XI. SUPERSTITIONS—continued
One of the most remarkable traits in modern Egyptian superstition is the belief in written charms. The composition of most of these amulets is founded upon magic; and occasionally employs the pen of almost every village schoolmaster in Egypt. A person of this profession, however, seldom pursues the study of magic further than to acquire the formulæ of a few charms, most commonly consisting, for the greater part, of certain passages of the Kur-án, and names of God, together with those of angels, genii, prophets, or eminent saints, intermixed with combinations of numerals, and with diagrams, all of which are supposed to have great secret virtues.
The most esteemed of all “hegábs” (or charms) is a “mus-haf” (or copy of the Kur-án). It used to be the general custom of the Turks of the middle and higher orders, and of many other Muslims, to wear a small mus-haf in an embroidered leather or velvet case hung upon the right side by a silk string which passed over the left shoulder: but this custom is not now very common. During my former visit to this country, a respectable Turk, in the military dress, was seldom seen without a case of this description upon his side, though it often contained no hegáb. The mus-haf and other hegábs are still worn by many women; generally enclosed in cases of gold, or of gilt or plain silver. To the former, and to many other charms, most extensive efficacy is attributed; they are esteemed preservatives against disease, enchantment, the evil eye, and a variety of other evils. The charm next in point of estimation to the mus-haf is a book or scroll containing certain chapters of the Kur-án; as the 6th, 18th, 36th, 44th, 55th, 67th and 78th; or some others; generally seven.—Another charm, which is believed to protect the wearer (who usually places it within his cap) from the devil and all evil genii, and many other objects of fear, is a piece of paper inscribed with the following passages from the Kur-án.[372] “And the preservation of both [heaven and earth] is no burden unto Him. He is the High, the Great” (chap. ii. ver. 256). “But God is the best protector; and He is the most merciful of those who show mercy” (chap. xii., ver. 64). “They watch him by the command of God” (chap. xiii., ver. 12). “And we guard them from every devil driven away with stones” (chap. xv., ver. 17). “And a guard against every rebellious devil” (chap. xxxvii., ver. 7). “And a guard. This is the decree of the Mighty, the Wise” (chap. lxi., ver. 11). “And God encompasseth them behind. Verily it is a glorious Kur-án, [written] on a preserved tablet” (chap. lxxxv., ver. 20, 21, 22).—The ninety-nine names, or epithets, of God, comprising all the divine attributes, if frequently repeated, and written on a paper, and worn on the person, are supposed to make the wearer a particular object for the exercise of all the beneficent attributes.—In like manner it is believed that the ninety-nine names, or titles, etc., of the Prophet, written upon anything, compose a charm which (according to his own assertion, as recorded by his cousin and son-in-law the Imám ’Alee) will, if placed in a house, and frequently read from beginning to end, keep away every misfortune, pestilence and all diseases, infirmity, the envious eye, enchantment, burning, ruin, anxiety, grief, and trouble. After repeating each of these names, the Muslim adds, “God favour and preserve him!”[373]—Similar virtues are ascribed to a charm composed of the names of the “As-háb el-Kahf” (or Companions of the Cave, also called the Seven Sleepers), together with the name of their dog.[374] These names are sometimes engraved in the bottom of a drinking-cup, and more commonly on the round tray of tinned copper which, placed on a stool, forms the table for dinner, supper, etc.—Another charm, supposed to have similar efficacy, is composed of the names of those paltry articles of property which the Prophet left at his decease. These relics[375] were two “sebhahs” (or rosaries), his “mus-haf” (in unarranged fragments), his “muk-hul′ah” (or the vessel in which he kept the black powder with which he painted the edges of his eyelids), two “seggádehs” (or prayer carpets), a hand-mill, a staff, a tooth-stick, a suit of clothes,[376] the ewer which he used in ablution, a pair of sandals, a “burdeh” (or a kind of woollen covering),[377] three mats, a coat of mail, a long woollen coat, his white mule “ed-duldul,” and his she-camel “el-’adba.”—Certain verses of the Kur-án are also written upon slips of paper, and worn upon the person as safeguards against various evils, and to procure restoration to health, love and friendship, food, etc. These and other charms, enclosed in cases of gold, silver, tin, leather, or silk, etc., are worn by many of the modern Egyptians, men, women, and children.
It is very common to see children in this country with a charm against the evil eye,[378] enclosed in a case, generally of a triangular form, attached to the top of the cap; and horses often have similar appendages. The Egyptians take many precautions against the evil eye; and anxiously endeavour to avert its imagined consequences. When a person expresses what is considered improper or envious admiration of anything, he is generally reproved by the individual whom he has thus alarmed, who says to him, “Bless the Prophet!” and if the envier obeys, saying, “O God, favour him!” no ill effects are apprehended. It is considered very improper for a person to express his admiration of another, or of any object which is not his own property, by saying, “God preserve us!”[379] “How pretty!” or, “Very pretty!” The most approved expression in such cases is “Má sháa-lláh!” (or “What God willeth [cometh to pass]!]”); which implies both admiration and submission to, or approval of, the will of God. A person who has exclaimed “How pretty!” or used similar words, is often desired to say, rather, “Má sháa-lláh!” as well as to bless the Prophet. In the second chapter of this work a remarkable illustration has been given of the fear which mothers in Egypt entertain of the effect of the evil eye upon their children. It is the custom in this country, when a person takes the child of another into his arms, to say, “In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful!” and, “O God, favour our lord Mohammad!” and then to add, “Má sháa-lláh!” It is also a common custom of the people of Egypt, when admiring a child, to say, “I seek refuge with the Lord of the Day-break for thee!” alluding to the Chapter of the Day-break (the 113th chapter of the Kur-án); in the end of which, protection is implored against the mischief of the envious. The parents, when they see a person stare at, or seem to envy their young offspring, sometimes cut off a piece of the skirts of his clothes, burn it with a little salt (to which some add coriander-seed, alum, etc.), and fumigate with the smoke, and sprinkle with the ashes, the child or children. This, it is said, should be done a little before sunset, when the sun becomes red.
Alum is very generally used, in the following manner, by the people of Egypt, to counteract the effects of the evil eye. A piece of about the size of a walnut is placed upon burning coals, and left until it has ceased to bubble. This should be done a short time before sunset; and the person who performs the operation should repeat three times, while the alum is burning, the first chapter of the Kur-án, and the last three chapters of the same; all of which are very short. On taking the alum off the fire, it will be found (we are told) to have assumed the form of the person whose envy or malice has given occasion for this process: it is then to be pounded, put into some food, and given to a black dog to be eaten. I have once seen this done, by a man who suspected his wife of having looked upon him with an evil eye; and in this case, the alum did assume a form much resembling that of a woman, in what the man declared was a peculiar posture in which his wife was accustomed to sit. But the shape which the alum takes depends almost entirely on the disposition of the coals; and can hardly be such that the imagination may not see in it some resemblance to a human being.—Another supposed mode of obviating the effects of the envious eye is, to prick a paper with a needle, saying, at the same time, “This is the eye of such a one, the envier;” and then to burn the paper.—Alum is esteemed a very efficacious charm against the evil eye: sometimes, a small, flat piece of it, ornamented with tassels, is hung to the top of a child’s cap. A tassel of little shells and beads is also used in the same manner, and for the same purpose. The small shells called cowries are especially considered preservatives against the evil eye; and hence, as well as for the sake of ornament, they are often attached to the trappings of camels, horses and other animals, and sometimes to the caps of children. Such appendages are evidently meant to attract the eye to themselves, and so to prevent observation and envy of the object which they are designed to protect.
To counteract the effects of the evil eye, many persons in Egypt, but mostly women, make use of what is called “mey’ah mubárakah” (or blessed storax), which is a mixture of various ingredients that will be mentioned below, prepared and sold only during the first ten days of the month of Moharram. During this period we often see, in the streets of Cairo, men carrying about this mixture of mey’ah, etc., for sale, and generally crying some such words as the following:—“Mey’ah mubárakah! A new year and blessed ’A’shoora![380] The most blessed of years [may this be] to the believers! Yá mey’ah mubárakah!” The man who sells it bears upon his head a round tray, covered with different coloured sheets of paper—red, yellow, etc., upon which is placed the valuable mixture. In the middle is a large heap of “tifl” (or refuse) of a dark reddish material for dyeing, mixed with a little “mey’ah” (or storax), coriander seed, and seed of the fennel-flower: round this large heap are smaller heaps: one consisting of salt dyed blue with indigo; another, of salt dyed red; a third, of salt dyed yellow; a fourth, of “sheeh” (a kind of wormwood); a fifth, of dust of “libán” (or frankincense). These are all the ingredients of the “mey’ah mubárakah.” The seller is generally called into the house of the purchaser. Having placed his tray before him, and received a plate, or a piece of paper, in which to put the quantity to be purchased, he takes a little from one heap, then from another, then from a third, and so on, until he has taken some from each heap; after which, again and again, he takes an additional quantity from each kind. While he does this, he chants a long spell, generally commencing thus:—“In the name of God! and by God! There is no conqueror that conquereth God, the Lord of the East and the West: we are all His servants: we must acknowledge His unity: His unity is an illustrious attribute.” After some words on the virtues of salt, he proceeds to say:—“I charm thee from the eye of girl, sharper than a spike; and from the eye of woman, sharper than a pruning-knife; and from the eye of boy, more painful than a whip; and from the eye of man, sharper than a chopping-knife;” and so on. Then he relates how Solomon deprived the evil eye of its influence; and afterwards enumerates every article of property that the house is likely to contain, and that the person who purchases his wonderful mixture may be conjectured to possess; all of which he charms against the influence of the eye. Many of the expressions which he employs in this spell are very ridiculous, words being introduced merely for the sake of rhyme. The mey’ah mubárakah, a handful of which may be purchased for five faddahs,[381] is treasured up by the purchaser during the ensuing year; and whenever it is feared that a child or other person is affected by the evil eye, a little of it is thrown upon some burning coals in a chafing-dish; and the smoke which results is generally made to ascend upon the supposed sufferer.
It is a custom among the higher and middle classes in Cairo, on the occasion of a marriage, to hang chandeliers in the street before the bridegroom’s house; and it often happens that a crowd is collected to see a very large and handsome chandelier suspended: in this case it is a common practice to divert the attention of the spectators by throwing down and breaking a large jar, or by some other artifice, lest an envious eye should cause the chandelier to fall. Accidents which confirm the Egyptians in their superstitions respecting the evil eye often occur: for instance, a friend of mine has just related to me that, a short time ago, he saw a camel carrying two very large jars of oil; a woman stopped before it, and exclaimed, “God preserve us! What large jars!” The conductor of the camel did not tell her to bless the Prophet; and the camel, a few minutes after, fell, and broke both the jars and one of its own legs.
While writing these notes on modern Egyptian superstitions, I have been amused by a complaint of one of my Masree[382] friends, which will serve to illustrate what I have just stated. “The Básha,” he said, “having, a few days ago, given up his monopoly of the meat, the butchers now slaughter for their own shops; and it is quite shocking to see fine sheep hung up in the streets, quite whole, tail[383] and all, before the public eye, so that every beggar who passes by envies them; and one might, therefore, as well eat poison as such meat.” My cook has made the same complaint to me; and, rather than purchase from one of the shops near at hand, takes the trouble of going to one in a distant quarter, kept by a man who conceals his meat from the view of the passengers in the street.
Many of the tradesmen of the metropolis, and of other towns of Egypt, place over their shops (generally upon the hanging shutter which is turned up in front) a paper inscribed with the name of God, or that of the Prophet, or both, or the profession of the faith (“There is no deity but God: Mohammad is God’s Apostle”), the words, “In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful,” or some maxim of the Prophet, or a verse of the Kur-án (as, “Verily we have granted thee a manifest victory” [ch. xlviii., ver. 1], and “Assistance from God, and a speedy victory: and do thou bear good tidings to the believers” [ch. lxi., ver. 13]), or an invocation to the Deity, such as, “O Thou Opener [of the doors of prosperity, or subsistence]! O Thou Wise! O Thou Supplier of our wants! O Thou Bountiful!” This invocation is often pronounced by the tradesman when he first opens his shop in the morning, and by the pedestrian vendor of small commodities, bread, vegetables, etc., when he sets out on his daily rounds. It is a custom also among the lower orders to put the first piece of money that they receive in the day to the lips and forehead before putting it in the pocket.
Besides the inscriptions over shops, we often see in Cairo the invocation, “O God!” sculptured over the door of a private house, and the words “The Excellent Creator is the Everlasting,” or, “He is the Excellent Creator, the Everlasting,” painted in large characters upon the door, both as a charm, and to remind the master of the house, whenever he enters it, of his own mortality.[384] These words are often inscribed upon the door of a house when its former master, and many or all of its former inhabitants, have been removed by death.
The most approved mode of charming away sickness or disease is to write certain passages of the Kur-án[385] on the inner surface of an earthenware cup or bowl; then to pour in some water, and stir it until the writing is quite washed off; when the water, with the sacred words thus infused in it, is to be drunk by the patient. These words are as follow: “And He will heal the breasts of the people who believe” (chap. ix., ver. 14). “O men, now hath an admonition come unto you from your Lord, and a remedy for what is in your breasts” (chap. x., ver. 58). “Wherein is a remedy for men” (chap. xvi., ver. 71). “We send down, of the Kur-án, that which is a remedy and mercy to the believers” (chap. xvii., ver. 84). “And when I am sick He healeth me” (chap. xxii., ver. 80). “Say, It is, to those who believe, a guide and a remedy” (chap. xli., ver. 44). Four of these verses, notwithstanding they are thus used, refer, not to diseases of the body, but of the mind; and another (the third) alludes to the virtues of honey! On my applying to my sheykh (or tutor) to point out to me in what chapters these verses were to be found, he begged me not to translate them into my own language, because the translation of the Kur-án, unaccompanied by the original text, is prohibited: not that he seemed ashamed of the practice of employing these words as a charm, and did not wish my countrymen to be informed of the custom: for he expressed his full belief in their efficacy, even in the case of an infidel patient, provided he had proper confidence in their virtue. “Seeing,” he observed, “that the Prophet (God favour and preserve him!) has said, ‘If thou confide in God, with true confidence, He will sustain thee as He sustaineth the birds.’” I silenced his scruples on the subject of translating these verses by telling him that we had an English translation of the whole of the Kur-án. Sometimes, for the cure of diseases, and to counteract poisons, etc., a draught of water from a metal cup, having certain passages of the Kur-án and talismanic characters and figures engraved in the interior, is administered to the patient. I have a cup of this description, lately given to me[386] here (in Cairo), much admired by my Muslim acquaintances. On the exterior is an inscription enumerating its virtues: it is said to possess charms that will counteract all poisons, etc., and the evil eye, and cure “all sicknesses and diseases, excepting the sickness of death.” I have seen here another cup which appeared to have been exactly similar to that above mentioned, but its inscriptions were partly effaced. The secret virtues of the Kur-án are believed to be very numerous. One day, on my refusing to eat of a dish that I feared would do me harm, I was desired to repeat the Soorat Kureysh (106th chapter of the Kur-án) to the end of the words “supplieth them with food against hunger,” and to repeat these last words three times. This, I was assured, would be a certain preventive of any harm that I might have feared.
There are various things which are regarded in the same light as written charms; such as dust from the tomb of the Prophet, water from the sacred well of Zemzem, in the Temple of Mekkeh, and pieces of the black brocade covering of the Kaabeh.[387] The water of Zemzem is much valued for the purpose of sprinkling upon grave-clothes.—An Arab, to whom I had given some medicine which had been beneficial to him, in the Sa’eed, during my former visit to this country, heard me inquire for some Zemzem-water (as several boats full of pilgrims on their return from Mekkeh were coming down the Nile), and perhaps thought, from my making this inquiry, that I was a pious Muslim: accordingly, to show his gratitude to me, he gave me what I was seeking to obtain. Having gone to the house of a friend, he returned to my boat, bringing a small bundle, which he opened before me. “Here,” said he, “are some things which I know you will value highly. Here are two tin flasks of the water of Zemzem: one of them you shall have: you may keep it to sprinkle your grave-clothing with it. This is a ‘miswák’ (a tooth-stick) dipped in the water of Zemzem: accept it from me: clean your teeth with it, and they will never ache, nor decay. And here,” he added (showing me three small, oblong and flat cakes, of a kind of greyish earth, each about an inch in length, and stamped with Arabic characters, “In the name of God! Dust of our land [mixed] with the saliva of some of us”), “these are composed of earth from over the grave of the Prophet (God favour and preserve him!): I purchased them myself in the noble tomb, on my return from the pilgrimage: one of them I give to you: you will find it a cure for every disease: the second I shall keep for myself; and the third we will eat together.”—Upon this, he broke in halves one of the three cakes; and we each ate our share. I agreed with him (though I had read the inscription) that it was delicious; and I gladly accepted his presents. I was afterwards enabled to make several additions to my Mekkeh curiosities; comprising a piece of the covering of the Kaabeh, brought from Mekkeh by the sheykh Ibráheem (Burckhardt), and given to me by his legatee ’Osmán. A cake composed of dust from the Prophet’s tomb is sometimes sewed up in a leather case, and worn as an amulet. It is also formed into lumps of the shape and size of a small pear; and hung to the railing or screen which surrounds the monument over the grave of a saint, or to the monument itself, or to the windows or door of the apartment which contains it.
So numerous are the charms which the Egyptians employ to insure good fortune, or to prevent or remove evils of every kind, and so various are the superstitious practices to which they have recourse with these views, that a large volume would scarcely suffice to describe them in detail. These modes of endeavouring to obtain good and to avoid or dispel evil, when they are not founded upon religion or magic or astrology, are termed matters of “’ilm er-rukkeh,” or the science of the distaff (that is, of the women); which designation is given to imply their absurdity, and because women are the persons who most confide in them. This term is considered, by some, as a vulgar corruption of “’ilm er-rukyeh,” or “the science of enchantment:” by others, it is supposed to be substituted for the latter term by way of a pun. Some practices of the nature just described have already been incidentally mentioned: I shall only give a few other specimens.
It is a very common custom in Cairo to hang an aloe-plant over the door of a house; particularly over that of a new house, or over a door newly built: and this is regarded as a charm to insure long and flourishing lives to the inmates, and long continuance to the house itself.[388] The women also believe that the Prophet visits the house where this plant is suspended. The aloe, thus hung, without earth or water, will live for several years, and even blossom. Hence it is called “sabr,” which signifies “patience.”
When any evil is apprehended from a person, it is customary to break a piece of pottery behind his back. This is also done with the view of preventing further intercourse with such a person.
As ophthalmia is very prevalent in Egypt, the ignorant people of this country resort to many ridiculous practices of a superstitious nature for its cure. Some, for this purpose, take a piece of dried mud from the Bank of the Nile at or near Boolák, the principal port of Cairo, and, crossing the river, deposit it on the opposite bank, at Imbábeh. This is considered sufficient to insure a cure.—Others, with the same view, hang to the head-dress, over the forehead, or over the diseased eye, a Venetian sequin; but it must be one of a particular description, in which the figures on each side correspond, head to head, and feet to feet.[389] Yet, if a person having a Venetian sequin, or a dollar, in his pocket, enter the room of one who is suffering from ophthalmia or fever, his presence is thought to aggravate the complaint. It is also a general belief, here, that, if an individual in a state of religious uncleanness enter a room in which is a person afflicted with ophthalmia, the patient’s disease will consequently be aggravated, and that a speck will appear in one or each of his eyes. A man with whom I am acquainted has, at the time I write this, just come out of a room in which he had confined himself, while suffering from ophthalmia, for about three months, from this fear; never allowing any person to enter; his servant always placing his food outside his door. He has, however, come out with a speck in one of his eyes.
Another practice, which is often adopted in similar cases, but mostly by women, and frequently with the view of preventing barrenness, is very singular and disgusting. The large open place called the Rumeyleh, on the west of the Citadel of Cairo, is a common scene of the execution of criminals; and the decapitation of persons convicted of capital offences in the metropolis was formerly almost always performed there, rather than in any other part of the town. On the south of this place is a building called “Maghsil es-Sultán,” or the Sultán’s washing-place for the dead; where is a table of stone, upon which the body of every person who is decapitated is washed, previously to its burial, and there is a trough to receive the water, which is never poured out, but remains tainted with the blood, and fetid. Many a woman goes thither, and, for the cure of ophthalmia, or to obtain offspring, or to expedite delivery in the case of a protracted pregnancy, without speaking (for silence is deemed absolutely necessary), passes under the stone table above mentioned, with the left foot foremost, and then over it; and does this seven times; after which, she washes her face with the polluted water that is in the trough, and gives five or ten faddahs to an old man and his wife, who keep the place; then goes away, still without speaking. Men, in the case of ophthalmia, often do the same. The Maghsil is said to have been built by the famous Beybars, before he became Sultán; in consequence of his observing that the remains of persons decapitated in Cairo were often kicked about, and buried without being previously washed.
Some women step over the body of a decapitated man seven times, without speaking, to become pregnant; and some, with the same desire, dip in the blood a piece of cotton wool, of which they afterwards make use in a manner I must decline mentioning.
A ridiculous ceremony is practised for the cure of a pimple on the edge of the eye-lid, or what we commonly call a “stye,” and which is termed in Egypt “shahháteh;” a word which literally signifies “a female beggar.” The person affected with it goes to any seven women of the name of Fát’meh, in seven different houses, and begs from each of them a morsel of bread: these seven morsels constitute the remedy.—Sometimes, in a similar case, and for the same purpose, a person goes out before sunrise, and, without speaking, walks round several tombs, from right to left, which is the reverse of the regular course made in visiting tombs.—Another supposed mode of cure in a case of the same kind is, to bind a bit of cotton on the end of a stick; then to dip it in one of the troughs out of which the dogs drink in the streets of Cairo, and to wipe the eye with it. The patient is thus careful to preserve his hand from the polluted water, when he is about to apply this to another part of his person.
As an imaginary cure for ague, some of the women of Egypt (I mean those of the Muslim faith) hang to their necks the finger of a Christian or Jew, cut off a corpse, and dried. This and other practices mentioned before are striking proofs of the degrading effects of superstition, and of its powerful influence over the mind: for, in general, the Muslims are scrupulously careful to conform with that precept of their religion which requires them to abstain from everything polluting or unclean.
When a child is unable to walk, after having attained the age when it is usual to begin to do so, it is a common custom for the mother to bind its feet together with a palm-leaf tied in three knots, and to place it at the door of a mosque during the period when the congregation are engaged in performing the Friday-prayers: when the prayers are ended, she asks the first, second, and third persons who come out of the mosque to untie each a knot of the palm-leaf; and then carries the child home, confident that this ceremony will soon have the effect of enabling the little one to walk.
There are several pretended antidotes for poison, and remedies for certain diseases, to which the Egyptians often have recourse, and which may perhaps have some efficacy: but superstition attributes to them incredible virtues. The bezoar-stone is used as an antidote for poison, by rubbing it in a cup with a little water: the cup is then filled with water, which the patient drinks. In the same manner, and for the same purpose, a cup made of the horn of the rhinoceros is used: a piece of the same material (the horn) is rubbed in it.—As a cure for the jaundice, many persons in Cairo drink the water of a well in this city, called “beer el-yarakán,” or “the well of the jaundice.” It is the property of an old woman, who reaps considerable advantage from it: for it has two mouths, under one of which is a dry receptacle for anything that may be thrown down: and the old woman desires the persons who come to use the medicinal water to drop through this mouth whatever she happens to be in need of, as sugar, coffee, etc.
The Muslims have recourse to many superstitious practices to determine them when they are in doubt as to any action which they contemplate, whether they shall do it or not. Some apply, for an answer, to a table called a “záïrgeh.” There is a table of this kind ascribed to Idrees, or Enoch. It is divided into a hundred little squares, in each of which is written some Arabic letter. The person who consults it repeats, three times, the opening chapter of the Kur-án, and the 59th verse of the Soorat el-An’ám (or 6th chapter)—“With him are the keys of the secret things: none knoweth them but He: and He knoweth whatever is on the land and [what is] in the sea: and there falleth not a leaf, but He knoweth it, nor a grain in the dark parts of the earth, nor a moist thing nor a dry thing, but [it is noted] in a distinct writing.”—Having done this, without looking directly at the table, he places his finger upon it: he then looks to see upon what letter his finger is placed, writes that letter, the fifth following it, the fifth following this, and so on, until he comes again to the first which he wrote; and these letters together compose the answer. The construction of the table may be shown by translating it, thus—
┌───┬───┬───┬───┬───┬───┬───┬───┬───┬───┐ │ d │ w │ w │ a │ w │ o │ h │ a │ b │ h │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ i │ o │ i │ s │ o │ t │ d │ t │ t │ w │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ w │ o │ a │ a │ a │ i │ e │ n │ i │ i │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ t │ s │ d │ n │ t │ h │ i │ a │ a │ e │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ o │ t │ t │ n │ t │ u │ w │ t │ d │ h │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ t │ i │ a │ e │ s │ f │ l │ i │ n │ u │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ e │ l │ n │ j │ c │ a │ d │ t │ o │ c │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ r │ o │ h │ y │ e │ o │ w │ y │ p │ e │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ f │ r │ w │ e │ d │ i │ o │ i │ a │ e │ ├───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┼───┤ │ l │ n │ s │ c │ t │ l │ g │ h │ e │ h │ └───┴───┴───┴───┴───┴───┴───┴───┴───┴───┘
For an example, suppose the finger to be placed on the letter e in the sixth line: we take, from the table, the letters e n j o y p e a c e a b s t a i n a n d which compose this sentence: “Abstain, and enjoy peace;” the sentence always commencing with the first of the letters taken from the uppermost line. It will be seen that the table gives only five answers; and that, if we proceed as above directed, we must obtain one of these answers, with whatever letter of the table we commence. It will also be observed that the framer of the table, knowing that men very frequently wish to do what is wrong, and seldom to do what is right, and that it is generally safer for them to abstain when in doubt, has given but one affirmative answer, and four negative.[391]
Some persons have recourse to the Kur-án for an answer to their doubts. This they call making an “istikhárah,” or application for the favour of heaven, or for direction in the right course. Repeating, three times, the opening chapter, the 112th chapter, and the verse above quoted, they let the book fall open, or open it at random, and, from the seventh line of the right hand page, draw their answer. The words often will not convey a direct answer; but are taken as affirmative or negative according as their general tenor is good or bad, promising a blessing, or denouncing a threat, etc. Instead of reading the seventh line of this page, some count the number of the letters “khá” and “sheen” which occur in the whole page; and if the “khás” predominate, the inference is favourable: “khá” represents “kheyr,” or “good:” “sheen,” “sharr,” or “evil.”
There is another mode of istikhárah; which is, to take hold of any two points of a “sebhah” (or rosary), after reciting the Fát’hah three times, and then to count the beads between these two points, saying, in passing the first bead through the fingers, “[I extol] the perfection of God;” in passing the second, “Praise be to God;” in passing the third, “There is no deity but God;” and repeating these expressions in the same order, to the last bead: if the first expression fall to the last bead, the answer is affirmative and favourable: if the second, indifferent: if the last, negative. This is practised by many persons.
Some, again, in similar cases, on lying down to sleep at night, beg of God to direct them by a dream; by causing them to see something white or green, or water, if the action which they contemplate be approved, or if they are to expect approaching good fortune; and if not, by causing them to see something black or red, or fire: they then recite the Fát’hah ten times, and continue to repeat these words—“O God, favour our lord Mohammad!”—until they fall asleep.
The Egyptians place great faith in dreams, which often direct them in some of the most important actions of life. They have two large and celebrated works on the interpretation of dreams, by Ibn-Sháheen and Ibn-Seereen, the latter of whom was the pupil of the former. These books are consulted, even by many of the learned, with implicit confidence. When one person says to another, “I have seen a dream,” the latter usually replies, “Good” (i.e. may it be of good omen), or, “Good, please God.” When a person has had an evil dream, it is customary for him to say, “O God, favour our lord Mohammad!” and to spit over his left shoulder three times, to prevent an evil result.
In Egypt, as in most other countries, superstitions are entertained respecting days of the week; some being considered fortunate, and others unfortunate.—The Egyptians regard Sunday as an unfortunate day, on account of the night which follows it.—This night, which (according to the system already mentioned) is called the night of Monday, the learned Muslims, and many of the inferior classes, consider unfortunate, because it was that of the death of their Prophet; but some regard it as fortunate, particularly for the consummation of marriage, though not so auspicious for this affair as the eve of Friday. The day following it is also considered, by some, as fortunate; and by others, as unfortunate.—Tuesday is generally thought unfortunate, and called “the day of blood,” as it is said that several eminent martyrs were put to death on this day: and hence, also, it is commonly esteemed a proper day for being bled.—Wednesday is regarded as indifferent.—Thursday is called “el-mubárak” (or, the blessed), and is considered fortunate, particularly deriving a blessing from the following night and day.—The eve, or night, of Friday is very fortunate, especially for the consummation of marriage. Friday is blessed above all other days as being the Sabbath of the Muslims: it is called “el-fadeeleh” (or, the excellent).—Saturday is the most unfortunate of days. It is considered very wrong to commence a journey, and, by most people in Egypt, to shave, or cut the nails, on this day.—A friend of mine here was doubting whether he should bring an action against two persons on so unfortunate a day as Saturday: he decided, at last, that it was the best day of the week for him to do this, as the ill fortune must fall upon one of the two parties only, and doubtless upon his adversaries, because they were two to one.—There are some days of the year which are esteemed very fortunate, as those of the two grand festivals, etc.: and some which are regarded as unfortunate; as, for instance, the last Wednesday in the month of Safar: when many persons make a point of not going out of their houses, from the belief that numerous afflictions fall upon mankind on that day.[392]—Some persons draw lucky or unlucky omens from the first object they see on going out of the house in the morning: according as that object is pleasant or the reverse, they say, “Our morning is good” or “— bad.” A one-eyed person is regarded as of evil omen; and especially one who is blind of the left eye.
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Footnote 372:
Called “áyát-el-hefz” (the verses of protection, or preservation).
Footnote 373:
Just before I quitted my house in Cairo to return to England, a friend, who had been my sheykh (or tutor), wrote on a slip of paper, “There is no deity but God: Mohammad is God’s apostle:” then tore it in halves, gave me the latter half (on which was written “Mohammad is God’s apostle”), and concealed the other in a crack in the roof of a little cupboard in my usual sitting-room. This was to insure my coming back to Cairo: for it is believed that the profession of the faith cannot remain incomplete: so that by my keeping the latter half always upon my person, it would bring me back to the former half.
Footnote 374:
These, it is said, were Christian youths of Ephesus, who took refuge from the persecution of the emperor Decius in a cave, and slept there, guarded by their dog, for the space of 300 [solar] or 309 [lunar] years. (See the Kur-án, chap. xviii.)
Footnote 375:
Called “mukhallafát en-nebee.”
Footnote 376:
A shirt which is said to have been worn by the Prophet is preserved in the mosque of El-Ghóree, in Cairo. It is wrapped in a Kashmeer shawl; and not shown to any but persons of very high rank.
Footnote 377:
The “burdeh,” which is worn by some of the peasants in Egypt, is an oblong piece of thick woollen stuff, resembling the “herám,” excepting in colour, being generally brown or greyish. It appears to have been, in earlier times, always striped; but some modern burdehs are plain, and others have stripes so narrow and near together, that at a little distance the stuff appears to be of one colour. The Prophet’s is described as about seven feet and a half in length, and four and a half in width. It was used by him, as burdehs are at present, both to envelop the body by day, and as a night-covering.—I may be excused for remarking here (as it seems to be unknown to some Arabic scholars) that the terms “akhdar” and “ahmar,” which are applied by different historians to the Prophet’s burdeh, are used to signify respectively grey and brown, as well as green and red.
Footnote 378:
This superstition explains many customs which would otherwise seem unaccountable.
Footnote 379:
The ejaculation which I thus translate is “Yá selám,” or “Yá selámu sellim.” “Es-Selám” is one of the names of the Deity.
Footnote 380:
This is the name of the tenth day of Moharram.
Footnote 381:
Now equivalent to a farthing and one-fifth.
Footnote 382:
This is, Caireen.
Footnote 383:
The fat of the tail is esteemed a dainty.
Footnote 384:
See the engraving of a door with this inscription inserted in the introduction, p. 6.
Footnote 385:
Called “áyát esh-shifë” (the verses of restoration).
Footnote 386:
By Robert Hay, Esq., who purchased it from a peasant at Thebes.
Footnote 387:
Every year, on the first day of the Great Festival, which immediately follows the pilgrimage, a new covering is hung upon the Kaabeh. The old one is cut up; and the greater part of it is sold to the pilgrims.
Footnote 388:
It has been said, by a traveller, that this is only done at pilgrims’ houses: but such is not the case, at least in Egypt.
Footnote 389:
A sequin of this description is termed “benduk′ee musháhrah.”
Footnote 391:
The more approved záïrgehs are extremely complicated, and the process of consulting them involves intricate astrological calculations.
Footnote 392:
This superstition, however, was condemned by the Prophet.
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XII. MAGIC, ASTROLOGY, AND ALCHEMY
If we might believe some stories which are commonly related in Egypt, it would appear that, in modern days, there have been, in this country, magicians not less skilful than Pharaoh’s “wise men and sorcerers” of whom we read in the Bible.
The more intelligent of the Muslims distinguish two kinds of magic, which they term “Er-Roohánee” (vulgò, “Rowhánee”) and “Es-Seemiya:” the former is spiritual magic, which is believed to effect its wonders by the agency of angels and genii, and by the mysterious virtues of certain names of God, and other supernatural means: the latter is natural and deceptive magic; and its chief agents, the less credulous Muslims believe to be certain perfumes and drugs, which affect the vision and imagination nearly in the same manner as opium: this drug, indeed, is supposed by some persons to be employed in the operations of the latter branch of magic.
“Er-Roohánee,” which is universally considered, among the Egyptians, as true magic, is of two kinds, “’ilwee” (or high) and “suflee” (or low); which are also called “rahmánee” (or divine, or, literally, relating to “the Compassionate,” which is an epithet of God) and “sheytánee” (or satanic).—The ’ilwee, or rahmánee, is said to be a science founded on the agency of God, and of his angels, and good genii, and on other lawful mysteries; to be always employed for good purposes, and only attained and practised by men of probity, who, by tradition, or from books, learn the names of those superhuman agents, and invocations which insure compliance with their desires. The writing of charms for good purposes belongs to this branch of magic, and to astrology, and to the science of the mysteries of numbers. The highest attainment in divine magic consists in the knowledge of the “Ism-el-Aazam.” This is “the most great name” of God, which is generally believed, by the learned, to be known to none but prophets and apostles of God. A person acquainted with it can, it is said, by merely uttering it, raise the dead to life, kill the living, transport himself instantly wherever he pleases, and perform any other miracle. Some suppose it to be known to eminent welees.—The suflee is believed to depend on the agency of the devil, and other evil genii; and to be used for bad purposes, and by bad men. To this branch belongs the science called, by the Arabs, “es-sehr;” which is a term they give only to wicked enchantment.—Those who perform what is called “darb el-mendel” (of which I propose to relate some examples) profess to do it by the agency of genii; that is, by the science called er-roohánee: but there is another opinion on this subject which will be presently mentioned.—One of the means by which genii are believed to assist magicians has been explained in the second paragraph of Chapter X.
“Es-Seemiya” is generally pronounced, by the learned, to be a false science, and deceptive art, which produces surprising effects by those natural means which have been above mentioned; and the “darb el-mendel,” as perfumes are employed in the performance of it, is considered, by such persons, as pertaining to es-seemiya.
“’Ilm en-Nugoom,” or Astrology, is studied by many persons in Egypt. It is chiefly employed in casting nativities, in determining fortunate periods, etc., and very commonly, to divine by what sign of the zodiac a person is influenced; which is usually done by a calculation founded upon the numerical values of the letters composing his or her name, and that of the mother: this is often done in the case of two persons who contemplate becoming man and wife, with the view of ascertaining whether they will agree.—The science called “darb er-ramal,” or geomancy, by which, from certain marks made at random on paper, or on sand (whence, according to some, its name), the professors pretend to discover past, passing, and future events, is, I am informed, mainly founded on astrology.
“El-Keemiya,” or Alchemy, is also studied by many persons in Egypt, and by some possessed of talents by which they might obtain a better reputation than this pursuit procures them, and who, in spite of the derision which they experience from a few men of sounder minds, and the reproaches of those whom they unintentionally make their dupes, continue, to old age, their fruitless labours. Considerable knowledge of chemistry is, however, sometimes acquired in the study of this false science; and in the present degraded state of physical knowledge in this country it rather evinces a superior mind when a person gives his attention to alchemy.
There is, or was,[393] a native of Egypt very highly celebrated for his performances in the higher kind of that branch of magic called er-roohánee; the sheykh Isma’eel Aboo-Ru-oos, of the town of Dasook. Even the more learned and sober of the people of this country relate most incredible stories of his magical skill; for which some of them account by asserting his having been married to a “ginneeyeh” (or female genie); and others, merely by his having “ginn” at his service, whom he could mentally consult and command, without making use of any such charm as the lamp of ’Alá-ed-Deen.[394] He is said to have always employed this supernatural power either for good or innocent purposes; and to have been much favoured by the present Básha, who, some say, often consulted him. One of the most sensible of my Muslim friends, in this place (Cairo), informs me that he once visited Aboo-Ru-oos, at Dasook, in company with the sheykh El-Emeer, son of the sheykh El-Emeer El-Kebeer, sheykh of the sect of the Málikees. My friend’s companion asked their host to show them some proof of his skill in magic; and the latter complied with the request. “Let coffee be served to us,” said the sheykh El-Emeer, “in my father’s set of fingáns and zarfs, which are in Masr.” They waited a few minutes; and then the coffee was brought; and the sheykh El-Emeer looked at the fingáns and zarfs, and said they were certainly his father’s. He was next treated with sherbet, in what he declared himself satisfied were his father’s kullehs. He then wrote a letter to his father, and, giving it to Aboo-Ru-oos, asked him to procure an answer to it. The magician took the letter, placed it behind a cushion of his deewán, and, a few minutes after, removing the cushion, showed him that this letter was gone, and that another was in its place. The sheykh El-Emeer took the latter, opened and read it; and found in it, in a handwriting which, he said, he could have sworn to be that of his father, a complete answer to what he had written, and an account of the state of his family which he proved, on his return to Cairo, a few days after, to be perfectly true.[395]
A curious case of magic fell under the cognizance of the government during my former visit to this country; and became a subject of general talk and wonder throughout the metropolis. I shall give the story of this occurrence precisely as it was related to me by several persons in Cairo; without curtailing it of any of the exaggerations with which they embellished it; not only because I am ignorant how far it is true, but because I would show how great a degree of faith the Egyptians in general place in magic, or enchantment.
Mustaf′a Ed-Digwee, chief secretary in the Kádee’s court, in this city, was dismissed from his office, and succeeded by another person of the name of Mustaf′a, who had been a seyrefee, or money-changer. The former sent a petition to the Básha, begging to be reinstated; but before he received an answer, he was attacked by a severe illness, which he believed to be the effect of enchantment: he persuaded himself that Mustaf′a the seyrefee had employed a magician to write a spell which should cause him to die; and therefore sent a second time to the Básha, charging the new secretary with this crime. The accused was brought before the Básha; confessed that he had done so; and named the magician whom he had employed. The latter was arrested; and, not being able to deny the charge brought against him, was thrown into prison, there to remain until it should be seen whether or not Ed-Digwee would die. He was locked up in a small cell; and two soldiers were placed at the door, that one of them might keep watch while the other slept. Now for the marvellous part of the story.—At night, after one of the guards had fallen asleep, the other heard a strange, murmuring noise, and, looking through a crack of the door of the cell, saw the magician sitting in the middle of the floor, muttering some words which he (the guard) could not understand. Presently, the candle which was before him became extinguished; and, at the same instant, four other candles appeared; one in each corner of the cell. The magician then rose, and, standing on one side of the cell, knocked his forehead three times against the wall; and each time that he did so, the wall opened, and a man appeared to come forth from it. After the magician had conversed for some minutes with the three personages whom he thus produced, they disappeared; as did, also, the four candles; and the candle that was in the midst of the cell became lighted again, as at first: the magician then resumed his position on the floor; and all was quiet. Thus the spell that was to have killed Ed-Digwee was dissolved. Early the next morning, the invalid felt himself so much better, that he called for a basin and ewer, performed the ablution, and said his prayers; and from that time he rapidly recovered. He was restored to his former office; and the magician was banished from Egypt. Another enchanter (or “sahhár”) was banished a few days after, for writing a charm which caused a Muslim′eh girl to be affected with an irresistible love for a Copt Christian.
A few days after my first arrival in this country, my curiosity was excited on the subject of magic by a circumstance related to me by Mr. Salt, our Consul-general. Having had reason to believe that one of his servants was a thief, from the fact of several articles of property having been stolen from his house, he sent for a celebrated Maghrab′ee magician, with the view of intimidating them, and causing the guilty one (if any of them were guilty) to confess his crime. The magician came; and said that he would cause the exact image of the person who had committed the thefts to appear to any youth not arrived at the age of puberty; and desired the master of the house to call in any boy whom he might choose. As several boys were then employed in a garden adjacent to the house, one of them was called for this purpose. In the palm of this boy’s right hand, the magician drew, with a pen, a certain diagram, in the centre of which he poured a little ink. Into this ink, he desired the boy steadfastly to look. He then burned some incense, and several bits of paper inscribed with charms; and at the same time called for various objects to appear in the ink. The boy declared that he saw all these objects, and, last of all, the image of the guilty person; he described his stature, countenance, and dress; said that he knew him; and directly ran down into the garden, and apprehended one of the labourers, who, when brought before the master, immediately confessed that he was the thief.
The above relation made me desirous of witnessing a similar performance during my first visit to this country; but not being acquainted with the name of the magician here alluded to, or his place of abode, I was unable to obtain any tidings of him. I learned, however, soon after my return to England, that he had become known to later travellers in Egypt; was residing in Cairo; and that he was called the sheykh ’Abd-El-Kádir El-Maghrab′ee. A few weeks after my second arrival in Egypt, my neighbour ’Osmán, interpreter of the British consulate, brought him to me; and I fixed a day for his visiting me, to give me a proof of the skill for which he is so much famed. He came at the time appointed, about two hours before noon; but seemed uneasy; frequently looking up at the sky, through the window; and remarked that the weather was unpropitious: it was dull and cloudy; and the wind was boisterous. The experiment was performed with three boys; one after another. With the first, it was partly successful; but with the others, it completely failed. The magician said that he could do nothing more that day; and that he would come in the evening of a subsequent day. He kept his appointment; and admitted that the time was favourable. While waiting for my neighbour, before mentioned, to come and witness the performances, we took pipes and coffee; and the magician chatted with me on indifferent subjects. He is a fine, tall, and stout man, of a rather fair complexion, with a dark brown beard; is shabbily dressed; and generally wears a large green turban, being a descendant of the Prophet. In his conversation, he is affable and unaffected. He professed to me that his wonders were effected by the agency of good spirits; but to others, he has said the reverse: that his magic is satanic.
In preparing for the experiment of the magic mirror of ink, which, like some other performances of a similar nature, is here termed “darb el-mendel,” the magician first asked me for a reed-pen and ink, a piece of paper, and a pair of scissors; and, having cut off a narrow strip of paper, wrote upon it certain forms of invocation, together with another charm, by which he professes to accomplish the object of the experiment. He did not attempt to conceal these; and on my asking him to give me copies of them, he readily consented, and immediately wrote them for me; explaining to me, at the same time, that the object he had in view was accomplished through the influence of the two first words, “Tarshun” and “Taryooshun,”[396] which, he said, were the names of two genii, his “familiar spirits.” I compared the copies with the originals; and found that they exactly agreed. Facsimiles of them are here inserted, with a translation.
“Tarshun! Taryooshun! Come down! Come down! Be present! Whither are gone the prince and his troops? Where are El-Ahmar the prince and his troops? Be present ye servants of these names!”
“And this is the removal. ‘And we have removed from thee thy veil; and thy sight to-day is piercing.’ Correct: correct.”
Having written these, the magician cut off the paper containing the forms of invocation from that upon which the other charm was written; and cut the former into six strips. He then explained to me that the object of the latter charm (which contains part of the 21st verse of the Soorat Káf, or 50th chapter of the Kur-án) was to open the boy’s eyes in a supernatural manner; to make his sight pierce into what is to us the invisible world.
I had prepared, by the magician’s direction, some frankincense and coriander-seed,[397] and a chafing-dish with some live charcoal in it. These were now brought into the room, together with the boy who was to be employed: he had been called in, by my desire, from among some boys in the street, returning from a manufactory; and was about eight or nine years of age. In reply to my inquiry respecting the description of persons who could see in the magic mirror of ink, the magician said that they were a boy not arrived at puberty, a virgin, a black female slave, and a pregnant woman. The chafing-dish was placed before him and the boy; and the latter was placed on a seat. The magician now desired my servant to put some frankincense and coriander-seed into the chafing-dish; then taking hold of the boy’s right hand, he drew, in the palm of it, a magic square,[398] of which a copy is here given. The figures which it contains are Arabic numerals. In the centre, he poured a little ink, and desired the boy to look into it, and tell him if he could see his face reflected in it: the boy replied that he saw his face clearly. The magician, holding the boy’s hand all the while,[399] told him to continue looking intently into the ink; and not to raise his head.
He then took one of the little strips of paper inscribed with the forms of invocation, and dropped it into the chafing-dish, upon the burning coals and perfumes, which had already filled the room with their smoke; and as he did this, he commenced an indistinct muttering of words, which he continued during the whole process, excepting when he had to ask the boy a question, or to tell him what he was to say. The piece of paper containing the words from the Kur-án he placed inside the fore part of the boy’s tákeeyeh, or scull-cap. He then asked him if he saw anything in the ink; and was answered, “No:” but about a minute after, the boy, trembling and seeming much frightened, said, “I see a man sweeping the ground.” “When he has done sweeping,” said the magician, “tell me.” Presently the boy said, “He has done.” The magician then again interrupted his muttering to ask the boy if he knew what a “beyrak” (or flag) was; and being answered, “Yes,” desired him to say, “Bring a flag.” The boy did so; and soon said, “He has brought a flag.” “What colour is it?” asked the magician: the boy replied, “Red.” He was told to call for another flag; which he did; and soon after he said that he saw another brought, and that it was black. In like manner, he was told to call for a third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh; which he described as being successively brought before him; specifying their colours, as white, green, black, red, and blue. The magician then asked him (as he did, also, each time that a new flag was described as being brought), “How many flags have you now before you?” “Seven,” answered the boy. While this was going on, the magician put the second and third of the small strips of paper upon which the forms of invocation were written, into the chafing-dish; and fresh frankincense and coriander-seed having been repeatedly added, the fumes became painful to the eyes. When the boy had described the seven flags as appearing to him, he was desired to say, “Bring the Sultán’s tent; and pitch it.” This he did; and in about a minute after, he said, “Some men have brought the tent; a large green tent: they are pitching it;” and presently he added, “They have set it up.” “Now,” said the magician, “order the soldiers to come, and to pitch their camp around the tent of the Sultán.” The boy did as he was desired; and immediately said, “I see a great many soldiers, with their tents: they have pitched their tents.” He was then told to order that the soldiers should be drawn up in ranks; and, having done so, he presently said, that he saw them thus arranged. The magician had put the fourth of the little strips of paper into the chafing-dish; and soon after, he did the same with the fifth. He now said, “Tell some of the people to bring a bull.” The boy gave the order required, and said, “I see a bull: it is red: four men are dragging it along; and three are beating it.” He was told to desire them to kill it, and cut it up, and to put the meat in saucepans, and cook it. He did as he was directed; and described these operations as apparently performed before his eyes. “Tell the soldiers,” said the magician, “to eat it.” The boy did so; and said, “They are eating it. They have done; and are washing their hands.” The magician then told him to call for the Sultán; and the boy, having done this, said, “I see the Sultán riding to his tent, on a bay horse; and he has, on his head, a high red cap: he has alighted at his tent, and sat down within it.” “Desire them to bring coffee to the Sultán,” said the magician, “and to form the court.” These orders were given by the boy; and he said that he saw them performed. The magician had put the last of the six little strips of paper into the chafing-dish. In his mutterings I distinguished nothing but the words of the written invocation, frequently repeated, excepting on two or three occasions, when I heard him say, “If they demand information, inform them; and be ye veracious.” But much that he repeated was inaudible, and as I did not ask him to teach me his art, I do not pretend to assert that I am fully acquainted with his invocations.
He now addressed himself to me; and asked me if I wished the boy to see any person who was absent or dead. I named Lord Nelson, of whom the boy had evidently never heard; for it was with much difficulty that he pronounced the name, after several trials. The magician desired the boy to say to the Sultán—“My master salutes thee, and desires thee to bring Lord Nelson: bring him before my eyes, that I may see him, speedily.” The boy then said so; and almost immediately added, “A messenger is gone, and has returned, and brought a man, dressed in a black[400] suit of European clothes: the man has lost his left arm.” He then paused for a moment or two; and, looking more intently, and more closely, into the ink, said, “No, he has not lost his left arm; but it is placed to his breast.” This correction made his description more striking than it had been without it: since Lord Nelson generally had his empty sleeve attached to the breast of his coat: but it was the right arm that he had lost. Without saying that I suspected the boy had made a mistake, I asked the magician whether the objects appeared in the ink as if actually before the eyes, or as if in a glass, which makes the right appear left. He answered, that they appeared as in a mirror. This rendered the boy’s description faultless.[401]
The next person I called for was a native of Egypt, who has been for many years resident in England, where he has adopted our dress; and who had been long confined to his bed by illness before I embarked for this country: I thought that his name, one not very uncommon in Egypt, might make the boy describe him incorrectly; though another boy, on the former visit of the magician, had described this same person as wearing a European dress, like that in which I last saw him. In the present case the boy said, “Here is a man brought on a kind of bier, and wrapped up in a sheet.” This description would suit, supposing the person in question to be still confined to his bed, or if he be dead.[402] The boy described his face as covered; and was told to order that it should be uncovered. This he did; and then said, “His face is pale; and he has mustaches, but no beard:” which is correct.
Several other persons were successively called for; but the boy’s descriptions of them were imperfect, though not altogether incorrect. He represented each object as appearing less distinct than the preceding one; as if his sight were gradually becoming dim: he was a minute, or more, before he could give any account of the persons he professed to see towards the close of the performance; and the magician said it was useless to proceed with him. Another boy was then brought in; and the magic square, etc., made in his hand; but he could see nothing. The magician said he was too old.
Though completely puzzled, I was somewhat disappointed with his performances, for they fell short of what he had accomplished, in many instances, in presence of certain of my friends and countrymen. On one of these occasions, an Englishman present ridiculed the performance, and said that nothing would satisfy him but a correct description of the appearance of his own father, of whom, he was sure, no one of the company had any knowledge. The boy, accordingly, having called by name for the person alluded to, described a man in a Frank dress, with his hand placed to his head, wearing spectacles, and with one foot on the ground, and the other raised behind him, as if he were stepping down from a seat. The description was exactly true in every respect: the peculiar position of the hand was occasioned by an almost constant headache; and that of the foot or leg, by a stiff knee, caused by a fall from a horse, in hunting. I am assured that, on this occasion, the boy accurately described each person and thing that was called for. On another occasion, Shakspeare was described with the most minute correctness, both as to person and dress; and I might add several other cases in which the same magician has excited astonishment in the sober minds of Englishmen of my acquaintance. A short time since, after performing in the usual manner, by means of a boy, he prepared the magic mirror in the hand of a young English lady, who, on looking into it for a little while, said that she saw a broom sweeping the ground without anybody holding it, and was so much frightened that she would look no longer.
I have stated these facts partly from my own experience, and partly as they came to my knowledge on the authority of respectable persons. The reader may be tempted to think, that, in each instance, the boy saw images produced by some reflection in the ink; but this was evidently not the case; or that he was a confederate, or guided by leading questions. That there was no collusion, I satisfactorily ascertained, by selecting the boy who performed the part above described in my presence from a number of others passing by in the street, and by his rejecting a present which I afterwards offered him with the view of inducing him to confess that he did not really see what he had professed to have seen. I tried the veracity of another boy on a subsequent occasion in the same manner; and the result was the same. The experiment often entirely fails; but when the boy employed is right in one case, he generally is so in all: when he gives, at first, an account altogether wrong, the magician usually dismisses him at once, saying that he is too old. The perfumes, or excited imagination, or fear, may be supposed to affect the vision of the boy who describes objects as appearing to him in the ink; but, if so, why does he see exactly what is required, and objects of which he can have had no previous particular notion? Neither I nor others have been able to discover any clue by which to penetrate the mystery; and if the reader be alike unable to give the solution, I hope that he will not allow the above account to induce in his mind any degree of scepticism with respect to other portions of this work.[403]
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Footnote 393:
I was informed that he had died during my second visit to Egypt.
Footnote 394:
I must be excused for deviating from our old and erroneous mode of writing the name of the master of the “wonderful lamp.” It is vulgarly pronounced ’Aláy-ed-Deen.
Footnote 395:
Of a more famous magician, the sheykh Ahmad Sádoomeh, who flourished in Egypt in the latter half of the last century, an account is given in my translation of “The Thousand and One Nights,” chap. i., note 15.
Footnote 396:
Or, “Tarsh” and “Taryoosh;” the final “un” being the inflexion which denotes the nominative case.
Footnote 397:
He generally requires some benzoin to be added to these.
Footnote 398:
The numbers in this magic square, in our own ordinary characters, are as follows:—
┌───┬───┬───┐ │ 4 │ 9 │ 2 │ ├───┼───┼───┤ │ 3 │ 5 │ 7 │ ├───┼───┼───┤ │ 8 │ 1 │ 6 │ └───┴───┴───┘
It will be seen that the horizontal, vertical, and diagonal rows give, each, the same sum, namely, 15.
Footnote 399:
This reminds us of animal magnetism.
Footnote 400:
Dark blue is called by the modern Egyptians “eswed,” which properly signifies black, and is therefore so translated here.
Footnote 401:
Whenever I desired the boy to call for any person to appear, I paid particular attention both to the magician and to ’Osmán. The latter gave no direction either by word or sign; and indeed he was generally unacquainted with the personal appearance of the individual called for. I took care that he had no previous communication with the boys; and have seen the experiment fail when he could have given directions to them, or to the magician. In short, it would be difficult to conceive any precaution which I did not take. It is important to add, that the dialect of the magician was more intelligible to me than to the boy. When I understood him perfectly at once, he was sometimes obliged to vary his words to make the boy comprehend what he said.
Footnote 402:
A few months after this was written, I had the pleasure of hearing that the person here alluded to was in better health. Whether he was confined to his bed at the time when this experiment was performed, I have not been able to ascertain.
Footnote 403:
I have been gratified by finding that this hope has been realized. I wish I could add that the phenomena were now explained. In No. 117 of the “Quarterly Review,” pp. 202 and 203, it has been suggested that the performances were effected by means of pictures and a concave mirror; and that the images of the former were reflected from the surface of the mirror, and received on a cloud of smoke under the eyes of the boy. This, however, I cannot admit; because such means could not have been employed without my perceiving them; nor would the images be reversed (unless the pictures were so) by being reflected from the surface of a mirror, and received upon a second surface; for the boy was looking down upon the palm of his hand, so that an image could not be formed upon the smoke (which was copious but not dense) between his eye and the supposed mirror. The grand difficulty of the case is the exhibition of “the correct appearance of private individuals unknown to fame,” as remarked in the “Quarterly Review,” in which a curious note, presenting “some new features of difficulty,” is appended. With the most remarkable of the facts there related I was acquainted; but I was not bold enough to insert them. I may now, however, here mention them. Two travellers (one of them, M. Léon Delaborde; the other, an Englishman), both instructed by the magician ’Abd-el-Kádir, are stated to have succeeded in performing similar feats. Who this Englishman was, I have not been able to learn: he positively denied all collusion, and asserted that he did nothing but repeat the forms taught him by the magician.
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XIII. CHARACTER
The natural or innate character of the modern Egyptians is altered, in a remarkable degree, by their religion, laws, and government, as well as by the climate and other causes; and to form a just opinion of it is, therefore, very difficult. We may, however, confidently state, that they are endowed, in a higher degree than most other people, with some of the more important mental qualities; particularly, quickness of apprehension, a ready wit, and a retentive memory. In youth, they generally possess these and other intellectual powers; but the causes above alluded to gradually lessen their mental energy.
Of the leading features of their character, none is more remarkable than their religious pride. They regard persons of every other faith as the children of perdition; and such, the Muslim is early taught to despise.[404] It is written in the Kur-án, “O ye who have believed, take not the Jews and Christians as friends: they are friends one to another; and whosoever of you taketh them as his friends, verily he is [one] of them.”[405] From motives of politeness, or selfish interest, these people will sometimes talk with apparent liberality of sentiment, and even make professions of friendship, to a Christian (particularly to a European), whom, in their hearts, they contemn: but as the Muslims of Egypt judge of the Franks in general from the majority of those in their towns, some of whom are outcasts from their native countries, and others (though not all the rest, of course), men under no moral restraint, they are hardly to be blamed for despising them. The Christians are, however, generally treated with civility by the people of Egypt: the Muslims being as remarkable for their toleration as for their contempt of unbelievers.
It is considered the highest honour among the Muslims, to be religious; but the desire to appear so leads many into hypocrisy and pharisaical ostentation. When a Muslim is unoccupied by business, or amusement, or conversation, he is often heard to utter some pious ejaculation. If a wicked thought, or the remembrance of a wicked action that he has committed, trouble him, he sighs forth, “I beg forgiveness of God, the Great!” The shopkeeper, when not engaged with customers, nor enjoying his pipe, often employs himself, in the sight and hearing of the passengers in the street, in reciting a chapter of the Kur-án, or in repeating to himself those expressions in praise of God which often follow the ordinary prayers, and are counted with the beads; and in the same public manner he prays.—The Muslims frequently swear by God (but not irreverently); and also by the Prophet, and by the head or beard of the person they address. When one is told anything that excites his surprise and disbelief, he generally exclaims, “Wa-llah?” or, “Wa-lláhi?” (by God?); and the other replies, “Wa-lláhi!”—As on ordinary occasions before eating and drinking, so also on taking medicine, commencing a writing, or any important undertaking, and before many a trifling act, it is their habit to say, “In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful;” and after the act, “Praise be to God.” When two persons make any considerable bargain, they recite together the first chapter of the Kur-án (the Fát’hah). In case of a debate on any matter of business or of opinion, it is common for one of the parties, or a third person who may wish to settle the dispute, or to cool the disputants, to exclaim, “Blessing on the Prophet!”—“O God, favour him!” is said, in a low voice, by the other or others; and they then continue the argument, but generally with moderation.
Religious ejaculations often interrupt conversation upon trivial and even licentious subjects, in Egyptian society; sometimes, in such a manner that a person not well acquainted with the character of this people would perhaps imagine that they intended to make religion a jest. In many of their most indecent songs the name of God is frequently introduced; and this is certainly done without any profane motive, but from the habit of often mentioning the name of the Deity in vain, and of praising Him on every trifling occasion of surprise, or in testimony of admiration of anything uncommon. Thus, a libertine, describing his impressions on the first sight of a charming girl (in one of the grossest songs I have ever seen or heard even in the Arabic language), exclaims, “Extolled be He who formed thee, O full moon!”—and this and many similar expressions are common in many other songs and odes; but what is most remarkable in the song particularly alluded to above, is a profane comparison with which it terminates. I shall adduce, as an example of the strange manner in which licentiousness and religion are often blended together in vulgar Egyptian poetry and rhyming prose, a translation of the last three stanzas of an ode on love and wine:—
“She granted me a reception, the graceful of form, after her distance and coyness. I kissed her teeth and her cheek; and the cup rang in her hand. The odours of musk and ambergris were diffused by a person whose form surpassed the elegance of a straight and slender branch. She spread a bed of brocade; and I passed the time in uninterrupted happiness. A Turkish fawn enslaved me.
“Now I beg forgiveness of God, my Lord, for all my faults and sins; and for all that my heart hath said. My members testify against me. Whenever grief oppresseth me, O Lord, Thou art my hope from whatever afflicteth me. Thou knowest what I say, and what I think. Thou art the Bountiful, the Forgiving! I implore Thy protection: then pardon me.
“And I praise that benignant being[406] whom a cloud was wont to shade; the comely: how great was his comeliness! He will intercede for us on the day of judgment, when his haters, the vile, the polytheists, shall be repentant. Would that I might always, as long as I live, accompany the pilgrims, to perform the circuits and worship and courses, and live in uninterrupted happiness!”
In translating the first of the above stanzas, I have substituted the feminine for the masculine pronoun; for, in the original, the former is meant, though the latter is used, as is commonly the case in similar compositions of the Egyptians. One of my Muslim friends having just called on me after my writing the above remarks, I read to him the last four stanzas of this ode, and asked him if he considered it proper thus to mix up religion with debauchery. He answered, “Perfectly proper; a man relates his having committed sins, and then prays to God for forgiveness, and blesses the Prophet.”—“But,” said I, “this is an ode written to be chanted for the amusement of persons who take pleasure in unlawful indulgences; and see here, when I close the leaves, the page which celebrates a debauch comes in contact, face to face, with that upon which are written the names of the Deity; the commemoration of the pleasures of sin is placed upon the prayer for forgiveness.” “That is nonsense,” replied my friend; “turn the book over, place that side upwards which is now downwards, and then the case will be the reverse—sin covered by forgiveness; and God, whose name be exalted, hath said in the Excellent Book, ‘Say, O my servants, who have transgressed against your own souls, despair not of the mercy of God, seeing that God forgiveth all sins [unto those who repent], for He is the Very Forgiving, the Merciful.’”[407] His answer reminds me of what I have often observed, that the generality of Arabs, a most inconsistent people, are every day breaking their law in some point or other, trusting that two words (“Astaghfir Alláh,” or “I beg forgiveness of God”) will cancel every transgression. He had a copy of the Kur-án in his hand, and on my turning it over to look for the verse he had quoted, I found in it a scrap of paper containing some words from the venerated volume; he was about to burn this piece of paper lest it should fall out and be trodden upon; and on my asking him whether it was allowable to do so, he answered, that it might either be burnt, or thrown into running water; but that it was better to burn it, as the words would ascend in the flames, and be conveyed by angels to heaven. Sometimes the Kur-án is quoted in jest, even by persons of strict religious principles. For instance, the following equivocal and evasive answer was once suggested to me on a person’s asking of me a present of a watch, which, I must previously mention, is called “sá-’ah,” a word which signifies an “hour,” and the “period of the general judgment.”—“Verily, the ‘sá’ah’ shall come: I will surely make it to appear” (chap. xx. ver. 15).
There are often met with, in Egyptian society, persons who will introduce an apposite quotation from the Kur-án or the Traditions of the Prophet in common conversation, whatever be the topic; and an interruption of this kind is not considered, as it would be in general society in our own country, either hypocritical or annoying; but rather occasions expressions, if not feelings, of admiration, and often diverts the hearers from a trivial subject to matters of a more serious nature. The Muslims of Egypt, and, I believe, those of other countries, are generally fond of conversing on religion; and the most prevalent mode of entertaining a party of guests among the higher and middle ranks in this place (Cairo) is the recital of a “khatmeh” (or the whole of the Kur-án), which is chanted by fikees, hired for the purpose; or the performance of a “zikr,” which has been before mentioned. Few persons among them would venture to say, that they prefer hearing a concert of music to the performance of a khatmeh or zikr; and they certainly do take great pleasure in the latter performances. The manner in which the Kur-án is sometimes chanted is, indeed, very pleasing; though I must say, that a complete khatmeh is, to me, extremely tiresome. With the religious zeal of the Muslims, I am daily struck: yet I have often wondered that they so seldom attempt to make converts to their faith. On my expressing my surprise, as I have frequently done, at their indifference with respect to the propagation of their religion, contrasting it with the conduct of their ancestors of the early ages of El-Islám, I have generally been answered—“Of what use would it be if I could convert a thousand infidels? Would it increase the number of the faithful? By no means: the number of the faithful is decreed by God; and no act of man can increase or diminish it.” The contending against such an answer would have led to an interminable dispute: so I never ventured a reply. I have heard quoted, by way of apology for their neglecting to make proselytes, the following words of the Kur-án: “Dispute not against those who have received the Scriptures”[408] (namely, the Christians and Jews), without the words immediately following—“unless in the best manner; except against such of them as behave injuriously [towards you]: and say [unto them], We believe in [the revelation] that hath been sent down unto us, and [also in that] which hath been sent down unto you: and our God and your God is one.”[409] If this precept were acted upon by the Muslims, it might perhaps lead to disputes which would make them more liberal-minded, and much better informed.
The respect which most modern Muslims pay to their Prophet is almost idolatrous. They very frequently swear by him; and many of the most learned, as well as the ignorant, often implore his intercession. Pilgrims are generally much more affected on visiting his tomb than in performing any other religious rite. There are some Muslims who will not do anything that the Prophet is not recorded to have done: and who particularly abstain from eating anything that he did not eat, though its lawfulness be undoubted. The Imám Ahmad Ibn-Hambal would not even eat water-melons, because, although he knew that the Prophet ate them, he could not learn whether he ate them with or without the rind, or whether he broke, bit, or cut them: and he forbade a woman, who questioned him as to the propriety of the act, to spin by the light of torches passing in the street by night, which were not her own property, because the Prophet had not mentioned whether it was lawful to do so, and was not known to have ever availed himself of a light belonging to another person without that person’s leave.—I once, admiring some very pretty pipe-bowls, asked the maker why he did not stamp them with his name. He answered “God forbid! My name is Ahmad” (one of the names of the Prophet): “would you have me put it in the fire?”—I have heard adduced as one of the subjects of complaint against the present Básha, his causing the camels and horses of the government to be branded with his names, “Mohammad ’Alee.” “In the first place,” said a friend of mine, who mentioned this fact to me, “the iron upon which are engraved these names, names which ought to be so much venerated, the names of the Prophet (God favour and preserve him!), and his Cousin (may God be well pleased with him!), is put into the fire, which is shocking: then it is applied to the neck of a camel; and causes blood, which is impure, to flow, and to pollute the sacred names both upon the iron and upon the animal’s skin: and when the wound is healed, how probable is it, and almost certain and unavoidable, that the camel will, when he lies down, lay his neck upon something unclean!”
A similar feeling is the chief reason why the Muslims object to printing their books. They have scarcely a book (I do not remember to have seen one) that does not contain the name of God: it is a rule among them to commence every book with the words “In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful,” and to begin the preface or introduction by praising God, and blessing the Prophet; and they fear some impurity might be contracted by the ink that is applied to the name of the Deity, in the process of printing, or by the paper to be impressed with that sacred name, and perhaps with words taken from the Kur-án. They fear, also, that their books, becoming very cheap by being printed, would fall into the hands of infidels; and are much shocked at the idea of using a brush composed of hogs’ hair (which was at first done here) to apply the ink to the name, and often to the words, of God. Hence, books have hitherto been printed in Egypt only by order of the government: but two or three persons have lately applied for, and received, permission to make use of the government-press. I am acquainted with a bookseller here who has long been desirous of printing some books which he feels sure would bring him considerable profit; but cannot overcome his scruples as to the lawfulness of doing so.
The honour which the Muslims show to the Kur-án is very striking. They generally take care never to hold it, or suspend it, in such a manner as that it shall be below the girdle; and they deposit it upon a high and clean place; and never put another book, or anything else, on the top of it. On quoting from it, they usually say, “He whose name be exalted” (or “God, whose name be exalted”) “hath said, in the Excellent Book.” They consider it extremely improper that the sacred volume should be touched by a Christian or a Jew, or any other person not a believer in its doctrines; though some of them are induced, by covetousness, but very rarely, to sell copies of it to such persons. It is even forbidden to the Muslim to touch it unless he be in a state of legal purity; and hence, these words of the book itself—“None shall touch it but they who are purified”[410]—are often stamped upon the cover. The same remarks apply, also, to anything upon which is inscribed a passage of the Kur-án. It is remarkable, however, that most of the old Arab coins bear inscriptions of words from the Kur-án, or else the testimony of the faith (“There is no deity but God: Mohammad is God’s Apostle”); notwithstanding they were intended for the use of Jews and Christians, as well as Muslims: but I have heard this practice severely condemned.—On my once asking one of my Muslim friends whether figs were esteemed wholesome in Egypt, he answered, “Is not the fig celebrated in the Kur-án? God swears by it: ‘By the fig and the olive!’” (chap. xcv., ver. 1).
There is certainly much enthusiastic piety in the character of the modern Muslims, notwithstanding their inconsistencies and superstitions: such, at least, is generally the case. There are, I believe, very few professed Muslims who are really unbelievers; and these dare not openly declare their unbelief, through fear of losing their heads for their apostasy. I have heard of two or three such, who have been rendered so by long and intimate intercourse with Europeans; and have met with one materialist, who has often had long discussions with me. In preceding chapters of this work, several practices indicative of the religious feeling which prevails among the Muslims of Egypt have been incidentally mentioned. Religious appeals are generally used by the beggars in this country: some examples of these will be given hereafter. Of a similar nature, also, are the cries of many of the persons who sell vegetables, etc. The cry of the nightly watchman in the quarter in which I lived in Cairo during my first visit struck me as remarkable for its beauty and sublimity—“I extol the perfection of the living King, who sleepeth not nor dieth.” The present watchman, in the same quarter, exclaims, “O Lord! O Everlasting!” Many other illustrations of the religious character of the people whom I am endeavouring to portray might be added. I must, however, here acknowledge, that religion has much declined among them and most others of the same faith. Whoever has been in the habit of conversing familiarly with the modern Muslims must often have heard them remark, with a sigh, “It is the end of time!”—“The world has fallen into infidelity.”—They are convinced that the present state of their religion is a proof that the end of the world is near. The mention which I have made, in a former chapter, of some of the tenets of the Wahhábees, as being those of the primitive Muslims, shows how much the generality of the modern professors of the faith of the Kur-án have deviated from the precepts originally delivered to its disciples.
Influenced by their belief in predestination, the men display, in times of distressing uncertainty, an exemplary patience, and, after any afflicting event, a remarkable degree of resignation and fortitude, approaching nearly to apathy;[411] generally exhibiting their sorrow only by a sigh, and the exclamation of “Allah kereem!” (God is bountiful!)—but the women, on the contrary, give vent to their grief by the most extravagant cries and shrieks. While the Christian blames himself for every untoward event which he thinks he has brought upon himself, or might have avoided, the Muslim enjoys a remarkable serenity of mind in all the vicissitudes of life. When he sees his end approaching, his resignation is still conspicuous: he exclaims, “Verily to God we belong; and verily to Him we return!” and to those who inquire respecting his state, in general his reply is, “Praise be to God! Our Lord is bountiful!”—His belief in predestination does not, however, prevent his taking any step to attain an object that he may have in view; not being perfectly absolute, or unconditional: nor does it in general make him careless of avoiding danger; for he thinks himself forbidden to do so by these words of the Kur-án,[412] “Throw not yourselves[413] into perdition;” excepting in some cases; as in those of pestilence and other sicknesses; being commanded, by the Prophet, not to go into a city where there is a pestilence, nor to come out from it. The lawfulness of quarantine is contested among Muslims; but the generality of them condemn it.
The same belief in predestination renders the Muslim utterly devoid of presumption with regard to his future actions, or to any future events. He never speaks of anything that he intends to do, or of any circumstance which he expects and hopes may come to pass, without adding, “If it be the will of God;” and, in like manner, in speaking of a past event of which he is not certain, he generally prefaces or concludes what he says with the expression “God is all-knowing” (or, “— most knowing.”).
Benevolence and charity to the poor are virtues which the Egyptians possess in an eminent degree, and which are instilled into their hearts by religion; but from their own profession it appears that they are as much excited to the giving of alms by the expectation of enjoying corresponding rewards in heaven, as by pity for the distresses of their fellow-creatures, or a disinterested wish to do the will of God. It may be attributed, in some measure, to the charitable disposition of the inhabitants, that beggars are so numerous in Cairo. The many handsome “Sebeels,” or public fountains (buildings erected and endowed for the gratuitous supply of water to passengers), which are seen in this city, and the more humble structures of the same kind in the villages and fields, are monuments of the same virtue.
In my earlier intercourse with the people of Egypt, I was much pleased at observing their humanity to dumb animals; to see a person, who gathered together the folds of his loose clothes to prevent their coming in contact with a dog, throw, to the impure animal, a portion of the bread which he was eating. Murders, burglaries, and other atrocious crimes, were then very rare among them. Now, however, I find the generality of the Egyptians very much changed for the worse, with respect to their humanity to brutes and to their fellow-creatures. The increased severity of the government seems, as might be expected, to have engendered tyranny, and an increase of every crime, in the people: but I am inclined to think that the conduct of Europeans has greatly conduced to produce this effect; for I do not remember to have seen acts of cruelty to dumb animals excepting in places where Franks either reside or are frequent visitors, as Alexandria, Cairo, and Thebes. It is shocking to see the miserable asses which are used for carrying dust, etc., in Cairo; many of them with large crimson wounds, like carbuncles, constantly chafed by rough ropes of the fibres of the palm-tree which are attached to the back part of the pack-saddle. The dogs in the streets are frequently beaten, both by boys and men, from mere wantonness; and I often see children amusing themselves with molesting the cats, which were formerly much favoured.[414] Robberies and murders, during two or three months after my last arrival here, were occurrences of almost every week. Most of the Turkish governors of districts used to exercise great oppression over the felláheen: but since persons of the latter class have been put in the places of the former, they have exceeded their predecessors in tyranny; and it is a common remark, that they are “more execrable than the Turks.”[415]
Though I now frequently see the houseless dogs beaten in the streets of Cairo, and that when quite inoffensive and quiet, I still often observe men feeding them with bread, etc.; and the persons who do so are mostly poor men. In every district of this city are many small troughs, which are daily replenished with water for the dogs. In each street where there are shops, a sakka receives a small monthly sum from each shopman for sprinkling the street, and filling the trough or troughs for the dogs in that street. There is also a dogs’-trough under almost every shop of a sharbetlee, or seller of sherbets.—It may here be mentioned, that the dogs of Cairo, few of which have masters, compose regular and distinct tribes; and the dogs of each tribe confine themselves to a certain district or quarter, from which they invariably chase away any strange dog that may venture to intrude. These animals are very numerous in Cairo. They are generally careful to avoid coming in contact with the men; as if they knew that the majority of the people of the city regard them as unclean: but they often bark at persons in the Frank dress; and at night they annoy every passenger. They are of use in eating the offal thrown out from the butchers’ shops, and from houses. Many dogs also prowl about the mounds of rubbish around the metropolis; and these, with the vultures, feed upon the carcases of the camels, asses, etc., that die in the town. They are mostly of a sandy colour; and seem to partake of the form and disposition of the jackal.
The general opinion of the Muslims, which holds the dog to be unclean, does not prevent their keeping this animal as a house-guard, and sometimes even as a pet. A curious case of this kind occurred a short time ago. A woman in this city, who had neither husband nor child nor friend to solace her, made a dog her companion. Death took this only associate from her; and, in her grief and her affection for it, she determined to bury it; and not merely to commit it to the earth without ceremony, but to inter it as a Muslim, in a respectable tomb, in the cemetery of the Imám Esh-Sháfe’ee, which is regarded as especially sacred. She washed the dog according to the rules prescribed to be observed in the case of a deceased Muslim, wrapped it in handsome grave-clothes, sent for a bier, and put it in; then hired several wailing-women; and, with them, performed a regular lamentation. This done (but not without exciting the wonder of her neighbours, who could not conjecture what person in her house was dead, yet would not intrude, because she never associated with them), she hired a number of chanters, to head the funeral-procession, and schoolboys, to sing, and carry the Kur-án before the bier; and the train went forth in respectable order; herself and the hired wailing-women following the bier, and rending the air with their shrieks: but the procession had not advanced many steps, when one of the female neighbours ventured to ask the afflicted lady who the person was that was dead; and was answered, “It is my poor child.” The inquirer charged her with uttering a falsehood; and the bereaved lady confessed that it was her dog; begging, at the same time, that her inquisitive neighbour would not divulge the secret; but, for an Egyptian woman to keep a secret, and such a secret, was impossible: it was immediately made known to the by-standers; and a mob, in no good humour, soon collected, and put a stop to the funeral. The chanters and singing-boys and wailing-women vented their rage against their employer (as soon as they had secured their money) for having made fools of them; and if the police had not interfered, she would probably have fallen a victim to popular fury.[416]
It is a curious fact, that, in Cairo, houseless cats are fed at the expense of the Kádee; or, rather, almost wholly at his expense. Every afternoon, a quantity of offal is brought into the great court before the Mahkem′eh; and the cats are called together to eat. The Sultán Ez-Záhir Beybars (as I learn from the Básh Kátib of the Kádee) bequeathed a garden, which is called “gheyt el-kuttah” (or the garden of the cat), near his mosque, on the north of Cairo, for the benefit of the cats: but this garden has been sold, over and over again, by the trustees and purchasers: the former sold it on pretence of its being too much out of order to be rendered productive, excepting at a considerable expense; and it now produces only a “hekr” (or quit-rent) of fifteen piasters a year, to be applied to the maintenance of the destitute cats. Almost the whole expense of their support has, in consequence, fallen upon the Kádee, who, by reason of his office, is the guardian of this and all other charitable and pious legacies, and must suffer for the neglect of his predecessors. Latterly, however, the duty of feeding the cats has been very inadequately performed. Many persons in Cairo, when they wish to get rid of a cat, send or take it to the Kádee’s house, and let it loose in the great court.
The affability of the Egyptians towards each other has been mentioned in a preceding chapter. Towards foreigners who do not conform with their manners and customs, and profess the same way of thinking, they are polite in their address, but cold and reserved, or parasitical, in conversation. With such persons, and even among themselves, they often betray much impertinent curiosity. They are generally extremely afraid of making to themselves enemies; and this fear frequently induces them to uphold each other, even when it is criminal to do so.
Cheerfulness is another remarkable characteristic of this people. Some of them profess a great contempt for frivolous amusements; but most take pleasure in such pastimes; and it is surprising to see how easily they are amused: wherever there are crowds, noise, and bustle, they are delighted. In their public festivals, there is little to amuse a person of good education; but the Egyptians enjoy them as much as we do the best of our entertainments. Those of the lower orders seem to be extremely happy with their pipes and coffee, after the occupations of the day, in the society of the coffee-shop.
Hospitality is a virtue for which the natives of the East in general are highly and deservedly admired; and the people of Egypt are well entitled to commendation on this account. A word which signifies literally “a person on a journey” (“musáfir”) is the term most commonly employed in this country in the sense of a visitor or guest. There are very few persons here who would think of sitting down to a meal, if there were a stranger in the house, without inviting him to partake of it, unless the latter were a menial; in which case, he would be invited to eat with the servants. It would be considered a shameful violation of good manners if a Muslim abstained from ordering the table to be prepared at the usual time because a visitor happened to be present. Persons of the middle classes in this country, if living in a retired situation, sometimes take their supper before the door of their house, and invite every passenger of respectable appearance to eat with them. This is very commonly done among the lower orders. In cities and large towns, claims on hospitality are unfrequent; as there are many wekálehs, or khans, where strangers may obtain lodging; and food is very easily procured: but in the villages, travellers are often lodged and entertained by the Sheykh or some other inhabitant; and if the guest be a person of the middle or higher classes, or even not very poor, he gives a present to his host’s servants, or to the host himself. In the desert, however, a present is seldom received from a guest. By a Sunneh law, a traveller may claim entertainment, of any person able to afford it to him, for three days.—The account of Abraham’s entertaining the three angels, related in the Bible, presents a perfect picture of the manner in which a modern Bedawee sheykh receives travellers arriving at his encampment. He immediately orders his wife or women to make bread; slaughters a sheep or some other animal, and dresses it in haste; and bringing milk and any other provisions that he may have ready at hand, with the bread, and the meat which he has dressed, sets them before his guests. If these be persons of high rank, he stands by them while they eat; as Abraham did in the case above alluded to. Most Bedawees will suffer almost any injury to themselves or their families rather than allow their guests to be ill-treated while under their protection. There are Arabs who even regard the chastity of their wives as not too precious to be sacrificed for the gratification of their guests;[417] and at an encampment of the Bisháreen, I ascertained that there are many persons in this great tribe (which inhabits a large portion of the desert between the Nile and the Red Sea) who offer their unmarried daughters to their guests, merely from motives of hospitality, and not for hire.
There used to be, in Cairo, a numerous class of persons called “Tufeyleeyeh,” or “Tufeylees” (that is, Spungers), who, taking advantage of the hospitality of their countrymen, subsisted entirely by spunging: but this class has, of late, very much decreased in number. Wherever there was an entertainment, some of these worthies were almost sure to be found; and it was only by a present of money that they could be induced to retire from the company. They even travelled about the country, without the smallest coin in their pockets, intruding themselves into private houses whenever they wanted a meal, or practising various tricks for this purpose. Two of them, I was told, a little while since, determined to go to the festival of the seyyid El-Bedawee, at Tanta; an easy journey of two days and a half from Cairo. Walking at their leisure, they arrived at the small town of Kalyoob at the end of their first day’s journey; and there found themselves at a loss for a supper. One of them went to the Kádee; and, after saluting him, said—“O Kádee, I am a traveller from the Sharkeeyeh, going to Masr; and I have a companion who owes me fifty purses, which he has with him at present, and refuses to give me; and I am actually in want of them.” “Where is he?” said the Kádee. “Here, in this town,” answered the complainant. The Kádee sent a rasool to bring the accused; and in the meantime, expecting considerable fees for a judgment in such a case, ordered a good supper to be prepared; which Kádees of country towns or villages generally do under similar circumstances. The two men were invited to sup and sleep before the case was tried. Next morning, the parties were examined: the accused admitted that he had in his possession the fifty purses of his companion; and said that he was ready to give them up; for they were an encumbrance to him, being only the paper purses in which coffee was sold. “We are Tufeylees,” he added; and the Kádee, in anger, dismissed them.
The natives of Egypt in general, in common with the Arabs of other countries, are (according to our system of morals) justly chargeable with a fault which is regarded by us as one of great magnitude: it is want of gratitude.[418] But this I am inclined to consider a relic of the Bedawee character; and as arising from the very common practice of hospitality and generosity, and from the prevailing opinion that these virtues are absolute duties which it would be disgraceful and sinful to neglect.
The temperance and moderation of the Egyptians, with regard to diet, are very exemplary. Since my first arrival in Egypt, I have scarcely ever seen a native of this country in a state of intoxication; unless it were a musician at an entertainment, or a dancing girl, or a low prostitute. It hardly need be added that they are extremely frugal. They show a great respect for bread, as the staff of life,[419] and on no account suffer the smallest portion of it to be wasted, if they can avoid it. I have often observed an Egyptian take up a small piece of bread, which had by accident fallen in the street or road, and, after putting it before his lips and forehead three times, place it on one side, in order that a dog might eat it, rather than let it remain to be trodden under foot. The following instance of the excessive and unreasonable respect of the Egyptians for bread has been related to me by several persons; but I must say that I think it hardly credible.—Two servants were sitting at the door of their master’s house, eating their dinner, when they observed a Memlook Bey, with several of his officers, riding along the street towards them. One of these servants rose, from respect to the grandee, who, regarding him with indignation, exclaimed, “Which is the more worthy of respect, the bread that is before you, or myself?” Without waiting for a reply, he made, it is said, a well-understood signal with his hand; and the unintending offender was beheaded on the spot.
The higher and middle orders of Muslims in Egypt are scrupulously cleanly; and the lower orders are more so than in most other countries: but were not cleanliness a point of their religion, perhaps it would not be so much regarded by them. From what has been said in a former chapter of this work,[420] it appears that we must not judge of them, with respect to this quality, from the dirty state in which they generally leave their children. Their religious ablutions were, certainly, very wisely ordained; personal cleanliness being so conducive to health in a hot climate. The Egyptians in general are particularly careful to avoid whatever their religion has pronounced unclean and polluting. One of their objections against wine is, that it is unclean; and I believe that very few of them, if any, could be induced by any means, unless by a considerable bribe, to eat the smallest piece of pig’s flesh; excepting the peasants of the Boheyreh (the province on the west of the western branch of the Nile), many of whom eat the flesh of the wild boar, and rats.[421] I was once amused with the remark of a Muslim, on the subject of pork: he observed that the Franks were certainly a much calumniated people: that it was well known they were in the habit of eating swine’s flesh; but that some slanderous persons here asserted that it was not only the flesh of the unclean beast that was eaten by the Franks, but also its skin, and its entrails, and its very blood. On being answered that the accusation was too true, he burst forth with a most hearty curse upon the infidels, devoting them to the lowest place in hell.
Many of the butchers who supply the Muslim inhabitants of the metropolis with meat are Jews. A few years ago, one of the principal ’ulama here complained of this fact to the Básha; and begged him to put a stop to it. Another of the ’ulama, hearing that this person had gone to make the complaint above mentioned, followed him, and urged, before the Básha, that the practice was not unlawful. “Adduce your proof,” said the former. “Here,” answered the other, “is my proof, from the word of God—‘Eat of that whereon the name of God hath been commemorated.’”[422] The chief of the Jewish butchers was then summoned, and asked whether he said anything previously to slaughtering an animal: he answered, “Yes: we always say, as the Muslims, ‘In the name of God! God is most great!’ and we never kill an animal in any other way than by cutting its throat.”—The complaint was consequently dismissed.
A few days ago, a man, purchasing a fateereh of a baker in this city, saw him take out of his oven a dish of pork which he had been baking for a Frank; and, supposing that the other things in the oven might have been in contact with the unclean meat, and thus contaminated, immediately brought a soldier from the nearest guard-house, and caused the baker (who was in no slight alarm, and protested that he was ignorant of there being any pig’s flesh in his oven) to be conducted before the Zábit. This magistrate considered the case of sufficient importance to be referred to the Básha’s deewán; and the president of this council regarded it as of too serious and difficult a nature for him to decide, and accordingly sent the accused to be judged at the Mahkem′eh. The Kádee desired the opinion of the Muftee, who gave the following sentence:—That all kinds of food, not essentially or radically impure, were purified, of any pollution which they might have contracted, by fire; and consequently, that whatever thing of this description was in the oven, even if it had been in contact with the pork, was clean as soon as it had been baked.
A short time since the Básha received, from Europe, a set of mattresses and cushions stuffed with horse-hair, to form a deewán for his hareem. The ladies opened one of the cushions, to ascertain what was the substance which rendered them so agreeably elastic; and, disgusted in the highest degree at seeing what they supposed to be hogs’ hair, insisted upon throwing away the whole deewán.
A Frenchman who was employed here, a few years ago, to refine sugar, by the present Básha, made use of blood for this purpose; and since that, very few of the people of this country have ventured to eat any sugar made by the Franks: the Básha was also obliged to prohibit the use of blood in his own sugar-bakeries; and the white of eggs has been employed in its stead. Some of the Egyptians, seeing the European sugar to be very superior to that made here, use it; holding the doctrine that what is originally clean may become clean again after pollution: but I am obliged to keep the coarse Egyptian sugar for the purpose of making sherbet for my visitors; some of whom hold long discussions with me on this subject.
It is a general custom among the Egyptians, after washing clothes, to pour clean water upon them, and to say, in doing so, “I testify that there is no deity but God; and I testify that Mohammad is God’s Apostle.”[423] In speaking of their religion, I have mentioned several other practices instituted for the sake of cleanliness; most of which are universally observed. But, notwithstanding these cleanly practices and principles, and their custom of frequently going to the bath, the Egyptians do not change their linen so often as some people of more northern climates, who need not so much to do this frequently: they often go to the bath in a dirty shirt, and, after a thorough washing, put on the same again.
Filial piety is one of the more remarkable virtues of this people. The outward respect which they pay to their parents I have already had occasion to mention. Great respect is also shown by the young to those far advanced in age;[424] particularly to such as are reputed men of great piety or learning.
Love of their country, and more especially of home, is another predominant characteristic of the modern Egyptians. In general, they have a great dread of quitting their native land. I have heard of several determining to visit a foreign country, for the sake of considerable advantages in prospect; but when the time of their intended departure drew near, their resolution failed them. Severe oppression has lately lessened this feeling; which is doubtless owing, in a great degree, to ignorance of foreign lands and their inhabitants. It was probably from the same feeling prevailing among the Arabs of his time, that Mohammad was induced to promise such high rewards in a future world to those who fled their country for the sake of his religion. I have heard it remarked as a proof of the extraordinary love which the Egyptians have for their native place, that a woman or girl in this country will seldom consent, or her parents allow her, to marry a man who will not promise to reside with her in her native town or village; but I rather think that the reluctance to change the place of abode in this case arises from the risk which the female incurs of wanting the protection of her relations. The Bedawees are so attached to their deserts, and have so great a contempt for people who reside in towns, and for agriculturists, that it is a matter of surprise that so many of them were induced to settle even upon the fertile banks of the Nile. The modern Egyptians, though mostly descended from Bedawees, while they resemble their ancestors in love of their native country, have a horror of the desert. One journey in the desert furnishes them with tales of exaggerated hardships, perils, and wonders, which they are extremely fond of relating to their less experienced countrymen.
Indolence pervades all classes of the Egyptians, excepting those who are obliged to earn their livelihood by severe manual labour. It is the result of the climate, and of the fecundity of the soil. Even the mechanics, who are extremely greedy of gain, will generally spend two days in a work which they might easily accomplish in one; and will leave the most lucrative employment to idle away their time with the pipe: but the porter, the groom, who runs before his master’s horse, and the boatmen, who are often employed in towing the vessels up the river during calm and very hot weather, as well as many other labourers, endure extreme fatigue.
The Egyptians are also excessively obstinate. I have mentioned, in a former chapter, that they have been notorious, from ancient times, that is, from the period of the Roman domination, for refusing to pay their taxes until they have been severely beaten; and that they often boast of the number of stripes which they have received before they would part with their money. Such conduct is very common among them. I was once told, that a felláh, from whom the value of about four shillings was demanded by his governor, endured so severe a bastinading rather than pay this paltry sum, which he declared he did not possess, that the governor ordered him to be dismissed; but, striking him on his face as he limped away, there fell out of his mouth a gold coin of the exact value of the sum demanded of him; so that his beating, terrible as it was, fell short of what was necessary to make him pay. This disposition seems a strange peculiarity in their character; but it is easily accounted for by the fact that they know very well, the more readily they pay, the more will be exacted from them. In other respects, however, they are extremely obstinate and difficult to govern; though very obsequious in their manners and professions. It is seldom that an Egyptian workman can be induced to make a thing exactly to order: he will generally follow his own opinion in preference to that of his employer; and will scarcely ever finish his work by the time he has promised.
Though very submissive to their governors, the felláheen of Egypt are not deficient in courage when excited by feuds among each other; and they become excellent soldiers.
In sensuality, as far as it relates to the indulgence of libidinous passions, the Egyptians, as well as other natives of hot climates, certainly exceed more northern nations; yet this excess is not to be attributed merely to the climate, but more especially to the institution of polygamy, to the facility with which divorcements are accomplished whenever a man may wish to marry a new wife, and to the custom of concubinage. It is even said, and, I believe with truth, that, in this respect, they exceed the neighbouring nations, whose religion and civil institutions are similar;[425] and that their country still deserves the appellation of “the abode of the wicked,” which, in the Kur-án,[426] is, according to the best commentators, applied to ancient Egypt, if we take the word here translated “wicked” in its more usual modern sense of “debauchees.”—A vice for which the Memlooks who governed Egypt were infamous was so spread by them in this country as to become not less rare here than in almost any other country of the East; but of late years, it is said to have much decreased.
The most immodest freedom of conversation is indulged in by persons of both sexes, and of every station of life, in Egypt; even by the most virtuous and respectable women, with the exception of a very few, who often make use of coarse language, but not unchaste. From persons of the best education, expressions are often heard so obscene as only to be fit for a low brothel; and things are named, and subjects talked of, by the most genteel women, without any idea of their being indecorous, in the hearing of men, that many prostitutes in our country would abstain from mentioning.
The women of Egypt have the character of being the most licentious in their feelings of all females who lay any claim to be considered as members of a civilized nation; and this character is freely bestowed upon them by their countrymen, even in conversation with foreigners. Numerous exceptions doubtless exist; and I am happy to insert the following words translated from a note by my friend the sheykh Mohammad ’Eiyád Et-Tantáwee, on a passage in “The Thousand and One Nights.” “Many persons reckon marrying a second time among the greatest of disgraceful actions. This opinion is most common in the country-towns and villages; and the relations of my mother are thus characterized, so that a woman of them, when her husband dies while she is young, or divorces her while she is young, passes her life, however long it may be, in widowhood, and never marries a second time.”—But with respect to the majority of the Egyptian women, it must, I fear, be allowed, that they are very licentious. What liberty they have, many of them, it is said, abuse; and most of them are not considered safe, unless under lock and key; to which restraint few are subjected. It is believed that they possess a degree of cunning in the management of their intrigues that the most prudent and careful husband cannot guard against; and, consequently, that their plots are seldom frustrated, however great may be the apparent risk of the undertakings in which they engage. Sometimes, the husband himself is made the unconscious means of gratifying his wife’s criminal propensities. Some of the stories of the intrigues of women in “The Thousand and One Nights” present faithful pictures of occurrences not unfrequent in the modern metropolis of Egypt. Many of the men of this city are of opinion that almost all the women would intrigue if they could do so without danger; and that the greater proportion of them do. I should be sorry to think that the former opinion was just; and I am almost persuaded that it is over-severe, because it appears, from the customs with regard to women generally prevailing here, that the latter must be false. The difficulty of carrying on an intrigue with a female in this place can hardly be conceived by a person who is not moderately well acquainted with Eastern customs and habits. It is not only difficult for a woman of the middle or higher classes to admit her paramour into the house in which she resides, but it is almost impossible for her to have a private interview with a man who has a hareem in his own house; or to enter the house of a man who is neither married nor has a concubine-slave, without attracting the notice of the neighbours, and causing their immediate interference. But, as it cannot be denied that many of the women of Egypt engage in intrigues notwithstanding such risks, it may be supposed that the difficulties which lie in the way are the chief bar to most others. Among the females of the lower orders, intrigues are more easily accomplished, and frequent.
The libidinous character of the generality of the women of Egypt, and the licentious conduct of a great number of them, may be attributed to many causes; partly to the climate, and partly to their want of proper instruction, and of innocent pastimes and employments:[427] but it is more to be attributed to the conduct of the husbands themselves; and to conduct far more disgraceful to them than the utmost severity that any of them is known to exercise in the regulations of his hareem. The generality of husbands in Egypt endeavour to increase the libidinous feelings of their wives by every means in their power; though, at the same time, they assiduously study to prevent their indulging those feelings unlawfully. The women are permitted to listen, screened behind their windows of wooden lattice-work, to immoral songs and tales sung or related in the streets by men whom they pay for this entertainment; and to view the voluptuous dances of the ghawázee, and of the effeminate khäwals. The ghawázee, who are professed prostitutes, are not unfrequently introduced into the hareems of the wealthy, not merely to entertain the ladies with their dances, but to teach them their voluptuous arts; and even indecent puppets are sometimes brought into such hareems for the amusement of the inmates.—Innumerable stories of the artifices and intrigues of the women of Egypt have been related to me. The following narratives of late occurrences will serve as specimens.
A slave-dealer, who had been possessed of property which enabled him to live in comfort, but had lost the greater part of it, married a young and handsome woman in this city, who had sufficient wealth to make up for his losses. He soon, however, neglected her; and as he was past the prime of life, she became indifferent to him, and placed her affections upon another man, a dustman, who had been in the habit of coming to her house. She purchased for this person a shop close by her house; gave him a sum of money to enable him to pursue a less degraded occupation, as a seller of grain and fodder; and informed him that she had contrived a plan for his visiting her in perfect security. Her hareem had a window with hanging shutters; and almost close before this window rose a palm-tree, out-topping the house. This tree, she observed, would afford her lover a means of access to her, and of egress from her apartment in case of danger. She had only one servant, a female, who engaged to assist her in the accomplishment of her desires. Previously to her lover’s first visit to her, she desired the servant to inform her husband of what was about to take place in the ensuing night. He determined to keep watch; and having told his wife that he was going out, and should not return that night, concealed himself in a lower apartment. At night, the maid came to tell him that the visitor was in the hareem. He went up, but found the hareem-door shut. On his trying to open it, his wife screamed; her lover, at the same time, escaping from the window, by means of the palm-tree. She called to her neighbours,—“Come to my assistance! Pray come! There is a robber in my house!” Several of them soon came; and finding her locked in her room, and her husband outside the door, told her there was nobody in the house but her husband and maid. She said that the man they called her husband was a robber: that her husband was gone to sleep out. The latter then informed them of what had passed, and insisted that a man was with her: he broke open the door, and searched the room; but, finding no man, was reprimanded by his neighbours, and abused by his wife for uttering a slander. The next day, his wife, taking with her, as witnesses of his having accused her of a criminal intrigue, two of the neighbours who had come in on hearing her screams for assistance, arraigned her husband at the Mahkem′eh as the slanderer of a virtuous woman without the evidence of his own sight or of other witnesses. Being convicted of this offence, he was punished with eighty stripes, in accordance with the ordinance of the Kur-án.[428] His wife now asked him if he would divorce her; but he refused. For three days after this event, they lived peaceably together. On the third night, the wife, having invited her lover to visit her, bound her husband hand and foot, while he was asleep, and tied him down to the mattress. Shortly after, her lover came up, and, waking the husband, threatened him with instant death if he should call, and remained with the wife for several hours, in his presence. As soon as the intruder had gone, the husband was unbound by his wife, and called out to his neighbours, beating her at the same time with such violence that she, also, began to call for assistance. The neighbours coming in, and seeing him in a fury, easily believed her assertion that he had become raving mad, and, trying to soothe him with kind words, and prayers that God would restore him to sanity, liberated her from his grasp. She procured, as soon as possible, a rasool from the Kádee; and went, with him and her husband and several of her neighbours who had witnessed the beating that she had received, before the judge. The neighbours unanimously declared their opinion that her husband was mad; and the Kádee ordered that he should be conveyed to the Máristán[429] (or common mad-house): but the wife, affecting to pity him, begged that she might be allowed to chain him in an apartment in her house, that she might alleviate his sufferings by waiting upon him. The Kádee assented, praising the benevolence of the woman, and praying that God might reward her. She accordingly procured an iron collar and a chain from the Máristán, and chained him in a lower apartment of her house. Every night, in his presence, her lover visited her: after which she importuned him in vain to divorce her; and when the neighbours came in daily to ask how he was, the only answer he received to his complaints and accusations against his wife was—“God restore thee! God restore thee!” Thus he continued about a month; and his wife, finding that he still persisted in refusing to divorce her, sent for a keeper of the Máristán to take him. The neighbours came round as he left the house: one exclaimed, “There is no strength nor power but in God! God restore thee!”—another said, “How sad! He was really a worthy man:”—a third remarked, “Bádingáns[430] are very abundant just now.”—While he was confined in the Máristán, his wife came daily to him, and asked him if he would divorce her. On his answering “No,” she said, “Then chained you may lie until you die; and my lover shall come to me constantly.” At length, after seven months’ confinement, he consented to divorce her; upon which she procured his liberation, and he fulfilled his promise. Her lover was of too low a grade to become her husband, so she remained unmarried, and received him whenever she pleased; but the maid revealed the true history of this affair, and it soon became a subject of common talk.
When the wife of a man of wealth or rank engages in a criminal intrigue, both she and her paramour generally incur great danger.[431]—Last year, the wife of an officer of high rank in the army took advantage of the absence of her husband from the metropolis (where he always resided with her when not on military duty) to invite a Christian merchant, of whom she had been in the habit of buying silks, to pay her a visit. He went to her house at the time appointed, and found a eunuch at the door, who took him to another house, disguised him in the loose outer garments and veil of a lady, and then brought him back, and introduced him to his mistress. He passed nearly the whole of the night with her; and, rising before she awoke, put into his pocket a purse which he had given her, and went down to the eunuch, who conducted him again to the house where he had put on his disguise: having here resumed his own outer clothes, he repaired to his shop. Soon after, the lady, who had missed the purse, came and taxed him with having taken it: she told him that she did not want money, but only desired his company; and begged him to come to her again in the ensuing evening, which he promised to do: but in the afternoon, a female servant from the house of this lady came to his shop, and told him that her mistress had mixed some poison in a bottle of water which she had ordered to be given him to drink.—This mode of revenge is said to have been often adopted when the woman’s paramour has given her even a slight offence.
It is seldom that the wife of a Muslim is guilty of a criminal intrigue without being punished with death if there be four witnesses to the fact, and they or the husband prosecute her; and not always does she escape this punishment if she be detected by any of the officers of justice: in the latter case, four witnesses are not required, and often the woman, if of a respectable family, is put to death, generally in private, on the mere arbitrary authority of the government: but a bribe will sometimes save her; for it will always be accepted, if it can with safety. Drowning is the punishment now almost always inflicted, publicly, upon women convicted of adultery in Cairo and other large towns of Egypt, instead of that ordained by the law, which is stoning.—A few months ago, a poor woman of this city married a man whose trade was that of selling fowls, and, while living with him and her mother, took three other lodgings, and married three other husbands; all of whom were generally absent from the metropolis: so she calculated that when any of these three persons came to town for a few days, she might easily find an excuse to go to him. They happened, unfortunately for her, to come to town on the same day; and all of them went, the same evening, to inquire for her at her mother’s house. Being much embarrassed by their presence, and her first husband being also with her, she feigned to be ill, and soon to become insensible; and was taken, by her mother, to an inner room. One of the husbands proposed to give her something to restore her: another wished to try a different remedy: they began to contend which was the best medicine; and one of them said, “I shall give her what I please: is not she my wife?” “Your wife!” exclaimed each of the three other husbands at the same time: “she is my wife.”—Each proved his marriage: the woman was taken to the Mahkem′eh; tried; condemned to death; and thrown into the Nile.—Some time ago, when I was before in this country, a similar case occurred: a woman married three soldiers, of the nizám, or regular troops. She was buried in a hole, breast-deep, and then shot.
A woman may sometimes, but very rarely, trust in palliating circumstances, or the support of powerful friends, to save her from the penalty of death, in case of her detection in a criminal intercourse; as in the following instance.—The Básha, last year, gave one of the slaves in his hareem in marriage to a rich slave-merchant, from whom he had purchased many of his memlooks and female slaves. This man was not only unfaithful to her, but utterly neglected her; and she, in consequence, formed an improper intimacy with a merchant of whom she was a frequent customer. One day, when her husband was out, a black slave belonging to him happened to see a man’s head at a small aperture in a window of the hareem. He immediately went up to search the room of the wife; who, hearing him coming, locked her paramour in an adjoining closet. The slave broke open the door of the closet; and the man within rushed at him with a dagger which he wore in his girdle; but the former seized the blade in his hand; and the woman held him until her lover had escaped: she then kissed the slave’s hand, and implored him not to cause her death by informing her husband of what had passed: she, however, found him inexorable: he immediately went to his master, showing his bleeding hand, and telling him the cause of the wound. The woman, meanwhile, fled to the Básha’s hareem, for protection. Her husband demanded of the Básha that she should be given up, and put to death; and, the request being deemed a proper one, she was brought before her former master to answer for her crime. She threw herself at his feet; kissed the skirt of his clothing; and acquainted him with her husband’s vicious conduct, and his utter neglect of her; and the Básha, feeling himself insulted by the husband’s conduct, spat in his face; and sent back the wife to his own hareem. Her paramour did not live long after this: he was smothered in the house of some courtesans; but none of these women was punished, as it could not be proved which of them committed the act.
For their sentiments with regard to women, and their general conduct towards the fair sex, the Egyptians, in common with other Muslims, have been reprehended with too great severity. It is true that they do not consider it necessary, or even delicate, to consult the choice of a girl under age previously to giving her away in matrimony; but it is not less true that a man of the middle or higher classes, almost always, makes his choice of a wife from hearsay, or as a person blindfold; having no means of seeing her until the contract is made and she is brought to his house. It is impossible, therefore, that there should be any mutual attachment before marriage. Both sexes, in truth, are oppressed by tyrannical laws and customs; but, happily, they regard their chains as becoming and honourable: they would feel themselves disgraced by shaking them off. As to the restraint which is exercised towards the women, I have before remarked that it is in a great degree voluntary on their part, and that I believe it to be less strict in Egypt than in any other country of the Turkish empire: it is certainly far less so than it has been represented to be by many persons. They generally look upon this restraint with a degree of pride, as evincing the husband’s care for them; and value themselves upon their being hidden as treasures.[432] In good society, it is considered highly indecorous to inquire, in direct terms, respecting the health of a friend’s wife, or of any female in his house, unless she be a relation of the person who makes the inquiry.—One of my Egyptian acquaintances asking another native of this country, who had been in Paris, what was the most remarkable thing that he had seen in the land of the infidels, the latter, thinking lightly of all that he had observed really worthy of exciting the admiration of an unprejudiced and a sensible man, gave the following answer:—“I witnessed nothing so remarkable as this fact. It is a custom of every person among the rich and great, in Paris and other cities of France, frequently to invite his friends and acquaintances, both men and women, to an entertainment in his house. The rooms in which the company are received are lighted with a great number of candles and lamps. There, the men and women assemble promiscuously; the women, as you well know, unveiled; and a man may sit next to another’s wife, whom he has never seen before, and may walk, talk, and even dance with her, in the very presence of her own husband, who is neither angry nor jealous at such disgraceful conduct.”
The Egyptians are equally remarkable for generosity and cupidity. That two such opposite qualities should be united in the same mind is not a little surprising; but such is generally the case with this people. An overreaching and deceitful disposition in commercial transactions, which is too common among all nations, is one of the most notorious faults of the Egyptian: in such cases, he seldom scruples to frame a falsehood which may better his bargain. Among people who groan beneath the yoke of a tyrannical and rapacious government (and such has long been the government of Egypt), a disposition to avarice invariably predominates: for a man is naturally most tenacious of that which is most liable to be taken from him; and hence the oppressed Egyptian, when he has a sum of money which he does not require for necessary expenses, and cannot profitably employ, generally lays it out in the purchase of ornaments for his wife or wives; which ornaments he can easily convert again into money. Hence, also, it is a common practice in this country (as it is, or has been, in almost every country under similar political circumstances) for a man to hide treasure in his house, under the paved floor, or in some other part; and as many a person who does so dies suddenly, without being able to inform his family where is his “makhba,” or hiding-place, money is not unfrequently discovered on pulling down houses.—A vice near akin to cupidity, namely envy, I believe to be equally prevalent among the modern Egyptians, in common with the whole Arab race; for many of them are candid enough to confess their own opinion that this hateful disposition is almost wholly concentrated in the minds of their nation.
The Egyptians are generally honest in the payment of debts. Their Prophet asserted that even martyrdom would not atone for a debt undischarged. Few of them ever accept interest for a loan of money, as it is strictly forbidden by their law.
Constant veracity is a virtue extremely rare in modern Egypt. Falsehood was commended by the Prophet when it tended to reconcile persons at variance with each other: also, when practised in order to please one’s wife; and to obtain any advantage in a war with the enemies of the faith: though highly reprobated in other cases. This offers some little palliation of the general practice of lying which prevails among the modern Arabs; for, if people are allowed to lie in certain cases, they insensibly contract a habit of doing so in others. Though most of the Egyptians often lie designedly, they are seldom heard to retract an unintentional misstatement without expressing themselves thus—“No: I beg forgiveness of God: it was so and so;” as, in stating anything of which they are not quite certain, they say, “God is all-knowing.” I may here mention (and I do it with some feeling of national pride) that, some years ago, there was an Armenian jeweller in this city (Cairo) so noted for his veracity, that his acquaintances determined to give him some appellation significant of his possessing a virtue so rare among them; and the name they gave him was “El-Ingileezee,” or The Englishman, which has become his family name. It is common to hear tradesmen in this place, when demanding a price which they do not mean to abate, say, “One word; the word of the English:” they also often say, “The word of the Franks,” in this sense: but I have never heard any particular nation thus honourably distinguished excepting the English and the Maghrab′ees, or Western Arabs, which latter people have acquired this reputation by being rather more veracious than most other Arabs.
I have before mentioned the practice of swearing by God which prevails among the Egyptians: I must here add, that many of them scruple not to make use of an oath with the view of obtaining credit to a falsehood. In this case, they sometimes say, “Wa-lláhi!” (“By God!”)—but more commonly, “Wallah!”—for, though the latter expression has the same meaning as the former, they pretend that it may also be used as an ejaculation in praise of God; whereas “Wa-lláhi” is a decided oath, and, if uttered to a falsehood, is a heinous sin. Such an oath, if violated, must be expiated by once feeding or clothing ten poor men, liberating a Muslim slave or captive, or fasting three days.[433] This, however, is the expiation allowed by the Kur-án only for an inconsiderate oath: yet the modern Muslims sometimes observe it in order to free themselves from the guilt of a deliberate false oath; and they generally prefer the fast to either of the other modes of expiation. There are some oaths which, I believe, few Muslims would falsely take; such as saying three times, “By God, the Great!”—and the oath upon the mus-haf (or copy of the Kur-án)—saying, “By what this contains of the word of God!”—but a form of oath that is still more to be depended upon is that of saying, “I impose upon myself divorcement” (that is, the divorce of my wife, if what I say be false); or, “I impose upon myself interdiction!” which has a similar meaning (“My wife be unlawful to me!”)—or, “I impose upon myself a triple divorcement!”—which binds by the irrevocable divorce of the wife. If a man use any one of these three forms of oath falsely, his wife, if he have but one, is divorced by the oath itself, if proved to be false, without further ceremony; and if he have two or more wives, he must, under such circumstances, choose one of them to put away. There are, however, abandoned liars who will swear falsely by the oath that is generally held most binding. A poet, speaking of a character of this description, says,—
“But Abu-l-Mo’alla is most false When he swears by the oath of divorce.”
The generality of the Egyptians are easily excited to quarrel; particularly those of the lower orders, who, when enraged, curse each other’s fathers, mothers, beards, etc.; and lavish upon each other a variety of opprobrious epithets; such as “son of the dog, pimp, pig,” and an appellation which they think still worse than any of these, namely, “Jew.” When one curses the father of the other, the latter generally retorts by cursing the father and mother, and sometimes the whole household, of his adversary. They menace each other; but seldom proceed to blows. In a few instances, however, I have seen low persons in this country so enraged as to bite, and grasp each other by the throat. I have also witnessed many instances of forbearance on the part of individuals of the middle and lower classes, when grossly insulted: I have often heard an Egyptian say, on receiving a blow from an equal, “God bless thee!” “God requite thee good!” “Beat me again.” In general, a quarrel terminates by one or both parties saying, “Justice is against me:” often, after this, they recite the Fát’hah together; and then, sometimes, embrace and kiss one another.
The Egyptians are particularly prone to satire; and often display considerable wit in their jeers and jests. Their language affords them great facilities for punning, and for ambiguous conversation, in which they very frequently indulge. The lower order sometimes lampoon their rulers in songs, and ridicule those enactments of the government by which they themselves most suffer. I was once much amused with a song which I found to be very popular in the town and district of Aswán, on the southern frontier of Egypt: its burden was a plain invocation to the plague to take their tyrannical governor and his Copt clerk. Another song, which was popular throughout Egypt during my first visit to this country, and which was composed on the occasion of an increase of the income-tax called “firdeh,” began thus: “You who have [nothing on your head but] a libdeh! sell it, and pay the firdeh.” The libdeh, I have before mentioned, is a felt cap, which is worn under, or instead of, the turban; and the man must be very poor who has no other covering than this for his head.
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Footnote 404:
I am credibly informed that children in Egypt are often taught, at school, a regular set of curses to denounce upon the persons and property of Christians, Jews, and all other unbelievers in the religion of Mohammad. See Appendix D.
Footnote 405:
Chap. v., ver. 56. Verses 62 and 63 of the same chapter explain the reason of this precept:—“O ye who have believed, take not those who have made your religion a laughing-stock and a jest, of those who have received the Scripture before you, and the unbelievers [or polytheists], as friends; (but fear God, if ye be believers;) and [those who], when ye call to prayer, make it [namely, the prayer] a laughing-stock and a jest. This [they do] because they are a people who do not understand.” (The words enclosed in brackets are from the Commentary of the Geláleyn.)
Footnote 406:
The Prophet.
Footnote 407:
Kur-án, chap. xxxix. ver. 54.
Footnote 408:
Chap. xxix., ver. 45.
Footnote 409:
In the first edition of the present work, copying Sale, who gives no authority for the remark, I here added, “This precept is, however, generally considered as abrogated by that of the sword.” These words might lead the reader into error, as is shown by what I have said on the subject of war in page 81.
Footnote 410:
Kur-án, chap. lvi. ver. 78.
Footnote 411:
They are not, however, so apathetic as some travellers have supposed; for it is not uncommon to see them weep; and such a demonstration of feeling is not considered by them as unmanly: even heroes are frequently represented, in their romances and histories, as weeping under heavy affliction.
Footnote 412:
Chap. ii., ver. 191.
Footnote 413:
Literally, “your hands;” but in the Commentary of the Geláleyn, the meaning is said to be “yourselves.”
Footnote 414:
I think it proper to remark here, that I have good reason for believing Burckhardt to have been misinformed when stating (see his “Arabic Proverbs,” No. 393) that children in the East (in Egypt, etc.) torture serpents by putting them into a leather bag, then throwing unslaked lime upon them, and pouring water on it. I find no one who has heard of such cruelty; and it is not likely that boys in this country would dare to put a serpent in a bag (for they are excessively afraid of this reptile), or would give several piasters for a bag to destroy in this manner. The proverb upon which this statement is founded perhaps alludes to a mode of destroying serpents; but not for sport.
Footnote 415:
“The oppression of the Turks, rather than the justice of the Arabs,” is a proverb often heard from the mouth of the Arab peasant; who, in this case, applies the term “Arabs” to his own class, instead of the Bedawees, to whom it now usually belongs. See Burckhardt’s “Arabic Proverbs,” No. 176.
Footnote 416:
D’Herbelot mentions a somewhat similar case, in which a Turk, having buried a favourite dog with some marks of respect, in his garden, was accused, before the Kádee, of having interred the animal with the ceremonies practised at the burial of a Muslim, and escaped punishment (perhaps a severe one) by informing the judge that his dog had made a will, leaving to him (the Kádee) a sum of money.—(Bibliothèque Orientale, art. Cadhi.)
Footnote 417:
See Burckhardt’s Notes on the Bedouins, etc., 8vo edition, vol. i. pp. 179 and 180.
Footnote 418:
It has been remarked that this is inconsistent with the undeniable gratitude which the Arabs feel towards God. To such an objection they would reply, “We are entitled to the good offices of our fellow-creatures by the law of God; but can claim no benefit from our Maker.” I once afforded a refuge to a Bedawee who was in fear for his life; but on parting, he gave me not a word of thanks: had he done so, it would have implied his thinking me a person of mean disposition, who regarded a positive duty as an act imposing obligation. Hence the Arab usually acknowledges a benefit merely by a prayer for the long life, etc., of his benefactor.
Footnote 419:
The name which they give to it is “’eysh,” which literally signifies “life.”
Footnote 420:
Page 46.
Footnote 421:
Dogs, too, are eaten by many Maghrab′ees settled at Alexandria, and by descendants of the same people; of whom there are also a few in Cairo, in the quarter of Teyloon.
Footnote 422:
Kur-án, chap. vi., ver. 118.
Footnote 423:
To express that a person has done this, they say, “sháhad el-hawáïg,” for “ghasal el-hawáïg wa-teshahhad ’aleyha.”
Footnote 424:
See Leviticus xix. 32.
Footnote 425:
This is not meant to reflect upon the Turks, nor upon the Arabs of the desert.
Footnote 426:
Chap. vii., ver. 142.
Footnote 427:
In the first edition of the present work, I included, among these supposed causes, the degree of restraint imposed upon the women, and their seclusion from open intercourse with the other sex. This I did, not because confinement is said to have this effect in the West, where, being contrary to general custom, it is felt as an oppression, but because the assertion of the Egyptians, that the Eastern women in general are more licentiously disposed than the men, seemed to be an argument against the main principle of the constitution of Eastern society. I did not consider that this argument is at least counter-balanced by what I have before mentioned, that the women who are commonly considered the most licentious (namely, those of Egypt) are those who are said to have most licence.
Footnote 428:
Chap. xxiv., ver. 4.
Footnote 429:
Vulgarly called “Muristán.”
Footnote 430:
Madness is said to be more common and more violent in Egypt when the black bádingán (or black egg-plant) is in season; that is, in the hot weather.
Footnote 431:
“How many men, in Masr,” said one of my friends to me, “have lost their lives on account of women! A very handsome young libertine, who lived in this house which you now occupy, was beheaded here in the street, before his own door, for an intrigue with the wife of a Bey, and all the women of Masr wept for him.”
Footnote 432:
A respectable female is generally addressed, in a letter, as “the guarded lady, and concealed jewel” (“es-sitt el-masooneh wa-l-góharah el-meknooneh”).
Footnote 433:
Kur-án, chap. v., ver. 91.
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XIV. INDUSTRY
It is melancholy to contrast the present poverty of Egypt with its prosperity in ancient times, when the variety, elegance, and exquisite finish displayed in its manufactures attracted the admiration of surrounding nations, and its inhabitants were in no need of foreign commerce to increase their wealth, or to add to their comforts. Antiquarian researches show us that a high degree of excellence in the arts of civilized life distinguished the Egyptians in the age of Moses, and at a yet earlier period. Not only the Pharaohs and the priests and military chiefs, but also a great proportion of the wealthy agriculturists, and other private individuals, in those remote times, passed a life of the most refined luxury, were clad in linen of the most delicate fabric, and reclined on couches and chairs which have served as models for the furniture of our modern saloons. Nature is as lavish of her favours as she was of old to the inhabitants of the valley of the Nile; but, for many centuries, they have ceased to enjoy the benefit of a steady government: each of their successive rulers, during this long lapse of time, considering the uncertain tenure of his power, has been almost wholly intent upon increasing his own wealth; and thus, a large portion of the nation has gradually perished, and the remnant, in general, been reduced to a state of the most afflicting poverty. The male portion of the population of Egypt being scarcely greater than is sufficient for the cultivation of as much of the soil as is subject to the natural inundation, or easily irrigated by artificial means, the number of persons who devote themselves to manufactures in this country is comparatively very small; and as there are so few competitors, and, at present, few persons of wealth to encourage them, their works in general display but little skill. But the low state of the manual arts has, in a great degree, been occasioned by another cause: the Turkish Sultán Seleem, after his conquest of Egypt, took with him thence to his own country, as related by El-Gabartee, so many masters of crafts which were not practised in Turkey, that more than fifty manual arts ceased to be pursued in Egypt.
Painting and sculpture, as applied to the representation of living objects, are, I have already stated, absolutely prohibited by the religion of El-Islám: there are, however, some Muslims in Egypt who attempt the delineation of men, lions, camels, and other animals, flowers, boats, etc., particularly in (what they call) the decoration of a few shop-fronts, the doors of pilgrims’ houses, etc.; though their performances would be surpassed by children of five or six years of age in our own country. But the Muslim religion especially promotes industry, by requiring that every man be acquainted with some art or occupation by which he may, in case of necessity, be able to support himself and those dependent upon him, and to fulfil all his religious and moral duties. The art in which the Egyptians most excel is architecture. The finest specimens of Arabian architecture are found in the Egyptian metropolis and its environs; and not only the mosques and other public buildings are remarkable for their grandeur and beauty, but many of the private dwellings, also, attract our admiration, especially by their interior structure and decorations. Yet this art has, of late years, much declined, like most others in this country: a new style of architecture, partly Oriental and partly European, and of a very plain description, being generally preferred. The doors, ceilings, windows, and pavements of the buildings in the older style, which have already been described, display considerable taste, of a peculiar kind; and so, also, do most of the Egyptian manufactures; though many of them are rather clumsy, or ill finished. The turners of wood, whose chief occupation was that of making the lattice-work of windows, were very numerous, and their work was generally neater than it is at present: they have less employment now, as windows of modern houses are often made of glass. The turner, like most other artisans in Egypt, sits to his work. In the art of glass-making, for which Egypt was so much celebrated in ancient times, the modern inhabitants of this country possess but little skill: they have lost the art of manufacturing coloured glass for windows; but, for the construction of windows of this material, they are still admired, though not so much as they were a few years ago, before the adoption of a new style of architecture diminished the demand for their work. Their pottery is generally of a rude kind: it mostly consists of porous bottles and jars, for cooling, as well as keeping, water. For their skill in the preparation of morocco leather, they are justly celebrated. The branches and leaves of the palm-tree they employ in a great variety of manufactures: of the former, they make seats, coops, chests, frames for beds, etc.: of the latter, baskets, panniers, mats, brooms, fly-whisks, and many other utensils. Of the fibres, also, that grow at the foot of the branches of the palm-tree are made most of the ropes used in Egypt. The best mats (which are much used instead of carpets, particularly in summer) are made of rushes. Egypt has lost the celebrity which it enjoyed in ancient times for its fine linen: the linen, cotton, and woollen cloths, and the silks now woven in this country, are generally of coarse or poor qualities.
The Egyptians have long been famous for the art of hatching fowls’ eggs by artificial heat. This practice, though obscurely described by ancient authors, appears to have been common in Egypt in very remote times. The building in which the process is performed is called, in Lower Egypt, “maamal el-firákh,” and, in Upper Egypt, “maamal el-farroog:” in the former division of the country, there are more than a hundred such establishments; and in the latter, more than half that number. Most of the superintendents, if not all, are Copts. The proprietors pay a tax to the government. The maamal is constructed of burnt or sun-dried bricks; and consists of two parallel rows of small ovens and cells for fire, divided by a narrow, vaulted passage; each oven being about nine or ten feet long, eight feet wide, and five or six feet high, and having above it a vaulted fire-cell, of the same size, or rather less in height. Each oven communicates with the passage by an aperture large enough for a man to enter; and with its fire-cell by a similar aperture: the fire-cells, also, of the same row, communicate with each other; and each has an aperture in its vault (for the escape of the smoke), which is opened only occasionally: the passage, too, has several such apertures in its vaulted roof. The eggs are placed upon mats or straw, and one tier above another, usually to the number of three tiers, in the ovens; and burning “gelleh” (a fuel before mentioned, composed of the dung of animals, mixed with chopped straw, and made into the form of round, flat cakes) is placed upon the floors of the fire-cells above. The entrance of the maamal is well closed. Before it are two or three small chambers, for the attendant, and the fuel, and the chickens when newly hatched. The operation is performed only during two or three months in the year—in the spring—earliest in the most southern parts of the country. Each maamal in general contains from twelve to twenty-four ovens; and receives about a hundred and fifty thousand eggs, during the annual period of its continuing open; one quarter or a third of which number generally fail. The peasants of the neighbourhood supply the eggs: the attendant of the maamal examines them; and afterwards usually gives one chicken for every two eggs that he has received. In general, only half the number of ovens are used for the first ten days; and fires are lighted only in the fire-cells above these. On the eleventh day, these fires are put out, and others are lighted in the other fire-cells, and fresh eggs placed in the ovens below these last. On the following day, some of the eggs in the former ovens are removed, and placed on the floor of the fire-cells above, where the fires have been extinguished. The general heat maintained during the process is from 100° to 103° of Fahrenheit’s thermometer. The manager, having been accustomed to this art from his youth, knows, from his long experience, the exact temperature that is required for the success of the operation, without having any instrument, like our thermometer, to guide him. On the twentieth day, some of the eggs first put in are hatched; but most, on the twenty-first day; that is, after the same period as is required in the case of natural incubation. The weaker of the chickens are placed in the passage: the rest, in the innermost of the anterior apartments, where they remain a day or two before they are given to the persons to whom they are due. When the eggs first placed have been hatched, and the second supply half hatched, the ovens in which the former were placed, and which are now vacant, receive the third supply; and, in like manner, when the second supply is hatched, a fourth is introduced in their place. I have not found that the fowls produced in this manner are inferior in point of flavour, or in other respects, to those produced from the egg by incubation. The fowls and their eggs in Egypt are, in both cases, and with respect to size and flavour, very inferior to those in our country.—In one of the Egyptian newspapers published by order of the government (No. 248, for the 18th of Ramadán, 1246, or the 3d of March, 1831, of our era) I find the following statement:—
Lower Egypt. Upper Egypt. Number of establishments for the 105 59 hatching of fowls’ eggs in the present year Number of eggs used 19,325,600 6,878,900 Number spoiled 6,255,867 2,529,660 Number hatched 13,069,733 4,349,240
Though the commerce of Egypt has much declined since the discovery of the passage from Europe to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and in consequence of the monopolies and exactions of its present ruler, it is still considerable.
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The principal object in this view is the shop of an “Attar,” who sells drugs, perfumes, wax candles, etc. The inscription on the shutter is, “Yá fettáh” (See chap. xi.)
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The principal imports from Europe are woollen cloths (chiefly from France), calico, plain muslin, figured muslin (of Scotch manufacture, for turbans), silks, velvet, crape, shawls (Scotch, English, and French) in imitation of those of Kashmeer, writing-paper (chiefly from Venice), fire-arms, straight sword-blades (from Germany) for the Nubians, etc., watches and clocks, coffee-cups and various articles of earthenware and glass (mostly from Germany), many kinds of hardwares, planks, metal, beads, wine and liqueurs; and white slaves, silks, embroidered handkerchiefs and napkins, mouth-pieces of pipes, slippers, and a variety of made goods, copper and brass wares, etc., from Constantinople:—from Asia Minor, carpets (among which, the seggádehs, or small prayer-carpets), figs, etc.:—from Syria, tobacco, striped silks, ’abáyehs (or woollen cloaks), soap:—from Arabia, coffee, spices, several drugs, Indian goods (as shawls, silks, muslins, etc.):—from Abyssinia and Sennár and the neighbouring countries, slaves, gold, ivory, ostrich-feathers, kurbágs (or whips of hippopotamus’ hide), tamarind in cakes, gums, senna:—from El-Gharb, or the West (that is, northern Africa, from Egypt westwards), tarbooshes (or red cloth scull-caps), burnooses (or white woollen hooded cloaks), heráms (or white woollen sheets, used for night-coverings and for dress), yellow morocco shoes.
The principal exports to Europe are wheat, maize, rice, beans, cotton, flax, indigo, coffee, various spices, gums, senna, ivory, ostrich-feathers:—to Turkey, male and female Abyssinian and black slaves (including a few eunuchs), rice, coffee, spices, henna, etc.:—to Syria, slaves, rice, etc.:—to Arabia, chiefly corn:—to Sennár and the neighbouring countries, cotton and linen and woollen goods, a few Syrian and Egyptian striped silks, small carpets, beads and other ornaments, soap, the straight sword-blades mentioned before, fire-arms, copper wares, writing-paper.
To convey some notion of the value of money in Cairo, I insert the following list of the present prices of certain common articles of food, etc. In the country towns and villages, most kinds of provisions are cheaper than in the metropolis: meat, fowls, and pigeons, about half the prices here mentioned: wheat and bread, from about one third to half.
P. F. (£ s. d.)
Wheat, the ardebb (or about five bushels), from 63 0 (0 13 2⅕) 50 P. to
Rice, the ardebb, about 240 0 (2 8 0 )
Mutton or lamb, the ratl 1 0 (0 0 2⅖)
Beef, do. 0 35 (0 0 2⅒)
Fowls, each, 1 P. 10 F. to 1 20 (0 0 3⅗)
Pigeons, the pair, 1 P. 10 F. to 1 20 (0 0 3⅗)
Eggs, three for 0 5 (0 0 03୵10)
Fresh butter, the ratl 2 0 (0 0 4⅘)
Clarified butter, do. 2 P. to 2 10 (0 0 5⅖)
Coffee do. 6 P. to 7 0 (0 1 4⅘)
Gebelee tobacco, the ukkah, 15 P. to 18 0 (0 3 7⅕)
Sooree do. do. 5 P. to 10 0 (0 2 0 )
Egyptian loaf-sugar, the ratl 2 0 (0 0 4⅘)
European do do. 2 10 (0 0 5⅖)
Summer grapes do. 0 10 (0 0 0⅗)
Later do do. 20 F. to 0 30 (0 0 1⅘)
Fine biscuit, the kantár 160 0 (1 12 0 )
Water, the kirbeh (or goat’s skin), 10 F. to 0 20 (0 0 1⅕)
Fire-wood, the donkey-load 11 0 (0 2 2⅖)
Charcoal, the ukkah, 20 F. to 0 30 (0 0 1⅘)
Soap, the ratl 1 30 (0 0 4⅕)
Tallow candles, the ukkah 8 20 (0 1 8⅖)
Best wax do do. 25 0 (0 5 0 )
Note.—The “ratl” is about 15¾ oz., and the “ukkah” nearly 2¾ lbs., avoir-dupois. The “kantár” is 100 ratls. P. denotes Piasters: F., Faddahs. For a full account of Egyptian measures, weights, and moneys, see the Appendix.
There are in Cairo numerous buildings called “wekálehs,”[434] chiefly designed for the accommodation of merchants, and for the reception of their goods. The wekáleh is a building surrounding a square or oblong court. Its ground-floor consists of vaulted magazines for merchandise, which face the court; and these magazines are sometimes used as shops. Above them are generally lodgings, which are entered from a gallery extending along each of the four sides of the court; or, in the place of these lodgings, there are other magazines; and in many wekálehs, which have apartments intended as lodgings, these apartments are used as magazines. In general, a wekáleh has only one common entrance; the door of which is closed at night, and kept by a porter. There are about two hundred of these buildings in Cairo; and three-fourths of that number are within that part which constituted the original city.
It has already been mentioned, in the Introduction to this work, that the great thoroughfare-streets of Cairo generally have a row of shops along each side, not communicating with the superstructures. So, also, have many of the bye-streets. Commonly, a portion of a street, or a whole street, contains chiefly, or solely, shops appropriated to one particular trade[435]; and is called the Sook (or Market) of that trade; or is named after a mosque there situated. Thus, a part of the main street of the city is called “Sook en-Nahháseen,” or the market of the sellers of copper wares (or simply “the Nahháseen”—the word “Sook” being usually dropped); another part is called “the Góhargeeyeh,” or [market of] the jewellers; another, “the Khurdageeyeh,” or [market of] the sellers of hardwares; another, “the Ghóreeyeh,” or [market of] the Ghóreeyeh, which is the name of a mosque situated there. These are some of the chief sooks of the city. The principal Turkish sook is called “Khán El-Khaleelee.” Some of the sooks are covered over with matting, or with planks, supported by beams extending across the street, a little above the shops, or above the houses.
The shop (“dukkán”) is a square recess, or cell, generally about six or seven feet high, and between three and four feet in width; or it consists of two cells, one behind the other, the inner one serving as a magazine.[436] The floor of the shop is even with the top of a “mastab′ah,” or raised seat of stone or brick, built against the front. This is usually about two feet and a half, or three feet, in height; and about the same in breadth. The front of the shop is furnished with folding shutters, commonly consisting of three leaves, one above another: the uppermost of these is turned up in front; the two other leaves, sometimes folded together, are turned down upon the mastab′ah, and form an even seat, upon which is spread a mat or carpet, with, perhaps, a cushion or two. Some shops have folding doors instead of the shutters above described. The shopkeeper generally sits upon the mastab′ah, unless he be obliged to retire a little way within his shop to make room for two or more customers, who mount up on the seat, taking off their shoes before they draw up their feet upon the mat or carpet. To a regular customer, or one who makes any considerable purchase, the shopkeeper generally presents a pipe (unless the former have his own with him, and it be filled and lighted), and he calls or sends to the boy of the nearest coffee-shop, and desires him to bring some coffee, which is served in the same manner as in the house, in small china cups placed within cups of brass. Not more than two persons can sit conveniently upon the mastab′ah of a shop, unless it be more spacious than is commonly the case; but some are three or four feet broad, and the shops to which they belong five or six feet in width; and consequently these afford room enough for four persons, or more, sitting in the Eastern fashion. The shopman generally says his prayers upon the mastab′ah in the sight of the passengers in the street. When he leaves his shop for a few minutes, or for about half an hour, he either relies for the protection of his property upon the next shopkeepers, or those opposite, or hangs a net before his shop. He seldom thinks it necessary to close and lock the shutters, excepting at night, when he returns to his house; or when he goes to the mosque, on the Friday, to join in the noon-prayers of that day.—The apartments above the shops have been described in the Introduction.
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Buying and selling are here very tiresome processes to persons unaccustomed to such modes of bargaining. When a shopkeeper is asked the price of any of his goods, he generally demands more than he expects to receive; the customer declares the price exorbitant, and offers about half or two-thirds of the sum first-named; the price thus bidden is, of course, rejected: but the shopkeeper lowers his demand; and then the customer, in his turn, bids somewhat higher than before: thus they usually go on until they meet about half-way between the sum first demanded and that first offered, and so the bargain is concluded. But I believe that most of the tradesmen are, by European travellers, unjustly blamed for thus acting; since I have ascertained that many an Egyptian shopkeeper will sell an article for a profit of one per cent., and even less. When a person would make any but a trifling purchase, having found the article that exactly suits him, he generally makes up his mind for a long altercation: he mounts upon the mastab′ah of the shop, seats himself at his ease, fills and lights his pipe, and then the contest of words commences, and lasts often half an hour, or even more. Sometimes the shopkeeper, or the customer, interrupts the bargaining by introducing some irrelevant topic of conversation, as if the one had determined to abate his demand no further, or the other to bid no higher: then again the haggling is continued. The bargain being concluded, and the purchaser having taken his leave, his servant generally receives, from the tradesman, a small present of money, which, if not given spontaneously, he scruples not to demand. In many of the sooks in Cairo auctions are held on stated days, once or twice a week. They are conducted by “delláls” (or brokers), hired either by private persons who have anything that they wish to sell in this manner, or by shopkeepers; and the purchasers are of both these classes. The “delláls” carry the goods up and down, announcing the sums bidden with cries of “harág” or “haráj,” etc.—Among the lower orders, a bargain of the most trifling nature is often made with a great deal of vehemence of voice and gesture: a person ignorant of their language would imagine that the parties engaged in it were quarrelling, and highly enraged. The peasants will often say, when a person asks the price of anything which they have for sale, “Receive it as a present:”[437] this answer having become a common form of speech, they know that advantage will not be taken of it; and when desired again to name the price, they will do so, but generally name a sum that is exorbitant.
It would be tedious and uninteresting to enumerate all the trades pursued in Cairo. The principal of them are those of the draper, or seller of materials for dress (who is simply called “tágir,” or merchant), and of the seller of ready-made dresses, arms, etc. (who has the same appellation); the jeweller (“góhargee”); the goldsmith and silversmith (“sáïgh”), who only works by order; the seller of hardwares (“khurdagee”); the seller of copper wares (“nahhás”); the tailor (“kheiyát”); the dyer (“sabbágh”); the darner (“refta”); the ornamental sewer and maker of shereet, or silk lace, etc. (“habbák”); the maker of silk cords, etc. (“’akkád”); the maker of pipes (“shibukshee”); the druggist and perfumer (“’attár”), who also sells wax candles, etc.; the tobacconist (“dakhákhinee”); the fruiterer (“fákihánee”); the seller of dried fruits (“nukalee”); the seller of sherbet (“sharbetlee”); the oilman (“zeiyát”), who sells butter, cheese, honey, etc., as well as oil; the greengrocer (“khudaree”); the butcher (“gezzár”); and the baker (“farrán”), to whom bread, meat, etc., are sent to be baked. There are many cooks’ shops, where kebáb and various other dishes are cooked and sold; but it is seldom that persons eat at these shops, generally sending to them for provisions when they cannot conveniently prepare food in their own houses. Shopkeepers often procure their breakfast or dinner from one of these cooks, who are called “tabbákhs.” There are also many shops in which fateerehs, and others in which boiled beans (fool mudemmes) are sold. Both these articles of food have been described in a former chapter. Many persons of the lower orders eat at the shop of the “fatátiree” (or seller of fateerehs), or at that of the “fowwál” (or bean-seller).
Bread, vegetables, and a variety of eatables, are carried about for sale. The cries of some of the hawkers are curious, and deserve to be mentioned. The seller of “tirmis” (or lupins) often cries, “Aid! O Imbábee! Aid!” This is understood in two senses; as an invocation for aid to the sheykh El-Imbábee, a celebrated Muslim saint, buried at the village of Imbábeh, on the west bank of the Nile, opposite Cairo, in the neighbourhood of which village the best tirmis is grown; and also as implying that it is through the aid of the saint above mentioned that the tirmis of Imbábeh is so excellent. The seller of this vegetable also cries, “The tirmis of Imbábeh surpasses the almond!” Another cry of the seller of tirmis is, “O how sweet the little offspring of the river!” This last cry, which is seldom heard but in the country towns and villages of Egypt, alludes to the manner in which the tirmis is prepared for food. To deprive it of its natural bitterness, it is soaked, for two or three days, in a vessel full of water, then boiled; and, after this, sewed up in a basket of palm-leaves (called “fard”), and thrown into the Nile, where it is left to soak again two or three days, after which it is dried, and eaten cold, with a little salt.—The seller of sour limes cries, “God make them light [or easy of sale]! O limes!”—The toasted pips of a kind of melon called “’abdalláwee,” and of the water-melon, are often announced by the cry of “O consoler of the embarrassed! O pips!” though more commonly by the simple cry of “Roasted pips!”—A curious cry of the seller of a kind of sweetmeat (“haláweh”) composed of treacle fried with some other ingredients, is, “For a nail! O sweetmeat!” He is said to be half a thief: children and servants often steal implements of iron, etc., from the house in which they live, and give them in exchange for his sweetmeat.—The hawker of oranges cries, “Honey! O oranges! Honey!” and similar cries are used by the sellers of other fruits and vegetables, so that it is sometimes impossible to guess what the person announces for sale, as when we hear the cry of “Sycamore-figs! O grapes!” excepting by the rule that what is for sale is the least excellent of the fruits, etc., mentioned; as sycamore-figs are not so good as grapes.—A very singular cry is used by the seller of roses: “The rose was a thorn; from the sweat of the Prophet it blossomed.” This alludes to a miracle related of the Prophet.—The fragrant flowers of the henna-tree (or Egyptian privet) are carried about for sale, and the seller cries, “Odours of paradise! O flowers of the henna!”—A kind of cotton-cloth, made by machinery which is put in motion by a bull, is announced by the cry of “The work of the bull! O maidens!”
As the water of the wells in Cairo is slightly brackish, numerous “sakkas” (carriers or sellers of water) obtain their livelihood by supplying its inhabitants with water from the Nile. During the season of the inundation, or rather during the period of about four months after the opening of the canal which runs through the metropolis, the sakkas draw their water from this canal: at other times they bring it from the river. It is conveyed in skins by camels and asses, and sometimes, when the distance is short, and the skin small, by the sakka himself. The water-skins of the camel (which are called “rei”) are a pair of wide bags of ox-hide. The ass bears a goat’s skin (called “kirbeh”); so also does the sakka, if he have no ass. The rei contain three or four kirbehs. The general cry of the sakka is, “O! may God compensate [me]!” Whenever this cry is heard, it is known that a sakka is passing. For a goat’s skin of water, brought from a distance of a mile and a half, or two miles, he obtains scarcely more than a penny.
There are also many sakkas who supply passengers in the streets of the metropolis with water. One of this occupation is called “sakka sharbeh:” his kirbeh has a long brass spout, and he pours the water into a brass cup, or an earthen kulleh, for any one who would drink.—There is a more numerous class who follow the same occupation, called “hemalees.” These are mostly darweeshes, of the order of the Rifá’ees, or that of the Beiyoomees, and are exempt from the income-tax called firdeh. The hemalee carries, upon his back, a vessel (called “ibreek”) of porous grey earth. This vessel cools the water. Sometimes the hemalee has an earthen kulleh of water scented with “móyet zahr” (or orange-flower-water), prepared from the flowers of the “náring” (a bitter orange), for his best customers; and often a sprig of náring is stuck in the mouth of his ibreek. He also, generally, has a wallet hung by his side. From persons of the higher and middle orders he receives from one to five faddahs for a draught of water; from the poor, either nothing, or a piece of bread or some other article of food, which he puts in his wallet. Many hemalees, and some sakkas who carry the goat’s skin, are found at the scenes of religious festivals, such as the moolids of saints, etc., in Cairo and its neighbourhood. They are often paid, by visitors to the tomb of a saint on such occasions, to distribute the water which they carry to passengers; a cupful to whoever desires. This work of charity is called “tesbeel;” and is performed for the sake of the saint, and on other occasions than moolids. The water-carriers who are thus employed are generally allowed to fill their ibreeks or kirbehs at a public fountain, as they demand nothing from the passengers whom they supply. When employed to distribute water to passengers in the street, etc., they generally chant a short cry, inviting the thirsty to partake of the charity offered them in the name of God, most commonly in the words, and to the air, here following:—
[Stanza]
Se - beel Al - láh Yá ’at - shán.
and praying that paradise and pardon may be the lot of him who affords the charitable gift; thus—
[Stanza]
[Stanza]
El - gen - neh wa - l - magh - fi - reh lak, yá sá - heb es - se - beel.
There are numerous other persons who follow occupations similar to that of the hemalee. Among these are sellers of “’erksoos,” or infusion of liquorice, mentioned in a former chapter. The “’erk-soosee” (or seller of this beverage) generally carries a red earthen jar of the liquid on his left side, partly supported by a strap and chain, and partly by his left arm: the mouth having some leaf (or fibres of the palm-tree) stuffed into it. He also carries two or more brass or china cups, which he knocks together.—In the same manner, many “sharbetlees” (or sellers of sherbet) carry about for sale “zebeeb” (or infusion of raisins). The sharbetlee commonly bears, in his left hand, the glass vessel of a “sheesheh,” filled with zebeeb; and a large tin or copper jug full of the same, and several glass cups, in his right hand. Some sharbetlees carry, on the head, a round tinned copper tray, with a number of glass cups of “teen meblool,” or “belah meblool,” which are figs and dates steeped in water; and a copper vessel, or a china bowl, of the same. Sahlab (a thin jelly, made of water, wheat-starch, and sugar, boiled, with a little cinnamon or ginger sprinkled upon it; or made as a drink without starch) is likewise carried about in the same manner; and “soobiya” (which is a drink made of the pips of the ’abdalláwee melon, moistened and pounded, and steeped in water, which is then strained, and sweetened with sugar; or made with rice instead of the pips) is also vended in a similar way, and carried in vessels like those used for zebeeb; but the glass cups are generally placed in a kind of trough of tin, attached, by a belt, to the waist of the seller.
It has been mentioned before that many poor persons in Cairo gain their livelihood by going about to clean pipes. The pipe-cleaner (“musellikátee”) carries a number of long wires for this purpose in three or four hollow canes, or tubes of tin, which are bound together and slung to his shoulder. A small leather bag, full of tow, to wind round the top of the wire with which the pipe is cleaned, is attached to the canes or tin tubes. The musellikátee generally obtains no more than a “nuss faddah” (or about a quarter of a farthing) for each pipe that he cleans.
A very great number of persons of both sexes among the lower orders in Cairo, and many in other towns of Egypt, obtain their subsistence by begging. As might be expected, not a few of these are abominable impostors. There are some whose appearance is most distressing to every humane person who sees them, but who accumulate considerable property. A case of this kind was made public here a few months ago. A blind felláh, who was led through the streets of the metropolis by a young girl, his daughter, both of whom were always nearly naked, was in the daily habit of bringing to his house a blind Turkish beggar to sup with him. One evening he was not at home; but his daughter was there, and had prepared the supper for his Turkish friend, who sat and ate alone; and, in doing this, happened to put his hand on one side and felt a jar full of money, which, without scruple, he carried away with him. It contained the sum of a hundred and ten purses (then equivalent to rather more than five hundred and fifty guineas), in kheyreeyehs, or small coins of nine piasters each. The plundered beggar sought redress at the Citadel, and recovered his property, with the exception of forty kheyreeyehs, which the thief had spent, but was interdicted from begging in future. Children are often seen in Cairo perfectly naked; and I have several times seen females from twelve to twenty years of age, and upwards, with only a narrow strip of rag round the loins, begging in the streets of this city. They suffer little from exposure of the bare person to the cold of winter or the scorching sun of summer, being accustomed to it from infancy; and the men may, if they choose, sleep in some of the mosques. In other respects, also, their condition is not quite so bad as their appearance might lead a stranger to suppose. They are almost sure of obtaining either food or money sufficient for supplying the absolute wants of nature in consequence of the charitable disposition of their countrymen and the common habit which the tradespeople have of eating in their shops, and generally giving a morsel of their food to those who ask for it. There are many beggars who spend the greater part of the day’s gains to indulge themselves at night with the intoxicating hasheesh, which, for a few hours, renders them, in imagination, the happiest of mankind.
The cries of the beggars of Cairo are generally appeals to God. Among the most common are—“O Exciter of compassion! O Lord!”—“For the sake of God! O ye charitable!”—“I am seeking from my Lord a cake of bread!”—“O how bountiful Thou art! O Lord!”—“I am the guest of God and the Prophet!”—in the evening, “My supper must be Thy gift! O Lord!”—on the eve of Friday, “The night of the excellent Friday!”—and on Friday, “The excellent day of Friday!”—One who daily passed my door used to exclaim, “Place thy reliance upon God! There is none but God!” and another, a woman, I now hear crying, “My supper must be Thy gift! O Lord! from the hand of a bountiful believer, a testifier of the unity of God! O masters!”—The answers which beggars generally receive (for they are so numerous that a person cannot give to all who ask of him) are, “God help thee!”—“God will sustain!”—“God give thee!”—“God content, or enrich, thee!”—They are not satisfied by any denial but one implied by these or similar answers. In the more frequented streets of Cairo, it is common to see a beggar asking for the price of a cake of bread, which he or she holds in the hand, followed by the seller of the bread. Some beggars, particularly darweeshes, go about chanting verses in praise of the Prophet, or beating cymbals, or a little kettle-drum. In the country, many darweeshes go from village to village begging alms. I have seen them on horseback; and one I lately saw thus mounted, and accompanied by two men bearing each a flag, and by a third beating a drum: this beggar on horseback was going from hut to hut asking for bread.
The most important of the occupations which employ the modern Egyptians, and that which (as before mentioned) engages all but a very small proportion of them, is agriculture.
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The greater portion of the cultivable soil is fertilized by the natural annual inundation; but the fields in the vicinity of the river and of the large canals, and some other lands, in which pits are dug for water, are irrigated by means of machines of different kinds. The most common of these machines is the “shádoof,” which consists of two posts or pillars of wood, or of mud and canes or rushes, about five feet in height, and less than three feet apart, with a horizontal piece of wood extending from top to top, to which is suspended a slender lever, formed of a branch of a tree, having at one end a weight chiefly composed of mud, and at the other, suspended to two long palm-sticks, a vessel in the form of a bowl, made of basket-work, or of a hoop and a piece of woollen stuff or leather: with this vessel the water is thrown up to the height of about eight feet into a trough hollowed out for its reception. In the southern parts of Upper Egypt, four or five shádoofs are required, when the river is at the lowest, to raise the water to the level of the fields. There are many shádoofs with two levers, etc., which are worked by two men. The operation is extremely laborious.—Another machine much used for the same purpose, and almost the only one employed for the irrigation of gardens in Egypt, is the “sákiyeh.” This mainly consists of a vertical wheel, which raises the water in earthen pots attached to cords, and forming a continuous series; a second vertical wheel fixed to the same axis, with cogs; and a large, horizontal, cogged wheel, which, being turned by a pair of cows or bulls, or by a single beast, puts in motion the two former wheels and the pots. The construction of this machine is of a very rude kind, and its motion produces a disagreeable creaking noise.—There is a third machine, called “táboot,” used for the irrigation of lands in the northern parts of Egypt, where it is only requisite to raise the water a few feet. It somewhat resembles the “sákiyeh:” the chief difference is, that, instead of the wheel with pots, it has a large wheel with hollow jaunts, or fellies, in which the water is raised. In the same parts of Egypt, and often to raise the water to the channel of the “táboot,” a vessel like that of the “shádoof,” with four cords attached to it, is also used. Two men, each holding two of the cords, throw up the water by means of this vessel, which is called “katweh.”—In the process of artificial irrigation, the land is divided into small squares, by ridges of earth, or into furrows; and the water, flowing from the machine along a narrow gutter, is admitted into one square or furrow after another.
The “rei” lands (or those which are naturally inundated) are, with some exceptions, cultivated but once during the year. After the waters have retired, about the end of October or beginning of November, they are sown with wheat, barley, lentils, beans, lupins, chick-peas, etc. This is called the “shitawee” (or winter) season. But the “sharákee” lands (or those which are too high to be subject to the natural inundation), and some parts of the rei, by artificial irrigation are made to produce three crops every year; though not all the sharákee lands are thus cultivated. The lands artificially irrigated produce, first, their shitawee crops, being sown at the same period as the rei lands, generally with wheat or barley. Secondly, in what is called the “seyfee,” or, in the southern parts of Egypt, the “keydee,” or “geydee” (that is, the summer) season, commencing about the vernal equinox, or a little later, they are sown with millet (“durah seyfee”), or with indigo, or cotton, etc. Thirdly, in the “demeereh” season, or period of the rise of the Nile, commencing about, or soon after the summer solstice, they are sown with millet again, or with maize (“durah shámee”), etc., and thus crowned with a third harvest.—Sugar is cultivated throughout a large portion of Upper Egypt, and rice in the low lands near the Mediterranean.
For the purpose of separating the grain of wheat, barley, etc., and cutting the straw, which serves as fodder, the Egyptians use a machine called “nórag,” in the form of a chair, which moves upon small iron wheels, or thin circular plates, generally eleven, fixed to three thick axle-trees, four to the foremost, the same number to the hindmost, and three to the intermediate axle-tree. This machine is drawn, in a circle, by a pair of cows or bulls, over the corn. The plough, and the other implements which they use in husbandry, are of rude and simple kinds.
The navigation of the Nile employs a great number of the natives of Egypt. The boatmen of the Nile are mostly strong, muscular men. They undergo severe labour in rowing, poling, and towing; but are very cheerful; and often the most so when they are most occupied, for then they frequently amuse themselves by singing. In consequence of the continual changes which take place in the bed of the Nile, the most experienced pilot is liable frequently to run his vessel aground; on such an occurrence, it is often necessary for the crew to descend into the water, to shove off the boat with their backs and shoulders. On account of their being so liable to run aground, the boats of the Nile are generally made to draw rather more water at the head than at the stern, and hence the rudder is necessarily very wide. The better kind of boats used on the Nile, which are very numerous, are of a simple but elegant form, mostly between thirty and forty feet in length, with two masts, two large triangular sails, and a cabin, next the stern, generally about four feet high, and occupying about a fourth, or a third, of the length of the boat. In most of these boats, the cabin is divided into two or more apartments. Sudden whirlwinds and squalls being very frequent on the Nile, a boatman is usually employed to hold the main-sheet in his hand, that he may be able to let it fly at a moment’s notice: the traveller should be especially careful with respect to this precaution, however light the wind.
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Footnote 434:
“Wekáleh” (generally pronounced by the Franks occaleh, occal, etc.) is for “Dár el-Wekáleh,” signifying a factory.
Footnote 435:
This has long been the case in other Eastern countries. See Jeremiah xxxvii. 21.
Footnote 436:
The tradesman keeps his main stock of goods (if more than his shop will contain) in this magazine, or in his private dwelling, or in a wekáleh.
Footnote 437:
As Ephron did to Abraham, when the latter expressed his wish to purchase the cave and field of Machpelah. See Genesis xxiii. 11.
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XV. USE OF TOBACCO, COFFEE, HEMP, OPIUM, ETC
The interdiction of wine, and other fermented and intoxicating liquors, which is one of the most important laws in the code of El-Islám, has caused the greater number of the disciples of this faith to become immoderately addicted to other means of inducing slight intoxication, or different kinds of pleasurable excitement.
The most prevalent means, in most Muslim countries, of exciting what the Arabs term “keyf,” which I cannot more nearly translate than by the word “exhilaration,” is tobacco. It appears that tobacco was introduced into Turkey, Arabia, and other countries of the East, shortly before the beginning of the seventeenth century of the Christian era:[438] that is, not many years after it had begun to be regularly imported into Western Europe, as an article of commerce, from America. Its lawfulness to the Muslim has often been warmly disputed;[439] but is now generally allowed. In the character of the Turks and Arabs, who have become addicted to its use, it has induced considerable changes, particularly rendering them more inactive than they were in earlier times, leading them to waste over the pipe many hours which might be profitably employed; but it has had another and a better effect; that of superseding, in a great measure, the use of wine, which, to say the least, is very injurious to the health of the inhabitants of hot climates. In the tales of “The Thousand and One Nights,” which were written before the introduction of tobacco into the East, and which we may confidently receive as presenting faithful pictures of the state of Arabian manners and customs at the period when they appeared, we have abundant evidence that wine was much more commonly and more openly drunk by Muslims of that time, or of the age immediately preceding, than it is by those of the present day. It may further be remarked, in the way of apology for the pipe, as employed by the Turks and Arabs, that the mild kinds of tobacco generally used by them have a very gentle effect; they calm the nervous system, and, instead of stupefying, sharpen the intellect. The pleasures of Eastern society are certainly much heightened by the pipe, and it affords the peasant a cheap and sober refreshment, and probably often restrains him from less innocent indulgences.
The cup of coffee, which, when it can be afforded, generally accompanies the pipe, is commonly regarded as an almost equal luxury, and doubtless conduced with tobacco to render the use of wine less common among the Arabs: its name, “kahweh,” an old Arabic term for wine, strengthens this supposition. It is said that the discovery of the refreshing beverage afforded by the berry of the coffee-plant was made in the latter part of the seventh century of the Flight (or of the thirteenth of the Christian era), by a certain devotee named the sheykh ’Omar, who, driven by persecution to a mountain of El-Yemen, with a few of his disciples, was induced, by the want of provisions, to make an experiment of the decoction of coffee-berries, as an article of food; the coffee-plant being there a spontaneous production. It was not, however, till about two centuries after this period that the use of coffee began to become common in El-Yemen. It was imported into Egypt between the years 900 and 910 of the Flight (towards the end of the fifteenth or the beginning of the sixteenth century of our era, or about a century before the introduction of tobacco into the East), and was then drunk in the great mosque El-Azhar, by the fakeers of El-Yemen and Mekkeh and El-Medeeneh, who found it very refreshing to them while engaged in their exercises of reciting prayers, and the praises of God, and freely indulged themselves with it. About half a century after, it was introduced into Constantinople.[440] In Arabia, in Egypt, and in Constantinople, it was often the subject of sharp disputes among the pious and learned; many doctors asserting that it possessed intoxicating qualities, and was, therefore, an unlawful beverage to Muslims; while others contended that, among many other virtues, it had that of repelling sleep, which rendered it a powerful help to the pious in their nocturnal devotions: according to the fancy of the ruling power, its sale was therefore often prohibited and again legalized. It is now, and has been for many years, acknowledged as lawful by almost all the Muslims, and is immoderately used even by the Wahhábees, who are the most rigid in their condemnation of tobacco, and in their adherence to the precepts of the Kur-án, and the Traditions of the Prophet. Formerly it was generally prepared from the berries and husks together; and it is still so prepared, or from the husks alone, by many persons in Arabia. In other countries of the East, it is prepared from the berries alone, freshly roasted and pounded.
Cairo contains above a thousand “Kahwehs,”[441] or coffee-shops. The kahweh is, generally speaking, a small apartment, whose front, which is towards the street, is of open wooden work, in the form of arches. Along the front, excepting before the door, is a “mastab′ah,” or raised seat, of stone or brick, two or three feet in height, and about the same in width, which is covered with matting; and there are similar seats in the interior, on two or three sides. The coffee-shops are most frequented in the afternoon and evening, but by few excepting persons of the lower orders, and tradesmen. The exterior mastab′ah is generally preferred. Each person brings with him his own tobacco and pipe. Coffee is served by the “kahweg′ee” (or attendant of the shop), at the price of five faddahs a cup, or ten for a little “bekreg” (or pot) of three or four cups.[442] The kahweg′ee also keeps two or three nárgeelehs or sheeshehs, and gózehs, which latter are used for smoking both the tumbák (or Persian tobacco) and the hasheesh (or hemp), for hasheesh is sold at some coffee-shops. Musicians and story-tellers frequent some of the kahwehs, particularly on the evenings of religious festivals.
The leaves and capsules of hemp, called in Egypt “hasheesh,” were employed in some countries of the East in very ancient times to induce an exhilarating intoxication. Herodotus (lib. iv., cap. 75) informs us that the Scythians had a custom of burning the seeds of this plant, in religious ceremonies, and that they became intoxicated with the fumes. Galen also mentions the intoxicating properties of hemp. The practice of chewing the leaves of this plant to induce intoxication, prevailed, or existed, in India, in very early ages; thence it was introduced into Persia; and about six centuries ago (before the middle of the thirteenth century of our era) this pernicious and degrading custom was adopted in Egypt, but chiefly by persons of the lower orders; though several men eminent in literature and religion, and vast numbers of fakeers (or poor devotees), yielded to its fascinations, and contended that it was lawful to the Muslim. The habit is now very common among the lower orders in the metropolis and other towns of Egypt. There are various modes of preparing it; and various names, as “sheera,” “bast,” etc., are given to its different preparations. Most commonly, I am told, the young leaves are used alone, or mixed with tobacco, for smoking; and the capsules, without the seeds, pounded and mixed with several aromatic substances for an intoxicating conserve. Acids counteract its operation. The preparation of hemp used for smoking generally produces boisterous mirth. Few inhalations of its smoke, but the last very copious, are usually taken from the gózeh. After the emission of the last draught from the mouth and nostrils, commonly a fit of coughing, and often a spitting of blood, ensues, in consequence of the lungs having been filled with the smoke. Hasheesh is to be obtained not only at some of the coffee-shops; there are shops of a smaller and more private description solely appropriated to the sale of this and other intoxicating preparations: they are called “mahshesh′ehs.” It is sometimes amusing to observe the ridiculous conduct, and to listen to the conversation, of the persons who frequent these shops. They are all of the lower orders. The term “hashshásh,” which signifies “a smoker or an eater, of hemp,” is an appellation of obloquy: noisy and riotous people are often called “hashshásheen,” which is the plural of that appellation, and the origin of our word “assassin;” a name first applied to Arab warriors in Syria, in the time of the Crusades, who made use of intoxicating and soporific drugs in order to render their enemies insensible.[443]
The use of opium and other drugs to induce intoxication is not so common in Egypt as in many other countries of the East: the number of Egyptians addicted to this vice is certainly not nearly so great, in proportion to the whole population, as is the relative number of persons in our own country who indulge in habitual drunkenness. Opium is called, in Arabic, “afiyoon;” and the opium-eater, “afiyoonee.” This latter appellation is a term of less obloquy than that of “hashshásh;” because there are many persons of the middle and higher classes to whom it is applicable. In its crude state, opium is generally taken, by those who have not long been addicted to its use, in the dose of three or four grains, for the purpose above mentioned; but the “afiyoonee” increases the dose by degrees. The Egyptians make several conserves composed of hellebore, hemp, and opium, and several aromatic drugs, which are more commonly taken than the simple opium. A conserve of this nature is called “maagoon;” and the person who makes or sells it, “maagungee.” The most common kind is called “barsh.” There is one kind which, it is said, makes the person who takes it manifest his pleasure by singing; another which will make him chatter; a third which excites to dance; a fourth which particularly affects the vision, in a pleasurable manner; a fifth which is simply of a sedative nature. These are sold at the “mahshesh′eh.”
The fermented and intoxicating liquor called “boozeh,” or “boozah,” which is drunk by many of the boatmen of the Nile, and by other persons of the lower orders in Egypt, has been mentioned in a former chapter. I have seen, in tombs at Thebes, many large jars, containing the dregs of beer of this kind, prepared from barley.
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Footnote 438:
El-Is-hákee states that the custom of smoking tobacco began to be common in Egypt between the years of the Flight 1010 and 1012 (A.D. 1601 and 1603).
Footnote 439:
El-Gabartee relates, that about a century ago, in the time of Mohammad Básha El-Yedekshee (or Yedekchee), who governed Egypt in the years of the Flight, 1156-8, it frequently happened that when a man was found with a pipe in his hand in Cairo, he was made to eat the bowl with its burning contents. This may seem incredible, but a pipe-bowl may be broken by strong teeth. The tobacco first used in the East was probably very strong.
Footnote 440:
See De Sacy’s Chrestomathie Arabe, vol. i., pp. 412-483, 2nde ed.
Footnote 441:
“Kahweh,” being the name of the beverage sold at the coffee-shop, is hence applied to the shop itself.
Footnote 442:
A decoction of ginger, sweetened with sugar, is likewise often sold at the Kahwehs, particularly on the nights of festivals.
Footnote 443:
See, on this subject, the close of chapter xxii.
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XVI. THE BATH
Bathing is one of the greatest luxuries enjoyed by the people of Egypt. The inhabitants of the villages of this country, and those persons who cannot afford the trifling expense incurred in the public bath, often bathe in the Nile. Girls and young women are not unfrequently seen thus indulging themselves in the warm weather, and generally without any covering; but mostly in unfrequented places. The rich, I have before mentioned, have baths in their own houses; but men who have this convenience often go to the public bath; and so also do the ladies, who, on many occasions, are invited to accompany thither their female friends.
There are, in Cairo, between sixty and seventy “Hammáms,” or baths, to which the public have access for a small expense. Some of these are for men only; others, only for women and young children; and some for both sexes; for men during the forenoon, and in the afternoon for females. When the bath is appropriated to women, a napkin, or any piece of linen or drapery is hung over the entrance, to warn the men from entering: all the male servants having gone out a short time before; and females having taken their places. The front of the bath is generally ornamented in a manner similar to that in which most of the mosques are decorated, but usually more fanciful, in red and white, and sometimes other colours, particularly over and about the entrance. The building consists of several apartments, all of which are paved with marble, chiefly white, with an intermixture, in some parts, of black marble, and small pieces of fine red tile, in the same manner as the durká′ah of a room in a private house, of which a sketch has been inserted in the Introduction to this work. The inner apartments are covered with domes, which have a number of small, round, glazed apertures, for the admission of light. The materials chiefly employed in the construction of the walls and domes are bricks and plaster, which, after having been exposed to the steam that is produced in the bath when it is in use, are liable to crack and fall if the heat be intermitted even for a few days. A sákiyeh (or water-wheel), turned by a cow or bull, is constructed upon a level with the higher parts of the building, to raise water from a well or tank for the supply of the boiler, etc.
The bath is believed to be a favourite resort of ginn (or genii), and therefore when a person is about to enter it, he should offer up an ejaculatory prayer for protection against evil spirits, and should put his left foot first over the threshold. For the same reason, he should not pray nor recite the Kur-án in it. On entering, if he have a watch, and a purse containing more than a trifling sum of money, he gives these in charge to the “m’allim” (or keeper of the bath), who locks them in a chest: his pipe, and sword (if he have one), he commits to a servant of the bath, who takes off his shoes, and supplies him with a pair of wooden clogs; the pavement being wet. The first apartment is called the “meslakh.” It generally has two, three, or four “leewáns,” similar to mastab′ahs, or considerably wider, cased with marble, and a fountain (called “faskeeyeh”) of cold water, which rises from an octagonal basement constructed of stone cased with marble, etc. (similar to that in the inner apartment represented in a section accompanying this description), in the centre. One of the leewáns, being designed for the accommodation of persons of the higher and middle orders, is furnished with mattresses and cushions: upon the other, or others, which are for the lower orders, there is usually no furniture excepting mats. In many baths there is also, in the meslakh, a small kind of stall, for coffee.
In warm weather, the bathers mostly prefer to undress in the meslakh: in winter, they undress in an inner, closed apartment, called the “beytowwal;” between which and the first apartment is a short passage, with two or three latrinæ on one side. “Beytowwal” signifies “first chamber;” and this name is given to the chamber here mentioned because it is the first of the warm apartments; but it is less warm than the principal apartment, of which it is the ante-chamber. In general, it has two mastab′ahs, one higher than the other, cased with marble like the pavement. The higher accommodates but one person; and is for the higher classes: the other is sufficiently large for two. When the former is occupied, and another high seat is wanted, two or three mattresses are placed one upon another on the lower mastab′ah, or on the leewán (or raised part of the floor). A seggádeh (or small prayer-carpet) is spread on the mastab′ah for a person of the higher orders. The bather receives a napkin in which to put his clothes; and another to put round his waist: this reaches to the knees, or a little lower; and is termed “mahzam”: a third, if he require it, is brought to him to wind round his head, in the manner of a turban, leaving the top of the head bare; a fourth to put over his chest, and a fifth to cover his back. It is generally a boy, or beardless young man, who attends the bather while he undresses, and while he puts on his mahzam, etc., etc.: he is called a “láwingee” (as the word is vulgarly pronounced), which is a corruption of “leewángee,” or attendant of the “leewán.”[444]
When the bather has undressed, and attired himself in the manner above described, the láwingee opens to him the door of the inner and principal apartment, which is called “harárah.” This, in general, has four low leewáns, like those of most rooms in private houses, which give it the form of a cross; and, in the centre, a “faskeeyeh” (or fountain) of hot water, rising from a small shallow basin in the middle of a high octagonal seat, cased with white and black marble, and pieces of red tile. The harárah, together with several chambers connected with it, may generally be described as occupying almost an exact square. The beytowwal is at one of the angles. Two small chambers, which adjoin each other, and occupy a second angle of the square, contain, the one, a “maghtas,” or tank, of warm water, to which there is an ascent of a few steps; the other, a “hanafeeyeh,” consisting of two taps, projecting from the wall; one of hot, and one of cold water, with a small trough beneath; before which is a seat: the name of hanafeeyeh is commonly given, not merely to the taps above mentioned, but to the chamber which contains them. A third angle of the square is occupied by two other small chambers similar to those just described; one containing a second maghtas, of water not quite so warm as the former: the other, a second hanafeeyeh. Each maghtas is filled by a stream of water pouring down from the dome of the chamber. The fourth angle of the square is generally occupied by a chamber which has no communication with the harárah; and which contains the fire over which is the boiler. The central part of the harárah, its leewáns, and the small chambers connected with it, are covered with domes, which have a number of small, glazed apertures.
The bather, having entered the harárah, soon perspires profusely, from the humid heat which is produced by the hot water of the tanks and fountain, and by the boiler. The operator of the bath, who is called “mukeyyisátee,” immediately comes to him. If the bather be covered with more than one napkin, the mukeyyisátee takes them off, and gives him a wet mahzam; or the former mahzam is retained, and wetted. The bather sits on the marble seat of the faskeeyeh, or lies upon a napkin on one of the leewáns, or by the edge of one of the tanks, to submit to the first operation, which is that of cracking his joints. The operator cracks almost every joint of his frame: he rings the body, first one way and then the other, to make several of the vertebræ crack: even the neck is made to crack twice, by wrenching the head round, each way, which produces a sensation rather alarming to an inexperienced person; and each ear is generally twisted round until it cracks: the limbs are wrested with apparent violence; but with such skill, that an untoward accident in this operation is never heard of. The main object of this process is to render the joints supple. The mukeyyisátee also kneads the bather’s flesh. After this, or previously, he rubs the soles of his feet with a kind of rasp, of baked clay. There are two kinds of rasps used for this purpose: one is very porous and rough; and its rasping surface is scored with several lines: the other is of a fine close clay; and the surface with which the rubbing is performed is rendered rough artificially: both are of a dark, blackish colour. Those which are used by ladies are generally encased (the lower, or rasping, surface of course excepted) in thin, embossed silver. The rougher rasp is of indispensable utility to persons who do not wear stockings; which is the case with most of the inhabitants of Egypt: the other is for the more delicate; and is often used for rubbing the limbs, to render the skin smooth. The next operation is that of rubbing the bather’s flesh with a small, coarse, woollen bag.[445] This done, the bather, if he please, dips himself in one of the tanks. He is next taken to a hanafeeyeh. A napkin having been hung before the entrance to this, the mukeyyisátee lathers the bather with “leef” (or fibres of the palm-tree) and soap and sweet water, which last is brought in a copper vessel, and warmed in one of the tanks; for the water of the hanafeeyeh is from a well, somewhat brackish, and consequently not fit for washing with soap. The leef is employed in the same manner as sponge is by us: it is not of the kind produced by the palm-trees of Egypt, which is of a brown colour: that used in the hammám is white; and is brought from the Hejáz. The mukeyyisátee washes off the soap with water from the hanafeeyeh; and, if required, shaves the bather’s arm-pits: he then goes, leaving him to finish washing, etc. The latter then calls for a set of napkins, four in number, and, having covered himself in the same manner as before described, returns to the beytowwal; but first it is the custom of persons of the more independent classes to give half a piaster, or a piaster, to the mukeyyisátee, though it is not demanded.
In the beyt-owwal, a mattress is spread, for the bather, on the mastab′ah, covered with napkins, and having one or two cushions at one end. On this he reclines, sipping a cup or two of coffee, and smoking, while a láwingee rubs the soles of his feet, and kneads his body and limbs; or two láwingees perform these operations, and he gives to each of them five or ten faddahs, or more. He generally remains half an hour, or an hour, smoking his shibuk or sheesheh: then dresses and goes out. The “háris,” who is the foreman, and who has the charge of drying the napkins in the meslakh, and of guarding, brings him a looking-glass, and (unless the bather have neither beard nor mustaches) a comb. The bather asks him for his watch, etc., puts from one to four piasters on the looking-glass, and goes. One piaster is a common sum to pay for all the operations above described.
Many persons go to the bath twice a week: others, once a week, or less frequently; but some are merely washed with soap and water, and then plunge into one of the tanks, for which, of course, they pay less.
The women who can afford to do so visit the hammám frequently; but not so often as the men. When the bath is not hired for the females of one family, or for one party of ladies, exclusively, women of all conditions are admitted. In general, all the females of a house, and the young boys, go together. They take with them their own seggádehs, and the napkins, basins, etc., which they require, and even the necessary quantity of sweet water for washing with soap, and for drinking; and some carry with them fruits, sweetmeats, and other refreshments. A lady of wealth is also often accompanied by her own “belláneh,” or “másh′tah,” who is the washer and tire-woman. Many women of the lower orders wear no covering whatever in the bath; not even a napkin round the waist: others always wear the napkin, and the high clogs. There are few pleasures in which the women of Egypt delight so much as in the visit to the bath, where they frequently have entertainments; and often, on these occasions, they are not a little noisy in their mirth. They avail themselves of the opportunity to display their jewels and their finest clothes, and to enter into familiar conversation with those whom they meet there, whether friends or strangers. Sometimes a mother chooses a bride for her son from among the girls or women whom she chances to see in the bath. On many occasions, as, for instance, in the case of the preparations for a marriage, the bath is hired for a select party, consisting of the women of two or more families; and none else are admitted: but it is more common for a lady and a few friends and attendants to hire a “khilweh”: this is the name they give to the apartment of the hanafeeyeh. There is more confusion among a mixed company of various ranks; but where all are friends, the younger girls indulge in more mirth and frolic. They spend an hour or more under the hands of the belláneh, who rubs and washes them, plaits their hair, applies the depilatory,[446] etc. They then retire to the beytowwal or meslakh, and there, having put on part of their dress, or a large loose shirt, partake of various refreshments, which, if they have brought none with them, they may procure by sending an attendant of the bath to the market. Those who smoke take their own pipes with them. On particular occasions of festivity, they are entertained with the songs of two or more ’A′l’mehs, hired to accompany them to the bath.
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Footnote 444:
See the Plan, of which the following is an explanation.—A, General entrance and vestibule. B, B, Meslakh. C, C, C, C, C, Leewáns. D, Station of the M’allim. E, Faskeeyeh. F, Coffee-stall. G, G, Latrinæ. H, Beytowwal. I, I, Leewán. K, K, Mastab′ahs. L, L, Harárah. M, M, M, M, Leewáns. N, Faskeeyeh. O, O, Two chambers, each containing a maghtas (or tank). P, P, Hanafeeyehs. Q, Place of the fire, over which is the boiler.
Footnote 445:
This operation is termed “tekyees,” and the bag “kees el-hammán,” hence the operator is called “mukeyyisátee,” or more properly, “mukeyyis.”
Footnote 446:
The depilatory called “noorah,” which is often employed in the bath, being preferred to the resin more commonly used, is composed, as I am informed, of quick-lime with a small proportion (about an eighth part) of orpiment. It is made into a paste, with water, before application; and loosens the hair in about two minutes, when it is washed off.—See Russell’s Aleppo, vol. i, pp. 134, 378, 379: 2nd edition.
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