XXIV. PERIODICAL PUBLIC FESTIVALS, ETC
Many of the most remarkable customs of the modern Egyptians are witnessed at their periodical public festivals celebrated in Cairo; the more important of which I shall here describe. Most of these festivals and other anniversaries take place at particular periods of the lunar, Mohammadan year.
The first ten days of “Moharram” (the first month of the Mohammadan year) are considered as eminently blessed; and are celebrated with rejoicing: but the tenth day is especially honoured. They are vulgarly called the “’ashr;” the derivation of which term will be explained hereafter. The custom of selling, during this period of ten days, what is called “mey’ah mubárakah,” to be used, during the ensuing year, as a charm against the evil eye, whenever occasion may require, I have already mentioned in the second of the two chapters devoted to the superstitions of the modern Egyptians.—I have also mentioned that it is considered, by the Egyptians, unlucky to make a marriage-contract in Moharram.
It is a common custom of the Muslims of Egypt to give what they can afford in alms during the month of Moharram; especially in the first ten days, and more especially on the tenth day;[518] and many pretend, though few of them really do so, to give, at this season, the “zekah,” or alms required by their law, of which I have spoken in a former chapter: they give what, and to whom, they will. During the ten days above mentioned, and particularly on the tenth, many of the women of Cairo, and even those in respectable circumstances, if they have a young child, carry it through the streets, generally on the shoulder, or employ another female to carry it, for the purpose of soliciting alms from any well-dressed person whom they may chance to meet: sometimes the mother or bearer of the child, and sometimes the child itself, asks for the alms; saying, “My master, the alms of the ’ashr.” The word “’ashr” is vulgarly understood as meaning the “ten days;” but I think it signifies the “ten nights;” though I am informed that it is a corruption of “’oshr,” a term improperly used for “ruba el-’oshr” (the quarter of the tenth, or the fortieth part), which is the proportion that the Muslim is required, by law, to give in alms of the money which he possesses, and of some other articles of property. The sum generally given to a child in the case above described is a piece of five faddahs;[519] and this, and as many others as can be procured in the same manner, are sometimes spent in sweetmeats, etc., but more usually sewed to the child’s cap, and worn thus until the next Moharram; when, if the child be not too old, the same custom is repeated for its sake; the pieces of money thus obtained being considered as charms.
The women of Egypt, and particularly of Cairo, entertain some curious superstitions respecting the first ten days of Moharram. They believe that “ginn” (or genii) visit some people by night during this period; and say that, on this occasion, a ginnee appears sometimes in the form of a sakka (or water-carrier), and sometimes in that of a mule. In the former case the mysterious visitor is called “sakka el-’ashr” (or “the water-carrier of the ’ashr”); in the latter, “baghlet el-’ashr” (“the mule of the ’ashr”). When the ginnee, they say, comes in the form of a sakka, he knocks at the chamber-door of a person sleeping, who asks, “Who is there?” The ginnee answers, “I, the sakka; where shall I empty [the skin]?” The person within, as sakkas do not come at night, knows who his visitor is, and says, “Empty into the water-jar;” and, going out afterwards, finds the jar full of gold.—The ginnee in the form of a mule is described in a more remarkable manner. He bears a pair of saddle-bags filled with gold; a dead man’s head is placed upon his back, and round his neck is hung a string of little round bells, which he shakes at the door of the chamber of the person whom he comes to enrich. This person comes out, takes off the dead man’s head, empties the saddle-bags of their valuable contents, then fills them with straw or bran or anything else, replaces them, and says to the mule, “Go, O blessed!”—Such are the modes in which the good genii pay their zekah. During the first ten days of Moharram, many an ignorant woman ejaculates this petition: “O my Lord, send me the water-carrier of the ’ashr!” or, “Send me the mule of the ’ashr!” The men, in general, laugh at these superstitions.
Some of the people of Cairo say that a party of genii, in the forms and garbs of ordinary mortals, used to hold a midnight “sook” (or market) during the first ten days of Moharram, in a street called Es-Saleebeh, in the southern part of the metropolis, before an ancient sarcophagus, which was called “el-Hód el-Marsood” (or “the Enchanted Trough”). This sarcophagus was in a recess under a flight of steps leading up to the door of a mosque adjacent to the old palace called Kal’at el-Kebsh: it was removed by the French during their occupation of Egypt, and is now in the British Museum. Since its removal, the sook of the genii, it is said, has been discontinued. Very few persons, I am told, were aware of this custom of the genii. Whoever happened to pass through the street where they were assembled and bought anything of them, whether dates or other fruit, cakes, bread, etc., immediately after found his purchase converted into gold.
The tenth day of Moharram is called “Yóm ’A′shoora.” It is held sacred on many accounts: because it is believed to be the day on which the first meeting of Adam and Eve took place after they were cast out of Paradise; and that on which Noah went out from the ark; also, because several other great events are said to have happened on this day; and because the ancient Arabs, before the time of the Prophet, observed it by fasting. But what, in the opinion of most modern Muslims, and especially the Persians, confers the greatest sanctity on the day of ’A′shoora, is the fact of its being that on which El-Hoseyn, the Prophet’s grandson, was slain, a martyr, at the battle of the plain of Karbal′a. Many Muslims fast on this day, and some also on the day preceding.
As I am now writing on the day of ’A′shoora, I shall mention the customs peculiar to it which I have witnessed on the present occasion.—I had to provide myself with a number of five-faddah pieces before I went out this day for the alms of the ’ashr, already mentioned. In the streets of the town I saw many young children, from about three to six or seven years of age, chiefly girls, walking about alone, or two or three together, or carried by women, and begging these alms.—In the course of the morning, a small group of blind fakeers, one of whom bore a half-furled red flag, with the names of El-Hoseyn and other worthies worked upon it in white, stopped in the street before my door, and chanted a petition for an alms. One of them began, “O thou who hast alms to bestow on the blessed day of ’A′shoora!”—the others then continued, in chorus, “A couple of grains of wheat! A couple of grains of rice! O Hasan! O Hoseyn!” The same words were repeated by them several times. As soon as they had received a small piece of money, they passed on, and then performed the same chant before other houses, but only where appearances led them to expect a reward. Numerous groups of fakeers go about the town in different quarters during this day, soliciting alms in the same manner.
On my paying a visit to a friend a little before noon, a dish, which it is the custom of the people of Cairo to prepare on the day of ’A′shoora, was set before me. It is called “hoboob,” and is prepared with wheat steeped in water for two or three days, then freed from the husks, boiled, and sweetened over the fire with honey or treacle; or it is composed of rice instead of wheat: generally, nuts, almonds, raisins, etc., are added to it. In most houses this dish is prepared, or sweetmeats of various kinds are procured or made, in accordance with one of the traditions of the Prophet; which is—“Whoso giveth plenty to his household on the day of ’A’shoora, God will bestow plenty upon him throughout the remainder of the year.”
After the call to noon-prayers, I went to the mosque of the Hasaneyn, which, being the reputed burial-place of the head of the martyr El-Hoseyn, is the scene of the most remarkable of the ceremonies that, in Cairo, distinguish the day of ’A′shoora. The avenues to this mosque, near the Kádee’s court, were thronged with passengers; and in them I saw several groups of dancing-girls (Gházeeyehs); some dancing, and others, sitting in a ring in the public thoroughfare, eating their dinner, and (with the exclamation of “bi-smi-llah!”) inviting each well-dressed man who passed by to eat with them. One of them struggled hard with me to prevent my passing without giving them a present. The sight of these unveiled girls, some of them very handsome, and with their dress alluringly disposed to display to advantage their fine forms, was but ill calculated to prepare men who passed by them for witnessing religious ceremonies; but so it is, that, on the occasions of all the great religious festivals in Cairo, and at many other towns in Egypt, these female warrers against modesty (not always seductive, I must confess) are sure to be seen. On my way to the mosque, I had occasion to rid myself of some of the small coins which I had provided, to give them to children. My next occasion for disbursing was on arriving before the mosque, when several water-carriers, of the class who supply passengers in the streets, surrounded me; I gave two of them twenty faddahs, for which each of them was to distribute the contents of the earthen vessel which he bore on his back to poor passengers, for the sake of “our lord El-Hoseyn.”
On entering the mosque, I was much surprised at the scene which presented itself in the great hall, or portico. This, which is the principal part of the mosque, was crowded with visitors, mostly women of the middle and lower orders, with many children; and there was a confusion of noises like what may be heard in a large schoolroom where several hundred boys are engaged in play: there were children bawling and crying, men and women calling to each other, and, amid all this bustle, mothers and children were importuning every man of respectable appearance for the alms of the ’ashr. Seldom have I witnessed a scene more unlike that which the interior of a mosque generally presents; and in this instance I was the more surprised, as the Gámë’ el-Hasaneyn is the most sacred of all the mosques in Cairo. The mats which are usually spread upon the pavement had been removed; some pieces of old matting were put in their stead, leaving many parts of the floor uncovered; and these, and every part, were covered with dust and dirt brought in by the feet of many shoeless persons: for on this occasion, as it is impossible to perform the ordinary prayers in the mosque, people enter without having performed the usual ablution, and without repairing first to the tank to do this; though every person takes off his, or her, shoes, as at other times, on entering the mosque, many leaving them, as I did mine, with a door-keeper. Several parts of the floor were wetted (by children too young to be conscious of the sanctity of the place); and though I avoided these parts, I had not been many minutes in the mosque before my feet were almost black with the dirt upon which I had trodden, and with that from other persons’ feet which had trodden upon mine. The heat, too, was very oppressive; like that of a vapour-bath, but more heavy; though there is a very large square aperture in the roof, with a malkaf[520] of equal width over it, to introduce the northern breezes. The pulpit-stairs and the gallery of the muballigheen were crowded with women; and in the assemblage below the women were far more numerous than the men. Why this should be the case I know not, unless it be because the women are more superstitious, and have a greater respect for the day of ’A’shoora, and a greater desire to honour El-Hoseyn by visiting his shrine on this day.
It is commonly said by the people of Cairo, that no man goes to the mosque of the Hasaneyn on the day of ’A’shoora but for the sake of the women; that is, to be jostled among them; and this jostling he may indeed enjoy to the utmost of his desire, as I experienced in pressing forward to witness the principal ceremonies which contribute with the sanctity of the day to attract such swarms of people. By the back-wall, to the right of the pulpit, were seated, in two rows, face to face, about fifty darweeshes, of various orders. They had not yet begun their performances, or “zikrs,” in concert; but one old darweesh, standing between the two rows, was performing a zikr alone, repeating the name of God (Alláh), and bowing his head each time that he uttered the word, alternately to the right and left. In pushing forward to see them, I found myself in a situation rather odd in a country where it is deemed improper for a man even to touch a woman who is not his wife or slave or a near relation. I was so compressed in the midst of four women, that, for some minutes, I could not move in any direction, and pressed so hard against one young woman, face to face, that, but for her veil, our cheeks had been almost in contact: from her panting, it seemed that the situation was not quite easy to her; though a smile, expressed at the same time by her large black eyes, showed that it was amusing: she could not, however, bear it long, for she soon cried out, “My eye![521] do not squeeze me so violently.” Another woman called out to me, “O Efendee! by thy head! push on to the front, and make way for me to follow thee.” With considerable difficulty I attained the desired place, but in getting thither I had almost lost my sword and the hanging sleeves of my jacket: some person’s dress had caught the guard of the sword, and had nearly drawn the blade from the scabbard before I could get hold of the hilt. Like all around me, I was in a profuse perspiration.
The darweeshes I found to be of different nations, as well as of different orders. Some of them wore the ordinary turban and dress of Egypt; others wore the Turkish ká-ook, or padded cap; and others, again, wore high caps, or tartoors, mostly of the sugar-loaf shape. One of them had a white cap of the form last mentioned, upon which were worked, in black letters, invocations to the first four Khaleefehs, to El-Hasan and El-Hoseyn, and to other eminent saints, founders of different orders of darweeshes.[522] Most of the darweeshes were Egyptians; but there were among them many Turks and Persians. I had not waited many minutes before they began their exercises. Several of them first drove back the surrounding crowd with sticks; but as no stick was raised at me, I did not retire so far as I ought to have done; and before I was aware of what the darweeshes were about to do, forty of them, with extended arms and joined hands, had formed a large ring, in which I found myself enclosed. For a moment I felt half inclined to remain where I was, and join in the zikr; bow, and repeat the name of God; but another moment’s reflection on the absurdity of the performance, and the risk of my being discovered to be no darweesh, decided me otherwise; so, parting the hands of two of the darweeshes, I passed outside the ring. The darweeshes who formed the large ring (which enclosed four of the marble columns of the portico) now commenced their zikr, exclaiming over and over again, “Alláh!” and, at each exclamation, bowing the head and body, and taking a step to the right; so that the whole ring moved rapidly round. As soon as they commenced this exercise, another darweesh, a Turk, of the order of Mowlawees, in the middle of the circle, began to whirl; using both his feet to effect the motion, and extending his arms: the motion increased in velocity until his dress spread out like an umbrella. He continued whirling thus for about ten minutes, after which he bowed to his superior, who stood within the great ring; and then, without showing any signs of fatigue or giddiness, joined the darweeshes in the great ring; who had now begun to ejaculate the name of God with greater vehemence, and to jump to the right, instead of stepping. After the whirling, six other darweeshes, within the great ring, formed another ring, but a very small one; each placing his arms upon the shoulders of those next him; and thus disposed, they performed a revolution similar to that of the larger ring, excepting in being much more rapid; repeating, also, the same exclamation of “Alláh!” but with a rapidity proportionably greater. This motion they maintained for about the same length of time that the whirling of the single darweesh before had occupied; after which the whole party sat down to rest.—They rose again after the lapse of about a quarter of an hour; and performed the same exercise a second time.—I saw nothing more in the great portico that was worthy of remark, excepting two fakeers (who, a bystander told me, were “megázeeb,” or idiots), dancing, and repeating the name of God, and each beating a tambourine.
I was desirous of visiting the shrine of El-Hoseyn on this anniversary of his death, and of seeing if any particular ceremonies were performed there on this occasion. With difficulty I pushed through the crowd in the great portico to the door of the saloon of the tomb; but there I found comparatively few persons collected. On my entering, one of the servants of the mosque conducted me to an unoccupied corner of the bronze screen which surrounds the monument over the place where the martyr’s head is said to be buried, that I might there recite the Fát’hah: this duty performed, he dictated to me the following prayer; pausing after every two or three words, for me to repeat them, which I affected to do; and another person, who stood on my left, saying “A’meen” (or Amen), at the close of each pause. “O God, accept my visit, and perform my want, and cause me to attain my wish; for I come with desire and intent, and urge Thee by the seyyideh Zeyneb, and the Imám Esh-Sháfe’ee, and the Sultán Aboo-So’ood.”[523] After this followed similar words in Turkish; which were added in the supposition that I was a Turk, and perhaps did not understand the former words in Arabic. This short supplication has been often dictated to me at the tombs of saints in Cairo on festival days. On the occasion above described, before I proceeded to make the usual circuit round the screen which encloses the monument, I gave to the person who dictated the prayer a small piece of money, and he, in return, presented me with four little balls of bread, each about the size of a hazelnut. This was consecrated bread, made of very fine flour at the tomb of the seyyid Ahmad El-Bedawee; and brought hither, as it is to several saints’ tombs in Cairo on occasions of general visiting, to be given to the more respectable of the visitors. It is called “’Eysh es-seyyid El-Bedawee.” Many persons in Egypt keep a little piece of it (that is, one of the little balls into which it is formed) constantly in the pocket, as a charm; others eat it, as a valuable remedy against any disorder, or as a preventive of disease.
Generally, towards the end of “Safar” (the second month), the caravan of Egyptian pilgrims, returning from Mekkeh, arrives at Cairo: hence, this month is vulgarly called “Nezlet el-Hágg” (the Alighting of the Pilgrims). Many pilgrims, coming by the Red Sea, arrive before the caravan. A caravan of merchant-pilgrims arrives later than the main body of pilgrims.
An officer, called “Sháweesh el-Hágg,” arrives about four or five days before the caravan, having pushed on, with two Arabs, mounted on fleet dromedaries, to announce the approach of the Hágg,[524] and the expected day of their arrival at the metropolis; and to bring letters from pilgrims to their friends. He and his two companions exclaim, as they pass along, to the passengers in the way, “Blessing on the Prophet!” or, “Bless the Prophet!” and every Muslim who hears the exclamation responds, “O God, favour him!”—They proceed directly to the Citadel, to convey the news to the Básha or his representative. The Sháweesh divides his letters into packets, with the exception of those which are to great or wealthy people, and sells them, at so many dollars a packet, to a number of persons who deliver them, and receive presents from those to whom they are addressed; but sometimes lose by their bargains. The Sháweesh himself delivers those to the great and rich; and obtains from them handsome presents of money, or a shawl, etc.
Some persons go out two or three days’ journey, to meet their friends returning from pilgrimage; taking with them fresh provisions, fruits, etc., and clothes, for the wearied pilgrims. The poorer classes seldom go further than the Birket el-Hágg (or Lake of the Pilgrims), about eleven miles from the metropolis, and the place where the caravan passes the last night but one before its entry into the metropolis; or such persons merely go to the last halting-place. These usually take with them some little luxury in the way of food, and an ass, as an agreeable substitute to the pilgrim for his jaded and uneasy camel;[525] together with some clean, if not new, clothes; and many go out with musicians to pay honour to their friends. It is very affecting to see, at the approach of the caravan, the numerous parties who go out with drums and pipes to welcome and escort to the city their friends arrived from the holy places, and how many, who went forth in hope, return with lamentation instead of music and rejoicing; for the arduous journey through the desert is fatal to a great number of those pilgrims who cannot afford themselves necessary conveniences. Many of the women who go forth to meet their husbands or sons receive the melancholy tidings of their having fallen victims to privation and fatigue. The piercing shrieks with which they rend the air as they retrace their steps to the city are often heard predominant over the noise of the drum, and the shrill notes of the hautboy, which proclaim the joy of others.—The pilgrims, on their return, are often accosted, by passengers, with the petition, “Pray for pardon for me;” and utter this short ejaculation, “God pardon thee!” or, “O God! pardon him!” This custom owes its origin to a saying of the Prophet—“God pardoneth the pilgrim, and him for whom the pilgrim implores pardon.”
I write the following account of the Nezlet el-Hágg just after witnessing it, in the year of the Flight 1250 (A.D. 1834).—The caravan arrived at its last halting-place, the Hasweh, a pebbly tract of the desert, near the northern suburb of Cairo, last night, on the eve of the 4th of Rabeea el-Owwal. A few pilgrims left the caravan after sunset, and entered the metropolis. The caravan entered this morning, the fourth of the month. I was outside the walls soon after sunrise, before it drew near; but I met two or three impatient pilgrims, riding upon asses, and preceded by musicians or by flag-bearers, and followed by women singing; and I also met several groups of women who had already been out to make inquiries respecting relations whom they expected, and were returning with shrieks and sobs. Their lamentation seemed more natural, and more deeply felt, than that which is made at funerals. This year, in addition to a great many deaths, there were to be lamented a thousand men who had been seized for the army: so that, perhaps, there was rather more wailing than is usual. About two hours and a half after sunrise, the caravan began to draw near to the gates of the metropolis, parted in three lines: one line towards the gate called Báb en-Nasr; another directly towards the Báb el-Futooh; and the third, branching off from the second, to the Báb el-’Adawee. The caravan this year was more numerous than usual (though many pilgrims went by sea); and, in consequence of the seizure of so many men for the army, it comprised an uncommon proportion of women. Each of the three lines into which it divided to enter the metropolis, as above mentioned, consisted, for the most part, of an uninterrupted train of camels, proceeding one by one; but sometimes there were two abreast; and in a few places the train was broken for a short space. Many of the pilgrims had quitted their camels to take the more easy conveyance of asses; and rode beside their camels; many of them attended by musicians, and some by flag-bearers.
The most common kind of camel-litter used by the pilgrims is called a “musattah,” or “heml musattah.” It resembles a small, square tent; and is chiefly composed of two long chests, each of which has a high back: these are placed on the camel in the same manner as a pair of panniers, one on each side; and the high backs, which are placed outwards, together with a small pole resting on the camel’s pack-saddle, support the covering which forms what may be called the tent. This conveyance accommodates two persons. It is generally open at the front; and may also be opened at the back. Though it appears comfortable, the motion is uneasy; especially when it is placed upon a camel that has been accustomed to carry heavy burdens, and consequently has a swinging walk: but camels of easy pace are generally chosen for bearing the musattah and other kinds of litters. There is one kind of litter called a “shibreeyeh,” composed of a small, square platform, with an arched covering. This accommodates but one person; and is placed on the back of the camel: two sahhárahs (or square chests), one on each side of the camel, generally form a secure foundation for the shibreeyeh. The most comfortable kind of litter is that called a “takht’rawán,” which is most commonly borne by two camels; one before, and the other behind: the head of the latter is painfully bent down under the vehicle. This litter is sometimes borne by four mules; in which case its motion is more easy. Two light persons may travel in it. In general, it has a small projecting meshrebeeyeh of wooden lattice-work at the front and back, in which one or more of the porous earthen water-bottles so much used in Egypt may be placed.
I went on to the place where the caravan had passed the last night. During my ride from the suburb to this spot, which occupied a little more than half an hour (proceeding at a slow pace), about half the caravan passed me; and in half an hour more almost the whole had left the place of encampment.[526] I was much interested at seeing the meetings of wives, brothers, sisters, and children, with the pilgrims: but I was disgusted with one pilgrim: he was dressed in ragged clothes, and sitting on a little bit of old carpet, when his wife, or perhaps his sister, came out to him, perspiring under the weight of a large bundle of clothes, and fervently kissed him, right and left: he did not rise to meet her; and only made a few cold inquiries.—The Emeer el-Hágg (or chief of the caravan), with his officers, soldiers, etc., were encamped apart from the rest of the caravan. By his tent a tall spear was stuck in the ground; and by its side also stood the “Mahmal,” or “Mahmil”[527] (of which I shall presently give a sketch and description); with its travelling cover, of canvas, ornamented with a few inscriptions.
Many of the pilgrims bring with them, as presents, from “the holy territory,” water of the sacred well of “Zemzem” (in china bottles, or tin or copper flasks), pieces of the “kisweh” (or covering) of the Kaabeh (which is renewed at the season of the pilgrimage), dust from the Prophet’s tomb (made into hard cakes), “libán” (or frankincense), “leef” (or fibres of the palm-tree, used in washing, as we employ a sponge), combs of aloes-wood, “sebhahs” (or rosaries) of the same or other materials, “miswáks” (or sticks for cleaning the teeth, which are generally dipped in Zemzem-water, to render them more acceptable), “kohl” (or black powder for the eyes), shawls, etc., of the manufacture of the Hegáz,[528] and various things from India.
It is a common custom to ornament the entrance of a pilgrim’s house a day, or two or three days, before his arrival; painting the door, and colouring the alternate courses of stone on each side and above it with a deep dull red, and white; or, if it be of brick, ornamenting it in a similar manner, with broad horizontal stripes of red and white: often also trees, camels, etc., are painted in a very rude manner, in green, black, red, and other colours. The pilgrim sometimes writes to order this to be done. On the evening after his arrival, he entertains his friends with a feast, which is called “the feast of the Nezleh.” Numerous guests come to welcome him, and to say, “Pray for pardon for me.” He generally remains at home a week after his return; and on the seventh day gives to his friends another entertainment, which is called “the feast of the Subooa.” This continues during the day and ensuing night; and a khatmeh, or a zikr, is usually performed in the evening.
On the morning after that on which the main body of the pilgrims of the great caravan enter the metropolis, another spectacle is witnessed: this is the return of the Mahmal, which is borne in procession from the Hasweh, through the metropolis, to the Citadel. This procession is not always arranged exactly in the same order: I shall describe it as I have this day witnessed it, on the morning after the return of the pilgrims of which I have just given an account.
First, I must describe the Mahmal itself. It is a square skeleton-frame of wood, with a pyramidal top; and has a covering of black brocade, richly worked with inscriptions and ornamental embroidery in gold, in some parts upon a ground of green or red silk, and bordered with a fringe of silk, with tassels surmounted by silver balls. Its covering is not always made after the same pattern with regard to the decorations; but in every cover that I have seen, I have remarked, on the upper part of the front, a view of the Temple of Mekkeh, worked in gold; and, over it, the Sultán’s cypher. It contains nothing; but has two mus-hafs (or copies of the Kur-án), one on a scroll, and the other in the usual form of a little book, and each enclosed in a case of gilt silver, attached, externally, at the top. The sketch which I insert will explain this description. The five balls with crescents, which ornament the Mahmal, are of gilt silver. The Mahmal is borne by a fine tall camel, which is generally indulged with exemption from every kind of labour during the remainder of its life.
It is related that the Sultán Ez-Záhir Beybars, King of Egypt, was the first who sent a Mahmal with the caravan of pilgrims to Mekkeh, in the year of the Flight 670 (A.D. 1272), or 675; but this custom, it is generally said, had its origin a few years before his accession to the throne. Sheger-ed-Durr (commonly called Shegeret-ed-Durr), a beautiful Turkish female slave, who became the favourite wife of the Sultán Es-Sáleh Negm-ed-Deen, and on the death of his son (with whom terminated the dynasty of the house of Eiyoob) caused herself to be acknowledged as Queen of Egypt, performed the pilgrimage in a magnificent “hódag” (or covered litter), borne by a camel; and for several successive years her empty hódag was sent with the caravan merely for the sake of state. Hence, succeeding princes of Egypt sent, with each year’s caravan of pilgrims, a kind of hódag (which received the name of “Mahmal,” or “Mahmil”), as an emblem of royalty; and the kings of other countries followed their example.[529] The Wahhábees prohibited the Mahmal as an object of vain pomp: it afforded them one reason for intercepting the caravan.
The procession of the return of the Mahmal, in the year above mentioned, entered the city, by the Báb en-Nasr, about an hour after sunrise. It was headed by a large body of Nizám (or regular) infantry. Next came the Mahmal, which was followed, as usual, by a singular character: this was a long-haired, brawny, swarthy fellow, called “Sheykh-el-Gemel” (or Sheykh of the Camel), almost entirely naked, having only a pair of old trousers: he was mounted on a camel, and was incessantly rolling his head. For many successive years this sheykh has followed the Mahmal, and accompanied the caravan to and from Mekkeh; and all assert, that he rolls his head during the whole of the journey. He is supplied by the government with two camels and his travelling provisions. A few years ago there used also to follow the Mahmal, to and from Mekkeh, an old woman, with her head uncovered, and only wearing a shirt. She was called “Umm-el-Kutat” (or the Mother of the Cats), having always five or six cats sitting about her on her camel.—Next to the sheykh of the camel, in the procession which I have begun to describe, followed a group of Turkish horsemen; and then about twenty camels, with stuffed and ornamented saddles, covered with cloth, mostly red and green. Each saddle was decorated with a number of small flags, slanting forward from the fore part, and a small plume of ostrich-feathers upon the top of a stick fixed upright upon the same part; and some had a large bell hung on each side; the ornaments on the covering were chiefly formed of the small shells called cowries. I think I perceived that these camels were slightly tinged with the red dye of the henna; as they are on other similar occasions. They were followed by a very numerous body of Bedawee horsemen; and with these the procession was closed.
Having been misinformed as to the time of the entry of the Mahmal, on my arriving at the principal street of the city I found myself in the midst of the procession; but the Mahmal had passed. Mounting a donkey that I had hired, I endeavoured to overtake it; but it was very difficult to make any progress: so, without further loss of time, I took advantage of some bye-streets, and again joined the procession: I found, however, that I had made very little advancement. I therefore dismounted; and, after walking and running, and dodging between the legs of the Bedawees’ horses, for about half an hour, at length caught a glimpse of the Mahmal, and, by a great effort, and much squeezing, overtook it soon after, about a quarter of an hour before it entered the great open place called the Rumeyleh, before the Citadel. After touching it three times, and kissing my hand, I caught hold of the fringe, and walked by its side. The guardian of the sacred object, who walked behind it, looked very hard at me, and induced me to utter a pious ejaculation, which perhaps prevented his displacing me; or possibly my dress influenced him; for he only allowed other persons to approach and touch it one by one; and then drove them back. I continued to walk by its side, holding the fringe, nearly to the entrance of the Rumeyleh. On my telling a Muslim friend, to-day, that I had done this, he expressed great astonishment; and said that he had never heard of any one having done so before; and that the Prophet had certainly taken a love for me, or I could not have been allowed: he added, that I had derived an inestimable blessing; and that it would be prudent in me not to tell any others of my Muslim friends of this fact, as it would make them envy me so great a privilege, and perhaps displease them. I cannot learn why the Mahmal is esteemed so sacred. Many persons showed an enthusiastic eagerness to touch it; and I heard a soldier exclaim, as it passed him, “O my Lord! Thou hast denied my performing the pilgrimage!” The streets through which it passed were densely crowded: the shops were closed; and the mastab′ahs occupied by spectators. It arrived at the Rumeyleh about an hour and a half after it had entered the metropolis: it crossed this large place to the entrance of the long open space called Kara Meydán: next proceeded along the latter place, while about twelve of the guns of the Citadel fired a salute: then returned to the Rumeyleh, and proceeded through it to the northern gate of the Citadel, called Báb el-Wezeer.
A curious custom is allowed to be practised on the occasions of the processions of the Mahmal and Kisweh; which latter, and a more pompous procession of the Mahmal, on its departure for Mekkeh, will be hereafter described. Numbers of boys go about the streets of the metropolis in companies; each boy armed with a short piece of the thick end of a palm-stick, called a “makra’′ah,” in which are made two or three splits, extending from the larger end to about half the length; and any Christian or Jew whom they meet they accost with the demand of “Hát el-’ádeh,” or “Give the customary present:” if he refuse the gift of five or ten faddahs, they fall to beating him with their makra’′ahs. Last year a Frank was beaten by some boys, in accordance with this custom, and sought refuge in a large wekáleh; but some of the boys entered after him, and repeated the beating. He complained to the Básha, who caused a severe bastinading to be administered to the sheykh of the wekáleh, for not having protected him.
In the beginning of the month of “Rabeea el-Owwal” (the third month) preparations are commenced for celebrating the festival of the Birth of the Prophet, which is called “Moolid en-Nebee.” The principal scene of this festival is the south-west quarter of the large open space called Birket el-Ezbekeeyeh, almost the whole of which, during the season of the inundation, becomes a lake: this is the case for several years together at the time of the festival of the Prophet, which is then celebrated on the margin of the lake; but at present, the dry bed of the lake is the chief scene of the festival. In the quarter above mentioned, several large tents (called “seewáns”) are pitched; mostly for darweeshes, who, every night, while the festival lasts, assemble in them, to perform zikrs. Among these is erected a mast (sáree), firmly secured by ropes, and with a dozen or more lamps hung to it. Around it, numerous darweeshes, generally about fifty or sixty, form a ring, and repeat zikrs. Near the same spot is erected what is termed a “káïm;” which consists of four masts erected in a line, a few yards apart, with numerous ropes stretched from one to the other and to the ground: upon these ropes are hung many lamps; sometimes in the form of flowers, lions, etc.; sometimes of words, such as the names of God and Mohammad, the profession of the faith, etc.; and sometimes arranged in a merely fanciful, ornamental manner. The preparations for the festival are generally completed on the second day of the month; and on the following day the rejoicings and ceremonies begin: these continue, day and night, until the twelfth night of the month; that is, according to the Mohammadan mode of reckoning, the night preceding the twelfth day of the month; which night is that of the Moolid, properly speaking.[530] During this period of nine days and nights, numbers of the inhabitants of the metropolis flock to the Ezbekeeyeh.—I write these notes during the Moolid; and shall describe the festival of this year (the year of the Flight 1250, A.D. 1834); mentioning some particulars in which it differs from those of former years.
During the day-time, the people assembled at the principal scene of the festival are amused by Shá’ers (or reciters of the romance of Aboo-Zeyd), conjurers, buffoons, etc. The Ghawázee have lately been compelled to vow repentance, and to relinquish their profession of dancing, etc.: consequently, there are now none of them at the festival. These girls used to be among the most attractive of all the performers. In some parts of the neighbouring streets, a few swings and whirligigs are erected, and numerous stalls for the sale of sweetmeats, etc. Sometimes, rope-dancers, who are gipsies, perform at this festival; but there are none this year. At night, the streets above mentioned are lighted with many lamps, which are mostly hung in lanterns of wood:[531] numbers of shops and stalls, stocked with eatables, chiefly sweetmeats, are open during almost the whole of the night; and so also are the coffee-shops; at some of which, as well as in other places, Shá’ers or Mohaddits amuse whoever chooses to stop and listen to their recitations. Every night, an hour or more after midnight, processions of darweeshes pass through this quarter: instead of bearing flags, as they do in the day, they carry long staves, with a number of lamps attached to them at the upper part, and called “menwars.” The procession of a company of darweeshes, whether by day, with flags, or by night, with menwars, is called the procession of the “ishárah” of the sect; that is, of the “banner;” or rather, the term “ishárah” is applied to the procession itself. These darweeshes are mostly persons of the lower orders, and have no distinguishing dress: the greater number wear an ordinary turban, and some of them merely a tarboosh, or a padded or felt cap; and most of them wear the common blue linen or cotton, or brown woollen, shirt—the dress which they wear on other occasions, at their daily work, or at their shops.
On the last two nights, the festival is more numerously attended than on the preceding nights; and the attractions are greater. I shall describe what I have just witnessed on the former of these nights.
This being the eleventh night of the lunar month, the moon was high, and enlivened the scenes of festivity. I passed on to a street called Sook El-Bekree, on the south of the Birket el-Ezbekeeyeh, to witness what I was informed would be the best of the zikrs that were to be performed. The streets through which I passed were crowded; and persons were here allowed, on this occasion, to go about without lanterns. As is usually the case at night, there were scarcely any women among the passengers. At the scene of the zikr in the Sook El-Bekree, which was more crowded than any other place, was suspended a very large “negefeh” (a chandelier, or rather a number of chandeliers, chiefly of glass, one below another, placed in such a manner that they all appeared but one), containing about two or three hundred kandeels (or small glass lamps[532]). Around this were many lanterns of wood, each having several kandeels hanging through the bottom. These lights were not hung merely in honour of the Prophet: they were near a “záwiyeh” (or small mosque) in which is buried the sheykh Darweesh[533] El-’Ashmáwee; and this night was his Moolid. A zikr is performed here every Friday-night (or what we call Thursday-night); but not with so much display as on the present occasion. I observed many Christian black turbans here; and having seen scarcely any elsewhere this night, and heard the frequent cry of “A grain of salt in the eye of him who doth not bless the Prophet!” ejaculated by the sellers of sweetmeats, etc., which seemed to show that Christians and Jews were at least in danger of being insulted, at a time when the zeal of the Muslims was unusually excited, I asked the reason why so many Copts should be congregated at the scene of this zikr: I was answered, that a Copt, who had become a Muslim, voluntarily paid all the expenses of this Moolid of the sheykh Darweesh. This sheykh was very much revered: he was disordered in mind, or imitated the acts of a madman; often taking bread and other eatables, and stamping upon them, or throwing them into dirt; and doing many other things directly forbidden by his religion; yet was he esteemed an eminent saint; for such acts, as I have remarked on a former occasion, are considered the results of the soul’s being occupied in devotion. He died about eight years ago.
The “zikkeers” (or the performers of the zikr), who were about thirty in number, sat cross-legged, upon matting extended close to the houses on one side of the street, in the form of an oblong ring. Within this ring, along the middle of the matting, were placed three very large wax-candles, each about four feet high, and stuck in a low candlestick. Most of the zikkeers were Ahmed′ee darweeshes, persons of the lower orders, and meanly dressed: many of them wore green turbans. At one end of the ring were four “munshids” (or singers of poetry), and with them was a player on the kind of flute called “náy.” I procured a small seat of palm-sticks from a coffee-shop close by, and, by means of a little pushing, and the assistance of my servant, obtained a place with the munshids, and sat there to hear a complete act, or “meglis,” of the zikr; which I shall describe as completely as I can, to convey a notion of the kind of zikr most common and most approved in Cairo. It commenced at about three o’clock (or three hours after sunset); and continued two hours.
The performers began by reciting the Fát’hah, altogether; their sheykh (or chief) first exclaiming, “El-Fát’hah!” They then chanted the following words:—“O God, favour our lord Mohammad among the former generations; and favour our lord Mohammad among the latter generations; and favour our lord Mohammad in every time and period; and favour our lord Mohammad among the most exalted princes,[534] unto the day of judgment: and favour all the prophets and apostles among the inhabitants of the heavens and of the earth: and may God (whose name be blessed and exalted!) be well pleased with our lords and our masters, those persons of illustrious estimation, Aboo-Bekr and ’Omar and ’Osmán and ’Alee, and with all the other favourites of God. God is our sufficiency; and excellent is the Guardian! And there is no strength nor power but in God, the High, the Great! O God! O our Lord! O Thou liberal of pardon! O Thou most bountiful of the most bountiful! O God! Amen!” They were then silent for three or four minutes; and again recited the Fát’hah, but silently. This form of prefacing the zikr is commonly used by almost all orders of darweeshes in Egypt.
After this preface, the performers began the zikr. Sitting in the manner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, “Lá iláha illa-lláh” (“There is no deity but God”), to the following air:—
[Stanza]
[Stanza]
[Stanza]
Lá i - lá - - ha il - - lal- - láh. Lá i - lá - ha i -l - la - l -lá -h. Lá i - lá - ha il - la-l láh.
bowing the head and body twice in each repetition of “Lá iláha illa-lláh.” Thus they continued about a quarter of an hour; and then, for about the same space of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, but in a quicker measure, and with correspondingly quicker motions. In the meantime, the munshids frequently sang, to the same, or a variation of the same, air, portions of a kaseedeh, or of a muweshshah; an ode of a similar nature to the Song of Solomon, generally alluding to the Prophet as the object of love and praise.
I shall here give a translation of one of these muweshshahs, which are very numerous, as a specimen of their style, from a book containing a number of these poems, which I have purchased during the present Moolid, from a darweesh who presides at many zikrs. He pointed out the following poem as one of those most common at zikrs, and as one which was sung at the zikr which I have begun to describe. I translate it verse for verse, and imitate the measure and system of rhyme of the original, with this difference only, that the first, third, and fifth lines of each stanza rhyme with each other in the original, but not in my translation.
“With love my heart is troubled; And mine eye-lid hind’reth sleep: My vitals are dissever’d; While with streaming tears I weep. My union seems far distant: Will my love e’er meet mine eye? Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh.
“By dreary nights I’m wasted: Absence makes my hope expire: My tears, like pearls, are dropping; And my heart is wrapt in fire. Whose is like my condition? Scarcely know I remedy. Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh.
“O turtle-dove! acquaint me Wherefore thus dost thou lament? Art thou so stung by absence? Of thy wings depriv’d, and pent? He saith, ‘Our griefs are equal: Worn away with love, I lie.’ Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh.
“O First, and sole Eternal! Show Thy favour yet to me. Thy slave, Ahmad El-Bekree,[535] Hath no Lord excepting Thee. By Tá-Há,[536] the Great Prophet! Do thou not his wish deny. Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh.”
I must translate a few more lines, to show more strongly the similarity of these songs to that of Solomon; and lest it should be thought that I have varied the expressions, I shall not attempt to render them into verse. In the same collection of poems sung at zikrs is one which begins with these lines:—
“O gazelle from among the gazelles of El-Yemen! I am thy slave without cost: O thou small of age, and fresh of skin! O thou who art scarce past the time of drinking milk!”
In the first of these verses we have a comparison exactly agreeing with that in the concluding verse of Solomon’s Song; for the word which, in our Bible, is translated a “roe,” is used in Arabic as synonymous with “ghazál” (or a gazelle); and the mountains of El-Yemen are “the mountains of spices.”—This poem ends with the following lines:—
“The phantom of thy form visited me in my slumber: I said, ‘O phantom of slumber! who sent thee?’ He said, ‘He sent me whom thou knowest; He whose love occupies thee.’ The beloved of my heart visited me in the darkness of night: I stood, to show him honour, until he sat down. I said, ‘O thou my petition, and all my desire! Hast thou come at midnight, and not feared the watchmen?’ He said to me, ‘I feared; but, however, love Had taken from me my soul and my breath.’”
Compare the above with the second and five following verses of the fifth chapter of Solomon’s Song.—Finding that songs of this description are extremely numerous, and almost the only poems sung at zikrs; that they are composed for this purpose, and intended only to have a spiritual sense (though certainly not understood in such a sense by the generality of the vulgar);[537] I cannot entertain any doubt as to the design of Solomon’s Song. The specimens which I have just given of the religious love-songs of the Muslims have not been selected in preference to others as most agreeing with that of Solomon; but as being in frequent use; and the former of the two as having been sung at the zikr which I have begun to describe. I must now resume the description of that zikr.
At frequent intervals (as is customary in other zikrs), one of the munshids sang out the word “Meded;” accenting each syllable. “Meded” signifies, when thus used, spiritual or supernatural aid, and implies an invocation for such aid.
The zikkeers, after having performed as above described, next repeated the same words to a different air, for about the same length of time; first very slowly, then quickly. The air was as follows:—
[Stanza]
[Stanza]
[Stanza]
Lá i - - - lá - - - ha il - - -la-l- lá - h. Lá i - lá - - ha il - la-l- lá - - -h. Lá i - lá - ha il - la-l - láh.
Then they repeated these words again, to the following air, in the same manner:—
[Stanza]
[Stanza]
Lá i - - lá - - ha il - - la - l- láh. Lá i - lá - ha il - la-l - láh.
They next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had been sitting, repeated the same words to another air. During this stage of their performance, they were joined by a tall, well-dressed, black slave, whose appearance induced me to inquire who he was: I was informed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the Básha. The zikkeers, still standing, next repeated the same words in a very deep and hoarse tone; laying the principal emphasis upon the word “Lá” and the first syllable of the last word (“Allah”); and uttering, apparently, with a considerable effort: the sound much resembled that which is produced by beating the rim of a tambourine. Each zikkeer turned his head alternately to the right and left at each repetition of “Lá iláha illa-lláh.” The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the zikr, became what is termed “melboos,” or possessed. Throwing his arms about, and looking up, with a very wild expression of countenance, he exclaimed, in a very high tone, and with great vehemence and rapidity, “Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! lá lá lá lá lá lá lá lá lá lá lá lá láh! Yá ’ammee![538] Yá ’ammee! Yá ’ammee ’Ashmáwee! Yá ’Ashmáwee! Yá ’Ashmáwee! Yá ’Ashmáwee!” His voice gradually became faint; and when he had uttered these words, though he was held by a darweesh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the mouth, his eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched over his thumbs. It was an epileptic fit: no one could see it and believe it to be the effect of feigned emotions: it was undoubtedly the result of a high state of religious excitement. Nobody seemed surprised at it; for occurrences of this kind at zikrs are not uncommon. All the performers now appeared much excited; repeating their ejaculations with greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the whole body at the same time: some of them jumping. The eunuch became melboos again, several times; and I generally remarked that his fits happened after one of the munshids had sung a line or two, and exerted himself more than usually to excite his hearers: the singing was, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Towards the close of the zikr, a private soldier, who had joined throughout the whole performance, also seemed, several times, to be melboos; growling in a horrible manner, and violently shaking his head from side to side. The contrast presented by the vehement and distressing exertions of the performers at the close of the zikr, and their calm gravity and solemnity of manner at the commencement, was particularly striking. Money was collected during the performance for the munshids.[539] The zikkeers receive no pay.
An ishárah passed during the meglis of the zikr above described. This zikr continues all night, until the morning-call to prayer: the performers only resting between each meglis; generally taking coffee, and some of them smoking.
It was midnight before I turned from this place to the Birket El-Ezbekeeyeh. Here, the moonlight and the lamps together produced a singular effect: several of the lamps of the káïm, of the sáree, and of the tents, had, however, become extinguished; and many persons were lying asleep upon the bare ground, taking their night’s rest. The zikr of the darweeshes round the sáree had terminated: I shall therefore describe this hereafter from my observation of it on the next night. After having witnessed several zikrs in the tents, I returned to my house to sleep.
On the following day (that immediately preceding what is properly called the night of the Moolid), I went again to the Ezbekeeyeh, about an hour before noon; but there were not many persons collected there at that time; nor was there much to amuse them: I saw only two or three conjurers and buffoons and shá’ers; each of whom had collected a small ring of spectators and hearers. The concourse, however, gradually increased; for a very remarkable spectacle was to be witnessed: a sight which every year, on this day, attracts a multitude of wondering beholders. This is called the “Dóseh,” or Treading. I shall now describe it.
The sheykh of the Saadeeyeh darweeshes (the seyyid Mohammad El-Menzeláwee), who is khateeb (or preacher) of the mosque of the Hasaneyn, after having, as they say, passed a part of the last night in solitude, repeating certain prayers and secret invocations, and passages from the Kur-án, repaired this day (being Friday) to the mosque above mentioned, to perform his accustomed duty. The noon-prayers and preaching being concluded, he rode thence to the house of the Sheykh El-Bekree, who presides over all the orders of darweeshes in Egypt. This house is on the southern side of the Birket El-Ezbekeeyeh, next to that which stands at the south-western angle. On his way from the mosque, he was joined by numerous parties of Saadee darweeshes from different districts of the metropolis; the members from each district having a pair of flags. The sheykh is an old, grey-bearded man, of an intelligent and amiable countenance, and fair complexion. He wore, this day, a white benish, and a white ká-ook (or padded cap, covered with cloth), having a turban composed of muslin of a very deep olive-colour, scarcely to be distinguished from black, with a strip of white muslin bound obliquely across the front. The horse upon which he rode was one of moderate height and weight; my reason for mentioning this will presently be seen. The sheykh entered the Birket El-Ezbekeeyeh preceded by a very numerous procession of the darweeshes of whom he is the chief. In the way through this place, the procession stopped at a short distance before the house of the Sheykh El-Bekree. Here, a considerable number of the darweeshes and others (I am sure that there were more than sixty, but I could not count their number[540]) laid themselves down upon the ground, side by side, as close as possible to each other, having their backs upwards, their legs extended, and their arms placed together beneath their foreheads. They incessantly muttered the word Allah! About twelve or more darweeshes, most without their shoes, then ran over the backs of their prostrate companions; some beating “bázes,” or little drums, of a hemispherical form, held in the left hand; and exclaiming Allah! and then the sheykh approached. His horse hesitated, for several minutes, to tread upon the back of the first of the prostrate men; but being pulled, and urged on behind, he at length stepped upon him; and then, without apparent fear, ambled, with a high pace, over them all, led by two persons, who ran over the prostrate men; one sometimes treading on the feet; and the other on the heads. The spectators immediately raised a long cry of “Alláh lá lá lá lá láh!” Not one of the men thus trampled upon by the horse seemed to be hurt; but each, the moment that the animal had passed over him, jumped up, and followed the sheykh. Each of them received two treads from the horse; one from one of his forelegs, and a second from a hind-leg. It is said that these persons, as well as the sheykh, make use of certain words (that is, repeat prayers and invocations) on the day preceding this performance, to enable them to endure, without injury, the tread of the horse; and that some not thus prepared, having ventured to lie down to be ridden over, have, on more than one occasion, been either killed or severely injured. The performance is considered as a miracle effected through supernatural power which has been granted to every successive sheykh of the Saadeeyeh.[541] Some persons assert that the horse is unshod for the occasion, but I thought I could perceive that this was not the case. They say, also, that the animal is trained for the purpose; but if so, this would only account for the least surprising of the circumstances; I mean, for the fact of the horse being made to tread on human beings; an act from which, it is well known, that animal is very averse. The present sheykh of the Saadeeyeh refused, for several years, to perform the Dóseh. By much entreaty, he was prevailed upon to empower another person to do it. This person, a blind man, did it successfully; but soon after died; and the sheykh of the Saadeeyeh then yielded to the request of his darweeshes; and has since always performed the Dóseh himself.
After the sheykh had accomplished this extraordinary performance, without the slightest appearance of any untoward accident, he rode into the garden, and entered the house of the Sheykh El-Bekree, accompanied by only a few darweeshes. On my presenting myself at the door, a servant admitted me; and I joined the assembly within. The sheykh, having dismounted, seated himself on a seggádeh spread upon the pavement against the endwall of a takhtabósh (or wide recess) of the court of the house. He sat with bended back, and downcast countenance, and tears in his eyes; muttering almost incessantly. I stood almost close to him. Eight other persons sat with him. The darweeshes who had entered with him, who were about twenty in number, stood in the form of a semicircle before him, upon some matting placed for them; and around them were about fifty or sixty other persons. Six darweeshes, advancing towards him, about two yards, from the semicircle, commenced a zikr; each of them exclaiming at the same time, “Alláhu heí!” (“God is living!”) and, at each exclamation, beating, with a kind of small and short leather strap, a “báz,” which he held, by a boss at the bottom, in his left hand. This they did for only a few minutes. A black slave then became melboos; and rushed into the midst of the darweeshes, throwing his arms about, and exclaiming, “Alláh lá lá lá lá láh!” A person held him, and he soon seemed to recover. The darweeshes, altogether, standing as first described, in the form of a semicircle, then performed a second zikr; each alternate zikkeer exclaiming, “Alláhu heí!” (“God is living!”) and the others “Yá heí” (“O thou living!”) and all of them bowing at each exclamation, alternately to the right and left. This they continued for about ten minutes. Then, for about the same space of time, in the same manner, and with the same motions, they exclaimed, “Dáïm!” (“Everlasting!”) and, “Yá Dáïm!” (“O Everlasting!”). I felt an irresistible impulse to try if I could do the same without being noticed as an intruder, and accordingly joined the semicircle, and united in the performance, in which I succeeded well enough not to attract observation; but I worked myself into a most uncomfortable heat.—After the zikr just described, a person began to chant a portion of the Kur-án; but the zikr was soon resumed, and continued for about a quarter of an hour. Most of the darweeshes there present then kissed the hand of the sheykh, and he retired to an upper apartment.
It used to be a custom of some of the Saadeeyeh, on this occasion, after the Dóseh, to perform their celebrated feat of eating live serpents, before a select assembly, in the house of the Sheykh El-Bekree; but their present sheykh has lately put a stop to this practice in the metropolis, justly declaring it to be disgusting, and contrary to the religion, which includes serpents among the creatures that are unfit to be eaten. Serpents and scorpions were not unfrequently eaten by Saadees during my former visit to this country. The former were deprived of their poisonous teeth, or rendered harmless by having their upper and lower lips bored, and tied together on each side with a silk string, to prevent their biting; and sometimes those which were merely carried in processions had two silver rings put in place of the silk strings. Whenever a Saadee ate the flesh of a live serpent, he was, or affected to be, excited to do so by a kind of frenzy. He pressed very hard with the end of his thumb upon the reptile’s back, as he grasped it, at a point about two inches from the head, and all that he ate of it was the head and a part between it and the point where his thumb pressed, of which he made three or four mouthfuls, the rest he threw away.—Serpents, however, are not always handled with impunity even by Saadees. A few years ago, a darweesh of this sect, who was called “el-Feel” (or the Elephant), from his bulky and muscular form, and great strength, and who was the most famous serpent-eater of his time, and almost of any age, having a desire to rear a serpent of a very venomous kind which his boy had brought him among others that he had collected in the desert, put this reptile into a basket, and kept it for several days without food, to weaken it; he then put his hand into the basket to take it out, for the purpose of extracting its teeth; but it immediately bit his thumb: he called out for help. There were, however, none but women in the house, and they feared to come to him, so that many minutes elapsed before he could obtain assistance. His whole arm was then found to be swollen and black, and he died after a few hours.
No other ceremonies worthy of notice were performed on the day of the Dóseh. The absence of the Ghawázee rendered the festival less merry than it used to be.
In the ensuing night, that which is properly called the night of the Moolid, I went again to the principal scene of the festival. Here I witnessed a zikr performed by a ring of about sixty darweeshes round the sáree. The moon was sufficient, without the lamps, to light up the scene. The darweeshes who formed the ring round the sáree were of various orders; but the zikr which they performed was of a kind usual only among the order of the Beiyoomeeyeh. In one act of this zikr the performers exclaimed, “Yá Alláh!” (“O God!”), and, at each exclamation, first bowed their heads, crossing their hands at the same time before their breasts; then raised their heads, and clapped their hands together before their faces. The interior of the ring was crowded with persons sitting on the ground. The zikkeers continued as above described about half an hour. Next, they formed companies of five or six or more together; but still in the form of a large ring. The persons in these several companies held together, each (with the exception of the foremost in the group) placing his left arm behind the back of the one on his left side, and the hand upon the left shoulder of the latter: all facing the spectators outside the ring. They exclaimed “Alláh!” in an excessively deep and hoarse voice;[542] and at each exclamation took a step, one time forwards, and the next time backwards; but each advancing a little to his left at every forward step; so that the whole ring revolved; though very slowly. Each of the zikkeers held out his right hand to salute the spectators outside the ring; most of whom, if near enough, grasped, and sometimes kissed, each extended hand as it came before them.—Whenever a zikr is performed round the sáree, those in the tents cease. I witnessed one other zikr this night, a repetition of that of the preceding night in the Sook El-Bekree. There was nothing else to attract spectators or hearers, excepting the reciters of romances.—The festival terminated at the morning-call to prayer; and all the zikrs, except that in the Sook El-Bekree, ceased about three hours after midnight. In the course of the following day, the káïm, sáree, tents, etc., were removed.
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Footnote 518:
This custom seems to have been copied from the Jews, who are accustomed to abound in almsgiving and other good works during the ten days commencing with their New Year’s Day and ending with the Day of Atonement, more than in all the rest of the year.—See Dr. M’Caul’s “Old Paths,” pp. 125, 129.
Footnote 519:
At present, equivalent to a farthing and one-fifth.
Footnote 520:
The “malkaf” has been described in the Introduction to this work, page 14.
Footnote 521:
This is a common expression of affection, meaning, “Thou who art as dear to me as my eye.”
Footnote 522:
The words were, “Yá Aboo-Bekr, Yá ’Omar, Yá ’Osmán, Yá ’Alee, Yá Hasan, Yá Hoseyn, Yá seyyid Ahmad Rifá’ah, Yá seyyid ’Abd-el-Kadir, El-Geelánee, Yá seyyid Ahmad El-Bedawee, Yá seyyid Ibráheem Ed-Dasookee.”
Footnote 523:
Aboo-So’ood was a very famous saint; and, being esteemed the most holy person of his day, received the appellation of “Sultán,” which has been conferred upon several other very eminent welees, and, when thus applied, signifies “King of Saints.” The tomb of Aboo-So’ood is among the mounds of rubbish on the south of Cairo.
Footnote 524:
The term “hágg” is applied both collectively and individually (to the whole caravan, or body of pilgrims, and to a single pilgrim).
Footnote 525:
Many persons who have not applied themselves to the study of natural history are ignorant of the remarkable fact that the camel has in itself a provision against hunger, besides its well-known supply against thirst. When deprived of its usual food for several successive days, it feeds upon the fat of its own hump, which, under these circumstances, gradually disappears before the limbs are perceptibly reduced. This explanation of the use of an excrescence, which would otherwise seem a mere inconvenient incumbrance, shows how wonderfully the camel is adapted to the peculiar circumstances in which Providence has placed it, and perhaps may be applied with equal propriety to the hump of the bull and cow, and some other animals, in hot and arid climates.
Footnote 526:
Had I remained stationary, somewhat more than two hours would have elapsed before the whole caravan had passed me.
Footnote 527:
This seems to be the correct appellation, but it is commonly called “Mahmal;” and I shall follow, on future occasions, the usual pronunciation.
Footnote 528:
Or, as pronounced in Arabia, Hejáz.
Footnote 529:
Almost all travellers have given erroneous accounts of the Mahmal: some asserting that its covering is that which is destined to be placed over the tomb of the Prophet: others, that it contains the covering which is to be suspended round the Kaabeh. Burckhardt, with his general accuracy, describes it as a mere emblem of royalty.
Footnote 530:
The twelfth day of Rabeea el-Owwal is also the anniversary of the death of Mohammad. It is remarkable that his birth and death are both related to have happened on the same day of the same month, and on the same day of the week, namely, Monday.
Footnote 531:
Like that represented in Chap. VI.
Footnote 532:
Represented in Chap. V., near the end.
Footnote 533:
This was his name, not a title.
Footnote 534:
The angels in heaven.
Footnote 535:
The author of the poem. The singer sometimes puts his own name in the place of this.
Footnote 536:
“Tá-Há” (as I have mentioned on a former occasion) is a name of the Arabian Prophet.
Footnote 537:
As a proof of this, I may mention, that, since the above was written, I have found the last six of the lines here translated, with some slight alterations, inserted as a common love-song in a portion of “The Thousand and One Nights,” printed at Calcutta (vol. i., page 425).
Footnote 538:
“Yá ’ammee!” signifies “O my uncle!”
Footnote 539:
Few of the spectators, or hearers, gave more than ten faddahs; and those of the poorer classes gave nothing, and indeed were not solicited.
Footnote 540:
I believe there were double this number; for I think I may safely say that I saw as many as double on a subsequent occasion, at the festival of the Mearág, which will hereafter be described.
Footnote 541:
It is said that the second sheykh of the Saadeeyeh (the immediate successor of the founder of the order) rode over heaps of glass bottles, without breaking any of them!
Footnote 542:
Performers of zikrs of this kind have been called, by various travellers, “barking, or howling, dervishes.”
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XXV. PERIODICAL PUBLIC FESTIVALS, ETC.—continued
It might seem unnecessary to continue a detailed account of the periodical public festivals and other anniversaries celebrated in Egypt, were it not that many of the customs witnessed on these occasions are every year falling into disuse, and have never, hitherto, been fully and correctly described. Hoping that this apology will be accepted, I proceed.
During a period of fifteen nights and fourteen days in the month of “Rabeea et-Tánee” (the fourth month), the mosque of the Hasaneyn is the scene of a festival called “Moolid El-Hasaneyn,” celebrated in honour of the birth of El-Hoseyn, whose head, as I have before mentioned, is said to be there buried. This Moolid is the most famous of all those celebrated in Cairo, excepting that of the Prophet. The grand day of the Moolid El-Hasaneyn is always a Tuesday; and the night which is properly called that of the Moolid is the one immediately ensuing, which is termed that of Wednesday: this is generally about five or six weeks after the Moolid en-Nebee; and concludes the festival. This present year (I am writing at the time of the festival which I here describe, in the year of the Flight 1250, A.D. 1834), the eve of the 21st of the month having been fixed upon as the night of the Moolid, the festival began on the eve of the 7th. On the two evenings preceding the eve of the 7th, the mosque was lighted with a few more lamps than is usual; and this is customary in other years; but these two nights are not distinguished like those which follow.
On each of the fifteen great nights before mentioned, the mosque is illuminated with a great number of lamps, and many wax candles; some of which latter are five or six feet high, and very thick. This illumination is made, on the first night, by the názir (or warden) of the mosque, from the funds of the mosque: on the second night, by the governor of the metropolis (at present Habeeb Efendee): on the following nights by the sheykhs of certain orders of darweeshes; by some of the higher officers of the mosque; and by wealthy individuals. On each of these nights, those shops at which eatables, sherbet, etc., are sold, as well as the coffee-shops, in the neighbourhood of the mosque, and even many of those in other quarters, remain open until near morning; and the streets in the vicinity of the mosque are thronged with persons lounging about, or listening to musicians, singers, and reciters of romances. The mosque is also generally crowded. Here we find, in one part of the great portico, a company of persons sitting on the floor in two rows, facing each other, and reading, altogether, certain chapters of the Kur-án. This is called a “makra.” Sometimes there are several groups thus employed. In another place we find a similar group reading, from a book called “Deláïl el-Kheyrát,” invocations of blessing on the Prophet. Again, in other places, we find a group of persons reciting particular forms of prayer; and another, or others, performing a zikr, or zikrs. Winding about among these groups, (whose devotional exercises are performed for the sake of El-Hoseyn), or sitting upon the matting, are those other visitors whom piety, or curiosity, or the love of amusement, brings to this venerated sanctuary. There is generally an assembly of darweeshes or others in the saloon of the tomb (which is covered by the great dome, and is hence called the “kubbeh”) reciting forms of prayer, etc.; and the visitors usually enter the saloon to perform the ceremonies of reciting the Fát’hah, and compassing the shrine; but the most frequented part is the great portico, where the zikrs, and most of the other ceremonies, are performed.
Every night during this festival, we see Ishárahs, or processions of darweeshes, of one or more sects, passing through the streets to the mosque of the Hasaneyn, preceded by two or more men with drums, and generally with hautboys, and sometimes with cymbals also; accompanied by bearers of mesh’als; and usually having one or more lanterns. They collect their party on their way, at their respective houses. Whenever they pass by the tomb of a saint, their music ceases for a short time, and they recite the Fát’hah, or a form of blessing on the Prophet, similar to that preparatory to the zikr, which I have translated in my account of the Moolid of the Prophet. They do this without stopping. Arriving at the mosque, they enter; some of them with candles; visit the shrine; and go away; with the exception of their sheykh and a few others, who sometimes remain in the kubbeh, and join in reciting prayers, etc.
One of the nights which offer most attractions is that of the Friday (that is, preceding the Friday) next before the night of the Moolid. It is the night of the sheykh El-Góharee, a person of wealth, who illuminates the mosque on this occasion with an unusual profusion of lights. On this night I went to the mosque about two hours after sunset, before any of the ceremonies had commenced. The nearer I approached the building, the more crowded did I find the streets. In one place were musicians: before a large coffee-shop were two Greek dancing-boys, or “gink,” elegant but effeminate in appearance, with flowing hair, performing to the accompaniment of mandolines played by two of their countrymen; and a crowd of admiring Turks, with a few Egyptians surrounding them. They performed there also the evening before; and, I was told, became so impudent from the patronage they received, as to make an open seizure of a basket of grapes in the street.
On entering the mosque, I found it far more crowded than usual; more so than on the preceding nights; but the lights were scarcely more numerous than those sometimes seen in an English church; and the chandeliers and lamps of the most common kind. A loud and confused din resounded through the great portico; and there was nothing as yet to be seen or heard, and indeed little afterwards, that seemed suited to a religious festival. A great number of Turks, and some persons of my own acquaintance, were among the visitors. I first sat down to rest with one of my friends, a bookseller, and several of his fellow-darweeshes, who were about to perform a zikr, at which he was to preside. I was treated by them with coffee; for which I had to pay by giving the munshids a piaster. Soon after they had begun their zikr, which was similar to the first which I have described in the account of the Moolid of the Prophet, I got up to visit the shrine, and to saunter about. Having paid my visit, I returned from the saloon of the tomb, in which was a large assembly of darweeshes reciting prayers, sitting in the form of a square, as large as the saloon would admit, with the exception of that part which contained the shrine. On re-entering the great portico, I perceived a great disturbance; numbers of persons were pressing to one point, at a little distance from me, and I heard a man crying out, “Nasránee! Káfir!” (“Christian! Infidel!”). Concluding that one of the visitors had been discovered to be a Christian, I expected a great uproar; but on asking one of the bystanders what had occurred, I was told that these words were only used as terms of insult by one Muslim to another who had given him some offence. An officer of the mosque came running from the kubbeh, with a staff in his hand, and soon restored order; but whether he expelled both, or either, of the persons who occasioned the disturbance, I could not discover; and I thought it prudent, in my case, to ask no further questions. By the entrance of the kubbeh was a party reading, in a very loud voice, and in concert, the Deláïl, before mentioned. After standing for a few minutes to hear them, though the confusion of their voices rendered it impossible for me to distinguish many words that they uttered, I returned to the zikr which I had first attended.
Shortly after, I heard the loud sounds of the tambourines of a party of ’Eesáweeyeh darweeshes, whose performances constituted one of the chief attractions of the night, from the other end of the great portico. I immediately rose, and went thither. My friend the bookseller, quitting his zikr, came after me, and imprudently called out to me, “Efendee! take care of your purse!” In a minute, I felt my trousers pulled, several times; and afterwards I found a large hole in them, apparently cut with some sharp instrument, by a person in search of my pocket: for, when the mosque is crowded as it was on this occasion, it generally happens that some thieves enter even this most sacred building.[543] I had almost despaired of getting near to the ’Eesáweeyeh, when my servant, whom I had taken thither to carry my shoes, called out to the persons around me, “Do you know whom you are pushing?” and instantly I found a way made for me. It was then about three hours after sunset.
Before I describe the performances of the ’Eesáweeyeh, I should mention that they are a class of darweeshes of whom all, or almost all, are Maghrab′ees, or Arabs of Northern Africa, to the west of Egypt. They derive their appellation from the name of their first sheykh, Seedee Mohammad Ibn-’Eesa,[544] a Maghrab′ee. Their performances are very extraordinary; and one is particularly remarkable. I was very anxious that they should perform, this night, what I here allude to; and I was not disappointed; though I was told that they had not done it in Cairo for several years before.
I found about twenty of these darweeshes, variously dressed, sitting upon the floor, close together, in the form of a ring, next to the front-wall of the building. Each of them, excepting two, was beating a large “tár” (or tambourine), rather more than a foot in width, and differing from the common tár in being without the tinkling pieces of metal which are attached to the hoop of the latter. One of the two persons mentioned as exceptions was beating a small tár of the common kind; and the other, a “báz,” or little kettle-drum. Before this ring of darweeshes, a space rather larger than that which they occupied was left by the crowd for other darweeshes of the same order; and soon after the former had begun to beat their tambourines, the latter, who were six in number, commenced a strange kind of dance; sometimes exclaiming “Alláh!” and sometimes, “Alláh Mowlána!” (“God is our Lord!”). There was no regularity in their dancing; but each seemed to be performing the antics of a madman; now, moving his body up and down; the next moment, turning round; then, using odd gesticulations with his arms; next jumping; and sometimes, screaming: in short, if a stranger, observing them, were not told that they were performing a religious exercise, supposed to be the involuntary effect of enthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these dancing darweeshes were merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon; and the manner in which they were clad would conduce to impress him with this idea. One of them wore a kaftán without sleeves, and without a girdle; and had nothing on his head, which had not been shaved for about a week: another had a white cotton skull-cap, but was naked from the head to the waist; wearing nothing on his body but a pair of loose drawers. These two darweeshes were the principal performers. The former of them, a dark, spare, middle-aged man, after having danced in his odd manner for a few minutes, and gradually become more wild and extravagant in his actions, rushed towards the ring formed by his brethren who were beating the társ. In the middle of this ring was placed a small chafing-dish of tinned copper, full of red-hot charcoal. From this the darweesh just mentioned seized a piece of live charcoal, which he put into his mouth: then he did the same with another, another, and another, until his mouth was full; when he deliberately chewed these live coals, opening his mouth very wide every moment, to show its contents, which, after about three minutes, he swallowed; and all this he did without evincing the slightest symptom of pain; appearing, during the operation and after it, even more lively than before. The other darweesh, before alluded to as half-naked, displayed a remarkably fine and vigorous form; and seemed to be in the prime of his age. After having danced not much longer than the former, his actions became so violent that one of his brethren held him; but he released himself from his grasp, and, rushing towards the chafing-dish, took out one of the largest live coals, and put it into his mouth. He kept his mouth wide open for about two minutes; and during this period, each time that he inhaled, the large coal appeared of almost a white heat; and when he exhaled, numerous sparks were blown out of his mouth. After this, he chewed and swallowed the coal; and then resumed his dancing. When their performance had lasted about half an hour, the darweeshes paused to rest.
Before this pause, another party of the same sect had begun to perform, near the centre of the great portico. Of these I now became a spectator. They had arranged themselves in the same order as the former party. The ring composed by those who beat the tambourines consisted of about the same number as in the other company; but the dancers here were about twelve: sometimes less. One of them, a tall man, dressed in a dark woollen gown, and with a bare shaven head, took from the chafing-dish, which was handed to the dancers as though it had been a dish of cakes or sweetmeats, a large piece of brilliantly hot coal; placed it between his teeth, and kept it so for a short time; then drew it upon his tongue; and, keeping his mouth wide open for, I think, more than two minutes, violently inhaled and exhaled, showing the inside of his mouth like a furnace, and breathing out sparks, as the former darweesh had done; but with less appearance of excitement. Having chewed and swallowed the coal, he joined the ring of the tambourine-players; and sat almost close to my feet. I narrowly watched his countenance; but could not see the least indication of his suffering any pain. After I had witnessed these extraordinary performances for about an hour, both parties of darweeshes stopped to rest; and as there was nothing more to see worthy of notice, I then quitted the mosque.[545]
Sometimes, on this occasion, the ’Eesáweeyeh eat glass as well as fire. One of them, the hágg Mohammad Es-Seláwee, a man of gigantic stature, who was lamp-lighter in the mosque of the Hasaneyn, and who died a few years ago, was one of the most famous of the eaters of fire and glass, and celebrated for other performances. Often, when he appeared to become highly excited, he used to spring up to the long bars, or rafters, of wood, which extend across the arches above the columns of the mosque, and which are sixteen feet or more from the pavement; and would run along them, from one to another: then, with his finger, wetted in his mouth, he would strike his arm, and cause blood to flow; and by the same means stanch the blood.
The zikrs, during this festival, are continued all night. Many persons pass the night in the mosque, sleeping on the matting; and it often happens that thefts are committed there. On my return to my house after witnessing the performances of the ’Eesáweeyeh, I found no fewer than eight lice on my clothing.
On the following night there was nothing that I observed at all entertaining, unless it were this, that my officious friend the book-seller, who again presided at a zikr, wishing to pass me off for a pious Muslim (or perhaps for the sake of doing a good work), without having obtained my previous permission, openly proposed to four fikees to perform a recitation of the Kur-án (I mean, of the whole book, a “khatmeh”), on my part, for the sake of seyyidna[546]-l-Hoseyn. As this is commonly done, on the occasions of this festival, by persons of the higher and middle orders, it would have excited suspicion if I had objected. It was therefore performed, in the afternoon and evening next following; each fikee reciting a portion of the book; and then another relieving him: it occupied about nine hours. After it was finished, I was mentioned, by my assumed Oriental name, as the author of this pious work. The performers received a wax candle, some bread, and a piaster each.
On Monday the mats were removed, excepting a few, upon which groups of fikees, employed to recite the Kur-án, seated themselves. Vast numbers of persons resorted to the mosque this day, both men and women; chiefly those who were desirous of obtaining a blessing by the visit, and disliked the still greater crowding and confusion of the following day, or day of the Moolid. In the ensuing evening, the streets in the neighbourhood of the mosque were densely crowded; and, a little after sunset, it was very difficult in some parts to pass. Numerous lamps were hung in these streets; and many shops were open.
This was also the night of the Moolid of the famous Sultán “Es-Sáleh,” of the house of Eiyoob, who is commonly believed to have been a welee, and is said to have worn a dilk, and to have earned his subsistence by making baskets, etc., of palm-leaves (“khoos”), without drawing any money from the public treasury for his own private use. His tomb, which adjoins his mosque, is in the Nahháseen (or market of the sellers of copper wares), a part of the main street of the city, not far from the mosque of the Hasaneyn. This market was illuminated with many lamps. Most of the shops were open; and in each of these was a group of three or four or more persons sitting with the master. The mosque and tomb of Es-Sáleh are much neglected, and falling to decay, notwithstanding the high veneration which the people of Cairo entertain for this prince. On my approaching the door of the tomb, I was surrounded by hemalees and sakkas, soliciting me to pay them to distribute the contents of an ibreek or a kirbeh for the sake of Es-Sáleh. I entered the building with my shoes on (seeing that others did the same); but took them off at the threshold of the saloon of the tomb. This is a square hall, surmounted by a dome. In the centre is an oblong monument, over the grave, surrounded by a wooden railing. At the head of this railed enclosure (or maksoorah) are four large wax candles; and at the foot, three; all of which are encased in plaster, and resemble round-topped stone pillars. They are coloured with broad, horizontal, red stripes, like the alternate courses of stone in the exterior walls of most mosques in Cairo. There probably were, originally, the same number at the foot as there are at the head of the maksoorah; for there is a space which seems to have been occupied by one at the foot. These candles, it is said, were sent as a present, by a Pope, or by a Frank King, to Es-Sáleh, who, being a welee, discovered, without inspecting them, that they were filled with gunpowder, and ordered them to be thus encased in plaster: or, according to another account, they were sent as a present for the tomb, some years after the death of Es-Sáleh; and he appeared to the guardian of his tomb in a dream, and informed him of the gunpowder-plot. The saloon of the tomb I found scantily lighted; and having a very ancient and neglected appearance. The pavement was uncovered. On my entering, two servants of the mosque took me to the foot of the maksoorah, and one of them dictated to me the Fát’hah, and the form of prayer which I have mentioned in my account of the ceremonies of the day of ’A’shoora; and the other responding “A’meen!” (“Amen!”): the former then desired me to recite the Fát’hah, with them, a second time, and gave me five of the little balls of bread from the tomb of the seyyid El-Bedawee. They received, for this, half a piaster. Another servant opened the door of the maksoorah for me to enter: an honour which required that I should give him also a trifling present.
From the tomb of Es-Sáleh I proceeded to the mosque of the Hasaneyn, through streets crowded to excess (though this was not the great night), and generally well lighted. There was but little difference between the scenes which the streets and the mosque of the Hasaneyn presented: among the crowds in the mosque I saw numbers of children; and some of them were playing, running after each other, and shouting. There were numerous groups of fikees reciting the Kur-án; and one small ring of darweeshes, in the centre of the great portico, performing a zikr. I forced my way with difficulty into the kubbeh, and performed the circuit round the shrine. Here was a very numerous party reciting the Kur-án. After quitting the mosque, I spent about an hour and a half in a street, listening to a Shá’er.
On the following day, the last and chief day of the festival, the mosque of the Hasaneyn and its neighbourhood were much more thronged than on the days previous; and in every sook, and before every wekáleh, and even before the doors of most private houses of the middle and higher classes of Muslims throughout the city, lamps were hung, to be lighted in the ensuing night, the night of the Moolid. The number of beggars in the streets this day, imploring alms for the sake of “seyyidna-l-Hoseyn,” was surprising: sitting for about an hour in the afternoon at a shop in the main street, I was quite wearied with saying, “God help thee!” “God sustain thee!” etc. Almost all the inhabitants of the metropolis seemed to be in the streets; and almost all the Turks residing here appeared to be congregated in the neighbourhood of the Hasaneyn. This was the grand day for visiting the shrine of El-Hoseyn: it is believed that the Prophet is present there all this day and the ensuing night, witnessing his followers’ pious visits to his grandson. Yet most of the great people prefer going on the preceding day, or on any of the days of the festival but the last, on account of the excessive crowding on this day: I, however, went on this occasion for the very reason that deterred them. I entered the kubbeh a little before sunset; and was surprised to find a way made for me to advance easily to the shrine. A servant of the mosque placed me before the door of the maksoorah; dictated to me the same recitals as on the day of ’A′shoora; and gave me a handful of the bread of the seyyid El-Bedawee; consisting of fourteen of the little balls into which it is formed. But no sooner was this done than I was squeezed till I was almost breathless by applicants for presents. The man who had dictated the prayer to me asked me for his present (a piaster); another said, “I have recited the chapter of Yá-Seen for thee, O A′gha:” a third, “O Efendee, I am a servant of the maksoorah:” most of the others were common beggars. I saw now that the Turks had good reason to prefer another day. The more importunate of those to whom nothing was due followed me through the crowd in the mosque, and into the street: for I had given away all that I had in my pocket, and more than was customary. I was invited to seat myself on the mastab′ah of a shop opposite the mosque, to deliver myself from their jostling. In the mosque I saw nothing to remark but crowding and confusion, and swarms of beggars; men, women, and children. In the evening the mosque was still crowded to excess; and no ceremonies were performed there but visiting the shrine, recitations of the Kur-án, and two or three zikrs. The streets were then more crowded than ever, till long after midnight; and the illuminations gave them a very gay appearance. The Góhargeeyeh (or jewellers’ bázár) was illuminated with a great profusion of chandeliers, and curtained over. The mád’nehs of the larger mosques were also illuminated. Many shops were open besides those at which eatables, coffee, and sherbet were sold; and in some of them were seated fikees (two or more together) reciting khatmehs (or the whole of the Kur-án). There were Shá’ers, Mohaddits, Musicians, and Singers, in various places, as on the former nights.
In about the middle of “Regeb”[547] (the seventh month) is celebrated the Moolid of the “seyyideh Zeyneb,” the daughter of the Imám ’Alee, and grand-daughter of the Prophet; always on the eve of a Wednesday. The festival generally commences two weeks before: the principal day is the last, or Tuesday. The scene of the festivities is the neighbourhood of the mosque in which the seyyideh is commonly believed to be buried; a gaudily ornamented, but not very handsome building, in the south-western quarter of the metropolis.[548] The supposed tomb, over which is an oblong monument, covered with embroidered silk, and surrounded by a bronze screen, with a wooden canopy, similar to those of El-Hoseyn, is in a small but lofty apartment of the mosque, crowned by a dome. Into this apartment, on the occasion of the Moolid, visitors are admitted to pray and perform their circuits round the monument. I have just been to visit it, on the last or great day of the festival. In a street near the mosque I saw several Reciters of Aboo-Zeyd, Háwees, Kureydátees, and Dancers, and a few swings and whirligigs. In the mosque, the prayer usual on such occasions, after the Fát’hah, was dictated to me; and I received two of the little balls of the bread of the seyyid El-Bedawee. The door of the sacred enclosure was open; but I had been told that only women were allowed to enter, it being regarded in the same light as a hareem: so I contented myself with making the circuit; which, owing to the crowding of the visitors, and there being but a very narrow space between three sides of the bronze enclosure and the walls of the apartment, was rather difficult to accomplish. A respectable-looking woman, in a state which rendered it rather dangerous for her to be present in such a crowded place, cried out to me to make room for her with a coarseness of language common to Arab females. Many persons there begged me to employ them to recite a chapter of the Kur-án for the seyyideh, urging the proposal with the prayer of “God give thee thy desire!” for the visitors to the tombs or cenotaphs of saints generally have some special petition to offer. There was a group of blind paupers sitting on the floor, and soliciting alms. The mats were removed throughout the mosque, and only idle loungers were to be seen there. On going out, I was importuned by a number of hemalees and sakkas to give them money to distribute water for the sake of “the daughter of Imám.” It is customary to give a few faddahs to one or more servants of the maksoorah; and to a fikee, to recite a chapter; and also to the beggars in the mosque; and to one of the hemalees or sakkas. The chief ceremonies performed in the mosque in the evenings were zikrs. Each evening of the festival, darweeshes of one or more orders repaired thither.
The night or eve of the twenty-seventh of Regeb is the anniversary of the “Leylet el-Mearág,” or the night of the Prophet’s miraculous ascension to heaven; in commemoration of which a festival is celebrated in a part of the northern suburb of Cairo, outside the gate called Báb El-’Adawee. For three days before, the Sheykh El-Bekree entertains numerous persons in a house belonging to him in this quarter; and zikrs are performed there in his house. In addition to the amusement afforded in the streets by Háwees, Reciters of Aboo-Zeyd, etc., as on similar festivals, the public witness on this occasion that extraordinary performance called the “Dóseh,” which I have described in my account of the Moolid en-Nebee. This is performed in a short, but rather wide street of the suburb above mentioned, in front of the mosque of a saint called Et-Tashtooshee, on the twenty-sixth day of the month, which is the last and chief day of the festival. I have just been one of its spectators. The day being Friday, the Sheykh of the Saadeeyeh (the only person who is believed to be able to perform this reputed miracle) had to fulfil his usual duty of praying and preaching in the mosque of the Hasaneyn, at noon. From that mosque he rode in procession to the scene of the Dóseh, preceded by a long train of his darweeshes, with their banners, and some with the little drums which they often use. I was at this spot a little after midday, and took my place on a mastab′ah which extends along the foot of the front of the mosque of Et-Tashtooshee.
While sitting here, and amusing myself with observing the crowds attracted by the same curiosity that brought me hither, a reputed saint, who, a few days ago, begged of me a few piasters to feed some fakeers on this occasion, passed by, and, seeing me, came and sat down by my side. To pass away the time during which we had to wait before the Dóseh, he related to me a tale connected with the cause of the festivities of this day. A certain Sultán,[549] he said, had openly ridiculed the story of the Mearág; asserting it to be impossible that the Prophet could have got out of his bed by night, have been carried from Mekkeh to Jerusalem by the beast Burák, have ascended thence with the angel to the Seventh Heaven, and returned to Jerusalem and Mekkeh, and found his bed still warm. He was playing at chess one day with his Wezeer, when the saint Et-Tashtooshee came in to him, and asked to be allowed to play with him; making this condition, that the Sultán, if overcome, should do what the saint should order. The proposal was accepted. The Sultán lost the game; and was ordered by the saint to plunge in a tank of water. He did so; and found himself in a magnificent palace, and converted into a woman of great beauty, with long hair, and every female attraction. He, or now she, was married to the son of a king; gave birth to three children successively, and then returned to the tank, and, emerging from it, informed the Wezeer of what had happened to him. The saint reminding him, now, of his incredulity on the subject of the Mearág, he declared his belief in the miracle, and became an orthodox Muslim. Hence, the festival of the Mearág is always celebrated in the neighbourhood of the mosque in which Et-Tashtooshee is buried; and his Moolid is celebrated at the same time.
Not long after the above tale was finished, an hour and a quarter after mid-day, the procession of the Sheykh es-Saadeeyeh arrived. The foremost persons, chiefly his own darweeshes, apparently considerably more than a hundred (but I found it impossible to count them), were laid down in the street, as close as possible together, in the same manner as at the Moolid en-Nebee. They incessantly repeated the word “Alláh!” A number of darweeshes, most with their shoes off, ran over them; several beating their little drums; some carrying the black flags of the order of the Rifá’ees (the parent order of the Saadees); and two carrying a “sháleesh” (a pole about twenty feet in length, like a large flag-staff, the chief banner of the Saadeeyeh, with a large conical ornament of brass on the top): then came the sheykh, on the same grey horse that he rode at the Moolid en-Nebee: he was dressed in a light-blue pelisse, lined with ermine, and wore a black, or almost black, mukleh; which is a large, formal turban, peculiar to persons of religious and learned professions. He rode over the prostrate men, mumbling all the while. Two persons led his horse; and they, also, trod upon the prostrate men; sometimes on the legs, and on the heads. Once the horse pranced and curveted, and nearly trod upon several heads: he passed over the men with a high and hard pace. The sheykh entered the house of the Sheykh El-Bekree, before mentioned, adjoining the mosque. None of the men who were ridden over appeared to be hurt, and many got up laughing: but one appeared to be “melboos,” or overcome by excitement; and, though he did not put his hand to his back, as if injured by the tread of the horse, seemed near fainting; and tears rolled down his face. It is possible, however, that this man was hurt by the horse, and that he endeavoured to conceal the cause.
After the Dóseh, my friend the saint insisted on my coming to his house, which was near by, with three fikees. He conducted us to a small upper room, furnished with an old carpet and cushions. Here the three fikees sat down with me, and recited the Fát’hah together, in a very loud voice. Then one of them chanted about half of the second chapter of the Kur-án, very musically: another finished it. Our host afterwards brought a stool, and placed upon it a tray with three large dishes of “’eysh bilahm.” This is minced meat, fried with butter, and seasoned with some taheeneh (or sesame from which oil has been pressed), vinegar, and chopped onions; then put upon cakes of leavened dough, and baked. To this meal I sat down, with the three fikees, our host waiting upon us. A fourth fikee came in, and joined us at dinner. After we had eaten, the fikees recited the Fát’hah for the host, and then for myself, and went away. I soon after followed their example.
On the Leylet el-Mearág, between two and three hours after sunset, the Sheykh El-Bekree returns in procession, preceded by numerous persons bearing mesh’als, and by a number of darweeshes, to his house in the Ezbekeeyeh. During this night, the mád’nehs of the larger mosques are illuminated.
On the first or second Wednesday in “Shaabán” (the eighth month), generally on the former day, unless that be the first or second day of the month, the celebration of the Moolid of the “Imám Esh-Sháfe’ee” commences. It ends on the eve of the Thursday in the next week. The great cemetery called the Karáfeh, in the desert tract on the south of the metropolis, where the Imám is buried, and the southern part of the town, are the scenes of the festivities. As this Imám was the founder of the sect to which most of the people of Cairo belong, his Moolid attracts many visitors. The festivities are similar to those of other great Moolids. On the Saturday before the last or chief day, the ceremony of the Dóseh is performed. On the last day, Wednesday, the visitors are most numerous; and during the ensuing night, zikrs, etc., are performed in the sepulchral mosque of the Imám. Above the dome of this mosque, upon its point, is fixed a metal boat, in which there used to be placed, on the occasion of the Moolid, an ardebb (or about five bushels) of wheat, and a camel-load of water for the birds. The boat is said to turn sometimes when there is no wind to move it, and, according to the position which it takes, to foretoken various events, good and evil; such as plenty or scarcity, the death of some great man, etc.
Several other Moolids follow that of the Imám; but those already described are the most famous; and the ceremonies of all are nearly the same.
The “Night of the Middle of Shaabán,” or “Leylet en-Nusf min Shaabán,” which is the night of the fifteenth (that is preceding the fifteenth day) of that month, is held in great reverence by the Muslims, as the period when the fate of every living man is confirmed for the ensuing year. The Sidr (or lote-tree) of Paradise, which is more commonly called Shegeret el-Muntah′a (or the Tree of the Extremity), probably for several reasons, but chiefly (as is generally supposed) because it is said to be at the extremity,[550] or on the most elevated spot, in Paradise, is believed to have as many leaves as there are living human beings in the world; and the leaves are said to be inscribed with the names of all those beings; each leaf bearing the name of one person, and those of his father and mother. The tree, we are taught, is shaken on the night above mentioned, a little after sunset; and when a person is destined to die in the ensuing year, his leaf, upon which his name is written, falls on this occasion: if he be to die very soon, his leaf is almost wholly withered, a very small portion only remaining green: if he be to die later in the year, a larger portion remains green: according to the time he has yet to live, so is the proportion of the part of the leaf yet green. This, therefore, is a very awful night to the serious and considerate Muslims; who, accordingly, observe it with solemnity and earnest prayer. A particular form of prayer is used on the occasion, immediately after the ordinary evening-prayers which are said soon after sunset. Those who are able recite it without being prompted to do so; and generally in a mosque: others assemble in the mosques for this purpose, and hire a fikee to assist them; and many fikees, therefore, resort to the mosques to perform this office. Each fikee officiates for a group of persons. He first recites the “Soorat Yá-Seen” (or 36th chapter of the Kur-án); and then, raising his hands before his face, as in the ordinary supplications, and the other worshippers doing the same, he recites the “do’a” (or prayer); repeating one, two, three, or more words, which the others then repeat after him. The prayer is as follows.—“O God! O Thou Gracious! and who art not an object of grace! O Thou Lord of Dignity and Honour, and of Beneficence and Favour! There is no deity but Thou, the Support of those who seek to Thee for refuge, and the Helper of those who have recourse to Thee for help, and the Trust of those who fear! O God, if Thou have recorded me in Thy abode, upon the ‘Original of the Book,’[551] miserable, or unfortunate, or scanted in my sustenance, cancel, O God, of Thy goodness, my misery, and misfortune, and scanty allowance of sustenance, and confirm me in thy abode, upon the Original of the Book, as happy, and provided for, and directed to good: for Thou hast said (and Thy saying is true) in Thy Book revealed by the tongue of Thy commissioned Prophet, ‘God will cancel what He pleaseth, and confirm; and with Him is the Original of the Book.’[552] O my God! by the very great revelation [which is made] on the night of the middle of the month of Shaabán the honoured, ‘in which every determined decree is dispensed’[553] and confirmed, remove from me whatever affliction I know, and what I know not, and what Thou best knowest; for Thou art the most Mighty, the most Bountiful. And favour, O God, our lord Mohammed, the Illiterate[554] Prophet, and his Family and Companions, and preserve them.”—After having repeated this prayer, the worshippers offer up any private supplication.
The night on which “Ramadán” (the month of abstinence, the ninth month of the year) is expected to commence is called “Leylet er-Roo-yeh,” or the Night of the Observation [of the new moon]. In the afternoon, or earlier, during the preceding day, several persons are sent a few miles into the desert, where the air is particularly clear, in order to obtain a sight of the new moon: for the fast commences on the next day after the new moon has been seen, or, if the moon cannot be seen in consequence of a cloudy sky, at the expiration of thirty days from the commencement of the preceding month. The evidence of one Muslim, that he has seen the new moon, is sufficient for the proclaiming of the fast. In the evening of the day above mentioned, the Mohtes′ib, the sheykhs of several trades (millers, bakers, slaughter-men, sellers of meat, oil-men, and fruiterers), with several other members of each of these trades, parties of musicians, and a number of fakeers, headed and interrupted by companies of soldiers, go in procession from the Citadel to the Court of the Kádee, and there await the return of one of the persons who have been sent to make the observation, or the testimony of any other Muslim who has seen the new moon. The streets through which they pass are lined with spectators. There used to be, in this procession, several led horses, handsomely caparisoned; but of late, military display, of a poor order, has, for the most part, taken the place of civil and religious pomp. The procession of the night of the Roo-yeh is now chiefly composed of Nizám infantry. Each company of soldiers is preceded and followed by bearers of mesh’als, to light them on their return; and followed by the sheykh, and a few other members, of some trade, with several fakeers, shouting, as they pass along, “O! Blessing! Blessing! Bless ye the Prophet! On him be peace!” After every two or three companies, there is generally an interval of many minutes. The Mohtes′ib and his attendants close the procession. When information that the moon has been seen has arrived at the Kádee’s court, the soldiers and others assembled there divide themselves into several companies, one of which returns to the Citadel; the others perambulate different quarters of the town, shouting, “O followers of the best of the Creation![555] Fasting! Fasting!”—When the moon has not been seen on this night, the people are informed by the cry of “To-morrow is of the month of Shaabán! No fasting! No fasting!”—The people generally pass a great part of this night (when the fast has been proclaimed as commencing on the morrow) in eating and drinking and smoking; and seem as merry as they usually do when released from the misery of the day’s fast. The mosques, as on the following nights, are illuminated within; and lamps are hung at their entrances, and upon the galleries of the mád’nehs.
In Ramadán, instead of seeing, as at other times, many of the passengers in the streets with the pipe in the hand, we now see them empty-handed, until near sunset, or carrying a stick or cane, or a string of beads; but some of the Christians now are not afraid, as they used to be, of smoking in their shops in the sight of the fasting Muslims. The streets, in the morning, have a dull appearance, many of the shops being shut; but in the afternoon, they are as much crowded as usual, and all the shops are open. The Muslims during the day-time, while fasting, are, generally speaking, very morose: in the night, after breakfast, they are unusually affable and cheerful. It is the general fashion of the principal Turks in Cairo, and a custom of many others, to repair to the mosque of the Hasaneyn in the afternoon during Ramadán, to pray and lounge; and on these occasions a number of Turkish tradesmen (called Tohafgeeyeh) expose for sale, in the court of the meydaäh (or tank for ablution), a variety of articles of taste and luxury suited to the wants of their countrymen. It is common, in this month, to see tradesmen in their shops reciting the Kur-án or prayers, or distributing bread to the poor. Towards evening, and for some time after sunset, the beggars are more than usually importunate and clamorous; and at these times the coffee-shops are much frequented by persons of the lower orders; many of whom prefer to break their fast with a cup of coffee and a pipe. There are few among the poor who do not keep the fast; but many persons of the higher and middle classes break it in secret.
In general, during Ramadán, in the houses of persons of the higher and middle classes, the stool of the supper-tray is placed, in the apartment in which the master of the house receives his visitors, a few minutes before sunset. A japanned tray is put upon it; and on this are placed several dishes, or large saucers, containing different kinds of dry fruits (which are called “nukl”); such as hazel-nuts (generally toasted), raisins, shelled walnuts, dried dates, dried figs, shelled almonds, sugared nuts, etc., and kahk, or sweet cakes. With these are also placed several kullehs (or glass cups) of sherbet of sugar and water; usually one or two cups more than there are persons in the house to partake of the beverage, in case of visitors coming unexpectedly; and often a little fresh cheese and a cake of bread are added. The pipes are also made ready; and it is usual to provide, in houses where numerous visitors are likely to call, several common reed pipes. Immediately after the call to evening prayer, which is chanted four minutes after sunset, the master and such of his family or friends as happen to be with him drink each a glass of sherbet: they then usually say the evening-prayers; and, this done, eat a few nuts, etc., and smoke their pipes. After this slight refreshment, they sit down to a plentiful meal of meat and other food, which they term their breakfast (“fatoor”). Having finished this meal, they say the night-prayers, and certain additional prayers of Ramadán, called “et-taráweeh;” or smoke again before they pray. The taráweeh prayers consist of twenty rek’ahs; and are repeated between the ’eshë prayers and the witr. Very few persons say these prayers, excepting in the mosque, where they have an Imám to take the lead; and they do little more than conform with his motions. The smaller mosques are closed, in Ramadán, soon after the taráweeh prayers: the larger remain open until the period of the last meal (which is called the “sahoor”), or until the “imsák,” which is the period when the fast must be recommenced. They are illuminated within and at their entrances, as long as they remain open; and the mád’nehs are illuminated during the whole of the night. The time during which the Muslim is allowed to eat (commencing, as already stated, at sunset) varies from 11 hours 55 minutes to 7 hours 46 minutes (in the latitude of Cairo), according as the night is long or short: the imsák being always twenty minutes before the period of the prayer of daybreak. Consequently, the time during which he keeps fast every day is from 12 hours 5 minutes to 16 hours 14 minutes.
The Muslims, during Ramadán, generally take their breakfast at home; after which, they sometimes spend an hour or two in the house of a friend. Many of them, but chiefly those of the lower orders, in the evening, visit a coffee-shop, either merely for the sake of society, or to listen to one of the reciters of romances, or musicians, who entertain the company at many of the coffee-shops every night of this month. Numerous passengers are seen in the streets during the greater part of the night; and most of the shops at which sherbet and eatables are sold remain open. Night is thus turned into day; and particularly by the wealthy, most of whom sleep during a great part of the day. It is a custom of some of the ’Ulama of Cairo to have a zikr performed in their houses every night during this month; and some other persons, also, occasionally invite their friends, and entertain them with a zikr or a khatmeh.
Every night during Ramadán, criers, called “Musahhirs,” go about, first to recite a complimentary cry before the house of each Muslim who is able to reward them, and at a later hour to announce the period of the “sahoor,” or last meal.[556] There is one of these criers to each “khutt,” or small district, of Cairo. He begins his rounds about two hours, or a little more, after sunset (that is, shortly after the night-prayers have been said); holding, with his left hand, a small drum, called “báz,” or “tablat el-musahhir,”[557] and, in his right hand, a small stick or strap, with which he beats it; and is accompanied by a boy carrying two “kandeels” (or small glass lamps) in a frame made of palm-sticks. They stop before the house of every Muslim, excepting the poor; and on each occasion of their doing this, the musahhir beats his little drum to the following measure, three times:—
[Stanza]
after which he chants—“He prospereth who saith ‘There is no deity but God’”—then he beats his drum in the same manner as before, and adds,—“‘Mohammad, the Guide is the Apostle of God.’”—Then again beating his drum he generally continues,—“The most happy of nights to thee, O such a one!” (naming the master of the house). Having previously inquired the names of the inmates of each house, he greets each person, excepting women, in the same manner; mentioning every brother, son, and young unmarried daughter of the master: saying, in the last case,—“The most happy of nights to the chief lady among brides,[558] such a one.” After each greeting he beats his drum; and after having greeted the man (or men), adds,—“May God accept from him [or them] his [or their] prayers and fasting and good works.”—He concludes by saying,—“God preserve you, O ye generous, every year!”—At the houses of the great (as also sometimes in other cases), after commencing as above (“He prospereth who saith ‘There is no deity but God: Mohammad, the Guide, is the Apostle of God’”), he generally repeats a long chant in unmeasured rhyme; in which he first conjures God to pardon his sins, and blesses the Prophet, and then proceeds to relate the story of the “mearág” (or the Prophet’s miraculous ascension to heaven), and other similar stories of miracles; beating his drum after every few words, or, rather, after every rhyme.—A house of mourning the musahhir passes by. He generally receives, at the house of a person of the middle orders, two, three, or four piasters on the “’eed” which follows Ramadán: some persons give him a trifle every night.
If my reader be at all impressed by what has been above related, of the office of the musahhir, as illustrating the character of the Muslims, he will be more struck by what here follows.—At many houses of the middle classes in Cairo, the women often put a small coin (of five faddahs, or from that sum to a piaster, or more) into a piece of paper, and throw it out of a window to the musahhir; having first set fire to the paper, that he may see where it falls: he then, sometimes by their desire, and sometimes of his own accord, recites the Fát’hah, and relates to them a short tale, in unmeasured rhyme, for their amusement; as, for instance, the story of two “darrahs”—the quarrels of two women who are wives of the same man. Some of the tales which he relates on these occasions are of a grossly indecent nature; and yet they are listened to by females in houses of good repute. How incongruous are such sequels! What inconsistency of character do they evince!
During this month, those calls from the mád’nehs which are termed “the Oola” and “the Ebed” are discontinued; and, in their stead, two other calls are chanted. The period of the first of these, which is termed the “Abrár” (from the first word of note occurring in it), is between an hour and a half and half an hour before midnight, according as the night is long or short. It consists of the following verses of the Kur-án.[559] “But the just shall drink of a cup [of wine] mixed with [the water of] Káfoor; a fountain from which the servants of God shall drink: they shall convey the same by channels [whithersoever they please]. [These] did fulfil their vow, and dread the day, the evil whereof will disperse itself far abroad; and give food unto the poor and the orphan and the bondsman for his sake, [saying,] We feed you for God’s sake only: we desire no recompense from you, nor any thanks.”—The second call is termed the “Selám” (or salutation); and is a series of invocations of blessings on the Prophet, similar to those recited before the Friday-prayers; but not always the same. This is generally chanted about half an hour after midnight. The morning adán from the mád’nehs is chanted much earlier than usual, as a warning to the Muslims to take their last meal, the “sahoor;” in winter, in the longest night, about two hours and a half, and in the short nights, about one hour and a half, before the imsák. Another adán is also made from the dikkehs in the great mosques about twenty minutes before the imsák, as a final warning to any who may have neglected to eat; and at the period of the imsák, in these mosques, the meekátee (who makes known the hours of prayer, etc.), or some other person, calls out “Irfa’oo!” that is, “Remove ye” [your food, etc.]—About an hour and a half before the imsák, the musahhir goes his rounds to rouse or remind the people to eat at those houses where he has been ordered to call; knocking and calling until he is answered; and the porter of each quarter does the same at each house in his quarter.—Some persons eat but little for their fatoor, and make the sahoor the principal meal: others do the reverse; or make both meals alike. Most persons sleep about half the night.
Some few pious persons spend the last ten days and nights of Ramadán in the mosque of the Hasaneyn or that of the Seyyideh Zeyneb. One of these nights, generally supposed to be the 27th of the month[560] (that is, the night preceding the 27th day), is called “Leylet el-Kadr” (the Night of Power, or of the Divine decree). On this night, the Kur-án is said to have been sent down to Mohammad. It is affirmed to be “better than a thousand months;”[561] and the angels are believed to descend, and to be occupied in conveying blessings to the faithful from the commencement of it until daybreak. Moreover, the gates of heaven being then opened, prayer is held to be certain of success. Salt water, it is said, suddenly becomes sweet on this night; and hence, some devout persons, not knowing which of the last ten nights of Ramadán is the Leylet el-Kadr, observe all those nights with great solemnity, and keep before them a vessel of salt water, which they occasionally taste, to try if it become sweet, so that they may be certain of the night. I find, however, that a tradition of the Prophet fixes it to be one of the odd nights; the 21st, 23rd, 25th, 27th, or 29th.
On the first three days of “Showwál” (the tenth month, the next after Ramadán) is celebrated the minor of the two grand festivals which are ordained, by the religion of the Muslims, to be observed with general rejoicing. It is commonly called “el-’Eed es-Sugheiyir;” but more properly “el-’Eed es-Sagheer.”[562] The expiration of the fast of Ramadán is the occasion of this festival. Soon after sunrise on the first day, the people having all dressed in new or in their best clothes, the men assemble in the mosques, and perform the prayers of two rek’ahs, a sunneh ordinance of the ’eed; after which, the Khateeb delivers an exhortation. Friends, meeting in the mosque, or in the street, or in each other’s houses, congratulate and embrace and kiss each other. They generally visit each other for this purpose. Some, even of the lower classes, dress themselves entirely in a new suit of clothes; and almost every one wears something new, if it be only a pair of shoes. The servant is presented with one or more new articles of clothing by the master, and receives a few piasters from each of his master’s friends, if they visit the house; or even goes to those friends, to congratulate them, and receives his present: if he have served a former master, he also visits him, and is in like manner rewarded for his trouble; and sometimes he brings a present of a dish of “kahk” (or sweet cakes), and obtains, in return, money of twice the value, or more. On the days of this ’eed, most of the people of Cairo eat “feseekh” (or salted fish) and “kahks,” “fateerehs” (or thin, folded pancakes), and “shureyks” (a kind of bun). Some families also prepare a dish called “mumezzezeh,” consisting of stewed meat, with onions, and a quantity of treacle, vinegar, and coarse flour; and the master usually procures dried fruits (“nukl”), such as nuts, raisins, etc., for his family. Most of the shops in the metropolis are closed, excepting those at which eatables and sherbet are sold; but the streets present a gay appearance, from the crowds of passengers in their holiday-clothes.
On one or more days of this festival, some or all of the members of most families, but chiefly the women, visit the tombs of their relatives. This they also do on the occasion of the other grand festival, of which an account will be given hereafter. The visitors, or their servants, carry palm-branches, and sometimes sweet basil (“reehán”), to lay upon the tomb which they go to visit. The palm-branch is broken into several pieces, and these, or the leaves only, are placed on the tomb. Numerous groups of women are seen on these occasions, bearing palm-branches, on their way to the cemeteries in the neighbourhood of the metropolis. They are also provided, according to their circumstances, with kahks, shureyks, fateerehs, bread, dates, or some other kind of food, to distribute to the poor who resort to the burial-grounds on these days. Sometimes tents are pitched for them: the tent surrounds the tomb which is the object of the visit.[563] The visitors recite the Fát’hah; or, if they can afford it, employ a person to recite first the Soorat Yá-Seen, or a larger portion of the Kur-án. Often a khatmeh (or recital of the whole of the Kur-án) is performed at the tomb, or in the house, by several fikees. The men generally return immediately after these rites have been performed, and the fragments or leaves of the palm-branch laid on the tomb: the women usually go to the tomb early in the morning, and do not return until the afternoon: some of them (but these are not generally esteemed women of correct conduct), if they have a tent, pass the night in it, and remain until the end of the festival, or until the afternoon of the following Friday: so also do the women of a family possessed of a private, enclosed burial-ground, with a house within it; for there are many such enclosures, and not a few with houses for the accommodation of the females, in the midst of the public cemeteries of Cairo. Intrigues are said to be not uncommon with the females who spend the night in tents among the tombs. The great cemetery of Báb en-Nasr, in the desert tract immediately on the north of the metropolis, presents a remarkable scene on the two ’eeds. In a part next the city-gate from which the burial-ground takes its name, many swings and whirligigs are erected, and several large tents; in some of which, dancers, reciters of Aboo-Zeyd, and other performers, amuse a dense crowd of spectators; and throughout the burial ground are seen numerous tents for the reception of the visitors of the tombs.
About two or three days after the ’eed above described, the “Kisweh,” or covering of the Kaabeh, which is sent annually with the great caravan of pilgrims, is conveyed in procession from the Citadel of the metropolis, where it is manufactured at the Sultán’s expense, to the mosque of the Hasaneyn, to be sewed together, and lined, preparatively to the approaching pilgrimage. It is of a coarse, black brocade, covered with inscriptions[564] of passages from the Kur-án, etc., which are interwoven with silk of the same colour; and having a broad band across each side, ornamented with similar inscriptions worked in gold.[565] The following account of the procession of the Kisweh I write on my return from witnessing it, on the 6th of Showwál 1249 (or 15th of February, 1834).
I took my seat, soon after sunrise, in the shop of the Básha’s booksellers, in the main street of the city, nearly opposite the entrance to the bázár called Khán El-Khaleelee. This and almost every shop in the street were crowded with persons attracted by the desire of witnessing the procession, old and young; for the Egyptians of every class and rank and age take great pleasure in viewing public spectacles; but the streets were not so much thronged as they usually are on the occasions of the processions of the Mahmal. About two hours after sun-rise, the four portions which form each one side of the “Kisweh” were borne past the spot where I had taken my post; each of the four pieces placed on an ass, with the ropes by which they were to be attached. The asses were not ornamented in any way, nor neatly caparisoned; and their conductors were common felláhs, in the usual blue shirt. There was then an interval of about three-quarters of an hour; and nothing to relieve the dulness of this long pause but the passing of a few darweeshes, and two buffoons, who stopped occasionally before a shop where they saw any well-dressed persons sitting, and, for the sake of obtaining a present of about five faddahs (or a little more than a farthing), engaged in a sham quarrel, abused each other in loud and gross words, and violently slapped each other on the face.
After this interval came about twenty ill-dressed men, bearing on their shoulders a long frame of wood, upon which was extended one quarter of the “Hezám” (that is, the belt or band above mentioned). The Hezám is in four pieces, which, when sewed together to the Kisweh, form one continuous band, so as to surround the Kaabeh entirely, at about two-thirds of its height. It is of the same kind of black brocade as the Kisweh itself. The inscriptions in gold are well worked in large and beautiful characters, and surrounded by a border of gold; and at each end, where the upper and lower borders unite, the Hezám is ornamented in a tasteful manner, with green and red silk, sewed on, and embroidered with gold. One or other of the bearers frequently went aside to ask for a present from some respectably dressed spectator. There was an interval of about a quarter of an hour after the first quarter of the Hezám passed by: the other three portions were then borne along, one immediately after another, in the same manner. Then there was another interval, of about half an hour; after which there came several tall camels, slightly stained with the red dye of the henna, and having high, ornamented saddles, such as I have described in my account of the return of the Mahmal: upon each of these were one or two boys or girls; and upon some were cats. These were followed by a company of Baltageeyeh (or Pioneers), a very good military band (the instruments of various kinds, but mostly trumpets, and all European), and the Básha’s guard, a regiment of infantry, of picked young men, in uniforms of a dark blueish brown, with new red shoes, and with stockings.
The “Burko’” (or Veil),[566] which is the curtain that is hung before the door of the Kaabeh, was next borne along, stretched upon a high, flattish frame of wood, fixed on the back of a fine camel. It was of black brocade, embroidered in the same manner as the Hezám, with inscriptions from the Kur-án in letters of gold, but more richly and more highly ornamented, and was lined with green silk. The face of the Burko’ was extended on the right side of the frame; and the green silk lining on the left. It was followed by numerous companies of darweeshes, with their banners; among which were several sháleeshes (such as I have described in my account of the Dóseh at the festival of the Mearág), which are the banners of the principal orders of darweeshes. Many of them bore flags, inscribed with the profession of the faith (“There is no deity but God: Mohammad is God’s Apostle”), or with words from the Kur-án, and the names of God, the Prophet, and the founders of their orders. Several Kádiree darweeshes bore nets, of various colours, each extended upon a framework of hoops upon a pole: these were fishermen. Some of the darweeshes were employed in repeating, as in a common zikr, the name and attributes of God. Two men, armed with swords and shields, engaged each other in a mock combat. One other, mounted on a horse, was fantastically dressed in sheepskins, and wore a high skin cap, and a grotesque false beard, composed of short pieces of cord or twist, apparently of wool, with mustaches formed of two long brown feathers: he occasionally pretended to write “fetwas” (or judicial decisions), upon scraps of paper given to him by spectators, with a piece of stick, which he feigned to charge with a substitute for ink by applying it to his horse as though it were intended for a goad. But the most remarkable group in this part of the procession consisted of several darweeshes of the sect of the Rifá’ees, called Owlád-’Ilwán, each of whom bore in his hand an iron spike, about a foot in length, with a ball of the same metal at the thick end, having a number of small and short chains attached to it. Several of these darweeshes, in appearance, thrust the spike with violence into their eyes, and withdrew it, without showing any mark of injury: it seemed to enter to the depth of about an inch. This trick was very well performed. Five faddahs, or even a pipeful of tobacco, seemed to be considered a sufficient recompense to the religious juggler for this display of his pretended miraculous power. The spectators near me seemed to entertain no suspicion of any fraud in this singular performance; and I was reproached by one who sat by me, a man of very superior information, for expressing my opinion that it was a very clever piece of deception. Most of the darweeshes in the procession were Rifá’ees: their sheykh, on horseback, followed them.
Next came the “Mahmal,” which I have described in my account of its return to Cairo. It is added to the procession of the kisweh for the sake of increasing the show: the grand procession of the Mahmal previous to the departure of the great caravan of pilgrims takes place between two and three weeks after. Another black covering, of an oblong form, embroidered in like manner with gold, to be placed over the Makám Ibráheem, in the temple of Mekkeh, was borne after the Mahmal. Behind this rode a Turkish military officer, holding, upon an embroidered kerchief, a small case, or bag, of green silk, embroidered with gold, the receptacle of the key of the Kaabeh. Then followed the last person in the procession: this was the half-naked sheykh described in my account of the return of the Mahmal, who constantly follows this sacred object, and accompanies the caravan to and from Mekkeh, mounted on a camel, and incessantly rolling his head.[567]
In the latter part of Showwál, not always on the same day of the month, but generally on or about the twenty-third, the principal officers and escort of the great caravan of pilgrims pass, from the Citadel, through the metropolis, in grand procession, followed by the Mahmal. The procession is called that of the Mahmal. The various persons who take part in it, most of whom proceed with the caravan to Mekkeh, collect in the Kara Meydán and the Rumeyleh (two large open tracts) below the Citadel, and there take their places in the prescribed order. As this procession is conducted with less pomp in almost every successive year, I shall describe it as I first witnessed it, during my former visit to Egypt. The streets through which it passed were lined with spectators; some, seated on the mastab′ahs of the shops (which were all closed), and others, standing on the ground below. I obtained a good place at a shop in the main street, through which it passed towards the gate called Báb en-Nasr.
First, a cannon was drawn along, about three hours after sun-rise: it was a small field-piece, to be used for the purpose of firing signals for the departure of the caravan after each halt. Then followed two companies of irregular Turkish cavalry (Delees and Tufekjees), about five hundred men, most shabbily clad, and having altogether the appearance of banditti. Next, after an interval of about half an hour, came several men mounted on camels, and each beating a pair of the large copper kettle-drums called nakkárahs,[568] attached to the fore part of the saddle. Other camels, with large stuffed saddles, of the same kind as those described in my account of the return of the Mahmal, without riders, followed those above mentioned. These camels were all slightly tinged of a dingy orange red with henna. Some of them had a number of fresh, green palm-branches fixed upright upon the saddles, like enormous plumes; others were decorated with small flags, in the same manner as those above alluded to: several had a large bell hung on each side; some, again, bore water-skins; and one was laden with the “khazneh,” a square case, covered with red cloth, containing the treasure for defraying those expenses of the pilgrimage which fall upon the government. The baggage of the Emeer el-Hágg (or Chief of the Pilgrims) then followed, borne by camels. With his furniture and provisions, etc., was conveyed the new “Kisweh.” After this, there was another interval.
The next persons in the procession were several darweeshes, moving their heads from side to side, and repeating the name of God. With these were numerous camel-drivers, sakkas, sweepers, and others; some of them crying “’Arafát![569] O God!” and “God! God! [May the journey be] with safety!” Then, again, followed several camels; some, with palm-branches, and others, with large bells, as before described. Next, the takht‘rawán (or litter) of the Emeer el-Hágg, covered with red cloth, was borne along by two camels; the foremost of which had a saddle decorated with a number of small flags. Some Arabs, and the “Deleel el-Hágg” (or Guide of the Caravan), followed it; and next came several camels, and groups of darweeshes and others, as before. Then followed about fifty members of the Básha’s household, well dressed and mounted; a number of other officers, with silver-headed sticks, and guns; the chief of the Delees, with his officers; and another body of members of the household, mounted like the first, but persons of an inferior order. These were followed by several other officers of the court, on foot, dressed in kaftáns of cloth of gold. Next came two swordsmen, naked to the waist, and each having a small, round shield: they frequently stopped, and engaged each other in sport; and occasionally received remuneration from some of the spectators. These preceded a company of darweeshes, camel-drivers, and others; and the shouts before mentioned were repeated.
After a short interval, the sounds of drums and fifes were heard; and a considerable body of the Nizám, or regular troops, marched by. Next followed the “Wálee” (or chief magistrate of police), with several of his officers; then, the attendants of the “Emeer el-Hágg,” the “Emeer” himself, three kátibs (or clerks), a troop of Maghrab′ee horsemen, and three “Muballighs” of the Mountain, in white ’abáyehs (or woollen cloaks), interwoven with gold. The office of the last is to repeat certain words of the Khateeb (or preacher) on Mount ’Arafát. Then again there intervened numerous groups of camel-drivers, sweepers, sakkas, and others; many of them shouting as those before. In the midst of these rode the “Imáms” of the four orthodox sects; one to each sect. Several companies of darweeshes, of different orders, followed next, with the tall banners and flags of the kind mentioned in my account of the procession of the Kisweh; the Kádireeyeh having also, in addition to their poles with various-coloured nets, long palm-sticks, as fishing-rods. Kettledrums, hautboys, and other instruments, at the head of each of these companies, produced a harsh music. They were followed by members of various trades; each body headed by their sheykh.
Next came several camels; and then, the “Mahmal.” Many of the people in the streets pressed violently towards it, to touch it with their hands, which, having done so, they kissed; and many of the women who witnessed the spectacle from the latticed windows of the houses let down their shawls or head-veils, in order to touch with them the sacred object. Immediately behind the Mahmal was the same person whom I have described as following it on its return to Cairo, and in the procession of the Kisweh: the half-naked sheykh, seated on a camel, and rolling his head.
In former years, the Mahmal used to be conveyed, on this occasion, with much more pomp, particularly in the times of the Memlooks, who attended it clad in their richest dresses, displaying their most splendid arms and armour, and, in every way, vieing with each other in magnificence. It used generally to be preceded by a group of Saadeeyeh darweeshes, devouring live serpents.
The Mahmal, the baggage of the Emeer, etc., generally remain two or three or more days in the plain of the Hasweh, on the north of the metropolis; then proceed to the Birket el-Hágg (or Lake of the Pilgrims), about eleven miles from the city, and remain there two days. This latter halting-place is the general rendezvous of the pilgrims. The caravan usually departs thence on the twenty-seventh of Showwál. The journey to Mekkeh occupies thirty-seven days. The route lies over rocky and sandy deserts, with very few verdant spots. To diminish the hardships of the journey, the caravan travels slowly, and mostly by night; starting about two hours before sunset, and halting the next morning a little after sunrise. The litters most generally used by the pilgrims I have described in the account of the return of the caravan.—Most of the Turkish pilgrims, and many others, prefer going by way of El-Kuseyr or Es-Suweys[570] and the Red Sea; and set out from Cairo generally between two and three months before the great caravan.
On the tenth of “Zu-l-Heggeh” (the last month of the year) commences the Great Festival, el-Kebeer;[571] which, like the former ’eed, lasts three days, or four, and is observed with nearly the same customs. Every person puts on his best clothes or a new suit; but it is more common to put on new clothes on the minor ’eed. Prayers are performed in the mosques on the first day, soon after sunrise, as on the other festival; and the same customs of visiting and congratulation, and giving presents (though generally of smaller sums) to servants and others, are observed by most persons. The sacrifice that is performed on the first day, which is the day of the pilgrim’s sacrifice, has been mentioned in the third chapter of this work. It is a duty observed by most persons who can easily afford to do it. For several previous days, numerous flocks of sheep, and many buffaloes, are driven into the metropolis, to be sold for sacrifice. Another custom observed on this festival, that of visiting the tombs, I have also before had occasion to describe, in the account of the ceremonies of the former ’eed. In most respects, what is called the Minor Festival is generally observed with more rejoicing than that which is termed the Great Festival. On this latter ’eed, most persons who have the means to do so prepare a dish called “fetteh,” composed of boiled mutton, or other meat (the meat of the victim), cut into small pieces, placed upon broken bread, upon which is poured the broth of the meat, and some vinegar flavoured with a little garlic fried in a small quantity of melted butter, and then sprinkled over with a little pepper.
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Footnote 543:
Thefts are also sometimes committed in this mosque on other occasions, as a friend of mine lately experienced.—“I went there,” said he, “to pray; and, as I was stooping over the brink of the ‘meydaäh,’ to perform the ablution, having placed my shoes beside me, and was saying, ‘I purpose to perform the divine ordinance of the “wudoó,”’ somebody behind me said to himself, ‘I purpose to take away this nice pair of shoes.’ On looking round, I found an old worn-out pair of shoes put in the place of my own, which were new.”
Footnote 544:
’Eesa is the Arabic name of Jesus, and not uncommon among Muslims, as they acknowledge and highly venerate the Messiah.
Footnote 545:
The performances of Richardson, described in Evelyn’s Memoirs (pp. 375-6, 8vo edition), appear to have surpassed those of the darweeshes here mentioned.
Footnote 546:
“Seyyidna” signifies “our lord.”
Footnote 547:
About this time, the Turkish pilgrims, on their way to Mekkeh, begin to arrive in Egypt.
Footnote 548:
This mosque was commenced shortly before the invasion of Egypt by the French, and completed soon after they had quitted the country.
Footnote 549:
This tale applies to the Khaleefeh El-Hákim. I have heard it related with some trifling differences.
Footnote 550:
In the Commentary of the Geláleyn, “Sidrat el-Muntah′a,” or the Lote-tree of the Extremity (Kur-án, chap. liii., verse 14), is interpreted as signifying “The Lote-tree beyond which neither angels nor others can pass.”
Footnote 551:
The Preserved Tablet, on which are said to be written the original of the Kur-án, and all God’s decrees, is here commonly understood; but I am informed that the “Original” (or, literally, the “Mother”) “of the Book” is God’s knowledge or prescience.
Footnote 552:
Kur-án, chap. xiii., verse 39.
Footnote 553:
Kur-án, chap. xliv., verse 3.—By some persons these words are supposed to apply to the Night of el-Kadr, which will hereafter be mentioned.
Footnote 554:
Mohammad gloried in his illiteracy, as a proof of his being inspired: it had the same effect upon his followers as the words of our Saviour had upon the Jews, who remarked, “How knoweth this man letters, having never learned?”—John vii. 15.
Footnote 555:
“The best of the Creation” is an appellation of the Prophet.
Footnote 556:
It is from this latter office that the crier is called “Musahhir.”
Footnote 557:
Described in the chapter on music.
Footnote 558:
Young ladies in Egypt are often called “brides.”
Footnote 559:
The fifth and four following verses of the Soorat el-Insán, or 76th chapter.
Footnote 560:
Not the night supposed by Sale, which is that between the 23rd and 24th days. See one of his notes on the 97th chapter of the Kur-án.
Footnote 561:
Kur-án, ibid.
Footnote 562:
It is also called “’Eed el-Fitr” (or the Festival of the Breaking of the Fast); and, by the Turks, “Ramazán Beyrám.”
Footnote 563:
The salutation of peace should be pronounced on entering the burial-ground and on arriving at the tomb, in the manner described in Chap. x., in my account of visits to the tombs and cenotaphs of saints. In the former case it is general; and in the latter, particular.
Footnote 564:
This was denied by several of my Muslim friends, before whom I casually mentioned it; but, by producing a piece of the Kisweh, I proved the truth of my assertion. I state this to show that a writer may often be charged with committing an error on authority which any person would consider perfectly convincing.
Footnote 565:
The Kaabeh is a building in the centre of the Temple of Mekkeh, most highly respected by the Muslims. It is nearly in the form of a cube. Its height is somewhat more than thirty feet; and each side is about the same, or a little more, in width. It is not exactly rectangular, nor exactly equilateral. The black covering, after having remained upon it nearly a year, is taken off on the 25th of Zu-l-Kaadeh, cut up, and sold to the pilgrims; and the building is left without a covering for the period of fifteen days: on the 10th of Zu-l-Heggeh, the first day of the Great Festival, the new Kisweh is put on. The interior is also hung with a covering, which is renewed each time that a new Sultán ascends the Turkish throne. It is necessary to renew the outer covering every year, in consequence of its exposure to the rain, etc. As the use of stuffs entirely composed of silk is prohibited, the Kisweh of the Kaabeh is lined with cotton to render it allowable.
Footnote 566:
This is often called, by the vulgar, “the veil of sitna Fát’meh;” because it is said that Fátimeh Shegeret ed-Durr, the wife of the Sultán Es-Sáleh, was the first person who sent a veil of this kind to cover the door of the Kaabeh.
Footnote 567:
I went to the mosque of the Hasaneyn a few days after, to examine the Kisweh and the other objects above described, that I might be able to make my account of them more accurate and complete. I was permitted to handle them all at my leisure; and gave a small present for this privilege, and for a superfluous piece of the Kisweh, for which I asked, a span in length, and nearly the same in breadth.
Footnote 568:
These are described in the chapter on music.
Footnote 569:
“’Arafát” is the name of the mountain which is one of the principal objects of pilgrimage.
Footnote 570:
Thus is properly pronounced the name of the town which we commonly call Suez.
Footnote 571:
It is also called “’Eed el-Kurbán” (or the Festival of the Sacrifice), and by the Turks, “Kurbán Beyrám.”
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XXVI. PERIODICAL PUBLIC FESTIVALS, ETC.—continued
It is remarkable that the Muslims of Egypt observe certain customs of a religious or superstitious nature at particular periods of the religious almanac of the Copts; and even, according to the same system, calculate the times of certain changes of the weather. Thus they calculate the period of the “Khamáseen,” when hot southerly winds are of frequent occurrence, to commence on the day immediately following the Coptic festival of Easter Sunday, and to terminate on the Day of Pentecost (or Whitsunday); an interval of forty-nine days.[572]
The Wednesday next before this period is called “Arba’′a Eiyoob,” or Job’s Wednesday. Many persons, on this day, wash themselves with cold water, and rub themselves with the creeping plant called “raaráa Eiyoob,” or “ghubeyra” (inula Arabica, and inula undulata), on account of a tradition which relates that Job did so to obtain restoration to health. This and other customs about to be mentioned were peculiar to the Copts; but are now observed by many Muslims in the towns, and by more in the villages. The other customs just alluded to are that of eating eggs, dyed externally red or yellow or blue, or some other colour, on the next day (Thursday); and, on the Friday (Good Friday), a dish of khaltah, composed of kishk,[573] with fool nábit,[574] lentils, rice, onions, etc. On the Saturday, also, it is a common custom of men and women to adorn their eyes with kohl. This day is called “Sebt en-Noor” (Saturday of the Light); because a light, said to be miraculous, appears during the festival then celebrated in the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.
A custom termed “Shemm en-Neseem” (or the Smelling of the Zephyr) is observed on the first day of the Khamáseen. Early in the morning of this day, many persons, especially women, break an onion, and smell it; and in the course of the forenoon, many of the citizens of Cairo ride or walk a little way into the country, or go in boats, generally northwards, to take the air, or, as they term it, smell the air, which, on that day, they believe to have a wonderfully beneficial effect. The greater number dine in the country, or on the river. This year (1834), they were treated with a violent hot wind, accompanied by clouds of dust, instead of the neseem: but considerable numbers, notwithstanding, went out to “smell” it.—The ’ulama have their “shemm en-neseem” at a fixed period of the solar year; the first three days of the spring-quarter, corresponding with the Persian “Now-róz,” called by the Arabs “Nórooz.”
The night of the 17th of June, which corresponds with the 11th of the Coptic month of Ba-ooneh, is called “Leylet en-Nuktah” (or the Night of the Drop); as it is believed that a miraculous drop then falls into the Nile, and causes it to rise. Astrologers calculate the precise moment when the “drop” is to fall; which is always in the course of the night above mentioned. Many of the inhabitants of Cairo and its neighbourhood, and of other parts of Egypt, spend this night on the banks of the Nile; some, in houses of their friends; others, in the open air. Many also, and especially the women, observe a singular custom on the Leylet en-Nuktah; placing, upon the terrace of the house, after sunset, as many lumps of dough as there are inmates in the house, a lump for each person, who puts his, or her, mark upon it: at day-break, on the following morning, they look at each of these lumps; and if they find it cracked, they infer that the life of the person for whom it was placed will be long, or not terminate that year; but if they find it not cracked, they infer the reverse. Some say that this is also done to discover whether the Nile will rise high in the ensuing season. Another absurd custom is observed on the fourth following night, “Leylet es-Saratán,” when the sun enters the sign of Cancer: it is the writing a charm to exterminate, or drive away, bugs. This charm consists of the following words from the Kur-án,[575] written in separate letters—“‘Hast thou not considered those who left their habitations, and they were thousands, for fear of death? and God said unto them die:’ die: die.” The last word of the text is thus written three times. The above charm, it is said, should be written on three pieces of paper, which are to be hung upon the walls of the room which is to be cleared of the bugs; one upon each wall, excepting that at the end where is the entrance, or that in which is the entrance.
The Nile, as I have mentioned in the Introduction to this work, begins to rise about, or soon after, the period of the summer solstice. From, or about, the 27th of the Coptic month Ba-ooneh (3rd of July) its rise is daily proclaimed in the streets of the metropolis. There are several criers to perform this office; each for a particular district of the town. The Crier of the Nile (“Munádee en-Neel”) generally goes about his district early in the morning; but sometimes later; accompanied by a boy. On the day immediately preceding that on which he commences his daily announcement of the rise of the Nile, he proclaims,—“God hath been propitious to the lands! The day of good news! To-morrow, the announcement, with good fortune!”—The daily announcement is as follows:—
Munádee. “Mohammad is the Prophet of guidance!” Boy. “The Mahmals journey to him!”[576] M. “The guide: peace be on him!” B. “He will prosper who blesseth him!” [The Munádee and boy then continue, or sometimes they omit the preceding form, and begin thus.] M. “O Thou whose government is excellent!” B. “My Lord! I have none beside Thee!” [After this, they proceed, in many cases, thus.] M. “The treasuries of the Bountiful are full!” B. “And at the gate there is no scarcity!” M. “I extol the perfection of Him who spread out the earth!” B. “And hath given running rivers!” M. “Through whom the fields become green!” B. “After death He causeth them to live!” M. “God hath given abundance, and increased [the river] and watered the high lands!” B. “And the mountains and the sands and the fields!” M. “O Alternator of the day and night!” B. “My Lord! There is none beside Thee!” M. “O Guide of the wandering! O God!” B. “Guide me to the path of prosperity!” [They then continue, or, sometimes omitting all that here precedes, commence as follows.] M. “O Amiable! O Living! O Self-subsisting!” B. “O Great in power! O Almighty!” M. “O Aider! regard me with favour!” B. “O Bountiful! withdraw not Thy protection!” M. “God preserve to me my master [or my master the “emeer”] such a one [naming the master of the house], and the good people of his house! O Bountiful! O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” M. “God give them a happy morning, from Himself; and increase their prosperity, from Himself!” B. “Ay! please God!” M. “God preserve to me my master [etc.] such a one [naming again the master of the house]; and increase to him the favours of God! O Bountiful! O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” [Then brothers, sons, and unmarried daughters, if there be any, however young, are mentioned in the same manner, as follows.] M. “God preserve to me my master [etc.] such a one, for a long period! O Bountiful! O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” M. “God preserve to me my mistress, the chief lady among brides, such a one, for a long period! O Bountiful! O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” M. “May He abundantly bless them with His perfect abundance; and pour abundantly the Nile over the country! O Bountiful! O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” M. “Five [or six, etc., digits] to-day: and the Lord is bountiful!” B. “Bless ye Mohammad!”—These last words are added in the fear lest the rising of the river should be affected by a malicious wish, or evil eye, which is supposed to be rendered ineffectual if the malicious person bless the Prophet.[577]
Sometimes, the people of a house before which the Munádee makes his cry give him daily a piece of bread: this is a common custom among the middle orders: but most persons give him nothing until the day before the opening of the Canal of Cairo. Very little reliance is to be placed upon the announcement which he makes of the height which the river has attained; for he is generally uninformed or misinformed by the persons whose duty it is to acquaint him upon this subject: but the people mostly listen with interest to his proclamation. He and his boy repeat this cry every day, until the day next before that on which the dam that closes the mouth of the Canal of Cairo is cut.
On this day (that is, the former of those just mentioned), the Munádee goes about his district, accompanied by a number of little boys, each of whom bears a small coloured flag, called “ráyeh;” and announces the “Wefa en-Neel” (the Completion, or Abundance, of the Nile); for thus is termed the state of the river when it has risen sufficiently high for the government to proclaim that it has attained the sixteenth cubit of the Nilometer. In this, however, the people are always deceived: for there is an old law, that the land-tax cannot be exacted unless the Nile rises to the height of sixteen cubits of the Nilometer; and the government thinks it proper to make the people believe, as early as possible, that it has attained this height. The period when the Wefa en-Neel is proclaimed is when the river has actually risen about twenty or twenty-one feet in the neighbourhood of the metropolis; which is generally between the 6th and 16th of August (or the 1st and 11th of the Coptic month of Misra):[578] this is when there yet remain, of the measure of a moderately good rise, in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, four or three feet. On the day above mentioned (the next before that on which the canal is to be opened), the Munádee and the boys who accompany him with the little “ráyát” (or flags) make the following announcement:—
Munádee. “The river hath given abundance, and completed [its measure]!” Boys. “God hath given abundance!”[579] M. “And Dár en-Nahás[580] is filled!” B. “God, etc.” M. “And the canals flow!” B. “God, etc.” M. “And the vessels are afloat!” B. “God, etc.” M. “And the hoarder [of grain] has failed!” B. “God, etc.” M. “By permission of the Mighty, the Requiter!” B. “God, etc.” M. “And there remains nothing—” B. “God, etc.” M. “To the perfect completion!” B. “God, etc.” M. “This is an annual custom.” B. “God, etc.” M. “And may you live to every year!” B. “God, etc.” M. “And if the hoarder wish for a scarcity.” B. “God, etc.” M. “May God visit him, before death, with blindness and affliction!” B. “God, etc.” M. “This generous person[581] loveth the generous.” B. “God, etc.” M. “And an admirable palace is built for him.”[582] B. “God, etc.” M. “And its columns are incomparable jewels.” B. “God, etc.” M. “Instead of palm-sticks and timber:” B. “God, etc.” M. “And it has a thousand windows that open:” B. “God, etc.” M. “And before every window is Selsebeel.”[583] B. “God, etc.” M. “Paradise is the abode of the generous.” B. “God, etc.” M. “And Hell is the abode of the avaricious.” B. “God, etc.” M. “May God not cause me to stop before the door of an avaricious woman, nor of an avaricious man:” B. “God, etc.” M. “Nor of one who measures the water in the jar:” B. “God, etc.” M. “Nor who counts the bread while it is yet dough:” B. “God, etc.” M. “And if a cake be wanting, orders a fast:” B. “God, etc.” M. “Nor who shuts up the cats at supper-time:” B. “God, etc.” M. “Nor who drives away the dogs upon the walls.” B. “God, etc.” M. “The world is brightened.” B. “God, etc.” M. “And the damsels have adorned themselves.” B. “God, etc.” M. “And the old women tumble about.” B. “God, etc.” M. “And the married man hath added to his wife eight others.” B. “ God, etc.” M. “And the bachelor hath married eighteen.”—This cry is continued until somebody in the house gives a present to the Munádee; the amount of which is generally from ten faddahs to a piaster; but many persons give two piasters; and grandees, a kheyreeyeh, or nine piasters.
During this day, preparations are made for cutting the dam of the canal. This operation attracts a great crowd of spectators, partly from the political importance attached to it; but, being always prematurely performed, it is now without much reason made an occasion of public festivity.
The dam is constructed before, or soon after, the commencement of the Nile’s increase. The “Khaleeg,” or Canal, at the distance of about four hundred feet within its entrance, is crossed by an old stone bridge of one arch. About sixty feet in front of this bridge is the dam; which is of earth; very broad at the bottom, and diminishing in breadth towards the top, which is flat, and about three yards broad. The top of the dam rises to the height of about twenty-two or twenty-three feet above the level of the Nile when at the lowest; but not so high above the bed of the canal: for this is several feet above the low-water mark of the river; and consequently dry for some months, when the river is low. The banks of the canal are a few feet higher than the top of the dam. Nearly the same distance in front of the dam that the latter is distant from the bridge, is raised a round pillar of earth, diminishing towards the top, in the form of a truncated cone, and not quite so high as the dam. This is called the “’arooseh” (or bride), for a reason which will presently be stated. Upon its flat top, and upon that of the dam, a little maize or millet is generally sown. The ’arooseh is always washed down by the rising tide before the river has attained to its summit, and generally more than a week or fortnight before the dam is cut.
It is believed that the custom of forming this ’arooseh originated from an ancient superstitious usage, which is mentioned by Arab authors, and, among them, by El-Makreezee. This historian relates, that, in the year of the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs, ’Amr Ibn-El-’A′s, the Arab general, was told, that the Egyptians were accustomed, at the period when the Nile began to rise, to deck a young virgin in gay apparel, and throw her into the river as a sacrifice, to obtain a plentiful inundation. This barbarous custom, it is said, he abolished; and the Nile, in consequence, did not rise in the least degree during the space of nearly three months after the usual period of the commencement of its increase. The people were greatly alarmed; thinking that a famine would certainly ensue: ’Amr, therefore, wrote to the Khaleefeh, to inform him of what he had done, and of the calamity with which Egypt was, in consequence, threatened. ’Omar returned a brief answer, expressing his approbation of ’Amr’s conduct, and desiring him, upon the receipt of the letter, to throw a note, which it enclosed, into the Nile. The purport of this note was as follows:—“From ’Abd-Allah ’Omar, Prince of the Faithful, to the Nile of Egypt. If thou flow of thine own accord, flow not: but if it be God, the One, the Mighty, who causeth thee to flow, we implore God, the One, the Mighty, to make thee flow.”—’Amr did as he was commanded; and the Nile, we are told, rose sixteen cubits in the following night.—This tale is, indeed, hard to be believed, even divested of the miracle.
On the north side of the Canal, overlooking the dam, and almost close to the bridge, was a small building of stone, from which the grandees of Cairo used to witness the operation of cutting the dam. This building has become a ruin; and upon its remains is erected a large tent for the reception of those officers who have to witness and superintend the cutting. Some other tents are also erected for other visitors; and the government supplies a great number of fire-works, chiefly rockets, to honour the festival, and to amuse the populace during the night preceding the day when the dam is cut, and during the operation itself, which is performed early in the morning. Many small tents, for the sale of sweet-meats, fruits, and other eatables, and coffee, etc., are likewise pitched along the bank of the isle of Er-Ródah, opposite the entrance of the Canal. The day of the cutting of the dam of the Canal is called “Yóm Gebr el-Báhr,” which is said to signify “the Day of the Breaking of the River;” though the word “gebr,” which is thus interpreted “breaking,” has really the reverse signification. The term “Yóm Wefa el-Báhr,” or “Wefa en-Neel,” before explained, is also, and more properly, applied to this day. The festival of the Canal is also called “Mósim el-Khaleeg.”
In the afternoon of the day preceding that on which the dam is cut, numerous boats, hired by private parties, for pleasure, repair to the neighbourhood of the entrance of the Canal. Among these is a very large boat, called the “’Akabeh.”[584] It is painted for the occasion, in a gaudy, but rude, manner; and has two or more small cannons on board, and numerous lamps attached to the ropes, forming various devices, such as a large star, etc.: it has also, over the cabin, a large kind of close awning, composed of pieces of silk, and other stuffs; and is adorned with two pennants. It is vulgarly believed that this boat represents a magnificent vessel, in which the Egyptians used, before the conquest of their country by the Arabs, to convey the virgin, whom, it is said, they threw into the Nile. It sails from Boolák about three hours after noon; taking passengers for hire, men and women; the latter being usually placed, if they prefer it, in the large awning above mentioned. It is made fast to the bank of the isle of Er-Ródah, immediately opposite the entrance of the Canal. Most of the other boats also remain near it during the night, along the bank of the island; but some, all the evening and night, are constantly sailing up or rowing down the river. In many boats, the crews amuse themselves and their passengers by singing, often accompanied by the darabukkeh and zummárah; and some private parties hire professional musicians to add to their diversion on the river. The festival is highly enjoyed by the crowds who attend it; though there is little that a stranger would think could minister to their amusement: they seem to require nothing more to enliven them than crowds and bustle, with a pipe and a cup of coffee. In former years, the festival was always attended by dancing girls (who are now forbidden to perform), and by singers, instrumental musicians, and reciters of romances. In the evening, before it is dark, the exhibition of fire-works commences; and this is continued, together with the firing of guns from the ’akabeh and two or more gun-boats, every quarter of an hour during the night. About twelve guns are fired on each of these occasions: the whole number fired at the night’s festival of the present year was about six hundred. The fire-works which are displayed during the night consist of little else than rockets and a few blue lights: the best are kept till morning; and exhibited in broad day-light, during the cutting of the dam. At night, the river and its banks present a remarkably picturesque scene. Numerous boats are constantly passing up and down; and the lamps upon the rigging of the ’akabeh, and in other boats, as well as on the shore, where there are also many mesh’als stuck in the ground (several upon the dam and its vicinity, and many more upon the bank of the island), have a striking effect, which is occasionally rendered more lively by the firing of the guns, and the ascent of a number of rockets. The most crowded part of the scene of the festival at night is the bank of the island; where almost every person is too happy to sleep, even if the noise of the guns, etc., did not prevent him.
Before sunrise, a great number of workmen begin to cut the dam. This labour devolves, in alternate years, upon the Muslim grave-diggers and on the Jews; both of whom are paid by the government: but when it falls to the Jews, and on a Saturday, they are under the necessity of paying a handsome sum of money to escape the sin of profaning their sabbath by doing what the government requires of them. With a kind of hoe, the dam is cut thinner and thinner, from the back (the earth being removed in baskets, and thrown upon the bank), until, at the top, it remains about a foot thick: this is accomplished by about an hour after sunrise. Shortly before this time, when dense crowds have assembled in the neighbourhood of the dam, on each bank of the Canal, the Governor of the metropolis arrives, and alights at the large tent before mentioned, by the dam: some other great officers are also present; and the Kádee attends, and writes a document to attest the fact of the river’s having risen to the height sufficient for the opening of the Canal, and of this operation having been performed; which important document is despatched with speed to Constantinople. Meanwhile, the firing of guns, and the display of the fire-works, continue; and towards the close of the operation, the best of the fire-works are exhibited; when, in the glaring sunshine, they can hardly be seen. When the dam has been cut away to the degree above mentioned, and all the great officers whose presence is required have arrived, the Governor of the metropolis throws a purse of small gold coins to the labourers. A boat, on board of which is an officer of the late Wálee, is then propelled against the narrow ridge of earth, and, breaking the slight barrier, passes through it, and descends with the cataract thus formed. The person here mentioned is an old man, named Hammoodeh, who was “sarrág báshee” of the Wálee: it was his office to walk immediately before his master when the latter took his ordinary rides, preceded by a long train of officers, through the streets and environs of the metropolis. Just as his boat approaches the dam, the Governor of Cairo throws into it a purse of gold, as a present for him. The remains of the dam are quickly washed away, by the influx of the water into the bed of the Canal; and numerous other boats enter; pass along the Canal throughout the whole length of the city, and, some of them, several miles farther; and return.
Formerly, the Sheykh el-Beled, or the Básha, with other great officers, presided at this fête, which was celebrated with much pomp; and money was thrown into the Canal, and caught by the populace; some of whom plunged into the water with nets; but several lives were generally lost in the scramble. This present year (1834), three persons were drowned on the day of the opening of the Canal; one in the Canal itself, and two in the lake of the Ezbekeeyeh. A few minutes after I had entered my house, on my return from witnessing the cutting of the dam, and the festivities of the preceding night (which I passed partly on the river, and partly on the isle of Er-Ródah), a woman, having part of her dress, and her face, which was uncovered, besmeared with mud, passed by my door, screaming for the loss of her son, who was one of the three persons drowned on this occasion. The water entered the Ezbekeeyeh by a new Canal, on the day preceding that on which the dam was cut. Crowds collected round it on this day, and will for many following days (I am writing a few days after the opening of the Canal), to enjoy the view of the large expanse of water, which, though very turbid, is refreshing to the sight in so dry and dusty a place as Cairo, and at this hot season of the year. Several tents are pitched by it, at which visitors are supplied with coffee; and one for the sale of brandy, wine, etc.; and numerous stools and benches of palm-sticks are set there. The favourite time of resort to this place is the evening; and many persons remain there for several hours after sunset: some, all night. There are generally two or three story-tellers there. At all hours of the day, and sometimes even at midnight, persons are seen bathing in the lake; chiefly men and boys, but also some young girls, and even women; the latter of whom expose their persons before the passengers and idlers on the banks in a manner surprising in a place where women in general so carefully conceal even their faces; though most of these bathers are usually covered from the waist downwards. It often happens that persons are drowned here.
On the day after the cutting of the dam, the Munádee continues to repeat his first cry; but uses a different form of expression in stating the height of the river; saying, for instance, “four from sixteen;” meaning, that the river has increased four “keeráts” (or digits) from sixteen cubits. This cry he continues until the day of the Nórooz, or a little earlier.
On the “Nórooz,” or Coptic new-year’s-day (10th or 11th of September), or two or three days before, he comes to each house in his district, with his boy dressed in his best clothes, and a drummer and a hautboy-player; repeats the same cry as on the Wefa; and again receives a present. Afterwards he continues his former cry.
On the day of the “Saleeb” (or the Discovery of the Cross), which is the 17th of the Coptic month of Toot, or 26th or 27th of September, at which period the river has risen to its greatest height, or nearly so, he comes again to each house in his district, and repeats the following cry:—“In uncertainty,[585] thou wilt not rest: nor in comparing[586] wilt thou rest. O my reproacher,[587] rest! There is nothing that endureth! There remaineth nothing [uncovered by the water] but the shemmám[588] and lemmám[589] and the sown fields and the anemone and safflower and flax: and may my master, such a one [naming the master of the house], live, and see that the river has increased; and give, to the bringer of good news, according to a just judgment. Aboo-Raddád[590] is entitled to a fee from the government; a fee of a shereefee[591] for every digit of the river’s increase; and we are entitled to a fee from the people of generosity; we come to take it with good behaviour. The fortunate Nile of Egypt hath taken leave of us in prosperity: in its increase, it hath irrigated all the country.”—The Munádee, on this occasion, presents a few limes, and other fruit, to the rich, or persons of middle rank, and some lumps of dry mud of the Nile, which is eaten by the women, in many families. He generally receives a present of two or three or more piasters. His occupation then ceases until the next year.
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Footnote 572:
I believe that this period has been called by all European writers who have mentioned it, excepting myself, “El-Khamseen,” or by the same term differently expressed, signifying the Fifty; i.e. the Fifty days; but it is always termed by the Arabs “el-Khamáseen,” which signifies the Fifties, being a vulgar plural of Khamseen. In like manner, the Arabs call the corresponding period of the Jewish calendar by a term exactly agreeing with “el-Khamáseen;” namely “el-Khamseenát;” only its last day being termed “el-Khamseen.” See De Sacy’s “Chrestomathie Arabe,” 2nde éd., tome i., p. 98 of the Arabic text, and pp. 292 and 320 of his translation and notes. This eminent scholar, however, appears to have had no authority but that of Europeans for the name of the above-mentioned period of the Coptic calendar; for he has followed the travellers, and written it “Khamsin.”
Footnote 573:
“Kishk” (as the word is commonly pronounced, but properly “keshik”) is prepared from wheat, first moistened, then dried, trodden in a vessel to separate the husks, and coarsely ground with a hand-mill: the meal is mixed with milk, and about six hours afterwards is spooned out upon a little straw or bran, and then left for two or three days to dry. When required for use, it is either soaked or pounded, and put into a sieve, over a vessel; and then boiling water is poured on it. What remains in the sieve is thrown away; what passes through is generally poured into a saucepan of boiled meat or fowl, over the fire. Some leaves of white beet, fried in butter, are usually added to each plate of it.
Footnote 574:
Beans soaked in water until they begin to sprout, and then boiled.
Footnote 575:
Chap. ii., ver. 244.
Footnote 576:
That is, to his tomb.
Footnote 577:
He would be guilty of a sin if he did not do this when desired.
Footnote 578:
This present year (1834), the river having risen with unusual rapidity, the dam was cut on the 5th of August. Fears were entertained lest it should overflow the dam before it was cut: which would have been regarded as an evil omen.
Footnote 579:
The words thus translated, the boys pronounce “O′fa-lléh,” for “Owfa-lláh.”
Footnote 580:
This is an old building between the aqueduct and Masr el-’Ateekah, where the Sultáns and Governors of Egypt used to alight, and inspect the state of the river, previously to the cutting of the dam of the canal.
Footnote 581:
The person before whose house the announcement is made.
Footnote 582:
In Paradise.
Footnote 583:
A Fountain of Paradise.
Footnote 584:
“’Akab” is the general name of the largest kind of the boats which navigate the Nile; and “’akabeh” (plural “’akabát”), the name of a single boat of this kind.
Footnote 585:
Doubting whether the Nile will rise sufficiently high.
Footnote 586:
That is, in comparing the height of the river at a particular period in the present year with its height at the same period in preceding years.
Footnote 587:
O thou who hast said to me, “Why dost thou not bring better news?”
Footnote 588:
Cucumis dudaim.
Footnote 589:
Mentha Kahirina.
Footnote 590:
The Sheykh of the Mikyás, or Nilometer.
Footnote 591:
A gold coin, now become scarce. Its value, I am informed, is about a third of a pound sterling, or rather less.
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XXVII. PRIVATE FESTIVITIES, ETC
As the modern Egyptian does not become a housekeeper until he is married (and not of necessity then; for he may live with his wife in the house of his or her parents), his first marriage is generally the first event which affords him and his wife an occasion of calling together their respective friends to a private entertainment. Whenever a great entertainment is given on any occasion of rejoicing, it is customary, for the persons invited, to send presents (such as I have mentioned in describing the ceremonies attendant upon a marriage), a day or two before. The husband always has his separate party, generally in the lower apartment or apartments of the house; and the wife entertains her female relations and friends in the hareem, or upper apartments. It is also the usual custom for the wife to entertain her guests (among whom no males are ever admitted, excepting very young boys) during the six middle hours of the day; and for the husband to receive his guests afterwards; after sunset, or after the ’eshë prayers: but sometimes his guests assemble while the wife is engaged with her own party in the hareem.
On these occasions, the female singers who are called “’Awálim” (or “’A’l’mehs”) are often hired to amuse the company. They sit in one of the apartments of the hareem; generally at a window looking into the court. The wooden lattice-work of the window, though too close to allow them to be seen by persons without, is sufficiently open to let them be distinctly heard by the male guests sitting in the court or in one of the apartments which look into it. In many houses, there is a small elevated apartment, or closet, for the ’Awálim, which I have before described, adjoining the apartment in which the male guests assemble (as well as another adjoining the principal saloon of the hareem), screened in front by wooden lattice-work, to conceal these singers from the view of the men.—The dancing-girls (“Ghawázee,” or “Gházeeyehs”) are also frequently hired to attend on the occasions of private festivities. They dance (with unveiled face) before the men, in the court; so that they may be seen also by the women from the windows of the hareem: or perform in an apartment in which the men are assembled; or in the street, before the house, for the amusement only of the women. When they or the ’Awálim perform for the entertainment of a party, one of the friends of the host usually collects for them small sums of money upon the tambourine, or in a handkerchief, from the guests: but sometimes, the host will not allow this custom to be observed. The contributions are called “nukoot.” It is the general practice for the person who gives the entertainment to engage the Ghawázee for a certain sum: he receives the nukoot; which may fall short of, or exceed, the promised sum: in the former case, he pays the difference from his own purse: in the latter case, he often pockets the surplus. Or he agrees that they shall receive all the nukoot, with, or without, an additional sum from himself. In some parties, where little decorum is observed, the guests dally and sport with these dancing-girls in a very licentious manner. I have before mentioned (in a former chapter), that, on these occasions, they are usually indulged with brandy, or some other intoxicating liquor, which most of them drink to excess. It is a common custom for a man to wet, with his tongue, small gold coins, and stick them upon the forehead, cheeks, chin, and lips, of a Gházeeyeh. When money is collected for the ’Awálim, their servant, who is called “khalboos,” and who often acts the part of a buffoon, generally calls out, at each contribution, “Shóbash ’aleyk yá sáheb el-farah!” that is, “A present is due from thee, O giver of the entertainment [on a similar occasion, and in the same way],”[592] and adds, “Such a one has given so many ‘mahboobs,’ or ‘kheyreeyehs’”—turning a few piasters into a much larger number of gold coins of considerably greater value; or, if gold be given, exaggerating the sum in the same manner. This he does to compliment the donor, and to stimulate the generosity of others. His mistress, or another of the ’Awálim, replies, “’Okba le-’anduh!” (“May he have the like [rejoicing]!”[593]—or “May he have a recompense!”)—The guests are also often entertained with a concert of instrumental and vocal music, by male performers (“A′láteeyeh”), who sit in the court, or in the apartment in which the guests are assembled. Two “dikkehs” (or high wooden sofas) are often put together, front to front, in the court, and furnished with cushions, etc., to form an orchestra for the musicians; and a lantern is usually placed in the middle. The A′láteeyeh generally receive contributions from the assembly for whose entertainment they perform, like the ’Awálim; their khalboos calling out to them in the same manner after each gift.
But performances of a different kind from those above mentioned are more common, and are considered more proper, on the occasions of private festivities. These are the recitations of a “khatmeh” (or of the whole of the Kur-án), by three or more fikees, who are hired for the purpose; or of a “zikr,” by a small party of fakeers.[594] That the khatmeh may not be too fatiguing to the performers, the fikees relieve one another by turns; one only chanting at a time; and each, usually, chanting a ruba. They generally come to the house a little after the ’asr, and get through the greater part of their task before the guests assemble: one of them then chants more leisurely, and in a more musical manner: after him, in the same manner, another; and so on. Sometimes a khatmeh is performed in the day-time, and after it, in the evening, a zikr. It is a rule that the zikr should always be performed after sunset.
In Egypt, persons who habitually live with the utmost frugality prepare a great variety and profusion of dishes for the entertainment of their friends. But very little time is devoted to eating. The period of conviviality is mostly passed in smoking, sipping coffee, drinking sherbet, and conversing: the Turks, however, generally abstain from smoking during the recitation of the Kur-án; and the honour which they pay to the sacred book on every occasion has given rise to a saying, that “God has exalted A′l-’Osmán [i.e. the race of ’Osmán, or the ’Osmánlees] above other Muslims, because they exalt the Kur-án more than do others.” In these parties, none of the guests ever attempts to amuse his companions, except by facetious conversation, or sometimes by telling a story; though all of them take great delight in the performances of the hired dancers, musicians, and singers. The Egyptians seldom play at any game, unless when only two or three persons meet together; or in the privacy of their own families. They are a social people; and yet they but rarely give great entertainments. Festivities such as I have described above are very unfrequent: they occur only on particular occasions which really call for rejoicing. Excepting on such occasions, it is considered improper to hire dancing-girls to perform in a house.
The marriage festivities I have described in a former chapter; I therefore proceed to give an account of the festivities which follow a marriage; and shall do so in the order of their occurrence.
On the seventh day (“Yóm es-Subooa”[595]) after a marriage, the wife receives her female relations and friends during the morning and afternoon; and sometimes, the husband entertains his own friends in the evening; generally hiring persons to perform a khatmeh or a zikr. It is a custom of husbands in Egypt to deny themselves their conjugal rights during the first week after the conclusion of the marriage with a virgin bride; and the termination of this period is a due cause for rejoicing.[596]—On the fortieth day (“Yóm el-Arba’een”) after the marriage, the wife goes, with a party of her female friends, to the bath. Her companions return with her to her house, about the ’asr; partake of a repast, and go away. The husband, also, sometimes receives visitors in the evening of this day, and again causes a khatmeh or zikr to be performed.
The next festivities in a family are generally those consequent on the birth of a child.—Two or three or more days before the expected time of delivery, the “dáyeh” (or midwife) conveys, to the house of the woman who requires her assistance, the “kursee el-wiládeh,” a chair of a peculiar form, upon which the patient is to be seated during the birth.[597] This chair is covered with a shawl, or an embroidered napkin; and some flowers of the henna-tree, or some roses, are tied, with an embroidered hand-kerchief, to each of the upper corners of the back. Thus ornamented, the chair (which is the property of the dáyeh) is conveyed before her to the house.—In the houses of the rich, and of those in easy circumstances, the mother, after delivery, is placed on a bed, and usually remains on it from three to six days: but poor women, in the same case, seldom take to a bed at all; and after a day or two, resume their ordinary occupations, if not requiring great exertion.
On the morning after the birth, two or three of the dancing-men called Khäwals, or two or three Gházeeyehs, dance in front of the house, or in the court.—The festivities occasioned by the birth of a son are always greater than those on account of a daughter. The Arabs still show relics of that feeling which often induced their ancient ancestors to destroy their female offspring.
A few days after the birth, generally on the fourth or fifth day, the women of the house, if the family be of the middle or wealthy classes, usually prepare dishes of “mufattak′ah,” “kishk,” “libábeh,” and “hilbeh;” which they send to the female relations and friends. The first of these consists of honey with a little clarified butter and oil of sesame, and a variety of aromatics and spices pounded together: roasted hazel-nuts are also added to it.[598] The kishk has been described in a former page.[599] The libábeh is composed of broken or crumbled bread, honey, clarified butter, and a little rose-water: the butter is first put into a saucepan over the fire; then, the broken bread; and next, the honey. The dish of hilbeh (or fenugreek) is prepared from the dry grain boiled, and then sweetened with honey over the fire.
On the “Yóm es-Subooa” (or Seventh Day) after the birth of a child, the female friends of its mother pay her a visit. In the families of the higher classes, ’Awálim are hired to sing in the hareem; or A′láteeyeh perform, or fikees recite a khatmeh, below. The mother, attended by the dáyeh, sits on the kursee el-wiládeh, in the hope that she may soon have occasion for it again; for her doing this is considered propitious. The child is brought, wrapped in a handsome shawl, or something costly; and, to accustom it to noise, that it may not be frightened afterwards by the music, and other sounds of mirth, one of the women takes a brass mortar, and strikes it repeatedly with the pestle, as if pounding. After this, the child is put into a sieve, and shaken; it being supposed that this operation is beneficial to its stomach. Next, it is carried through all the apartments of the hareem, accompanied by several women or girls; each of whom bears a number of wax candles, sometimes of various colours, cut in two, lighted, and stuck into small lumps of paste of henna, upon a small round tray. At the same time, the dáyeh, or another female, sprinkles, upon the floor of each room, a mixture of salt and seed of the fennel-flower, or salt alone, which has been placed during the preceding night at the infant’s head; saying, as she does this, “The salt be in the eye of the person who doth not bless the Prophet!” or, “The foul salt be in the eye of the envier!” This ceremony of the sprinkling of salt is considered a preservative, for the child and mother, from the evil eye: and each person present should say, “O God, favour our lord Mohammad!” The child, wrapped up, and placed on a fine mattress, which is sometimes laid on a silver tray, is shown to each of the women present, who looks at its face, says, “O God, favour our lord Mohammad! God give thee long life!” etc., and usually puts an embroidered handkerchief, with a gold coin (if pretty or old, the more esteemed) tied up in one of the corners, on the child’s head, or by its side. This giving of handkerchiefs is considered as imposing a debt, to be repaid by the mother, if the donor should give her the same occasion; or as the discharge of a debt for a similar offering. The coins are generally used, for some years, to decorate the head-dress of the child. After these nukoot for the child, others are given for the dáyeh. During the night before the subooa, a water-bottle full of water (a dórak in the case of a boy, or a kulleh in that of a girl), with an embroidered handkerchief tied round the neck, is placed at the child’s head, while it sleeps. This, with the water it contains, the dáyeh takes, and puts upon a tray, and presents to each of the women; who put their nukoot for her (merely money) into the tray.—In the evening, the husband generally entertains a party of his friends, in the manner usual on other occasions of private festivity.
During a certain period after childbirth (in most cases, among the people of Cairo, forty days, but differing according to circumstances, and according to the doctrines of the different sects), the mother is regarded as religiously impure.[600] The period here mentioned is called “Nifás.” At the expiration of it, the woman goes to the bath.
The ceremonies and festivities attendant upon the circumcision of a boy are the next that I shall describe.—In most cases, the boy about to be circumcised (who is called “muttáhir”) is paraded through the streets in the manner which has been related in a former chapter; that is, if his parents be of the middle or higher class of citizens: but most of the learned, people of religious professions, fikees, and some rich men, in Cairo, prefer performing a ceremony called “Siráfeh,” of which the following account will convey a sufficient notion.
The schoolfellows of the muttáhir, all dressed in their best clothes, or in borrowed clothes if they have none of their own good enough, which is generally the case, repair, a little before noon, to one of the principal mosques, as that of the Hasaneyn, or the Azhar, or that of the seyyideh Zeyneb. Thither also go the men and the women and many of the female friends of the family of the muttáhir, with the muttáhir himself; and sometimes about six sháweeshes (or sergeants) of the Nakeeb el-Ashráf. The barber who is to perform the operation also attends, with a servant bearing his “heml” (or sign), which has been described in the account of the more common ceremonies of circumcision. All these persons, with some others who will presently be mentioned, having assembled in the mosque, wait there until after the noon-prayers, and then depart in procession through the streets to the house of the muttáhir’s parents. The first person in the procession is the barber’s servant, with his heml. He is sometimes followed by five or six fikees, chanting a lyric ode (“muweshshah”) in praise of the Prophet. Then follow the schoolboys, two, three, or four abreast. The foremost of these boys, or half their number, chant, as they pass along,—“O nights of pleasure! O nights of joy!”—The other boys then take up the strain, adding,—“Pleasure and desire, with friends assembled!”—Then, again, the former,—“Favour, O our Lord, the Perspicuous Light!”—then the latter, “Ahmad,[601] the Elect, the chief of Apostles!”—Thus the boys continue to chant the whole of the way. Behind them walk the male relations of the muttáhir. These are followed by about six boys; three of them bearing each a silver scent-bottle (“kumkum”) full of rose-water or orange-flower-water, which they occasionally sprinkle on some of the spectators; and each of the others bearing a silver perfuming-vessel (“mibkhar′ah”) in which benzoin, frankincense, or some other odoriferous substance, is burning. With these boys walks a sakka, bearing, on his back, a skin of water covered with an embroidered napkin: he gives water, now and then, in brass cups, to passengers in the street. Next follow three servants: one of these carries a silver pot of coffee, in a silver “’áz’kee” (or chafing-dish suspended by three chains): another bears a silver tray, with ten or eleven coffee-cups, and “zarfs” of silver: the third carries nothing; it is his office, when the procession passes by a well-dressed person (one sitting at a shop, for instance), to fill, and present to him, a cup of coffee: the person thus honoured gives the servant something in return: half a piaster is considered amply sufficient. The sháweeshes occupy the next place in the order of the procession. Sometimes they are followed by another group of boys with kumkums and mibkhar′ahs. Next follows a boy bearing the writing tablet of the muttáhir, hung to his neck by a handkerchief: it is ornamented for the occasion by the school-master. Behind the boy who bears it walks the muttáhir, between two others. He is dressed either as in the zeffeh before described (that is, in girl’s clothes, with the exception of the turban, and decked with women’s ornaments), or simply as a boy; and holds a folded embroidered handkerchief to his mouth. The women follow him, raising their shrill cries of joy (the “zagháreet”); and one of them is constantly employed in sprinkling salt behind him, to prevent any ill effects from an evil eye, which, it is thought, some person may cast at the lad from envy. In this order and manner, the procession arrives at the house.—On halting before the door, the foremost of the schoolboys sing,—“Thou art a sun! Thou art a moon! Thou art a light above light!”—The others add,—“O Mohammad! O my friend! O thou with black eyes!”—They enter the house repeating this address to the Prophet; and repeat it again after entering. The young boys go upstairs: the others remain below. The former, as they go up, repeat,—“O thou his paternal aunt! O thou his maternal aunt! Come! prepare his siráfeh.”—On entering the “ká’ah,” or principal apartment of the hareem, a Kashmeer shawl is given them to hold: they hold it all round; and the ornamented writing-tablet is placed in the middle of it. The “’areef,” or head boy of the school, who (together with the muttáhir and the women) stands by while they do this, then recites what is termed “khutbet es-siráfeh:” each clause of this is chanted by him first, and then repeated by the other boys. It is in unmeasured rhyme; and to the following effect:—
“Praise be to God, the Mighty Creator!—the Sole, the Forgiver, the Conservator!—He knoweth the past and futurity,—and veileth things in obscurity.—He knoweth the tread of the black ant,—and its work when in darkness vigilant.—He formed and exalted heaven’s vault,—and spread the earth o’er the ocean salt.—May He grant this boy long life and happiness,—to read the Kur-án with attentiveness;—to read the Kur-án, and history’s pages,—the stories of ancient and modern ages.—This youth has learned to write and read,—to spell, and cast up accounts with speed:—his father, therefore, should not withhold—a reward of money, silver and gold.—Of my learning, O father, thou hast paid the price:—God give thee a place in Paradise:—and thou, my mother, my thanks receive—for thine anxious care of me, morn and eve:—God grant I may see thee in Paradise seated,—and by Maryam[602] and Zeyneb[603] and Fátimeh[604] greeted.—Our fakeeh[605] has taught us the alphabet:—may he have every grateful epithet.—Our fakeeh has taught us as far as ‘The News:’[606]—may he never his present blessings lose.—Our fakeeh has taught us as far as ‘The Dominion:’—may he ever be blest with the world’s good opinion.—Our fakeeh has taught us as far as ‘The Compassionate:’—may he ever enjoy rewards proportionate.—Our fakeeh has taught us as far as ‘Yá-Seen:’—may his days and years be ever serene.—Our fakeeh has taught as far as ‘The Cave:’—may he ever the blessings of Providence have.—Our fakeeh has taught us as far as ‘The Cattle:’—may he ne’er be the subject of scandalous tattle.—Our fakeeh has taught us as far as ‘The Cow:’—may he ever be honoured, in future and now.—Our fakeeh amply merits of you—a coat of green, and a turban too.—O ye surrounding virgin lasses!—I commend you to God’s care by the eye-paint and the glasses![607]—O ye married ladies here collected!—I pray, by the Chapter of ‘The Ranks,’[608] that ye be protected!—O ye old women standing about!—Ye ought to be beaten with old shoes, and turned out!—To old women, however, we should rather say—Take the basin and ewer; wash and pray.”
During the chanting of these absurd expressions, the women drop, upon the ornamented writing-tablet, their nukoot; which are afterwards collected in a handkerchief. The boys then go down, and give the nukoot to the fikee below.[609]—Here, the muttáhir is now placed on a seat. The barber stands on one side of him, and the servant who holds the heml on the other. The heml is rested on the floor; and on the top of it is placed a cup, into which the guests put their nukoot for the barber.—The female visitors dine in the hareem; and then leave the house. The boys dine below; and go to their homes. The men also dine; and all of them, excepting those of the family, and the barber and his servant, take their leave. The barber then conducts the muttáhir, with one or two of his male relations, to a private apartment; and there performs the operation; or sometimes this is done on the following day. About a week after, he takes the boy to the bath.
The next occasion of festivity in a family (if not the marriage of a son or daughter) is generally when a son is admitted a member of some body of tradesmen or artisans. On this occasion, a ceremony which I am about to describe is performed in certain cases; but not on admission to every trade: it is customary only among carpenters, turners, barbers, tailors, book-binders, and a few others. The young man having become an adept in the business of his intended trade, his father goes to the sheykh of that trade, and signifies his wish that his son should be admitted a member. The sheykh sends an officer, called the “nakeeb,” to invite the masters of the trade, and sometimes a few friends of the candidate, to be present at the admission. The nakeeb, taking in his hand a bunch of sprigs of any green herb, or flowers, goes to each of these persons, hands to him a sprig or little piece of green, or a flower, or leaf, and says—“For the Prophet, the Fát’hah:”—that is “Repeat the Fát’hah for the Prophet.” Both having done this together, the nakeeb adds,—“On such a day and hour, come to such a house or place, and drink a cup of coffee.”—The guests thus invited meet (generally at the house of the father of the young man, but sometimes in the country), take coffee, and dine. After this, the nakeeb leads the young man before the sheykh: states his qualifications; and then desires the persons present to recite the Fát’hah for the Prophet; which done, he girds the young man with a shawl over his outer coat; and ties a knot with the ends of this girdle. The Fát’hah is then recited again, generally for the seyyid El-Bedawee, or some other great saint; and a second knot is tied. Then, a third time the Fát’hah is recited; and a bow is tied. The young man is thus completely admitted. He kisses the hand of the sheykh, and that of his fellow-tradesmen; and gives the nakeeb a small fee.—This ceremony is called “shedd el-weled” (the binding of the youth), and the person thus admitted is termed “meshdood,” or bound.
There remain only to be described the ceremonies occasioned by a death. These will be the subject of a separate chapter, here following, and concluding my account of the manners and customs of the Muslims of Egypt.
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Footnote 592:
“Shóbash” is synonymous with “nukoot,” being an Arabic corruption of the Persian “shábásh,” which also signifies “well done!” “excellent!”
Footnote 593:
The phrase was thus written and explained to me by a sheykh; but I suspect it should be, “Ikbál le-’anduh,” which is an expression vulgarly used to signify, “access to him,” and would mean, in this case, “[May we have] access to him!”
Footnote 594:
These customs remind us of St. Paul’s advice to the Ephesians, chap. v., ver. 19; which shows the antiquity of social pastimes of this kind. The Egyptians highly enjoy the religious love-songs of the munshids at zikrs.
Footnote 595:
The Subooa after the birth of a child is celebrated with more rejoicing; and therefore, in speaking of the Yóm es-Subooa, the seventh day after childbirth is generally understood.
Footnote 596:
It was not such a festival as this alone that is alluded to in Genesis xxix. 27, and in Judges xiv. 12. It was, and I believe is still, the custom of wealthy Bedawees (and such was Laban) to feast their friends seven days after marriage (as also after the birth of a male child); and every respectable Muslim, after marriage, if disappointed in the expectations he has been led to form of his wife, abstains from putting her away for about a week, that she may not be disgraced by suspicion; particularly if it be her first marriage.
Footnote 597:
See Exodus i. 16.
Footnote 598:
Some women add another ingredient; not when it is to be sent to friends; but for a particular purpose, which is, to make them fat: they broil and mash up a number of beetles in the butter; and then add the honey, etc. This has been alluded to in the chapter on the Domestic Life of the Women.
Footnote 599:
In a note to the second paragraph of the preceding chapter.
Footnote 600:
In like manner, the Jewish law pronounces a woman unclean during forty days after the birth of a male child; but double that time after bearing a female child. See Leviticus xii. 2, 4, 5.
Footnote 601:
A name of the Arabian Prophet.
Footnote 602:
The Virgin Mary.
Footnote 603:
The daughter of the Imám ’Alee.
Footnote 604:
The daughter of the Prophet.
Footnote 605:
Vulgo “fikee.”
Footnote 606:
This and the following words distinguished by inverted commas are the titles of chapters of the Kur-án, which the boys, as I have mentioned on a former occasion, learn in the reverse order of their arrangement, after having learned the first chapter. The chapter of “The News,” is the 78th: the others, afterwards named, are the 67th, 55th, 36th, 18th, 6th, and 2nd.
Footnote 607:
The looking-glasses. This is said to amuse the ladies.
Footnote 608:
The 37th chapter of the Kur-án.
Footnote 609:
What follows this describes the ceremonies which are performed both after the siráfeh and after the more common zeffeh, of which I have given an account in a former chapter.
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