannot be expected. Beside the faults of style and arrangement there are evidences everywhere of inexperience and incompetent assistance. Now that we have before us many of the sources of Herrera's material we can see that his notes were badly extracted, and compiled in a bungling manner; so much so that in addition to the ordinary errors, from which to some extent the most carefully executed work cannot be expected to be wholly free, there are many and serious discrepancies and contradictions for which there is no excuse, the cause being simply carelessness. Yet, for all that, Herrera's is not only the most complete, but one of the most reliable of the New World chronicles, and for this the writer merits the gratitude not alone of his countrymen but of the world.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: COMMENTARY ON THE EARLY CHRONICLERS.]
Before closing this note, I will give clearly my opinion regarding the credibility of the early chroniclers, including in that category for the present purpose all the early writers, conquerors as well as historians, such as Columbus and Cortés, Bernal Diaz, Solis, Torquemada, Boturini, and the Anonymous Conqueror; for I have been assailed by those who, to gain cheap notoriety in refuting them, have attributed to me doctrines which I have nowhere expressed or held. They who cannot build for themselves seem to think it gravely incumbent on them to demolish any structure another may rear, and with one scurrile sweep they would wipe out the work of twenty years. They are correct enough to this extent, that, if ever a building is found so frail as to fall under their attacks, it does not deserve to stand. Hence we find it the fashion in certain quarters, under cover of criticism, to repudiate the early writings, in so far at least as they interfere with cherished theory or dogmatic opinion. Spain had lately emerged from the Moorish wars with great glory, they say, and Spaniards in the New World, so long as it remained with them to tell the story, would not be in the least behind their brethren at home in this new field of fiery exploits. Hence, for their accounts, naked barbarians were gorgeously apparelled, and surrounded by stately pageantry; art, science, and literature wholly mythical were given them, and cities equal, at least, to the average of civilization were built. Instance the Tenochtitlan, the Tezcuco, the Tlacopan of Cortés and his contemporaries, which must have been pure fictions. Else where are the vestiges of the walls and gardens and palaces? There are no ruins of splendid cities, they continue with the effrontery of ignorance, no remains of aqueducts, stone carvings, and tumuli. There are some fine ruins in Central America and Yucatan, they admit, displaying no mean advancement in architectural art; but they must have been the work of Egyptians, or Phœnicians, or some other foreigners, because they resemble the ruins standing among those nations, and because no aboriginal people capable of such performance exist in America to-day. There was no human sacrifice in Mexico, because bigoted ecclesiastics in those days were apt to invest with religious significance every hieroglyph, statue, and consecrated stone. One, more virulent than the rest, himself of Indian origin and apparently jealous lest other aboriginals should outshine his Cherokee ancestry, and knowing little either of the Mexicans or their conquerors, denies the existence of a Nahua or Maya civilization and denounces every one who differs in opinion with him, on the ground that all American societies of which he knew aught were formed on one skeleton, a most earthy, red, and ignoble one, and that the conquerors, not understanding this social structure, could not correctly describe it, and therefore their statements are not to be relied on.
I can only say that I have studied these chronicles some score of years, that I have studied the monumental and literary remains of the nations conquered, that, apart from the modern writings of both those who believe and those who disbelieve, I have instituted comparisons and weighed evidence with no more desire to reach one conclusion than another, except always to arrive at the right one; and that in my own mind I am well enough satisfied as to about the measure of truth that should be accorded the respective writers of early New World annals. Others, my assistants and friends, equally earnest and unbiassed, equally desirous of reaching only the truth, and for whose convictions I entertain the highest respect, have devoted many years to the same research and with similar results. It is not my purpose, nor has it ever been, to appear as the champion of the sixteenth-century chroniclers. It is not my province to champion anything. It is a matter of profound indifference to me what these or those are proven to be, whether angels of light or devils of darkness; it is a matter of lively apprehension with me that I should estimate men and nations at their value, and deduce only truth from statements fair or false. While I entertain a distinct conception of the status of the Aztecs and Quichés relatively to other nations of the globe, I have no theory concerning the origin of the Americans, or the origin of their civilization—except that it seems to me indigenous rather than exotic; nor should I deem it wise in me to husband a doctrine on this or any other palpably unprovable proposition.
I am not prepared by any means to accept as truth all that has been said by priest and soldier. No one is readier than I to admit their frequent attempted deceptions. Navigators the world over have been notoriously untrue in regard to their discoveries, giving strange lands strange sights, stocking barren shores with boundless wealth in pearls, and gems, and precious metals, peopling the ocean with monsters, and placing islands, straits, continents, and seas wherever the gaping savans at home would have them. Many of these stories are false on their very face, being contrary to nature and to reason. Some of them are unintentional falsehoods, the off-float from imaginations warped by education, and now morbidly excited under new conditions. By bodily suffering and perils the mind was now and then reduced to the border of insanity; at which times the miracles, the visions, and the supernatural interpositions they record were real to them. But the best of the early writers wilfully lied in some things, and held it serving God to do so.
[Sidenote: WEIGHT OF EVIDENCE.]
Although the temptation and tendency was to exaggerate, to make the New World conquest equal or superior to any Old World achievement; although assertions were at the first not open to contradiction, and the sailors and soldiers of those times, returned from foreign parts, were no more celebrated for telling the truth than those of our own day, yet in the main and as a whole the writings of the Spaniards earliest in America are unquestionably true. Most of the several phases of error and misstatement are easily enough detected, the events described being either impossible or opposed to preponderant and superior evidence. For example, when Las Casas, who was conscientious and in the main correct, asserts that Manicaotex opposed Columbus at the head of 100,000 warriors in Española, we may safely put it down as exaggeration simply from our general knowledge, gained from other sources, of the aboriginal population of these islands and the adjoining continent. Here was a multitude of witnesses, European and American, whose verbal or written statements were usually subordinate to substantial facts, unknown to each other, and giving their evidence at widely different times and places. Often the conquerors fell out and fought each other to the death, writing to Spain lengthy epistles of vindication and vilification, many of which have been preserved; so that where one extolled himself and his achievements, there were a dozen to pull him down. Thus from a mass of contradictory statements, on either side of which the less penetrating are apt to linger, to the patient and laborious investigator unfold the clearest truths. He who habitually practises deceit is sure somewhere to expose himself; and the taking of evidence does not proceed far before the examiner can tell the witness more than he himself knows or remembers of the scenes through which he has passed. The native witnesses, living at the time of the Conquest and subsequently, were likewise naturally inclined unduly to magnify the glories of their ancestors and of their nation; yet to verify their statements they point to the monuments and material remains then and now existing, to manuscripts, huge piles of which it was the infamous boast of the fanatical conquerors to have burned, but of which enough have been preserved to authenticate all the more important parts of their stories; they also refer to tradition, which is worth as much, and no more, than that of other nations.
Blank assertions similar to those advanced against the New World chroniclers might with equal reason and effect be brought forward to overthrow the early records of any nation. Christ and Confucius may be denied, Homer and Shakespeare, but that does not prove they never lived. That Columbus made his seamen swear that no doubt Cuba was Zipangu, does not prove that there was in those days no Japan. Because Drake's chaplain chose to tell the most monstrous and wilful falsehoods respecting the climate, metals, and inhabitants of California; because Cook, Meares, and Vancouver sailed by the mouth of the Columbia, superciliously scourging those who had spoken of it, this does not prove the non-existence of Marin County, or of the River of the West. In such ways as these neither the truth of the one statement nor the falsity of the other is established. But, as I have observed, before us is abundant evidence, palpable and incontestable, that the early writings on America are for the most part true; and if, in the following pages, it does not clearly appear which are true and which false, then has the author signally failed in his effort. I do not in the least fear the overthrow of the general veracity of these writers until there come against them enemies more powerful with more powerful weapons than any that have yet appeared. How senselessly speculative their reasonings! Because the natives of the present day cannot tell who or whence were the authors of the carvings, or the builders of the structures upon whose ruins they have gazed since childhood, these works must forsooth have been done by foreign visitors. Europeans now and then may have found their way to America, but I find no evidence of such visits before the time of Columbus except by the Northmen; no one knows of such, nor can know until more light appears. The material relics, I fancy, will always prove a stumbling-block to those who would reject American aboriginal civilization.
That different conquerors, teachers, and travellers of various creeds and nationalities, in various pursuits, in different lands and at various times, together with native testimony, hieroglyphic writings, and traditions, to say nothing of carvings in stone and other monumental remains, should all combine, with satanic inspiration, to perpetrate upon the world one grand and overwhelming fraud is so preposterously ridiculous that the marvel is how there could be found, outside the walls of a lunatic asylum, a single individual with cool impudence enough to ask men to believe it. And yet there are several such, and they find believers. So charmed by the sound of their own voice are these captious cavillers, that they apparently do not deem it possible for such things to exist in this enlightened age as pedantic ignorance and literary fanaticism, of which they are bright examples. They do not seem to know that the petty and puerile theories which they would pass upon the simple as startling conceptions, original with themselves, are as old as the knowledge of the continent. They do not consider that before taking the first step toward proving origin, migration, or kinship by analogy, they must first dispose of the universal relationship of man, the oneness of human nature, human needs, and human aspirations, and then show how men first came upon this earth, and which was land and which water then and since. But those who thus array themselves against American aboriginal civilization and the early Spanish writers on the New World do not pretend to offer counter evidence, or to refute with reason; they rely chiefly on flat contradiction. I have yet to find among them all any approach to reasonable propositions or logical argument. They have nothing on which to base argument, neither fact nor plausible supposition. Their hypotheses are as chimerical as their deductions are false. They would have the world exercise a far more irrational credulity in accepting their hollow negations, than in believing every word of the most mendacious chronicler. And when they come to deny the presence of a native civilization upon the Mexican table-land, they betray lamentable ignorance both of the facts of history and of the nature of civilization.
VII. SETTLEMENT OF SANTA MARÍA DE LA ANTIGUA DEL DARIEN
1510-1511.
FRANCISCO PIZARRO ABANDONS SAN SEBASTIAN—MEETS ENCISO AT CARTAGENA—HE AND HIS CREW LOOK LIKE PIRATES—THEY ARE TAKEN BACK TO SAN SEBASTIAN—VASCO NUÑEZ DE BALBOA—BOARDS ENCISO'S SHIP IN A CASK—ARRIVES AT SAN SEBASTIAN—THE SPANIARDS CROSS TO DARIEN—THE RIVER AND THE NAME—CEMACO, CACIQUE OF DARIEN, DEFEATED—FOUNDING OF THE METROPOLITAN CITY—PRESTO, CHANGE! THE HOMBRE DEL CASCO UP, THE BACHILLER DOWN—VASCO NUÑEZ, ALCALDE—NATURE OF THE OFFICE—REGIDOR—COLMENARES, IN SEARCH OF NICUESA, ARRIVES AT ANTIGUA—HE FINDS HIM IN A PITIABLE PLIGHT—ANTIGUA MAKES OVERTURES TO NICUESA—THEN REJECTS HIM—AND FINALLY DRIVES HIM FORTH TO DIE—SAD END OF NICUESA.
When Alonso de Ojeda left San Sebastian for Española, he stipulated with Francisco Pizarro, who for the time was commissioned governor, that should neither he himself return, nor the bachiller Enciso arrive within fifty days, the colonists might abandon the post and seek safety or adventure in other parts.
And now the fifty days had passed; wearily and hungrily they had come and gone, with misery an ever present guest; and no one having come, they dismantled the fortress, placed on board the two small brigantines left them the gold they had secured—trust Francisco Pizarro for scenting gold, and getting it—and made ready to embark for Santo Domingo. But though only seventy remained, the vessels could not carry them all; and it was agreed that they should wait awhile, until death reduced their number to the capacity of the boats.
Nor had they long to wait; nor would their grim attendant let them put to sea without him. He had been so long domiciled with them, and had become so useful in settling disputes, adjusting accounts, and the like, that he was one of them, and one, indeed, with all the companies which attempted colonization on these pestilential shores. As they coasted eastward in search of food before steering across for Española, a squall struck the vessels, overturning one of them and sending all on board to swift destruction. Entering with the other the harbor of Cartagena, Pizarro found there the tardy Enciso hunting his colony.
Now the bachiller, beside possessing great learning, was a man of experience, all the way from Spain; a man of keen intelligence and practical sagacity, his wits sharpened by the narrow-minded legal bigotry of a sixteenth-century Spanish lawyer. He must be of exceedingly ready wit who could deceive the bachiller. It was scarcely to be expected a man of his kidney should credit the stories of Ojeda's visit to Santo Domingo, of the deputy governorship, and of the late disaster; though honest Pizarro on this occasion told only the truth, and his companions vouched for it with all the feeble force of their high-keyed husky voices. If Ojeda had gone to Santo Domingo more than fifty or seventy days before, would not the bachiller have seen him there? Indeed, to a less erudite judge than Enciso, a band of robbers on the high seas, with an abundance of gold and no bread, would call up suspicions rather of foul play than honest adventure. And back they must go. The functions of high judge should begin here and now. Was not this Nueva Andalucía? With the horrors of San Sebastian still fresh in their minds, the thought of returning there was repugnant in the extreme, and the poor wretches begged the lawyer to let them go to Española, or join Nicuesa. No. Enciso had staked his whole earthly possessions on the delightful prospect of domination, and these should not escape him. They were just the clay for his fashioning; men for whom the law was made. Whipping out his commission, which at once deposed Pizarro, the bachiller drove them back into their boat, and all embarked for San Sebastian. But scarcely had they turned the Punta de Caribana,[VII-1] when the bachiller's well-stored ship struck upon rocks and broke in pieces, those on board barely escaping with their lives. Thus the worthy bachiller was beggared; the savings from life-long pettifoggings were swept away within the hour. Still his original stock in trade, egotism and arrogance, was left unimpaired.
[Sidenote: ADMINISTRATION OF ENCISO.]
Making their way along the shore to San Sebastian, the Spaniards found their fort demolished and their houses, some thirty in number, burned. In a feeble way they began to forage again, but even Enciso saw that it was useless. The absence of food, the poisoned arrows, and the poisoned air were too much for the bravest long to contend with. "Let us leave this accursed spot," they all cried. "Whither would you go?" demanded the lawyer. One of them said:—"Once when I coasted this gulf with Rodrigo de Bastidas, along the western shore we found the country fertile and rich in gold. Provisions were abundant; and the natives, though warlike, used no poisoned arrows. Through this land of which I speak flows a river called by the natives Darien."
[Sidenote: VASCO NUÑEZ DE BALBOA.]
All eyes were turned upon the speaker. It was the hombre del casco, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, a fine specimen of the Spanish cavalier, at that time about thirty-five years of age. He was taller than Ojeda, though perhaps not stronger; there was not about him the assurance of breeding and position that Nicuesa bore; nor were there present in his features those marks of greed and brutality plainly discernible in the face of Francisco Pizarro, who stood not far from him. Strong and comely in every part, apparently, of body and mind, one to be observed with intuitive respect in a society of this kind, one to be approached with ease, but with due care; frank and manly, with a firm and winning eye and manner, yet there was about him noticeable something between shyness and reticence. Indeed, the standing of this person, since his sudden and altogether informal appearing as one of the present company had been somewhat dubious, and he seemed to regard it good taste to hold himself rather in the background. For all this there was that innate superiority about him over every one present, not excepting the erudite judge or the subsequently cunning conqueror of Peru, that could not always remain concealed, particularly amid constantly recurring vital issues.
Of the invariable poor but noble family, a native of Jerez de los Caballeros, Vasco Nuñez was reared in the service of Pedro Puertocarrero, the deaf lord of Moguer. Drawn with the crowd to the New World, upon the abrupt termination of the voyage of Bastidas, he obtained a repartimiento of Indians, and applied himself to agriculture at Salvatierra, a town of Española. Becoming embarrassed by debts, and disgusted with the plodding life of a farmer, he determined to try fortune in the new colony of Alonso de Ojeda. But how to escape his creditors was the question. Debtors were prohibited by edict from leaving the island. The town of Santo Domingo at this time swarmed with insolvent adventurers anxious to engage in new adventure, and the strictest watch was kept on them by the authorities. An armed escort accompanied every departure until well out at sea, to bring back discovered stowaways. For all this Vasco Nuñez determined to sail with Enciso. Now mark the budding of genius! Taking a large cask, such as was used in shipping stores, he ensconced himself therein, and caused it to be headed up, placed upon a wagon, and driven from his farm to the landing, where it was placed with the other stores, and finally carried on board the ship. The vessel put to sea; the tender returned to port; to the creditors was left the farm of Vasco Nuñez, while the late owner was forever safe beyond their reach.[VII-2]
When, like Aphrodite from her circling shell, the serio-comic face of the bankrupt farmer appeared emerging from the provision cask, the bachiller was disposed to treat the matter magisterially, and threatened to land the refugee from justice on the first deserted island. But as the learned judge could not be held accountable as a party to the fraud, and as he thereby gained a valuable recruit, his judicial sensitiveness was finally mollified, and he assigned to the stowaway the ordinary duties of a soldier. Nevertheless the mildly murderous threat of the lawyer was not lost upon the farmer.
Into the hearts of the desponding colonists at San Sebastian the words of Vasco Nuñez infused new life. No time was lost in making ready; and crossing the gulf, they found the country and river as he had said. Near this river of Darien,[VII-3] for so the Atrato and country thereabout was then called, stood the village of the cacique, Cemaco, a brave and upright ruler.
[Sidenote: BATTLE OF ANTIGUA.]
Enciso, who is no less valiant than wise and conscientious, determines to make this place judicially his own. Cemaco, who believes himself the legal owner, objects. Whereupon is invoked that admirable provision, the ultimate appeal; and the man of the long robe and the man of no robe at all, each after his fashion, prepare for war. Sending his women and children up the river, Cemaco posts himself with five hundred warriors before the village. Enciso, in whose person are united the combined essences of Christendom, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, concentrates all his forces, human and divine, to hurl upon the presumptuous savage. First, as is his wont in legal battles, to every soldier he administers the oath that he will not flinch before the enemy; then he invokes the powers above to aid him in the approaching contest, vowing that if victory shall be his and the town shall fall into his hands he will name it in honor of the virgin and build and dedicate a church within the town in honor of her sacred image, Antigua of Seville. Moreover, he promises that he will make a pilgrimage to her holy shrine if she will give him the victory over Cemaco; and with these preparations the battle begins. The half-starved Spaniards fight like fiends. Cemaco for a time maintains his position with firmness; but the awe-inspiring appearance of the strangers, their ship, their shining armor, their beards, the whiteness of their skin, the wonderful sharpness of their weapons, and the solemn thunder and smoke of their fire-arms soon scatter to the forest his terror-smitten people. To the unbounded joy of the conquerors the town is found rich in gold and cotton, and the adjacent fields afford abundance of provisions.
This is something like reward for toilsome missionary labors. Along the river banks, secreted in caves, are found golden ornaments to the value of ten thousand castellanos.[VII-4] The virgin's share and the king's share are set aside, and the remainder of the spoils divided among the band. Thus Cemaco's village becomes the seat of government in Tierra Firme; and to it, as the lawyer promised the virgin, is given the name of Santa María de la Antigua del Darien.[VII-5]
In good truth fortune had at length smiled upon the colonists. Captives taken in the skirmishes which followed the pitched battle were made to gather gold and work in the fields. The bachiller began a rigorous rule with a full sense of the responsibilities resting upon him as representative of the crown of Spain and of his own importance before his soldiers, and as a hero in the great work of pacification. This view of his own merits appeared to him by no means diminished after his recent success. Though small in number, this colony should be mighty in law. Poor Ojeda! How happy he might have been in the position now occupied by this mummified bundle of quiddities.
Settling themselves in Cemaco's houses, the Spaniards began to look about. First in order after his lawless raid, in the eyes of Enciso, was law. The bachiller, as we have ere this surmised, was one of those super-wise and self-opinioned men who to achieve a fall have only to attain a height. Very little law was here needed, very little government; but Enciso was a lawyer and a ruler, and little of it would not suffice him. His first edict was the prohibition of private traffic with the natives. This measure, though strictly legal, could scarcely be called politic. The hundred or so ragged piratical wretches cast on this rich and feebly defended shore wanted few decrees; and the fewer laws their ruler made for them the fewer would be broken. But, necessary or not, the alcalde mayor must issue orders, else he is no alcalde mayor. Hence other regulations followed, equally unpopular, until the colonists began to consider how best they might make a plug which should stop this great running to waste of law. Though convinced that Enciso was planning to get the gold as well as the government all into his own hands, and employ the colonists as tools wherewith to mine, and hold the savages in check, so inbred is Spanish loyalty, that even the reckless members of this crude commonwealth hesitated before committing any overt act which might forever outlaw them from their country. Better employ his own weapon against the bachiller, for law is safer than hemp for hanging even lawyers.
[Sidenote: VASCO NUÑEZ ASSUMES COMMAND.]
There was about Vasco Nuñez a plain directness of thought and purpose the very opposite of those engendered of the law's entanglements. Ever since his fortunate suggestion to cross from San Sebastian to Darien he had been regarded as the savior of the colony; and now he thought he saw open a way of deliverance from their present trouble, and so he told them. "The gulf of Urabá," said he, "separates Nueva Andalucía from Castilla del Oro. While on the eastern side we belonged to the government of Alonso de Ojeda; now that we are on the western, we are subject only to Diego de Nicuesa." Before this simple logic the bachiller was dumfoundered. Of what value was legal lore that could be so easily overturned by an illiterate adventurer? In vain he feebly argued that wherever was Ojeda's colony, Ojeda's deputy was master. The people were against him; and the opinion of the people concerning him was expressed by Vasco Nuñez when some time afterward he wrote the king regarding persons of that cloth in infant settlements: "Most powerful sire," he said, "there is one great favor that I pray your royal highness to do me, since it is of great importance to your service. It is for your royal highness to issue an order that no bachiller of laws, or of anything unless it be of medicine, shall come to these parts of Tierra Firme, under a heavy penalty that your highness shall fix; because no bachiller ever comes hither who is not a devil, and they all live like devils, and not only are they themselves bad, but they make others bad, having always contrivances to bring about litigations and villainies. This is very important to your highness' service in this a new country."[VII-6]
So the lawyer was deposed, and the cavalier elevated. Enciso gracelessly yielded his clear authority; and after much wrangling among the ill-assorted fraternity, a municipality was decided upon, and two alcaldes[VII-7] were chosen, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa and Martin Zamudio. The office of regidor[VII-8] fell among others to one Valdivia. Subsequently additional officials were chosen.
Government without law, however, proved no less ineffectual than law without government. Disaffections and altercations continued. In the administration of justice, Balboa was accused of favoring his friends and frowning upon his enemies. Some repented having crossed the gulf; some desired the restoration of Enciso; some suggested that as they were now within the jurisdiction of Nicuesa, it was his right to rule, or to name their ruler.
[Sidenote: COLMENARES COMES.]
While these strifes were raging, the inhabitants of Antigua were startled one day by the report of a gun coming from the direction of San Sebastian. Thinking perhaps Ojeda had returned, or sent supplies, they built fires on the adjacent heights in order to attract attention. Presently two ships approached, and anchored before the town. They proved to be vessels belonging to Nicuesa, freighted at Española with supplies for the colony of Castilla del Oro, and commanded by Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares. Thrown by stress of weather upon the coast of Santa Marta,[VII-9] he had there lost a number of his men; after which he entered the gulf of Urabá, hoping to find information of Nicuesa.
A quick observer and a faithful officer, Colmenares soon understood the position of affairs, and took prompt measures to secure to his governor such advantages as might accrue from profitless contentions. By a judicious distribution of articles greatly needed by the colonists, attended by wise counsels, he gained their confidence, and partly healed their feuds; so that before sailing he prevailed on them to send two ambassadors to treat with Nicuesa concerning the affairs of their settlement. The two envoys chosen were Diego de Albites, and an aspiring lawyer, hitherto overshadowed by the august presence of Enciso, called the bachiller Diego del Corral, and they were directed to accompany the ships of Colmenares in the brigantine belonging to the settlement of Antigua.
It was about the middle of November, 1510, when Colmenares entered the gulf of Urabá. Unable to gather any tidings of Nicuesa, he continued his voyage westward, searching the inlets along the coast. He would nevertheless have passed Nombre de Dios had he not seen some of Nicuesa's men in their boat, at one of the islands, seeking food. The wildest joy greeted the new arrival. It was to the colony of Castilla del Oro as a reprieve from death. Gazing sadly on the sallow faces and emaciated forms before them, the miserable wreck of Nicuesa's gallant company now reduced to sixty souls, listening to their tales of wretchedness, tears of honest sympathy fell from the eyes of the hardy sailors. With difficulty could be recognized in the leader of the hapless troop the once gay and courtly Nicuesa. Colmenares gave the sufferers food and comforted them. He told Nicuesa of Ojeda's failure, of the settlement at Antigua, and how Enciso and his company, having found a spot rich in gold and well provisioned, had fallen to quarrelling among themselves about the government, and had finally sent messengers to him, the rightful ruler, for the healing of their disputes.
To Nicuesa these words were as fresh oil in an expiring lamp. But in his enfeebled state, the sudden change from blank despair to brilliant hope played havoc with his discretion. After brief thanksgiving for deliverance, his mind became excited by dreams of boundless wealth and empire. He ordered a feast, at which he presided with insensate levity. Toward the ambassadors from the gulf he assumed a haughty arrogance, claiming supreme authority relative to all matters at Antigua, and stoutly swearing that the gold taken from his subjects of Darien should be disgorged.
Colmenares had marked the effect of Nicuesa's altered temper on his followers. He saw that disaffection was rife, and that the governor held control by a feeble thread. Showing Nicuesa the madness of his course, he explained the importance of attaching the remnant of Ojeda's colony to his own, and pointed out their strength and his weakness; he received in reply only insolent rebukes.
Meanwhile the ambassadors Albites and Corral, men whose wits were about them, were not pleased with this foretaste of Nicuesa's rule; nor did intercourse with Nicuesa's men tend in any wise to diminish their unfavorable impressions. One night they visited Lope de Olano, who for his sins was chained to a rock and made to grind corn. "Behold my condition," he exclaimed. "I have ever served my governor faithfully. I saved him from perishing, when I had but to delay his rescue to become myself the governor. This is my reward. You men of Antigua may draw your own conclusions." By others the ambassadors were informed that the chief officers of the new government were already selected: Vasco Nuñez was to be stripped of all authority, and Zamudio, as a relative of Olano, could scarcely hope to fare better. Those who had trafficked with the natives were to be severely punished. It was enough. Stealing away, they hastened back to Antigua. "A pretty mess you have made of it, with your infernal bickerings," they said to the assembled confederates. "Nicuesa will give you more of law than Enciso, and more of arbitrary rule than Vasco Nuñez and Zamudio ten times over." A few days after a messenger, one Juan de Caicedo, arrived from Nicuesa, and informed them, for their further comfort, that the governor was detained at one of the islands capturing natives, but would be with them shortly. Perceiving that his tidings were not hailed with transports of joy, and being himself embittered against Nicuesa, as were indeed almost all his followers, Caicedo swung round upon his bearings and laughed at them. "Silly señores! free and rich, you call in a cormorant to swallow your substance and yourselves." And now, as usual when folly comes home, curses flowed freely on themselves and others. The prospect of losing their gold touched them. What should they do?
Once more Vasco Nuñez offers a pertinent suggestion. "You were dissatisfied with Enciso, and questioned many of my acts. Now you fear a governor possessing all the bad qualities of your former rulers, with, perhaps, few of their redeeming traits. If calling Nicuesa was an error, is not receiving him a greater one?" Struck by the suggestion, the colonists drop their differences and unite as one man against Nicuesa, each taking a solemn oath never to serve under him. Sentries are then stationed to give notice of his approach, and measures taken to prevent his landing. After eight days pleasantly passed kidnapping among the islands, the ill-fated governor enters the harbor and comes to anchor, little dreaming of the reception that awaits him. On shore before the town he observes a company of armed men, assembled, as he supposes, to give him welcome. As he prepares to disembark, the public procurator[VII-10] advances and, to his astonishment, in a loud voice warns him on pain of death not to place foot on shore, but instantly to abandon these parts and return no more.
The colony at Antigua was at this time comparatively strong and well-conditioned; Nicuesa's followers were few, weak, and disaffected. For him to enforce authority was not possible. His mind had dwelt fondly of late on his rising fortunes, and this hostile reception was a terrible disappointment, for it was the last earthly resource. To return to the broken camp at Nombre de Dios would be to enter again the jaws of death; if he could not remain here, he certainly could not depart.
[Sidenote: ILL-TREATMENT OF NICUESA.]
Recovering in a measure, as from a heavy blow, the governor requested permission to land, promising solemnly to enter into any stipulations concerning the government which the colonists should deem just. His proposals were drowned by the shouts of the rabble; and he was warned, as he valued his life, to approach no nearer the shore. Nicuesa continued his expostulations till nightfall, when he retired with his ship a little farther from land. Returning next morning, he renewed his importunities. A change had apparently taken place in the minds of the people, for he was now permitted to land with his page. Balboa received the governor courteously, conducted him to his house, and made him a guest for the night. The affairs of the government were discussed, and an amicable understanding was arrived at by the two leaders. It was nothing less, in fact, than that one of them should be first, and the other second, in Castilla del Oro. On the following day a portion of the crew on board Nicuesa's ship was permitted to land; and Vasco Nuñez now endeavored to reconcile his comrades to the rule of the governor. It was too late. Sedition is more easily raised than allayed. Not only was Zamudio jealous of his colleague, but he well knew that under the proposed regime the odium of all the opposition would fall on him. Drawing round him the rougher element, he reminded the colonists of their oath, and pictured to them the poverty and restraint under the proposed government. So successful was he in exciting bad blood, that Nicuesa was glad to escape insult and violence by retiring to his ship. Thus encouraged, Zamudio resolved to press a final issue by capturing the governor, and dictating terms to him. The next day accordingly he placed his men in ambush near the landing, and with one companion, Pedro Macaz, appeared before the ship. Hailing the commander, he assured him that all was well, and that he now might safely venture on shore. Nicuesa fell easily into the trap. Joining the conspirators, he walked unsuspiciously with them toward the spot where the gang lay concealed. When near it Zamudio changed his tone to one of harsh insolence, "Señor Nicuesa," he said, "why do you persist in remaining here contrary to our wishes? Your presence is our ruin. We can neither accept you, nor abandon this place. You must depart instantly, or die. Take your choice." Meanwhile his minions sprang forward. Nicuesa saw it all at a glance. He was fleet of foot, and this was his only hope. So flinging off dignity, he eluded their clutches, dashed off at the top of his speed along the shore, and outstripping his pursuers, turned into the forest to hide.
When Vasco Nuñez saw the desperate plight to which Nicuesa was reduced, all the generous impulses of his nature were aroused. He hated himself for the part he had played, and cursed the sordid ambition which thus unjustly humiliated so chivalrous a gentleman. More in earnest than ever, he sought out Nicuesa in the wood; and then endeavored to excite the sympathies of the colonists, and even to intimidate them; but all was of no avail. Those there were who well knew they had gone too far ever to be forgiven.
[Sidenote: SAD FATE OF NICUESA.]
Satan now wholly possessed Zamudio. No fiend could ever invent and execute a more dastardly measure than was now proposed. With sixty men he entered the forest, seized Nicuesa, and made him swear instantly to sail for Spain, touching no port till he should reach Cádiz. Then, as if in mockery, he took from him his only serviceable ship, placed him into the old brigantine, now rotten and unsafe, which had been in use at Veragua, and sent him forth with seventeen men and a few devoted members of his household. It was in March, 1511, that the so lately proud and gallant Nicuesa was thus driven from Antigua, and neither he nor any of that ill-fated company was ever afterward heard from![VII-11]
VIII. FACTIONS AND FORAGINGS IN DARIEN
1511-1513.
THE GARRISON AT NOMBRE DE DIOS—SUBTLE DIPLOMACIES—VASCO NUÑEZ ASSUMES COMMAND—ENCISO, HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS—THE TOWN AND THE JAIL—RIGHTS OF SANCTUARY—VALDIVIA'S VOYAGE—ZAMUDIO'S MISSION—EXPEDITION TO COIBA—CARETA GIVES VASCO NUÑEZ HIS DAUGHTER—PONCA PUNISHED—JURA, THE SAVAGE STATESMAN—VISIT OF THE SPANIARDS TO COMAGRE—PANCIACO TELLS THEM OF A SOUTHERN SEA—THE STORY OF VALDIVIA, WHO IS SHIPWRECKED AND EATEN BY CANNIBALS—VASCO NUÑEZ UNDERTAKES AN IMPIOUS PILGRIMAGE TO THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DABAIBA—CONSPIRACY FORMED BY THE NATIVES TO DESTROY ANTIGUA—FULVIA DIVULGES THE PLOT—DARIEN QUIETED—VASCO NUÑEZ RECEIVES A ROYAL COMMISSION—SERIOUS CHARGES—VASCO NUÑEZ RESOLVES TO DISCOVER THE SOUTHERN SEA BEFORE HE IS PREVENTED BY ARREST.
Thus far the first decade of disaster along Tierra Firme; thus far the discovery of Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1501; the ineffectual attempt of Columbus at Veragua in 1502; the failure of the impetuous Ojeda, and the death of the veteran pilot, Juan de la Cosa; the founding of Nombre de Dios and Antigua; the destruction of the superb armament of Diego de Nicuesa, and the sad fate of its commander. Meanwhile we behold evolved from the factions of Antigua two notable characters, Francisco Pizarro and Vasco Nuñez de Balboa. We will now further observe society in Darien, and the attempts of the Spaniards to govern themselves and pacify their neighbors.
When Diego de Nicuesa embarked to assume command at Antigua, he left in the fortress of Nombre de Dios a small garrison under Gonzalo de Badajoz, with Alonso Nuñez de Madrid as alcalde. Their provisions falling low, and expected relief failing them, like ill-mannered wolves they fell to fighting over the little remaining food, and but for the opportune arrival of Colmenares, civilization at Nombre de Dios would soon have found a miserable ending. To the proposal to join their countrymen at Antigua, they eagerly assented, and embarked without delay in the two brigantines sent for the purpose. Lope de Olano was released, and subsequently rose high in the esteem of Balboa. Thus the settlement of Antigua, after the departure of the hapless Nicuesa, comprised all that was left of the two colonies of Nueva Andalucía and Castilla del Oro, and numbered about two hundred and fifty men.[VIII-1]
The final disappearance of the two commanders by no means allayed the discords of the colony. Factions assumed broader dimensions than ever. A band of two hundred and fifty bears, after accomplishing the duties of the day, would sensibly stretch themselves under the welcome covert; but intellectual and moral beasts are, by reason of their superiority, doomed to the eternal curse of government; nor does it make much difference as to the quality or quantity of the herd; fools will fight for domination all the same.
[Sidenote: DEEP DIPLOMACIES.]
Zamudio, followed by the gang that had driven out Nicuesa, claims preëminence as a reward for his villainies. Enciso, the learned and disinterested representative of the higher orders of mastership, earthly and heavenly, never fails to keep the high and holy law spread before these misguided men. Vasco Nuñez keeps his own counsel; but he feels within himself that neither Zamudio nor Enciso shall rule Antigua. All he need do is to continue as hitherto to turn against his opponents their own weapons. The lawyer he vanquishes with law; the ruffian, by giving him a rope wherewith to hang himself. In the present instance, like a skilful tactician, he separates his antagonists and opposes one to the other. Calling Zamudio aside, he makes evident to him the necessity, if he would continue a municipal government, of withholding all power from the bachiller. Having no intention of relinquishing the sweets of office, for which he has risked so much, Zamudio lends a willing ear. The lawyer must be quieted, but lawfully. High-handed measures may be employed, but only exceptionally. The law is too useful a weapon to be flung aside by intelligent knaves. So the two alcaldes put their heads together and frame charges to fit the occasion. Enciso is accused of wilful usurpation of authority, of assuming the duties and exercising the functions of alcalde mayor without license from the king—grave charges, truly, emanating from so scrupulous a society. The lawyer's skill at pleading avails him nothing. He is convicted, his property confiscated, and himself cast into prison.[VIII-2] He is not long kept in confinement, however, but is set free on giving a promise immediately to leave the country.[VIII-3] Thus one of the two ambitious Cæsars is out of the way; but how dispose of the other? Again Vasco Nuñez draws Zamudio aside and expresses a fear that the enraged bachiller, once in Spain, will stir up the king against them, and enter false statements before the tribunal of the Indies regarding the quality of justice dispensed by the alcaldes of Antigua. "Would it not be well," continues Balboa, "for one of us to accompany the bachiller? and thus, while misrepresentations may be promptly refuted, we may at the same time secure our government upon a more substantial basis." Zamudio sees this necessity, and is finally induced to accept the commission. Thus Vasco Nuñez is left to reign alone; and every effort is made by him firmly to secure his government. While cementing his friends, he conciliates his enemies; above all he strives to deal justly by everybody, and with fair success. By caring for their comfort and exercising strict impartiality in the division of spoils, he wins the hearts of the fighting men. Even Oviedo, who was not friendly to Balboa, says: "No chieftain who ever went to the Indies equalled him in these respects." And yet, beneath the accumulating honors the recipient sits not wholly at ease. "No one need hope to rule this land," writes Vasco Nuñez to the king, "and sit or sleep; for if he sleep, he will never wake. Day and night I think only of your Majesty's interests. In every battle I lead my men, and with truthful example, and kind treatment of the natives, seek to bring into favor your Majesty's government in these parts."
It must not be supposed that the settlers were idle all this time, or that the natives, or their gold, were neglected. The town had grown in size and importance since the driving out of Cemaco. Streets had been regularly laid out round a plaza,[VIII-4] or public square, common to all Spanish towns, and a church and religious houses established, for priests had come hither with the rest.
[Sidenote: ENCISO AND THE ALCALDES.]
While Enciso made ready for departure, Bachiller Corral, Captain Badajoz, and others, enemies of Balboa, improved the time by secretly making specifications of both the alcaldes' errors, and by instigating others to assist in criminating the rulers. These charges were to be delivered to the king by Enciso. Hearing of it, the alcaldes seized the ringleaders and confined them in a pen,[VIII-5] the municipal jail, situated in the middle of the plaza. But the prisoners escaped from the cage to the Franciscan monastery, and, claiming the protection of the sanctuary,[VIII-6] they were finally discharged.
Valdivia, the regidor, was Balboa's friend; before leaving the Salvatierra plantation they had been warmly intimate. Supplies were needed, and Enciso and Zamudio required passage to Spain. Taking, therefore, a small vessel, and placing in Valdivia's hands a large amount of gold,[VIII-7] Vasco Nuñez sent him to Española, with instructions to buy the good opinion of Diego Colon the governor, and Pasamonte[VIII-8] the king's treasurer, and bring back recruits. The regidor was fairly successful. He set forth the wealth of Tierra Firme, and the important services of Vasco Nuñez in glowing colors, and obtained from the governor a commission authorizing Balboa to act as his lieutenant in those parts. He begged for his friend Pasamonte's influence with the king; but Enciso was active there with opposing influence.
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Meanwhile Balboa was haunted by thoughts not of the happiest. He well knew how precarious was his tenure of position. Nicuesa's wrongs were ever before him. Though not the chief criminal in that affair, he knew he was criminal enough. Yet before the deed was done, and since, he had striven to make amends. "Once, twice, three times," writes he to the king, "have I sent aid to Nicuesa's men, and saved them when dying at the rate of five and six a day." Then, too, he must confess having treated poor Enciso somewhat shamefully; and the bachiller was stronger where there was more strength in the law; while Zamudio was not the same before the king as before his Antigua ruffians. There remained only one course. Action was the word. If he would play the great man, and rule others, he must bestir himself to something nobler than political strife and demagogy at Antigua. Gold would help him; he thoroughly appreciated the weakness of officials in that direction; but a notable adventure, a great discovery, were better. At all events, upon whatever he should decide, he must act immediately, before being deprived of his present modicum of authority.
First of all, he would begin his career of greatness by assuming to be great. One is never nearer the truth than when one puts on humility and curses one's self for an ass. Without offensive ostentation he assumed becoming forms of dignity, took upon himself the title of governor, appointed officers, and drilled soldiers in the tactics of Indian warfare.
[Sidenote: BATTLE WITH CEMACO.]
Some twenty leagues westerly from Antigua, adjoining the lands of Cemaco, was an Indian province called Coiba, of which Careta[VIII-9] was chief. The governor, being informed that Careta was rich in gold and maize, despatched thither a small company under Pizarro, whom he had made captain. They were hardly on the march before Cemaco was encountered, at the head of four hundred men, all fired, like their chief, with ever-living rage. Never for an hour since the strangers landed to seize their homes had the eyes of the savages been removed from them. It was hopeless to fight, naked as they were; yet for what had they to live, with houses and lands and all their property taken from them? The mode of warfare, too, was against the natives; they did not fight here, as at San Sebastian, with poisoned arrows shot from behind rocks and trees, but engaged in hand-to-hand conflict, opposing their defenceless bodies to the steel weapons of the Spaniards, on whose coats of mail their darts and clubs fell harmless. A fight ensued nevertheless, and fiercely it was waged. It is somewhat difficult to believe Herrera when he says that Pizarro had with him but six men, who, when the four hundred closed with them, eviscerated one hundred and fifty savages, and put the remainder to flight. Hastening back to Antigua, leaving one man wounded on the field, Pizarro stood before the governor exhausted and bleeding. Balboa's anger at the desertion overpowered for a moment his admiration for the desperate courage displayed by the little band, and turning to Pizarro, he said sharply, "Go instantly and bring me Francisco Hernan, and, as you value your life, never again leave one of my soldiers alive upon a field of battle." Pizarro departed, and soon returned with his disabled comrade. Balboa immediately placed himself at the head of a hundred men, and started in pursuit of Cemaco, determined to extirpate the tribe; but, after ascending the river for some distance and finding no enemy, he abandoned pursuit. Scarcely had he returned, when the two brigantines sent to Nombre de Dios for the remainder of Nicuesa's men made their appearance at Antigua. They brought no news of Nicuesa, greatly to the disappointment of Balboa, who would now gladly have fortified himself in a less elevated position, and placed Antigua under the banner of the lawful governor of the territory.
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION AGAINST CARETA.]
Fresh accounts of the wealth of Coiba, by this arrival, soon dispelled the governor's misgivings, and turned his thoughts in other directions. It seems that as the vessels were returning from Nombre de Dios, they touched the shore of Coiba; and while there were greeted by two painted savages in plain Castilian. The riddle was solved when the men told them they were gentlemen renegades, escaped from Nicuesa's colony for fear of punishment for misdemeanor. After long and dangerous wanderings in the wilderness, they had thrown themselves, half-dead, upon the mercy of Careta, who received them with gentle courtesy, bestowing food and every kindness, which they were now ready to requite by betraying to the Spaniards the cacique's treasures, for he was very rich.
To this act of treachery the Spanish yielded a prompt compliance, and were ready for the adventure on the instant. Owing to their present weak condition Colmenares advised delay, and arranged that one of the miscreants should go with them to Antigua, while the other remained with Careta in readiness to betray him at the proper time. Nor had the governor the least scruple in availing himself of this villainy. With one hundred and thirty men he marched on Coiba, directing the two brigantines to meet him there. Acting under the direction of the fugitive whom he had made his confidant and counsellor, Careta went out to meet the Spaniards, brought them to his village, and entertained them to the best of his ability. Balboa began with the modest request for maize to fill his ships. Careta answered, that owing to war with his ever hostile neighbor, Ponca, he had this year planted nothing, and hence had no surplus. Careta's Spanish friend assured his countrymen that this was false, that the savage had abundance. It was enough. A heathen had lied to a Christian. Let the nation be anathema!
Bidding the chief a friendly farewell, with thanks for his hospitality, the Spaniards took their departure as if for Antigua; but about midnight they returned, attacked the village on three sides, slaughtered the inhabitants, burned the houses, loaded the brigantines with booty, and carried Careta and his family prisoners to Antigua. "Why should you do this?" asked Careta. "How have I wronged you? Take my gold, but restore me to my country. And as a pledge of my good faith, there is my daughter who shall remain a hostage in your hands. Take her and let us be friends." The proposal pleased the governor, not less from the advantage of the alliance, than from the influence thrown over him by the charms of the dusky maiden, for she was very beautiful, and had already given her heart to the Christian chieftain. And thus according to the usage of her people she became his wife, though not wedded after the Spanish fashion; and Vasco Nuñez ever cherished her with fond affection.
Before dismissing the new allies with presents to their homes, care was taken to excite their admiration by showing them the arms and implements of civilization, and unfolding to them the doctrines of the true faith. These doctrines must have appeared in strange contrast to the blood-thirsty deeds of the Spaniards.
A joint expedition against Ponca, in which Balboa participated with eighty men, overran that chieftain's domain with great damage to him, and with some gain to the Spaniards in provisions and gold.
Adjoining Careta's lands, on the seaboard to the west, were those of Comagre,[VIII-10] whose nation numbered ten thousand souls, and mustered three thousand warriors. Balboa visited him peaceably, upon the arrangement of a friendly interview by a native jura, or official, a deserter from Careta's council, who had become offended with his master, and joined Comagre. The jura was a statesman in a rude way, and a diplomat. He knew of the Spaniards, of their fearful doings, and of their alliance with Careta; and being an honest, well-meaning savage withal, he thought to avert disaster by interposing friendly relations.
[Sidenote: PANCIACO'S STORY.]
With a train of attendants, Comagre met his distinguished guest, and with much ceremony conducted him to the palace,[VIII-11] which for size, durability, and rude excellence, far exceeded anything the Spaniards had seen in the New World. Among the numerous descendants of Comagre, for he was much married, were seven sons, remarkable for their valor, and nobleness of demeanor. The eldest, Panciaco, united with a haughty bearing exceptional sagacity. He saw at once the superiority of steel weapons; he saw that the Spaniards coveted gold; and he thought he saw an easy way open for purchasing their good-will. Collecting four thousand ounces of the metal finely wrought, he presented it with seventy slaves to the Spaniards, and watched the effect. The king's fifth was first solemnly set aside. Then they began to divide the remainder of the gold among themselves; and in this division arose a dispute which made Panciaco's lip curl in scorn as he watched them weighing the stuff. Louder grew their altercations, which were followed by blows. Overcome at length by disgust, Panciaco darted forward and struck the scales a violent blow which sent their precious contents flying. "Why quarrel for such a trifle!" he exclaimed. "Is it for this you leave your country, cross seas, endure hardships, and disturb the peace of nations? Cease your voracious brawl and I will tell where you may obtain your fill of gold. Six days' march across yon mountain will bring you to an ocean sea, like this near which we dwell, where there are ships as large as yours, and cities, and wealth unbounded."
Forgetting in the matter the manner of the discourse, the Spaniards listened with eager attention. "How say you?" said Vasco Nuñez. "What proof have you of this?" "Listen to me," replied Panciaco. "You Christians seem to prize this metal more than body, life, or soul; more than love, hate, revenge. Some mysterious virtue it must possess to charm men so! We who can not translate its subtle power, love better friends, and sweet revenge. My father has an ancient enemy, Tubanamá, who lives beyond the mountains fronting the other sea. From time immemorial our people have fought his people; many have been killed on either side, and many enslaved. Could we for once bring low this hated Tubanamá, no sacrifice would be too dear. Be yours the gold; give us revenge. The path is difficult, the enemy fierce. One thousand Spaniards are none too many successfully to cope with him. Prepare your army. I myself will accompany you with all the warriors of our nation; bind me fast; keep me in close custody; and if my words prove false, hang me to the nearest tree."[VIII-12] Vasco Nuñez pondered. The area of his destiny seemed suddenly to have enlarged. If this the young man had said were true, and he might tap the mystery, and bring to the light of nations this other side of Tierra Firme, the temporary governor of a handful of heterogeneous colonists might achieve everlasting fame as one of the world's great discoverers, and realize the dream of Columbus, to rule the Aurea Chersonesus of King Solomon. To him who can execute comes opportunity. "God has revealed the secrets of this land to me only," he piously writes the 20th of January, 1513, "and for this I never shall cease to thank him." But whence were to come the requisite one thousand men? After closely interrogating Comagre, Careta, and other chieftains concerning the tramontane regions, the Spaniards returned to Darien; but not until many of the natives had renounced idolatry and received baptism at the hands of the priests. There they found Valdivia returned from Santo Domingo, after an absence of six months, with a small store of provisions, and what was of the highest consequence to Vasco Nuñez at this juncture, the commission from Diego Colon as governor of Antigua.
To guard against the scarcity of food which had thus far been one of the chief causes of failure in every attempt to colonize Tierra Firme, the governor had this year caused to be planted a large tract adjacent to Antigua, the labor of course being performed by captives. "Food has been our great necessity rather than gold," said Vasco Nuñez in a letter to the king. But a hurricane, followed by inundation, destroyed the crop, and Valdivia was again sent with the caravel to Santo Domingo for provisions. In a letter to Diego Colon, the governor set forth in extravagant terms his further knowledge of the country, dwelling upon the information received of a great sea to the southward, and begging assistance in raising a thousand men for its discovery. Gold to the value of fifteen thousand pesos[VIII-13] was, by this departure, remitted the king's officers as the royal share for the last six months. Large sums were also sent by private persons to their friends and creditors in Española and Spain. But all to no end. For when near Jamaica, the vessel was struck by a squall, carried westward, and thrown on some rocks off Yucatan. Ship and cargo were all lost. Twenty men, without water, or food, or sail, or oars, in an open boat, escaped with bare life.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: HORRIBLE FATE OF VALDIVIA.]
And now comes another tale of wretchedness which might well grace the annals of Acheron. In their helpless condition they are carried by the currents for thirteen days; one third of their number die of thirst, and the survivors drift to a yet more horrible fate. Thrown on the Maya shore, they are seized by savages, placed in a pen, and well fed. After their sufferings at sea, this is not so bad; but one day Valdivia and four others are taken to the temple and sacrificed, and their roasted limbs eaten in honor of the gods; over which prospect for themselves the survivors are uncomfortable, and nerved by desperation, they break cage and escape to the forest, where they wander naked and starving until life is a burden. Then they cast themselves at the feet of Ahkin Xooc, cacique of Jamancana, neighbor and enemy of the Maya lord. He and his successor, Taxmar, make them serve as beasts of burden until two only are left alive, Gonzalo Guerrero, sailor, and Gerónimo de Aguilar, friar. In an interchange of captives, the sailor becomes the property of Nachan Kan, chief of Chetumal. Bold and buoyant-hearted, he rises to barbaric distinction, becomes a great general, marries a princess, and in after years, when opportunity offers, declines return to civilized life. The friar is rescued by Cortés, in 1519, in which connection we shall again meet him.[VIII-14]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: DABAIBA AND ITS GOLDEN TEMPLE.]
Cannibals are horrible things; but their teeth were hardly so sharp as Spanish steel, which, in following the law of survival common to the animal kingdom, was sacrificing freely about Antigua at this time. "Thirty caciques have already been slain in the attempted pacification of this country," writes Vasco Nuñez to Diego Colon, "and now that I am obliged to penetrate still further in search of food, I must kill all who fall into my hands; otherwise our colony can not exist while waiting relief." In pursuance of this humane measure, early in 1512—it was toward the close of 1511 that Valdivia had sailed for Española—the governor organized an expedition against Dabaiba,[VIII-15] a rich province some thirty leagues to the southward.
Startling stories were told of this place. At a temple lined with gold, slaves were sacrificed for the gratification of the gods, who returned in miracles the favors of their worshippers; so that Dabaiba became as Mecca in the wilderness. Of course, it was an outrage against heaven that the heathen gods should have so much gold and glory; though hunger and avarice lent as much assistance, perhaps, as piety, in instigating the contemplated raid.
Selecting one hundred and sixty men, Vasco Nuñez embarked in two brigantines for the mouths of the river.[VIII-16] There he divided his force, sending one third, under Colmenares, up the channel San Juan, while with the remainder he ascended the Rio de las Redes, the more direct route to Dabaiba, as he had been informed. But the eye of Cemaco, in restless hate, was still upon them. Rousing the country, he induced the caciques along the river to retire, and leave wasted fields to the invaders, a measure which defeated the expedition. Nevertheless, the Spaniards secured, a short distance up the river, two canoe-loads of plunder, valued at seven thousand pesos, but on reaching the gulf they were overturned in a storm, and the boatmen drowned. Balboa then proceeded to the Rio San Juan and joined Colmenares, after which the entire party ascended the Negro channel for six leagues, and captured a town of five hundred houses, governed by a cacique named Abenamechey, one of whose arms a Spaniard cruelly struck off after he had been made prisoner. Leaving there half the men in charge of Colmenares, with the remainder Balboa continued his ascent of the stream, until, on entering a small branch, he found himself within the domain of Abibeiba, whose people built their houses in the branches of palm trees, making the ascent by ladders drawn up at night for safety. A supply of stones was kept in the houses for artillery purposes. When they saw the Spaniards coming, the people ran like squirrels for their houses, and drawing up after them the ladders, fancied themselves in security.
Approaching the tree in which lived the chief, Balboa hailed him and ordered him down. "What brings you hither to molest me?" demanded the chief. "Go your way. I know you not as friends or foes. I have no gold. I desire only to be left in peace." The Spaniards answered by applying the axe to the tree, and when the chief saw the chips fly, while his stone showers fell harmless upon the mail-coated men below, he capitulated, and the village descended to earth.
[Sidenote: A CONSPIRACY DIVULGED.]
After further foraging and fighting with varied success, the governor returned to Antigua, leaving Bartolomé Hurtado with thirty-one men in possession of the country. Of these more than half fell sick, and Hurtado incautiously despatched them for Antigua with twenty-four captives in charge. They had not proceeded more than three leagues before Cemaco was upon them with one hundred warriors; and of the Spaniards only two escaped to carry the news to Hurtado, who hastened to Antigua with the further intelligence that five caciques, namely, Abibeiba of the high-tree house, Abenamechy of the severed arm, Dabaiba of the golden temple, Abraiba and Cemaco of Darien, had confederated with five thousand men to exterminate the Spaniards. The rumor was lightly regarded until Vasco Nuñez was informed by one of his mistresses, Fulvia he called her, that her brother had notified her to withdraw from the town on a certain night, so that she might not fall in the massacre intended. Love overruling duty, Fulvia thus divulged the secret. She saved the settlement, but she lost her country.
Poor heart of woman touched with love! Vasco Nuñez induced Fulvia to lure thither her brother, who thereupon was seized and forced to confess the plot. Furthermore, he told Balboa that then at work in his fields were forty men long pledged to assassinate him, but as he had always appeared before them armed and armored, and on a caparisoned horse, which was their greatest terror, they had feared to attack him. The rendezvous of the conspirators was Tichirí, not far distant. With seventy men, by a circuitous route, Balboa marched on the encampment, while Colmenares with an equal force ascended the river in canoes, guided by the traitress Fulvia's traitorous brother. Attacked thus unexpectedly from opposite sides, the confederates were thrown into confusion; many were killed and many taken prisoners. The chief general was honored by being shot to death with arrows, while the others were hanged. Cemaco escaped. So sudden and bold and severe was this blow, that, while Antigua existed, the savages never recovered from it, and the wooden fortress which Balboa immediately built as a guard against future surprise was scarcely necessary.
The natives being thus pacified, the Spaniards were at liberty to evolve fresh projects. Gold and grain in the vicinity of Antigua were well-nigh exhausted, and new fields must be found. The time for Valdivia's return had elapsed; and doubts respecting the integrity of the regidor were entertained by Vasco Nuñez, with fears for the safety of his treasure. Unable to endure the suspense he resolved on visiting Spain and pleading his own cause before the king. But the colony demurred. Friends declared his presence necessary, while enemies saw danger in his absence. It was finally arranged that Colmenares and Caicedo, both worthy men who had been faithful to Nicuesa as long as Nicuesa had been faithful to himself, and faithful to Vasco Nuñez, should take the only remaining vessel fit for service and embark for Spain in the general interests of the colony. The reasoning by which the mistrustful populace arrived at this agreement was, that if Balboa went he would secure all the advantages to himself, or never return; while Colmenares, who left large property in lands and laborers, and Caicedo, a genuine Spanish wife to whom he was devotedly attached, would be sure to return.
Again the governor wrote Pasamonte soliciting his favor; not forgetting, in addition to the king's fifth, a valuable present in gold for the king's treasurer. The commissioners sailed from Darien in October, 1512, and reached Spain the May following.
* * * * *
Meanwhile times at Antigua ran their varying course. At first nothing of interest occurred; and such were the composite elements of this society that inactivity invariably resulted in spontaneous combustion. Again it centred round the ruling powers. "Who is this Vasco Nuñez that he should lord it over us? a renegade! an absconding debtor! he of the cask!" The immediate cause of the outbreak was the investiture of Hurtado, an unpopular person, with authority; and the more specific charges were partiality in the division of spoils, and the unlawful assumption of powers pertaining to a royally appointed ruler.
The new faction was led by one Alonso Perez de la Rua, who for fancied insult pawed the earth and bellowed vengeance. The agitation becoming troublesome Perez was arrested and placed in confinement. The insurgents rushed to arms and demanded the release of their leader, and this being denied they prepared to rescue him by force. The governor placed himself at the head of his adherents, and the two parties prepared for battle. At this juncture peaceful measures were interposed by a third party, consisting of those who had taken no active part in the disputes, and embracing many respectable colonists. Perez was released; but the gnawings of hate continuing he roused his party and made prisoner Hurtado, who in his turn was given liberty at the hands of the conciliators.
Chivalry having had its brief day, avarice came in for a share of public attention. Among the yet undivided plunder was gold obtained in the late Atrato River raids, equivalent in value to ten thousand castellanos. Of this the disaffected demanded immediate division.
[Sidenote: THE GOVERNOR WITHDRAWS.]
The governor well knew that in their present mood it was beyond the power of man to satisfy them. Though omniscient justice distributed this treasure, new troubles would grow out of it. He determined therefore to adopt a non-committal policy, retire from the scene, and freely give them the opportunity, for which they were so ready, to shed blood. Quitting the town at night, ostensibly on a hunting tour, he remained away for several days, leaving them to their destruction. The result was as he had anticipated. Finding themselves free the rioters elevated to the command Perez of the wounded honor, and Bachiller Corral. Then breaking into the public plunder-house, they brought out the gold and placed it in the hands of their leaders for distribution. Proof that the division was fair lay in the fact that every one was dissatisfied. Each, rating his own services superior to most and inferior to none, thought he received too little and another too much. They began to suspect their mistake. A dim perception of the infelicities that mix with the rapturous sweets of governing entered their stolid brains. Balboa's party quickly assumed the ascendency, and thrusting the ringleaders of the insurgents into prison they awaited the return of the governor.
"Your highness must know," writes Vasco Nuñez of this affair to the king, January 20, 1513, "that some days ago little differences occurred here, because the alcaldes, filled with envy and falsehood, attempted to arrest me. Failing in this they brought against me false accusations and false witnesses. Hereof I complain to your highness, for if these men go unpunished, no governor that your highness may hereafter send will be free from this evil. That your highness may know the truth in the matter, and of my great and loyal services in these parts of the Indies and Tierra Firme, I have appointed two judges to investigate my conduct, and report to your majesty all that I have done. I hope," concludes the modest cavalier, "that your majesty will read all this, and reward my great services according to their value."
* * * * *
About this time there arrived at Antigua two vessels, in command of Cristóbal Serrano, sent by Diego Colon, with one hundred and fifty men and provisions for the colony. But what gave Vasco Nuñez the greatest joy was a royal commission, signed by Pasamonte, the treasurer, investing him with the supreme command of the colony. Thus established in authority, and being of a generous temper, the governor at the solicitations of their friends readily pardoned the rebels and set them at liberty.
Another communication, however, which Vasco Nuñez received by this arrival, caused him no little anxiety. This was a letter from Zamudio informing him of his failure to conciliate the royal favor. As had been feared, the bachiller Enciso, burning under a sense of injuries, had denounced the alcaldes before the Council of the Indies, and aroused the king's wrath by a recital of Nicuesa's banishment and probable death. The Council had decreed that Enciso should be indemnified, and that Vasco Nuñez should be summoned to court to answer graver charges. Moreover, Zamudio with difficulty escaped the arrest imposed on him by the Council.
[Sidenote: BALBOA'S RESOLVE.]
This was as wormwood in Balboa's cup of joy. Yet it was not wholly unexpected; it was not wholly unmerited. There was one redeeming feature about it; the intelligence was private. He was still master of himself; ay, and governor of the colony. Might not some signal service be made to cover his transgressions, and win for him the royal favor? There was that mysterious sea to the southward, reported by Panciaco. The very thing, were men and means at hand for its achievement. Means! There was no time to talk of means; the next arrival would bring a warrant for his arrest. Do it without means, and so gain glory the more. Where was the true Spanish cavalier who would hesitate in such an emergency? Why, the very danger itself was a fascination. He would do it or die!
IX. DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN
1513.
DEPARTURE OF VASCO NUÑEZ FROM ANTIGUA—CARETA'S WELCOME—DIFFICULTIES TO BE ENCOUNTERED—TREACHEROUS CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY—HISTORICAL BLOODHOUNDS—PONCA RECONCILED—CAPTURE OF QUAREQUÁ—FIRST VIEW OF THE PACIFIC FROM THE HEIGHTS OF QUAREQUÁ—THE SPANIARDS DESCEND TO CHIAPES—TAKE FORMAL POSSESSION OF THE SOUTH SEA—FORM OF TAKING POSSESSION—THE NAMES SOUTH SEA AND PACIFIC OCEAN—FURTHER DISCOVERIES—PERILOUS CANOE VOYAGE—GOLD AND PEARLS IN PROFUSION—TUMACO PACIFIED—THE PEARL ISLANDS—THE RETURN—TEOCA'S KINDNESS—PONCA MURDERED—POCOROSA PACIFIED—TUBANAMÁ VANQUISHED—GOLD, GOLD, GOLD—PANCIACO'S CONGRATULATIONS—ARRIVAL AT ANTIGUA.
Revolving matters in his mind, plans quickly unfolded. Winning for the project a few staunch friends, Vasco Nuñez selected with great care one hundred and ninety men.[IX-1] More could have been taken, but he had determined on a rapid march of discovery rather than pacification and occupation. Hence he preferred only tried men, those inured to fatigue, men resolute and reckless, with heart and head hard, and sinews of steel. He also provided from among his captives and the neighboring nations one thousand natives, to serve as warriors and beasts of burden. These, might live or die, as it should happen: no great matter what became of them. A pack of bloodhounds completed the company.
[Sidenote: EMBARKATION OF THE EXPEDITION.]
The men were armed with crossbows, swords, arquebuses and targets, and provisions for the expedition were placed on board a brigantine and ten large canoes. Before embarking, the hazardous nature of the enterprise was made known to the soldiers. Wealth and glory awaited success; the reward of failure, death; opportunity was then offered for any one to withdraw without prejudice or injury.
Sailing with his little armament from Antigua on the first day of September, 1513, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa followed the coast of Darien north-westward to Careta's province, where the expedition disembarked on the fourth day. The chieftain's dusky daughter, whom the governor continued to regard with great affection, was still a bond of friendship between this nation and the Spaniards. Careta added to their stock of provisions and furnished them with guides; and some of his warriors joined the expedition, in the hope of witnessing the downfall of their enemies beyond the mountains. The boats were left in charge of a guard; and after invoking divine favor the expedition was ready to move.
* * * * *
I know the tendency of the historian, warmed by his theme, to magnify merit, and the obstacles it overcomes; and I have elsewhere said as much. While I endeavor to confine myself to the plain words of a simple story, those who have sat at ease, sipping iced champagne, during a delightful ride of three or four hours across this sometime terrible neck, may find in this chapter expressions appearing strong. But I do assure the reader that it is difficult to magnify in the present instance. Vasco Nuñez now stood on the northern coast, opposite the gulf of San Miguel, which, breaking the shore of Panamá Bay, narrows the isthmus of Darien to a width of fifty miles.[IX-2] But such is the infamous character of the country, that even modern efforts to penetrate the unexplored interior from either side have met disaster and ruin.[IX-3] Inaccessible forests filled with noxious reptiles and wild beasts, tangled jungles through which man must cut his way foot by foot; rugged mountains, slippery slopes, and rocky precipices, over and round which the weary traveller threads his way under a blooming tropical canopy; frequent and sudden rains and inundations; treacherous morasses, and the malarious exhalations from putrid vegetation, unite with warlike savages to render this spot one of the most difficult on the globe to explore. Add to these obstructions the weight of heavy armor and cumbrous weapons, and some conception may be formed of a military march through an equatorial wilderness.
[Sidenote: QUALITY OF THE BAND.]
No wonder Vasco Nuñez scrutinized his company before starting. "I beg your very royal Highness," he had written before this to the king, "to give me men from Española; for such as come from Castile are for my purpose worthless, bringing loss not only on themselves but others."[IX-4] Born amidst the clash of arms in chivalrous Spain, broken to adversity at Española, and many of them toughened at Santa Marta, Veragua, and Antigua, the present band mustered the survivors of daring expeditions whose bones strewed the shores of Tierra Firme.
The Spaniards began their march on the 6th of September. The second day brought them to the lands of Ponca, who having been warned of their approach had retired from the path.[IX-5] But other thoughts than those of plunder and petty warfare now filled the mind of Vasco Nuñez; and, preferring to leave no enemy in his rear, while resting in the cacique's comfortable quarters he made overtures of friendship to the chief, who straightway returned from his hiding, and gave gold, together with valuable information concerning the southern sea and the route thither in return for beads, mirrors, hawk-bells, and axes. For none knew better than the courteous governor how to kindle friendship in the savage breast, and make it profitable. The gold which Ponca gave consisted of finely wrought ornaments from beyond the mountains, and ten pounds of the metal from his own mines. He described a certain summit from which this southern sea might easily be seen, gave information of the nations to be encountered by the Spaniards, and furnished them with guides for the secret passes.
Roused by this encouragement, and leaving here the sick and wayworn, the Spaniards were on their southward march again the 20th of September. Between the several provinces were no beaten paths, across the rivers no bridges; so great were the impediments to their progress, and so much more time was consumed than had been anticipated, that food began to fail.
Making their way amid these difficulties, they came to the foot of the high mountains where terminated their pacified territory, and where they must prepare to dispute the way with native sovereigns of the soil. Ascending the mountains, they encountered on the 24th a cacique named Porque, lord of the province of Quarequá, the ruler of these parts, whose arrogance, fed by his successes, had kept full pace with them. At the head of a thousand warriors, Porque appeared before Vasco Nuñez, demanded the object of his visit, and threatened to kill every man who should put foot within his dominions. The Spaniards nevertheless continued slowly to advance, keeping well together. Amazed at their temerity, and indignant at the seeming indifference to his threat, Porque swept down upon them with flourish of weapons and terrific yells, confident of easy victory. But as well might he have spent his unleavened force against the eternal hills.
Waiting until the whole swarm was well within reach, Vasco Nuñez gave the order to charge. Shouting the inspiriting war-cry, Santiago, y á ellos! the Spaniards sprang upon them. The fire-arms were discharged, the bloodhounds[IX-6] let loose, and striking the cruel steel into the naked bodies of the enemy, he was literally hewn in pieces. Vainly, in wild confusion, the savages struggled to escape; the flash of fire, the thundering noise, the sulphurous smoke, bereft them of their senses, making easy work for the sharp iron which entered unresisted their vitals, until six hundred lay dead upon the ground, Porque among the number. Many prisoners were taken; the survivors escaped to the hills. In the village of Quarequá was found much needed food, and some gold. So toilsome had been the march that eighteen days had passed since leaving Careta's town. And here Vasco Nuñez rested for the night, nursing his wounded, and cheering the sick and down-hearted. The guides whom Ponca had furnished, and who had proved of incalculable service to the explorers, were dismissed to their home with presents, and with hearts made glad by the destruction of Porque. So rolls round the planet inexorable nature, detested death giving hourly joy to universal life.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: FIRST VIEW OF THE SOUTH SEA.]
The 25th[IX-7] of September, 1513, a day ever memorable in the annals of the Pacific States, dawned brightly over the sierra of Quarequá. The village in which the Spaniards had made their quarters was situated on an elevated plateau, and near it rose the reputed mountain whose summit had for ages gazed on the mysterious southern sea. At an early hour Vasco Nuñez was astir, to prepare with thrilling anticipations for the ascent. But sixty-seven, out of the one hundred and ninety Spaniards who within the month had embarked upon this enterprise at Antigua, possessed sufficient strength for the present effort. Departing from the town, their way at first lay through a tangled forest, which fringed the mountain base, and whose dense foliage hid from view the more distant objects. As they mounted upward into a cooler, drier atmosphere, the vegetation became more stunted, yet the undergrowth was still so thick that the soldiers had to cut a passage with their sabres. Emerging at length into an open space near the summit, a bare eminence was pointed out by the guides, whence the view was said to be unobstructed, and the sea distinctly visible.
Viewed prosaically, there was nothing astounding in ascending a hill and taking a look at the ocean. It had been often done elsewhere; it had been often done here. Nor was there any peculiar difference between sea and land here and sea and land elsewhere. But there was that to the minds of the impetuous and impressible Spaniards, there is that to our own minds, in first things and first views of things, our first view, our country's first awakening, that stirs the soul and sets faster beating the heart. Reduced to words, the sentiment is the pleasure the mind derives from improving surprises; it is the joy of development, the ecstasy of evolution.
If such be commonly the case, how much more reason had Vasco Nuñez de Balboa to be impassioned on this occasion. Behind him was ignominy, perhaps chains and death; before him was glory, immortal fame. And it was meet in him that this ordinarily trivial act should be consummated with a ceremony becoming to one of civilization's great achievements.
Ordering a halt, Vasco Nuñez advanced alone. His should be the first European eye to behold what there was to behold, and that without peradventure. With throbbing heart he mounted the topmost eminence which crowned these sea-dividing hills. Then, as in the lifting of a veil, a scene of primeval splendor burst on his enraptured gaze, such as might fill with joy an archangel sent to explore a new creation. There it lay, that boundless unknown sea, spread out before him, far as the eye could reach, in calm, majestic beauty, glittering like liquid crystal in the morning sun. Beneath his feet, in furrowed prospect, were terraces of living green, sportive with iridescent light and shade; waving plains and feathered steeps white-lined with flowing waters, here dashing boisterously down the hill-side, yonder winding silent through the sighing foliage to the all-receiving sea. In that first illimitable glance time stood back, the mists lifted, and eternity was there. What wonder if to this Spanish cavalier, in that moment of triumphant joy, visions of the mighty future appeared pictured on the cerulean heights, visions of populous cities, of fleets and armies, of lands teeming with wealth and industry. And to Spain should all these blessings and advantages accrue; to Spain through him.
[Sidenote: SPEECH OF VASCO NUÑEZ.]
Dropping on his knees, he poured forth praise and thanksgiving to the author of that glorious creation for the honor of its discovery. The soldiers then pressed forward, gazed enchanted likewise, and likewise assumed the attitude of prayer; for however ungodly were their lives, these cavaliers were always fond of praying.
"There, my friends," exclaimed Balboa, rising and pointing to the prospect before him, "there is the realization of your hopes, the reward of your labors. You are the first Christians to look upon that sea, or to tread its luxuriant shores. The words of the chivalrous Panciaco concerning the Southern Sea are more than verified; please God so may we find them regarding the riches of its shore. All are yours, I say, yours the glory of laying this celestial realm at your sovereign's feet; yours the privilege of bringing to the only vile thing in it the cleansing properties of our holy faith. Continue, then, true to me, and I promise you honor and wealth to your fullest desire." A shout of approbation, such as the rabble are ever ready with before success, was followed by pledges of fidelity and fair service, to be broken upon the first occasion. And if we may believe old Peter Martyr, who enjoyed this triumph of progress almost as much as the discoverers themselves, Hannibal from the summit of the Alps, pointing to his soldiers the delicious fields of Italy, displayed no grander conception of his high achievements, past and future, than did Balboa at this moment. A cross was erected, round which stones were heaped; the trees were blazoned with the sovereign's name; the Te Deum laudamus and Te Dominum confitemur was solemnly chanted by the company; after which Balboa in a loud voice called on all present to witness that he then and thereby, for and in the name of the sovereigns of Spain, took possession of this Southern Sea, with all its islands and firm lands, and all shores washed by its waters. The notary was ordered to draw up a certificate in accordance, to which each present affixed his name.[IX-8]
Because the strangers seemed to delight in it, the savages assisted in the cross-raising and in carrying stones, though they saw nothing in the surroundings to become so excited about. Meanwhile the Spaniards wondered how far the water extended, what nations inhabited its borders, what the commerce and religion of those nations, and what would be the effect of the discovery on Spain, on the world, on their own fortunes.
[Sidenote: CHIAPES AND THE SPANIARDS.]
Descending the mountains on its seaward side they were met by a cacique, called like his province, Chiapes, who ordered them back if they sought not death. The policy of Vasco Nuñez here was peace. Hostile entanglements at this juncture he knew would sooner or later result in the destruction of his party. It must be a peace, however, based on fear and respect, seldom to be achieved among savages except by slaughter. Overtures of friendship were accordingly instituted by a sudden and vigorous onslaught with fire-arms, cross-bows, and bloodhounds, during which Chiapes took to his heels, midst thunder, smoke, and consternation; in consequence of which he was all the more happy when the men of Quarequá sought him out, and told him that these supernatural visitors who held the elements at their command were easily propitiated with gold. Tremblingly he appeared and laid at the feet of Vasco Nuñez five hundred pounds of the metal, glad that the favor of the gods might be bought so cheaply. The Quarequá guides were now dismissed with presents, and by them orders were sent the Spaniards resting at their town to follow the advance party.
The object of Vasco Nuñez was to approach the verge of the ocean and touch the water he had seen. For this purpose he despatched, in different directions, three parties of twelve men each, under Francisco Pizarro, Alonso Martin de Don Benito, and Juan de Escaray to search an opening to the seaside through the dense foliage that concealed it. It is not a little singular that two days should elapse, and that the explorers suffered severely for want of water before any one could find the beach, though they were all the time so near it. Alonso Martin's party came first to an inlet, on the shore of which were two canoes, the open bay being still hidden. Desirous of being first in something, however small, Martin sprang into one of the boats which was barely floating on the incoming tide, and cried to his companions, who had thrown themselves down under the cooling leaves—"I call on you all to witness that I am the first Spaniard to sail upon these waters." "And I the second," exclaimed another, rushing for the other boat.[IX-9] Returning to Chiapes, Martin reported to Vasco Nuñez, who immediately began preparations to take more formal possession of the Southern Sea.
[Sidenote: TAKING POSSESSION.]
On the 29th of September, St Michael's day, Vasco Nuñez with twenty-six men set out for the border of the sea, accompanied by Chiapes with a numerous train. Arriving there they found the tide out, and seated themselves upon a grassy slope beneath the overhanging foliage, waiting the return of the waters. Presently, when the sand was covered to the depth of one or two feet, all arose, and Vasco Nuñez, armed and armored cap-a-pie, drew his sword and, taking from the hand of an attendant a banner, on one side of which were pictured the virgin and child and on the other the arms of Castile and Leon, marched into the water, and waving aloft his banner cried in a loud voice: "Long live the high and powerful monarchs Don Fernando and Doña Juana, sovereigns of Castile, and of Leon, and of Aragon, in whose name, and for the royal crown of Castile, I take and seize real and corporeal actual possession of these seas and lands, and coasts and ports and islands of the south, with all thereto annexed; and kingdoms and provinces which belong to them, or which may hereafter belong to them, in whatever manner and by whatever right and title acquired, now existing or which may exist, ancient and modern, in times past and present and to come, without any contradiction. And if any other prince or captain, christian or infidel, of whatever law or sect or condition he may be, pretends any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to contradict him, and to defend them in the names of the present and future sovereigns of Castile, who are the lords paramount in these Indies, islands and firm land, northern and southern, with their seas, as well in the arctic pole as in the antarctic, on either side of the equinoctial line, within or without the tropics of cancer and capricorn, according to what more completely to their majesties and their successors belongs and is due, for the whole and any part thereof; as I protest in writing shall or may be more fully specified and alleged on behalf of their royal patrimony; now and in all time while the earth revolves, and until the universal judgment of all mankind."[IX-10] To which grandiloquent harangue there came no reply; no armed Poseidon appeared to dispute possession; only the mighty ocean dashed from its face the blinding glare of this new doctrine, heaved its bosom in long glassy swells, and gently growled its perplexity to the sympathizing beach.
[Sidenote: THE NAME PACIFIC OCEAN.]
The followers of Vasco Nuñez, however, even if all did not comprehend better than the sea what their leader had said, swore with loud acclamations to defend the claim of the sovereign who would thereby have so much more land to bestow, and to follow their gallant leader to the riches and honor he had so freely promised them. Andrés de Valderrábano, the notary of the expedition, was then called upon to draw up a certificate of the act of taking possession, to which all present subscribed their names. This being the day of St Michael,[IX-11] the archangel, the gulf before them was called El golfo de San Miguel, which name it bears to this day. Tasting the water they found it salt, which proved it a true ocean sea that they had found; then they cut crosses on the trees in honor of the holy trinity, and with longings satisfied and hearts singing their high hopes, the party returned to Chiapes, richer, according to their pretensions, by one Pacific Ocean,[IX-12] ten thousand islands, and twenty-five hundred leagues of continental seaboard.
The grand event being so happily consummated, the Spaniards thought that, before returning to Antigua, they might indulge in a little exploration. Luckily the powerful Chiapes was not only their friend, but he could furnish them a goodly list of enemies having an abundance of gold and pearls. Under his direction they crossed a large river, fell upon a chieftain called Cocura, and returned to Chiapes with six hundred and fifty pesos. Then they decided to explore an arm of the gulf, which involved a short but dangerous canoe voyage. In vain Chiapes protested against the project. "Our God will protect us," replied the devout Vasco Nuñez, as with eighty Spaniards, and a dusky band under Chiapes, he stepped into the canoes, the 17th of October. Soon they found themselves in a sea so tempestuous that they were glad to escape upon an island whose uncertain soil threatened every moment to dissolve beneath their feet. There they remained up to their waists in water all that night. Fortunately before morning the waters of the gulf subsided, else the discoverers of the Pacific Ocean never would have returned to tell their tale. Daybreak presented a dismal spectacle. Some of the canoes were split, others embedded in the sand; and all the provisions and clothing had been swept away. But to such hardships these men were inured. Since leaving Spain they had lived chiefly on maize bread, wild herbs, fruit, roots, sometimes fish, seldom meat. This was their best diet. In times of scarcity, which were frequent, they were glad to get reptiles, insects, or anything that would sustain life. They had no salt; and their only drink was river water, frequently putrid and unwholesome. Yet while life lasted, the brain worked inexhaustible resources. In the present emergency, for example, when both sea and land proved treacherous, they by no means yielded to despair. Stripping the glutinous bark from certain young trees which they found, they bruised it with stones, added to it fibrous sea-plants reduced in like manner, and, after binding their broken boats firmly with cords, they calked the seams with the mixture. Again they committed themselves to the mercy of the sea, and after two days of hazardous navigation, half naked and half starved, they ran into a small creek which flowed through a province called Chitarraga, and landed about midnight near an Indian village governed by a cacique named Tumaco.[IX-13]
[Sidenote: PEARL GATHERING.]
Carrying the village, though not without resistance, Vasco Nuñez, as usual, sought the friendship of the fleeing Tumaco, who was induced to return, bringing gold valued at six hundred and fourteen pesos, and a basin of pearls, two hundred and forty of which were of extraordinary size. This was indeed something worthy of an oriental India, thought the Spaniards, as their hearts danced enraptured over the beautiful baubles. Tumaco could not understand what power his gift possessed that it should so charm these heavenly strangers. To him the oyster which he could eat was seemingly worth more than the pearl which he could not eat; for in roasting the bivalve he had spoilt pearls enough to make him rich in the eyes of any potentate in Christendom. When once he knew that pearls were wealth, Tumaco became eager to show the Spaniards how much he had at his command, and set his men to fish; and in four days they returned with twelve marks' weight, or ninety-six ounces of pearls. Six Spaniards accompanied them to see whence came the gems, and they showed the natives how to open oysters without heat, which discolored the pearl. Likewise gold hereabout was plentiful and lightly esteemed.
* * * * *
Vasco Nuñez endeavored to gain all the information possible concerning the nature and extent of the sea-coast. He was told by Tumaco that the ocean and the mainland extended southward without end; that far distant in that direction dwelt a great nation whose riches were immense, who navigated the ocean in ships, and employed beasts of burden. In order the better to describe these animals, Tumaco moulded in clay a figure of the llama, which seemed to the eyes of the Spaniards a species of camel. "And this," says Herrera, "was the second intimation Vasco Nuñez had of Peru, and of its wealth." Nor did Francisco Pizarro, who was present, fail to hold these things in remembrance.
Balboa now felt his mission accomplished. Had the new sea and its border been made for him it could not have pleased him better. Columbus had found a new continent; he had found a new sea; and wealth on this south side seemed illimitable. But before returning he deemed it prudent to supplement his deed of possession by the enactment of that ceremonial on the shore of the main ocean, for his exploits had hitherto been confined to the gulf of San Miguel. Applying to Tumaco for the requisite means, an immense canoe was produced, the barge of state, with oarsmen, and oars inlaid with aljófar, an inferior kind of pearl; and Vasco Nuñez called on the notary to write it down, that boats on this Southern Sea were propelled by oars inlaid with pearl, so that his sovereigns might thereby place a greater value on it and on his own great services.
In pursuance of this plan, on the 29th of October, the Spaniards embarked in Tumaco's barge, and, proceeding to the shore of the main ocean, landed near an island called by the natives Crucraga, but to which Vasco Nuñez gave the name of San Simon. Here with banner and buckler, with drawn sword and high-sounding declamation, and amidst the lordly waves which had rolled their unimpeded course from far beyond the ever lifting horizon, the vaunting cavalier again affirmed ownership, swearing to defend he knew not what against he knew not whom; but "herein," according to Herrera, "he used all the formalities that could be imagined, for he was brave, subtle, diligent, and of a generous temper, a commander fit for mighty enterprises."
As they were about to depart, the men of Chitarraga directed the attention of Balboa to a group of small low islands rising from the sea five leagues distant. A powerful chieftain governed there, who, crossing to the mainland, made fearful havoc among the seaboard villages; and would the Spaniards please go and kill him, for at the largest island, Toe, were the most beautiful pearls in all that region. The Spaniards would go there or elsewhere for pearls and gold if they only had the time, and a favorable sea, but Vasco Nuñez would not permit himself to be led away into further fascinations on this visit. He nevertheless gave names to the islands, calling the largest Isla Rica, and the group Islas de las Perlas,[IX-14] or Pearl Islands, assuring Tumaco, meanwhile, that he would return some day and avenge him his injuries.
[Sidenote: THE RETURN.]
Once more back at Chitarraga, Vasco Nuñez made ready his departure for Antigua. He proposed to cross the mountains by a different route from that by which he came. The sick and disabled he would leave with Chiapes, now the firm friend of the Spaniards, who were to kill his enemies and not him. This chieftain and a son of Tumaco asked permission to accompany the party as far as Teaochoan, an adjoining province. Accordingly, on the 3d of November, they embarked in canoes, and guided by the young cacique of Chitarraga, proceeded to the upper end of the gulf and entered a large river,[IX-15] so inconstant as to overflow its banks in places, narrowing elsewhere between rocky confines, and rushing forward tumultuously under the overhanging foliage to the sea. By and by the youthful chieftain brought the boats to land. Disembarking, the Spaniards pacified the province in their usual way, the ruler, Teoca, chief of Teaochoan, being glad to save his life by paying one hundred and sixty ounces of gold and two hundred large pearls. Indeed, so effectually had Vasco Nuñez succeeded, by a judicious use of fire-arms and fair words, and some trifling presents, in winning the affections of the South Sea savages, that in taking leave of Chiapes and the Chitarraga youth at Teoca's town, they wept. It was indeed affecting; and soon Teoca, although the last to be robbed, caught himself paying the strangers the same briny tribute of his esteem.
After three days of rest the party proceeded, and reaching the base of the mountains they began to scale them. A supply of dried fish and maize, with men of burden and guides, had been secured, and they were accompanied by Teoca's son, who had instructions to attend to all requirements of the strangers, and not to leave them without the permission of their commander. It was well for the company that they had a leader thoughtful and efficient; that instead of zealous guides, and willing men to bear the burdens, there were not lurking foes or treacherous friends with whom to deal—not one of them otherwise would have reached Antigua. For, toiling up the steep ascent under a burning sun, they soon found themselves without water, the springs upon which they had depended having failed. One by one the men yielded their strength and threw themselves upon the ground, victims of despair. Teoca's son assisted and encouraged them, and finally brought them all in safety to a cool, sequestered valley where were life-restoring waters.
[Sidenote: INFAMOUS ACT OF BALBOA.]
Was it their way of giving thanks for the late escape from death, now to plan the death of others? While resting in the refreshing shade, Balboa asked his guide about a certain Poncra, a hideous despot, as rich as he was repulsive, of whom he had heard much. "We are now within his lands," the young chief replied. "Over the brow of yonder hill is situated his village." Then was detailed a story of this man's wickedness which sent a thrill of pleasing horror to the heart of every Spaniard present. Instantly all was excitement; and those so lately the readiest to faint were now the readiest to fight. Marching forward they entered the village only to find the vulture flown. Finely wrought gold to the value of three thousand pesos was found there to reconcile them to his absence. Scouts soon discovered his retreat, however, and partly by threats and partly by promises of safety, this lump of deformity was induced to give himself up with three of his principal men. No sooner was it known that the hated Poncra was prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards, than the neighboring chieftains flocked in and begged his extermination. "Whence came your gold?" demanded Balboa of the unhappy man. "I know not," replied Poncra. "My forefathers left it me. We place no value on the unwrought metal." Although torture was applied, nothing further could be elicited. The bystanders clamored loudly for his death, charging him with infamous crimes, revolting to humanity. In an evil moment Vasco Nuñez yielded. The bloodhounds were let loose, and loud acclamations rent the air as the quivering flesh was torn from the limbs of the four unfortunate wretches, and they were made, as Ogilby says, "a Breakfast to the Spanish Doggs." Vasco Nuñez de Balboa gained the approval of the crowd; but throughout all time, wherever the name of the illustrious discoverer of the Southern Sea is spoken, this infamous act of treachery shall stain it. The praises of the savages, however, were profuse; "and there he remained thirty days," says Gomara, "receiving and ruling like a king." And very prettily Balboa commemorates his outrage by calling the place Todos Los Santos.
While resting here, the Spaniards were joined by the comrades who had been left at Chiapes. Throughout all this region the strangers were treated as invincible and superhuman. Passing through the domain of a chief named Bononiama, they were not only received as friends, coming as they did from Chiapes, but were presented with gold to the value of two thousand pesos, and the chief accompanied them to Poncra's village, that he might behold the wonderful leader of these wonderful men. Poncra's successor came forward in answer to overtures of peace; and on the first of December the Spaniards continued their journey, weighted down with spoils. Five days brought them to a small depopulated town whose chief, Buquebuca, had fled because he had not the means, he said, fitly to entertain such illustrious visitors. He was permitted to purchase their favor by delivering up the gold in his possession, including some finely wrought plates.
[Sidenote: BALBOA AMONG THE CACIQUES.]
Following a path northward from Buquebuca's they were hailed from a cliff near by. "Our King Chioriso sends greeting, O mighty men! and presents this offering, begging your assistance in vanquishing an enemy too powerful for him." The gift was certainly persuasive, being no less than thirty large gold medals or plates worth fourteen thousand pesos. Balboa scarcely knew what to do, nevertheless he graciously received it, and sent in return three axes, some gilt beads, and several pieces of leather and cloth, making the recipient to his own thinking the richest potentate in savagedom. Balboa furthermore promised to assist him at some future time in his wars. The country through which they were now passing was exceptionally rugged, and the men of burden were quite exhausted when on the 13th of December they arrived at the village of Pocorosa. Several of the soldiers had also fallen seriously ill from fatigue, and it was accordingly decided to tarry here for thirty days. The chief, as usual, had fled at their approach, but was brought back to purchase friendship of the Spaniards with slaves and gold.
Pocorosa informed the Spaniards that not far from there[IX-16] lived the famous Tubanamá, of whom Panciaco had spoken when first directing the attention of the Spaniards to the South Sea. He was reputed the richest as well as the strongest chieftain of these mountains, and was the terror of the neighboring nations. Balboa felt it more than ever his duty to overthrow Tubanamá, kill some of his men, steal a few of his women, and relieve him of his gold. But to do this he must have a thousand soldiers, so he had been told. Casting his eye over his little band of bruised and wayworn men, he thought how one mistake might swallow all his past successes, and sighed; then he slept on it, and when after a few days' rest the question was adventured, enough were eager for the raid. The result was that seventy Spaniards, and a squad of Pocorosa's warriors, after a rapid march, fell on Tubanamá about midnight and brought him away prisoner, Ogilby says with eighty concubines. The men of Pocorosa, and chiefs of adjoining tribes, began to revile him, and begged of Vasco Nuñez his immediate death. He had done worse things than Poncra, they said, and had beside spoken ill of the Spaniards, threatening to drag them to death by the hair of their head if ever they came within his reach. Vasco Nuñez pondered. For some time past he had entertained a plan of establishing in this vicinity a military post for the protection of commerce between the seas, and also of gold-mining. Was it better to kill this chief as an enemy, or let him live as a friend, and assist to keep the others friendly? He chose the latter course. But first he must temper the proposed friendship by trial. "Infamous tyrant," he thundered at the trembling prisoner, "now shalt thou suffer for thine abominations. Thou shalt be made to feel the power of the Christians, and the same doom which thou before thy naked slaves didst promise them, shall now be meted thee." He then motioned the attendants as if to remove him for execution. The unhappy cacique denied the accusations and begged for his life. Balboa apparently overcome by his entreaties slowly relented, and finally ordered the captive released. The overjoyed chieftain could not do enough for his deliverer. He stripped his women of their ornaments, and, collecting all articles within his reach fabricated of the coveted metal, presented the Spaniards with thirty marks of gold, and his subjects soon brought in sixty marks more. Enjoining Tubanamá to gather gold, and ever remain true to the Spaniards, Balboa returned in triumph to Pocorosa's town, with a long train of enslaved captives. About this time Vasco Nuñez fell sick; and no wonder when we consider the strain on mind and body during the past four months. First in every action, bearing exposure and privation in common with the poorest soldier, with the responsibility of the adventure resting wholly on him, he was a fit subject for fever. But his indomitable spirit never forsook him, and causing himself to be carried on a litter he still directed movements, as they resumed their march.
Weary, ragged, but exultant, the party at length reached the village of Comagre. Panciaco was overjoyed to see them. The old chief was dead, and the young man filled his father's place. He could not do enough for Vasco Nuñez, for whom his affection seemed to grow in proportion as he was permitted to do him service. Panciaco had given the strangers gold and slaves; he had entertained them royally, had told them of the Southern Sea and the way to reach it, all his words proving true. Now he was permitted to entertain and nurse the emaciated Spaniards, and this he did with lavish generosity, watching Vasco Nuñez through his sickness with the affection of a brother. He was permitted to give them more gold, and did so. The Spaniards graciously received these benefits; and in return for obligations too vast for requital, the generous cavalier, the chivalrous discoverer of the great South Sea, gave his friend and benefactor a linen shirt and some worthless trinkets. His parting words were "Gather and send me more gold, Panciaco." The chief, however, before the party left, had embraced Christianity and received baptism.
[Sidenote: ARRIVAL AT ANTIGUA.]
It was the 14th of January that the party left Comagre. A short and easy march brought them to Poncra's village, where fortune wreathed in smiles still attended the commander, now free from illness and loaded with gold. Vasco Nuñez here was met by four Spaniards from Antigua who had come to report the arrival of two vessels from Española with provisions and reinforcements. Leaving the greater part of his company to follow at their leisure, Balboa with twenty men pressed forward, and after a hearty greeting from Careta at his village, embarked in the brigantine which there awaited him, and arrived the 19th of January, 1514.
His entry into the settlement was a triumph. All the people came to welcome him, and he was conducted to the public square midst loud acclaims. And when he told them of his successes, of the wealth-bound sea, and the treasures he had obtained, they were wild with exultation. Beside gold, to the value of more than forty thousand pesos,[IX-17] the Spaniards had brought eight hundred Indian slaves, and a large quantity of pearls, cotton cloth, and Indian weapons. All the nations on the route, both in going and in coming, had been subjugated without the loss of a battle and without the loss of a man. Thus terminated one of the grandest and most successful achievements of the Spaniards in the New World.
* * * * *
The remainder of the company soon arrived, and the spoils were thereupon distributed in equitable allotments, wherein also those participated who had remained at home. Beside the royal share, two hundred of the largest and most beautiful pearls were set apart by Vasco Nuñez and his companions as a present for the king, and one of their number, Pedro de Arbolancha, an intelligent man and trusty friend of the governor, was chosen as envoy to proceed immediately to Spain and proclaim this important discovery. By him Vasco Nuñez sent the sovereign a letter detailing his brilliant achievement, and requesting the royal appointment as governor of the region by him discovered, with the means to prosecute further adventures on that coast. "And in all his long letter," says Peter Martyr, "there is not a single leaf written which does not contain thanks to Almighty God for delivery from perils, and preservation from many imminent dangers." This letter was dated at Antigua the 4th of March, and a few days after Arbolancha took his departure.
[Sidenote: PROSPERITY OF THE COLONY.]
Meanwhile Balboa was unremitting in his efforts to advance the prosperity of the growing colony. Having so long suffered the miseries and inconvenience of a meagre supply of food, particular attention was turned to agriculture. Indian corn was produced in great quantities, and seeds of various kinds from Spain were planted, yielding fruit in abundance. Society became more settled and factions were at rest; for who could stand before Vasco Nuñez? Memories of home bloomed anew. Old-time amusements were again enjoyed; national holidays were regarded, and jousts and tournaments were held, if not with as rich display as formerly, yet with heartiness and merrymaking. Two of the pacified caciques became discontented and rebelled, but were soon quieted by a few men under Diego Hurtado. Another captain, Andrés Garabito, was sent to explore the country for the shortest and best route between the seas. Peace everywhere reigned; and with a profusion of food and gold already in store, with high anticipations regarding the future; with wealth, and dominion, and honor, and brilliant hopes, and multitudes of heathen for slaves, ought not these pirates to have been supremely happy?
X. PEDRARIAS DÁVILA ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF DARIEN
1514-1515.
HOW THE DISCOVERY OF A SOUTHERN SEA WAS REGARDED IN SPAIN—THE ENEMIES OF VASCO NUÑEZ AT COURT—PEDRARIAS DÁVILA APPOINTED GOVERNOR—DEPARTURE FROM SPAIN AND ARRIVAL AT ANTIGUA—ARBOLANCHA IN SPAIN—PEDRARIAS PERSECUTES BALBOA—THE KING'S REQUIREMENT OF THE INDIANS—JUAN DE AYORA SENT TO PLANT A LINE OF FORTRESSES BETWEEN THE TWO SEAS—WHICH WORK HE LEAVES FOR WHOLESALE ROBBERY—BARTOLOMÉ HURTADO SENT TO BRING IN THE PLUNDER—DISASTROUS ATTEMPTS TO VIOLATE THE SEPULCHRES OF CENÚ—EXPEDITION OF TELLO DE GUZMAN TO THE SOUTH SEA—THE SITE OF PANAMÁ DISCOVERED—THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DABAIBA ONCE MORE—GASPAR DE MORALES AND FRANCISCO PIZARRO VISIT THE SOUTH SEA.
In Spain the tidings of Balboa's discovery created little less sensation than had that of Columbus twenty-two years before. The hypothesis still obtaining that America was eastern Asia, to what new manifestations was not this Southern Sea to lead? Coupled with the belief was the concurrent testimony of all the native peoples, that along its shores were wealth and industry, gold, pearls, and civilization, hope-inspiring of replenished coffers to Ferdinand, and to zealous churchmen of increase of souls. At last, said the wise men, the opulent kingdoms of the eastern Indies which have so long eluded our grasp are opened to us.
Unfortunately for Vasco Nuñez, success came late; for prior to the arrival of his messenger in Spain there had been laid a train of events which threatened his ruin. Fanned to a yet redder reality by the argumentative winds of the Atlantic, Enciso's wrath glowed hot as he pictured to the king in only too truthful colors the quality of justice administered in his name to his subjects of Antigua. And the bachiller became really happy as he rolled the story of Nicuesa's wrongs, a sweet morsel, under his tongue, to the utter demolition of his enemies. Zamudio and Vasco Nuñez were condemned, as we have seen, and the king determined to send out a new governor who should investigate and punish.
[Sidenote: A NEW GOVERNOR.]
Out of the many applying was chosen a gentleman of Arias in Segovia, Pedro Arias de Ávila, called by Spanish contemporaries Pedrarias, and by English historians Dávila. He was large of frame, pronounced in mind and temper, and coarse-grained throughout, the grizzled hair surrounding his dark features like the selfish and unholy nature that environed his swarthy soul. Whence it would appear that he was elderly for so rude a mission, which was true; but being an officer in good repute, well born and highly connected,[X-1] and with no lack of fire and stubbornness remaining, his age was not reckoned so much against him. The nicknames El Galan and El Justador were significant of a gay and courtly youth, as that of Furor Domini, given him by the monks of the New World, was of a virulent old age. He was rich, at least his friends were, so that money was at his command. Fonseca favored the appointment—a habit the bishop had of looking kindly on those whose petitions were backed by gold. And so Ferdinand made him governor and captain-general of Castilla del Oro, which was now ordered to be called Castilla Aurífica.[X-2]
Several causes united to favor Pedrarias at this juncture. The arrival at court of Caicedo and Colmenares, commissioned by the settlers of Antigua to report the rumors concerning a sea to the south, and solicit aid for an expedition in that direction, renewed speculation and inspired enthusiasm.[X-3] The envoys were graciously received, and presented by Bishop Fonseca to the king, who listened with attention to their recitals. "They often sojourned with me," says old Peter Martyr, "and their countenances declare the intemperateness of the air of Darien; for they are yellow like those afflicted with the jaundice," or as Oviedo expresses it, "as yellow as the gold they went to seek," "and also swollen," continues the former, "the cause whereof they ascribe to the hunger endured in times past." The air of mystery enfolding the region, no less than the gold displayed by persons coming thence, threw over the enterprise a charm which brought to the standard of Pedrarias hundreds of eager applicants. Then there was the sudden breaking-up of the Italian expedition under Gonsalo de Córdoba. The French victory at Ravenna, which threatened King Ferdinand's Neapolitan possessions, had roused the chivalry of Spain, and when the standard of the Gran Capitan was raised at Seville, thither flocked youthful cavaliers and veteran soldiers burning to enlist under the banner of so great a leader in so glorious a cause. But the king, envious of the popularity of his general, in a fit of jealousy countermanded the expedition, thus filling the streets of Seville with purposeless men, many of whom had sold or pawned their birthright for means to procure an outfit, and who now preferred any adventure, however desperate, rather than return in humiliation to their homes. Therefore they hailed with rapture this New World enterprise where gold as well as glory might be won. Moreover, the success of Portugal in India, with which Spain's in the west compared unfavorably, and which had engendered both fear and envy, oiled the wheels of government and unlocked the royal strong-box, so that the ducats of Pedrarias were increased in number to fifty thousand, "an enormous sum in those days," as Quintana observes, "in the expenditure of which was manifest the interest and importance attached to the enterprise."[X-4] Arms and ammunition were drawn from the royal arsenal; and in place of the heavy iron armor which had proved oppressive in tropical latitudes, were substituted wooden bucklers and coats of quilted cotton, proof sufficient against the weapons of the natives. The fleet numbered about nineteen sail, with accommodations for twelve hundred men. These were soon enrolled, while as many more offering themselves had of necessity to be refused. Subsequently, by permission of the Council of the Indies, the number was increased to fifteen hundred.[X-5]
[Sidenote: RETINUE OF PEDRARIAS.]
Pedrarias was accompanied by his wife, Isabel de Bobadilla, an estimable lady, niece to the Marchioness de Moya.[X-6] The other members of his family, consisting of four sons and four daughters, were left in Spain. Among the officers were several nobles; and his followers consisted, as was usual in these mad migrations, of persons of every caste, not alone the young and naturally thoughtless, but, if we may credit Peter Martyr, "no small number of covetous old men" were of the company. They were mostly officials, cavaliers and ecclesiastics, however, for governing, fighting, and preaching offered the chief attractions; and very few artisans, agriculturists, or colonists of value in constructing a permanent and prosperous commonwealth. Under the new government a young man from the schools of Salamanca, called the Licenciado Gaspar de Espinosa, was appointed alcalde mayor; Bachiller Enciso, alguacil mayor; Alonso de la Puente, treasurer; Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, the historian, veedor or inspector;[X-7] Diego Marquez, contador, and Juan de Tabira, factor. The fighting men were, first, the governor's lieutenant, Juan de Ayora, an hidalgo of Córdova, and brother of the chronicler, Gonzalo de Ayora. Next, captains of hundreds, Luis Carrillo, Francisco Dávila, Antonio Tello de Guzman, Diego de Bustamante, Gonzalo de Badajoz, Diego Albites, Contreras, Gamarra, Villafañe, Atienza, Meneses, Gonzalo Fernandez de Llago, Francisco Compañon, Francisco Vazquez Coronado de Valdés, Juan de Zorita, Francisco Hernandez, Gaspar de Morales, cousin of the governor, and a nephew of the governor, likewise named Pedrarias, captain of artillery, and others. Several of these names became notable, and we shall meet them hereafter. Chief of the spiritual army, under the title of Bishop of Darien,[X-8] was Juan de Quevedo, the first prelate to come to Tierra Firme; and with him was a company of Franciscan friars. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, then but little more than a youth, afterward the chronicler of the Mexican conquest, came with the expedition, and also Pascual de Andagoya, Hernando de Soto, discoverer of the Mississippi, Benalcázar, who afterward conquered Quito, and Diego de Almagro, one of the pacificators of Peru. It was, in truth, a brilliant company. Juan Serrano was chief pilot, he who was subsequently killed with Magellan, the discoverer of the strait that now bears that name.
[Sidenote: REGULATIONS FOR THE COLONY.]
Cemaco's village, still bearing the name of Santa María de la Antigua del Darien, was by royal ordinance raised to the title and dignity of a city, with metropolitan prerogatives, ecclesiastical as well as civil. Lengthy instructions were provided the governor by the Council of the Indies. He was charged to see that his people were properly clad, comfortably but not extravagantly; to prohibit the sale or use of cards and dice; to punish murder, theft, and blasphemy; to tolerate no lawyer or any ecclesiastical or professional or unprofessional practitioner of the law in the colony;[X-9] to take no important step without consulting the bishop and other royal officials—an injudicious measure which broke society into factions; to render justice quickly and in accordance with the laws of Spain; to be a bright and shining light to the heathen in all truth and fair honesty; and, last of all, by no means to forget the king's share of the spoils taken in the exercise of said virtues.[X-10] The new governor was furthermore charged to strip from Vasco Nuñez de Balboa all semblance of authority, and to bring him to a strict account for his misdeeds. The survivors of poor Nicuesa's followers were to be treated with special leniency, even to the remitting of the king's fifth on their accumulations. All this, it will be remembered, was before the discovery of the South Sea became known in Spain; and that discovery remained still unrevealed when, on the 11th of April, 1514, after an ostentatious review in the plaza of Seville, the fleet sailed away in grand glee from San Lúcar.[X-11] After touching at some of the islands for the purpose of capturing Caribs for slaves, and also at Santa Marta in order to ascertain the fate of eleven Spaniards said to have been left there by Rodrigo de Colmenares, the armament reached Darien in safety. Significant of the coming rule was an incident which occurred during one of the landings. A servant of Pedrarias, named San Martin, had failed in respect toward Ayora, the governor's lieutenant, while ashore. Informed of it, Pedrarias ordered Ayora to return immediately and hang the offender to the first tree, which was done.[X-12]
* * * * *
Scarcely had the vessels of Pedrarias disappeared from the shore of Spain, when the tardy envoy of Vasco Nuñez arrived at court, and craved audience of the king. Pedro de Arbolancha had unfortunately delayed his departure from Darien for two months after the return of the South Sea discoverers. On this point of time turned the destinies of Vasco Nuñez and of the New World. Pedrarias would scarcely have been made governor; Pizarro would probably never have become the conqueror of Peru, and Vasco Nuñez might possibly have reached Mexico before Cortés.
Arbolancha was conducted into the royal presence. He displayed his treasures and told his tale. The sovereign's heart was touched at the soldier's recital. Those pearls! They would make the darkest deeds resplendent in righteousness. And that new Southern Sea! Surely it would wash away far deeper stains than any which sullied the hands of its gallant discoverer. Oh! that this man had sooner come; for then the many thousand ducats spent on old Pedrarias might not have been out of their box. What this costly armament was sent out to do, a handful of roving Spaniards had done, under the leadership of a condemned man, against whom the royal wrath up to this moment had burned. And in this achieving there had been neither much bloodshed nor any cost to Spain; the current formulas for securing possession had been observed, and even the king's fifth and the king's present were not forgotten. In such performance there was manifest no mean mind; any further thought for the punishment of so meritorious a cavalier could not be entertained; and King Ferdinand resolved that Vasco Nuñez should not go unrewarded. So rides success triumphant, even sagacious royalty bending its stiff neck before it.[X-13]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS.]
Meanwhile Pedrarias entered Urabá Gulf and anchored his fleet before Antigua. Not knowing in what temper the redoubtable chieftain of the town might receive a successor, Pedrarias despatched an officer to acquaint the colonists with his presence, and with the nature of his commission. Landing, the messenger asked of the first men he met for their leader. He was pointed where some native workmen were thatching a small cottage under the direction of a man clad in cotton jacket and drawers and pack-thread shoes. Now silk and brocade was the covering this petty officer had provided himself withal to flaunt it in Italy, while this cotton-clad fellow looked more like a common laborer than the governor of a Spanish colony. Nevertheless the officer knew his duty and approached the man in cotton respectfully. "I come from Don Pedrarias de Ávila," said he, "lately appointed governor of Darien."
It was sudden; like death, which, even when expected, seems abrupt. How swiftly in his brain revolved probabilities and possibilities. With self-possession and courteous dignity, however, he answered presently: "Say to Don Pedrarias that he is welcome to Antigua."
Next day, which was the 30th of June, Pedrarias disembarked. The landing, where he formed his brilliant retinue, preparatory to the entry into the metropolis, was a league from the town. On one side the governor held by the hand his wife, Doña Isabel, and on the other, arrayed in episcopal robes, walked the bishop of Darien, while dignitaries, officers, cavaliers, and adventurers followed in the line of march. Near Antigua they were met by the sallow-faced colonists, who, though ragged, were rich both in experience and in gold.
The two leaders met with great courtesy; Vasco Nuñez was reverent, Pedrarias gracious. Then all went forward to the town, the friars chanting their Te Deum laudamus for delivery from ocean perils. Vasco Nuñez conducted Pedrarias and the officers to his own dwelling, while the remainder of the company were distributed among the colonists. And soon a New World repast was spread before the new-comers, consisting wholly of native products, maize bread, esculent roots, fish, and fruit, and to drink water.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: HYPOCRISY AND HATRED.]
And now begins a game played by malevolent craft on one side, and honorable frankness on the other, which is unapproached by any of the New World trickeries and treacheries. For whatever his faults, whatever the pitfalls his tumultuous destiny had spread for him, Vasco Nuñez was by nature single-hearted and chivalrous, whereas Pedrarias Dávila was almost satanic in jealousy and cold hatred.
Seeking an early interview, the latter assumes an air of friendship, praises Vasco Nuñez for his abilities, congratulates him on his successes, and speaks of the high appreciation of the king. And as the object of both is only the welfare of the colony, will he not kindly write down what he has done and what he is just now intending to do? Thrown from his guard by this semblance of sincerity, Vasco Nuñez consents, and writes not only what will enable Pedrarias to profit by his experience, but, as the governor hopes, to occasion his overthrow. For the old man is not slow to perceive, on arriving at Antigua and learning of the wonderful discovery, that he is now and must be in reality second in these parts where so lately he was appointed first. Dropping the mask, he institutes charges, and orders Vasco Nuñez to stand trial for his life.
As alcalde mayor, the investigation must be brought before the licentiate Espinosa, and he, in conformity with royal instructions, had to be associated with the bishop Quevedo. Though inexperienced, Espinosa is honest. As for the prelate—does not the accused pray devoutly, and pay liberally? and does he not send the good bishop gifts of slaves, and share with him several lucrative enterprises? Go to! He of the cask is not so great a simpleton after all. He forces even Doña Isabel to smile upon him. He is acquitted. The enraged Pedrarias then hurls civil processes at him, until he is nearly ruined. Enciso meanwhile manufactures fresh guilt relative to the affair of Nicuesa. It is of no use; for the bishop fattens. Pedrarias now swears he will send the fellow to Spain for trial. This does not suit Quevedo. "What madness," drawls the bishop, "to send a successful man to court. Know you not that ere this all Europe is ringing his praises? Better keep him within your grasp; become reconciled, then crush him under your protecting wing." Never is more diabolical mercy solicited for a friend. The governor perceives more than the prelate intends, and immediately arrays his villainy in friendship's smiling garb.
* * * * *
Amid such profitless pastime, too often the chief occupation of rulers, the so lately hilarious fifteen hundred were becoming hungry. The provisions they had brought were exhausted. Looking at the five hundred old settlers, the remnant of other fifteen hundred, the unseasoned opened speculation as to their own similar contraction. And straightway they began to die; twenty a day, until seven hundred were buried in their brocades. Sending under a strong guard some provisions to a secret spot, at a distance from the town, Pedrarias repaired thither and fed himself.
* * * * *
Immediate occupation alone could save the survivors. Taking advantage of Balboa's plans, Pedrarias determined to appropriate to himself the benefits of his discovery. Luckily, on hearing of the late discovery, the king had written to establish a line of posts from sea to sea,[X-14] to make settlements, selecting therefor healthy sites, where was good water; also to build a town on the shore of San Miguel Gulf, and three or four caravels likewise, giving them in charge of skilful captains for the prosecution of new discoveries in that direction. Accordingly, at once to plant the line of posts and circumvent any efforts of Vasco Nuñez in that direction, Juan de Ayora with four hundred men was despatched across the mountains from Careta.
We have found Balboa's policy in his treatment of the natives severe enough, but that which was now to be inaugurated makes his conduct seem humane in comparison. Whatever harsh measures circumstances at times seemed to him to render necessary, the fact remains that on his return from the South Sea expedition he left the nations friendly.[X-15] In all their bloody pacifyings, probably not one of the New World commanders so nearly observed the wishes of their Catholic majesties as Vasco Nuñez.
[Sidenote: REQUIREMENT OF THE INDIANS.]
Among the rules respecting the natives was one directing how war should be made, and what the savages must do in order to save themselves and their lands. The formula drawn at an earlier date by a conclave of Spanish jurists and divines, by which Nicuesa, Ojeda, and others were to take possession of territories, was superseded by a Requirement of the Indians furnished Pedrarias by his sovereign, a translation of which I give in full below.[X-16] This requirement, which heralded to the heathen the name of Christ and European civilization in terms ridiculous and distasteful enough, was mild and logical in its intention as compared with the horrors attending its execution. In the instructions accompanying the requerimiento, Pedrarias had been charged never to wage war unless the Indians were the aggressors, nor until they had been summoned to obedience once, twice, three times. This the governor told his lieutenant, but Pedrarias likewise told Ayora to send him food and gold without delay. It was seldom difficult to excite savages to acts of aggression, and as for reading to the natives the requerimiento, as required by law, that might be done by the notary at his convenience, but never so as to interfere with the advantages of a sudden surprise or preliminary butchery. In a word, the requirement was no less void in practice than absurd in theory.
[Sidenote: AYORA'S OUTRAGES.]
The first action of Ayora was evidence of this. Ever since the union of Vasco Nuñez and Careta's daughter, equivalent with the natives to a marriage, the most friendly relations had existed between the Spaniards and Careta's people. Not only did the cacique present his respects in person to Pedrarias, but many times he sent food to the famishing colonists. It seems incredible that creatures in human form, to say nothing of European or Christian men, should repay such kindness by sudden, unprovoked attack, such as surprising peaceful villages by night, firing the houses, and murdering some of the slumberers while taking captive others, all being attended by wanton cruelty and pillage. Yet such was the fate of Careta, Panciaco, and other friends and allies of Vasco Nuñez. From the accident of conquest, captives for slaves had become one of the objects of conquest.
After this brilliant achievement at Careta, Ayora passed on to a small port which he named Santa Cruz,[X-17] where he planted the initial settlement of the line which was to extend from sea to sea. Leaving there eighty men, he marched southward, robbing and murdering as he went. "The caciques were tortured to make them disclose their gold," writes Oviedo. "Some they roasted, others they threw to the dogs, others were hanged."[X-18]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: HURTADO SENT OUT.]
If not for the church, then for himself the good bishop of Darien was interested in the spoils of God's enemies everywhere. In Ayora's maraudings he had special interest; and no intelligence reaching Antigua for some time concerning them, Quevedo suggested to Pedrarias that a messenger be sent to ascertain his lieutenant's progress. Bartolomé Hurtado, once the friend of Vasco Nuñez, but anxious now before the new powers to wipe out that stain, was accordingly sent to bring in the plunder.
On the way, to please Pedrarias, Hurtado sought to excel Ayora in rapine; but that was impossible. In returning with the plunder, however, he stopped at Careta's village and asked for men to carry burdens to Antigua, and this was readily granted by the chief, anxious as he still was for the friendship of the Spaniards. After honorably discharging his trust with regard to Ayora and Pedrarias, in manner becoming a Christian and a cavalier, he selected from Careta's men six of the finest specimens and presented them as slaves to the governor; to the worthy bishop he gave other six; and to Espinosa four. After thus going the rounds among the high officials, the remainder were branded and sold into slavery at public sale.[X-19] Hurtado was forgiven his former humanity.
Entering the dominions of Tubanamá, Juan de Ayora planted there another fortress which he left in charge of Meneses. But instead of continuing his labors across the Isthmus, as ordered, he determined to give himself wholly up to robbery, and escape the country before his offences should be fully known. Following this plan he soon found himself overloaded with booty; and, leaving his captains to overrun the land at pleasure, he returned with his captives, gold, and provisions to Antigua. The gold, he said, must remain untouched, for future division. The provisions were deposited with the governor, and the captives distributed among the royal officers, who had been sent hither at the king's cost, to see among other things that the natives were not enslaved. Yet Ayora was ill at ease. His dreams and meditations were not pleasant; he knew that there must be a day of reckoning when his atrocities became known. The villain determined to escape before the return of the captains. Making ready with his men, he watched his opportunity, and seizing one of the ships lying at the anchorage, not unknown to the governor however, as many think, he escaped with his booty. Peter Martyr, while acknowledging a long acquaintance with Ayora, says that "in all the turmoyles and tragicall affayres of the Ocean, nothing hath so muche displeased me, as the couetousnesse of this man, who hath so disturbed the pacified minds of the Kinges." And "if Juan de Ayora had been punished for his many injuries to the peaceable caciques," wrote Vasco Nuñez subsequently to the king, "the other captains would not have dared to commit like excesses."[X-20]
The chronicles continue in about the same strain. Shortly after Ayora, Francisco Becerra came in from the hunt with gold to the value of seven thousand pesos de oro, and with over one hundred captives, by the judicious distribution of which official inquiry was not only quieted, but Becerra obtained a new commission. He was sent with one hundred and eighty men and three pieces of artillery to Cenú, to avenge the death of forty-eight men lost by Francisco de Vallejo some time before. It was here that Enciso once attempted to violate the native sepulchres in search of golden ornaments. Becerra went with the determination to spare neither age nor sex; but, on landing, the party was decoyed into ambush and every man of them slain by the poisoned arrows of the enemy, a native servant-boy of Becerra alone escaping to carry the news to Antigua.
[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF SANTA CRUZ.]
Since the whole region was in arms the eighty men at Santa Cruz found it every day more difficult to sustain life by stealing. Wherever the savages could catch them they repaid their cruelties in kind, cutting off the limbs with sharp stones, or pouring melted gold down their throats, crying "Eat! Eat gold, Christians! take your fill of gold!"[X-21]
Growing yet bolder, Pocorosa collected a large force and captured the fort, five Spaniards only escaping to Antigua.[X-22] Thus within six months after establishing Santa Cruz, not a vestige of the settlement remained.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: TELLO DE GUZMAN AND ALBITES.]
Antonio Tello de Guzman was sent with one hundred men to continue the work abandoned by Ayora. Departing from Antigua early in November, 1515, he proceeded to the province of Tubanamá[X-23] and found the fortress, in command of Captain Meneses, besieged by the savages, and the garrison reduced to the last extremity. The place was abandoned, and Meneses marched southward with Guzman into the provinces of Chepo and Chepauri. There they were met by several caciques combined to oppose them; but the savages were persuaded to think better of it. Chepo presented his visitors with a large amount of gold and feasted them. While seated at dinner a young cacique rushed in greatly excited and denounced the host as a usurper, who had defrauded him of his inheritance. "Reinstate me," he urged, "and I will give you twice the gold Chepo has given." The argument was irresistible. Chepo was hanged; seven of his principal men were given to the dogs, and the adjudicators received gold to the value of six thousand pesos. Then they went their way.
As they approached the seaboard they heard a place much spoken of which the natives called Panamá. It must be that gold or pearls were there, the Spaniards thought; for how otherwise could any place be famous? On reaching it, however, they were disappointed to find only a collection of fishermen's huts, the word panamá, in the aboriginal tongue, signifying "a place where many fish are taken."[X-24] Resting here with part of his company, Tello de Guzman despatched Diego de Albites with eighty men to the rich province of Chagre, ten leagues distant; and this captain plumes himself, and we permit him in God's name, that he did not murder the sleepy savages when, roused at dead of night, they gazed with stolid astonishment on their strange visitors, and promptly paid twelve hundred pesos for the privilege to be left alive. Acquiring so much so easily, Albites deemed it only proper to demand more, and handing another large sack to the cacique, he told him to fill it with gold. "I can fill your sack with stones from the brook," was the reply, "but I cannot make gold, neither have I any more." Even for this the good Albites did not cast him to the dogs, but took his departure for Pacora,[X-25] where joined by Guzman the entire company returned to Tubanamá.
Thus far the expedition of Tello de Guzman had been prosperous, and more important than he himself imagined, for his was the first visit of Spaniards to the site of the afterwards renowned city of Panamá. Hence to Antigua, however, the march was distressing. Elated by his success at Santa Cruz, Pocorosa appeared at Tubanamá; with an increased force. Hoisting as banners the bloody raiment of slain Christians, the savages brandished their gory pennons on every hillside, crying, "Behold the fate of the accursed, who leave their homes to mar the peace of unoffending nations." All along down the mountain and over the burning plain of Darien to the very threshold of Antigua, the Spaniards fought a hidden foe, who never offered pitched battle, but so harassed them that ofttimes they were on the point of throwing away their heavy plates of gold, and lying down to die from thirst, hunger, and exhaustion. Nevertheless they arrived at Antigua with many slaves and much treasure.
* * * * *
All this time Vasco Nuñez was left in the background; and while such dastardly doings were in order it was as well for every honorable man to remain unoccupied. It was hard, however, to remain idle; and in an evil moment, at the earnest solicitations of the old comrades who had no confidence in any other leader, he consented to take part in another expedition to Dabaiba, in search of the gold and the golden temple there. It was a desperate undertaking, as the former adventure had proved, but the colony was an Ixion's wheel that kept the government ever moving.
When two hundred men were ready, and the question of leadership arose, Pedrarias named Luis Carrillo; but there were those who would not go except under Vasco Nuñez. Then it occurred to the governor to divide the leadership in such a way that if the expedition proved successful his own captain should have the credit, and if a failure, the blame should fall upon his enemy. And so it was arranged, to the infinite disgust of Balboa, who plainly saw the governor's purpose, and would have declined could he have done so without prejudice to his friends. Embarking in June, 1515, and ascending the Atrato for some distance, the expedition was suddenly surrounded by hostile canoes which darted simultaneously from beneath the foliage overhanging either bank. The Spaniards were taken at a disadvantage; for beside attacking them with wooden lances the savages, who were more expert upon the water than the Spaniards, dived under and overturned their canoes, to the destruction of one half the expedition. Among the lost was Luis Carrillo. The one hundred survivors found their way back to Antigua with no small difficulty.
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION UP THE ATRATO.]
One might think that this would be enough of the golden temple for the present. But not so. These men were not Castilians if danger and defeat acted otherwise than as stimulants to new adventure. Furthermore, like the honors of the arena which are magnified by the difficulties of their attainment, the mysterious dominion so stubbornly defended must hold great treasure, and in the inflamed minds of the Spaniards the savage pantheon of Dabaiba had risen into a lofty edifice glittering with gold and gems, and situated in a region rich and beautiful beyond comparison. And Juan de Tabira, the factor, was confident he could capture it, as likewise was Juan de Birues the inspector. They would build three light brigantines; and with these, and a small fleet of canoes, and, say one hundred and sixty men, bid defiance to the demon host of Dabaiba. This they did, Tabira commanding. The cost fell heavy on the factor, but the king's chest helped him out, if Herrera speaks truly.
As hitherto, the invaders were attacked, but the savages were easily beaten off. Not so the goddess of the golden temple, who sent such a flood as uprooted trees, overturned the factor's vessel, and drowned among others both Tabira and Birues. Francisco Pizarro being of the party was asked to assume command and continue up the river, but he declined, and further efforts in that direction were abandoned.[X-26]
[Sidenote: A VISIT TO THE PEARL ISLANDS.]
Rumors arriving from Spain of the recognition by the India Council of the services and merits of Vasco Nuñez, Pedrarias hastened to move men to the southern seaboard, lest he should see his enemy placed in power there. For this mission were chosen the governor's cousin, Gaspar de Morales, and Francisco Pizarro, to whom were given sixty men.[X-27] They were told to cross the mountains by the shortest route, and, taking possession of the Pearl Islands found and named by Vasco Nuñez, to gather the fruit thereof. The object of the Europeans in attacking the islanders was, of course, to extend the boundaries of their enlightened, just, and humane civilization, and bring the benighted heathen to a knowledge of the Christian religion. True, they might gather a little gold, or pick up such pearls as fell in their way, for the laborer is worthy of his hire.
On reaching the seashore, Morales quartered half of his men, under Peñalosa, on a cacique named Tutibrá, and the remainder on the neighboring chieftain, Tunaca. Chiapes and Tumaco, still loyal to the Spaniards, joined them there. Every requisite, food, boats, and men, was provided by the savages with alacrity, for they who should despoil their ancient enemy were welcome.
One day, just before dark, Morales and Pizarro with thirty Spaniards and a large company of natives embarked in a fleet of canoes, but so boisterous was the sea that they were unable to reach the islands before the next day. Landing on one of the smaller islands and meeting but slight resistance, the invaders passed over to Isla Rica, as it was called by Vasco Nuñez, the largest of the group, where dwelt the terrible king, who made the caciques of the mainland tremble, and who now, nothing daunted, came forward at the head of his warriors and fought the strangers bravely. And notwithstanding Castilian gunpowder, steel, and bloodhounds heaping in lifeless masses before his eyes his best and bravest, the stubborn king fought on as if he knew not how to yield. Finally Chiapes and Tumaco spoke to him, and showed how vain resistance was, how valuable the friendship of the strangers. Believing this, the island monarch submitted, and brought the Spaniards to the spacious palace, as the old chroniclers called his house, and set before them a basket of large and lustrous pearls to satisfy their avaricious souls. In return the king was made passing rich by a present of a few cheap hand-mirrors, some hawk-bells and hatchets, and exhibited almost as foolish a delight over his trinkets as did the Europeans over theirs. "Commend me to the friendship of these gods," cried the king, as he sought his swarthy other self behind the mirror, and jingled the hawk-bells, so much more beautiful than pearls, and tried the keen edge of his hatchet on the skull of a slave standing by. Embracing Morales he led him to a tower which crowned the dwelling, and commanded a view of the isle-dotted ocean on every side. "Behold," he said, "the infinite sea extending beyond the sunbeams; behold these islands on the right hand and on the left. All are mine; all abound in pearls, whereof you shall have as many as desired if you continue my friend." He also spoke of the nations of the distant mainland whose mighty power was evidenced by the ships which he had sometimes seen.
Morales readily promised eternal friendship, stipulating only that one hundred marks of pearls should be annually paid the king of Castile, and to this assented the king of Dites,[X-28] as the natives called Isla Rica. In order, so far as possible, to render insignificant the achievement of Vasco Nuñez, Morales had been instructed to take possession of the South Sea for the king of Spain in the name of Pedrarias. This was now done. The name of Isla de Flores was substituted for that of Isla Rica, and the holy rite of baptism was administered to the king, who received the name Pedro Arias.[X-29]
[Sidenote: MISFORTUNES OF MORALES.]
The good fortune of Morales now forsook him. On returning to the mainland he found that the country was in arms, owing to the excesses of Peñalosa, who was a relative of Isabel, wife of Pedrarias. The villain had repaid the hospitality of Tutibrá by outrages on his women, and the chieftains had in consequence confederated for the protection of their homes. In revenge for this Morales spread fire and sword throughout that region. On one occasion eighteen caciques, called to a friendly council, were treacherously seized and given to the dogs; at another time seven hundred savages are said to have been slain within an hour. But in burning the village of a cacique named Birú,[X-30] on the eastern side of the gulf, the Spaniards were repulsed, and in attempting to cross the mountains to Darien they lost their way, and after considerable wandering and suffering found themselves back at the starting-point. Again they essayed the transit, a handful of men amidst infuriated hosts. In retaliation for night attacks, and darts showered by day from cliffs and thickets, the Europeans strewed their path with murdered and mutilated captives to the number of one hundred, hoping to intimidate the enemy, who was only the more maddened thereby. Thus, midst this bloody disturbance, which in ferocity far exceeded anything of which wild beasts are capable, this band of Spanish marauders escaping their just deserts, managed with great tribulation to reach their settlement, still clinging to the gold and pearls.[X-31]
To Gaspar de Morales Vasco Nuñez pays the same encomiums as to the other captains of Pedrarias. "Be it known to your Majesty," he writes, "that during this excursion was perpetrated the greatest cruelty ever heard of in Arabian or Christian country, in any generation. And this it is. This captain and the surviving Christians while on their journey took nearly one hundred Indians of both sexes, mostly women and children, fastened them with chains, and afterward ordered them to be decapitated and scalped." But "being cousin and servant of the governor," adds Oviedo, he suffers "neither pain nor punishment."