The Works of John Knox, Volume 2 (of 6) (part 2 of 4)

The Works of John Knox, Volume 2 (of 6) (part 2 of 4)

These and the lyke reassonis took suche deape roote in flesche and bloode, that the trewth of God was almost foryett; and from this fontaine (to wit, that flesche and blood was, and yitt allace, is preferred to God, and to his messengeris rebucking vice and vanitie) hath all our miserie proceeded. For as befoir, so even yitt, althought the Ministeris be sett to beg, the Guard and the Men of war maun be served. Though the blood of the Ministeris be spylt, it is the Quenis servand that did it. Althought Messes be multipleyed in all quarteris of the Realme, who can stop the Quenis subjectis to lyve of the Quenis religioun. Althought innocent men be empreasoned, it is the Quenis pleasur: sche is offended at such men. Althought under pretence of justice innocentis be crewellie murthered; the Lordis shall weape, but the Quenis mynd must be satisfeid. Nobillis of the Realme, Baronis and Counsallouris ar banished, thair eschaittis disponed, and thair lyves maist injustlie persewed. The Quene hes lost hir trusty servand Davy: he was dear unto hir; and thairfoir, for hir honouris sake, sche maun schaw rigour to revenge his death. And yit farther, albeit that some know that sche hes plainlie purposed to wrak the religioun within this Realme; that to that Romane Antichrist sche hath maid hir promeise; and that from him sche hath tackin money to uphold his pompe within this Realme; yit will thai lett the people understand, that the Quene will establisse religioun, and provide all thingis ordourlie, yf scho war anes delivered.

[Sidenote: THIS WAS WRITTEN WHEN THE SECOUND RANK OF THE LORDIS WAS BANISSHED.][617]

[617] The Glasgow MS. of Book Fourth, as stated in the preface, vol. i. p. xxxiii. formed originally a separate volume, and was written apparently some years earlier than the first three Books. It contains marginal notes, so nearly verbatim with the MS. 1566, as to leave little doubt of its having been copied from it, probably about the year 1580. But to the above marginal note, after "banisshed," there is added: "Anno 1566, after Davie's slauchter."

Yf such dealings, which ar commoun amangis our Protestantis, be nott to prefer flesche and blood to God, to his treuth, to justice, to religioun, and unto the libertie of this oppressed Realme, let the warld judge. The plagues have bein, and in some part ar present, that war befoir threatned; the rest ayproaches: And yitt who from the heart cryis, "I have offended; the Lord knows: in Thee onlie is the trust of the oppressed; for vaine is the help of man." But now return we to our HISTORIE.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS LAST ARRIVAL IN SCOTLAND.][618]

[618] In MS. G, "The Quenis arryval from France."

THE nyntene day[619] of August, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir ane yearis, betwix sevin and aught houris befoir noon, arryved MARIE QUENE OF SCOTLAND, then widow, with two galayis furth of France.[620] In[621] hir cumpany, (besydis hir gentilwemen, called the Maries,)[622] war hir thre uncles, the Duck D'Omall,[623] the Grand Priour,[624] and the Marques D'Elbuf.[625] Thare accumpanyed hir also,[626] D'Anweill, son to the Constable of France, with other gentilmen of inferiour conditioun, besydis servandis and officiaris.[627] The verray face of heavin, the time of hir arryvall, did manifestlie speak what confort was brought unto this cuntrey with hir, to wit, sorow, dolour, darknes, and all impietie; for in the memorie of man, that day of the year, was never seyn a more dolorous face of the heavin, then was at hir arryvall, which two days after did so contineu; for besides the surfett weat,[628] and corruptioun of the air, the myst was so thick and so dark, that skairse mycht any man espy ane other the lenth of two pair of buttis. The sun was not seyn to schyne two dayis befoir, nor two dayis after. That foir-warning gave God unto us; but allace, the most pairt war blynd.

[619] In MSS. A, M, and L 4, "The twentie day."

[620] The Queen arrived in Leith harbour on Tuesday the 19th August 1561, and landed on the following day.

[621] In MSS. M, and L 4, instead of the next five lines, there is substituted this sentence, which is also copied by Calderwood, (vol. ii. p. 142,) "Shee brought with her als faire Jewells, pretious stones and pearles as wer to be found in Europe. Her tapestrie, and other stuff wer brought to Leith, in October. The verie face," &c.

[622] Celebrated in Scotish Song: see "The Queen's Marie," in Sir W. Scott's Border Minstrelsy. One of the verses in this ballad of Mary Hamilton, thus names them:

Yestreen the Queen had four Maries, The night she'll hae but three; There was Marie Seaton, and Marie Beaton, And Marie Carmichael, and me

Bishop Lesley in describing the persons who accompanied the young Princess in her voyage to France in 1548, (see vol. i. p. 219,) says, "Of the quhilkis thair was four in speciall, of whome everie one of thame buir the samin name of Marie, being of four syndre honourable houses, to wyt, Flemyng, Levingstoun, Setoun, and Beatoun of Creich; quho remanit all foure with the Quene in France, during her residens thair, and returned agane in Scotland with her Majestie, in the yeir of our Lorde J^m V^c lxj yeiris." (History, p. 209.) And in his account of the Queen's arrival in Scotland in 1561, he repeats that she was attended "with many ladies and gentillwemen, speciallie the four maidis of honour quha passit with hir Hienes in France, of hir awin aige, the name everie ane of Marie, as is before mentioned." (Ib. p. 297.) Buchanan, in his verses, The Pomp of the Gods at the Marriage of Queen Mary, 29th July 1565, speaks of her five Maries. When she arrived in this country she was still in her first dule or mourning dress. But on the 11th November some change was made in the dresses of her pages and maidens; and one of the entries in the Treasurer's Accounts on that day, is as follows:--"Item, be the Quenis Grace precept, to Jacques de Soulis, talliour to hir Grace, to gif the Madynnis efter following, viz. to ---- Flemyng, ---- Betoun, ---- Sunpartew, ---- Levingstoun, ---- Seitoun, ---- Wardlaw, to by thair secund dule, ilk ane of the said five, ix lib., and to the said Wardlaw, x lib. vij s.--Summa, £55, 7s." There was also furnished black stannyng for clokis, and black velvet to 14 dames, damosels, and maidens, "to be thair secund dule;" to the extent of £144, 18s., and £112, 16s. 3d. Also, on the 18th, £4, 10s. for gray mantill claith, to be a gown, lined with green, for hir Grace's Fule; and on the 28th, £23, for "quhite tafiteis of the cord," and "red tafiteis of the foure threidis," to the Lady Seitoun.

[623] Claude de Lorraine, Duke d'Aumale, third son of Claude Duke de Guise, was born in 1526. He was in the army, and gave proofs of his courage. He was killed at the siege of Rochelle, by a cannon ball, 14th March 1573.

[624] Francis de Lorraine, seventh son of Claude Duke de Guise, was a Knight of Malta, Grand Prior, and General of the French galleys or war vessels. He distinguished himself in the wars with the Turks in 1557; and died from the effects of his exertions at the battle of Dreux, 6th March 1563, aged 29.

[625] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf, was the youngest son of Claude Duke de Guise, and was born in 1536. He became successor to his brother Francis in 1563, as General of the French galleys; but he died in 1566, aged 30.

[626] Henry second son of Anne Duke de Montmorency, and Constable of France, is known in history as the Seigneur de Damville. He was born in 1534, and upon the death of his elder brother in 1579, he succeeded to the Dukedom, and survived till 1614. (Anselme, Histoire Genealogique, vol. iii. p. 605.)

[627] In the Queen's retinue, among other persons of note, was Peter de Bourdeille, known by the name of the Sieur de Brantome, of which he was Abbot. He was attached to the Court as one of the gentlemen of the bed-chamber to Charles IX., and Henry III. of France. He owes his distinction to his posthumous Memoirs, which serve at least sufficiently to illustrate the licentious and corrupt state of manners of the time. In his Vies des Dames Illustres, there is a Discours on Mary Queen of Scots, who, he says, on the day of her nuptials with Francis, "paroistre cent fois plus belle qu'une Deesse du Ciel." He died in July 1614, at the age of 87.

[628] In MS. G, "surfece weitt." MS. L 4, follows that of 1566, in "surfett."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST GRACE IN DISPYTE OF RELIGIOUN.]

At the sound of the cannonis whiche the galayis schot, the multitude being advertissed, happie was he and sche that first myght have the presence of the Quene. The Protestantis war not the slowest, and thairintill thai war not to be blamed.[629] Becaus the Palace of Halyrudhous was not throughlie put in ordour, (for hir cuming was more suddane[630] than many looked for,) sche remaned in Leyth till towardis the evenyng, and then repaired thitther. In the way betwixt Leith and the Abbay, met hir the rebellis of the craftis, (of whom we spak befoir,[631]) to wit, those that had violated the authoritie of the Magistratis, and had besieged the Provost. But, because sche was sufficientlie instructed, that all thai did was done in dispite of the religioun, thai war easilie apardoned. Fyres of joy war sett furth all nyght, and a cumpany of the most honest,[632] with instrumentis of musick, and with musitians, geve thair salutationis at hir chalmer wyndo.[633] The melody, (as sche alledged,) lyked hir weill; and sche willed the same to be contineued some nightis after.

[629] Instead of this sentence, in MSS. M, and L 4, we find, "Shee wes honnorablie receaved be the Erle of Argyle, the Lord Areskin, Lord James, and other Noblemen, and the Citizens of Edinburgh. Becaus," &c.

[630] The Queen's arrival was earlier than was expected. On the 7th of August, the Treasurer had paid messengers passing "with clois writings" of the Lords of Secret Counsall to the Nobility and Magistratis, and others, "to be in Edinburgh with thair honorable cumpaneis to the Quenis grace enteres furth of France, agane the last day of August." It has been seen that she landed on the 20th of that month.

[631] See pages 155-159.

[632] In MS. G, "of most honest men." MSS. A, and L 4, "the most honest."

[633] Brantome in his account of the Queen's arrival, takes notice of the thick fog (grand broüillard) which prevailed, so that they could not see from one end of the vessel to the other. His account of the serenading of the pious minstrels, is very unlike that of the text. His words are,--"Le soir, ainsi qu'elle se vouloit coucher, estant logée en-bas en l'Abbaye de l'Islebourg, qui est certes un beau bastiment, et ne tient rien du Pays, vindrent sous la fenestre cinq ou six cent marauds de la ville, luy donner aubade de meschants violons et petits rebecs, dont il n'y en a faute en ce pays-la; et se mirent à chanter Pseaumes, tant mal chantez et si mal accordez, que rien plus. He! quelle musique! et quel repos pour sa nuit!"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST MESSE.]

[Sidenote: LORD JAMES [HIS] FACT.]

[Sidenote: CONVOYARIS OF THE PREAST.]

With great diligence[634] the Lordis repared unto hir from all quarters. And so was nothing understand[635] but myrth and quyetness till the nixt Sunday, which was the xxiiij of August, when preparatioun began to be maid for that idoll the Messe to be said in the Chapell; which perced the hartis of all. The godlie[636] began to bolden; and men began openlie to speak, "Shall that idoll be suffered agane to tack place within this Realm? It shall not." The Lord Lyndesay, (then but Maister,)[637] with the gentilmen of Fyiff, and otheris, plainlie cryed in the close, "The idolater Preast should dye the death," according to Goddis law. One that caryed in the candell was evill effrayed; but then began flesche and blood to schaw the self. Thair durst no Papist, neathir yitt any that cam out of France whisper. But the Lord James[638] (the man whom all the godlye did most reverence) took upoun him to keap the Chapell door. His best excuse was, that he wald stop all Scotishe men to enter in to the Messe. But it was, and is sufficientlie known, that the door was keapt, that nane should have entress to truble the Preast; who, after the Messe, was committed to the protectioun of Lord Johne of Coldinghame,[639] and Lord Robert of Halyrudehouse,[640] who then war boyth Protestantis, and had communicat at the Table of the Lord. Betwix thame two was the Preast convoyed to his chalmer.

[634] In MS. G, these words are added to the previous sentence. MS. L 4, follows that of 1566.

[635] In MS. G, "understude."

[636] In MS. G, "which perceaved, the hearts of all the godlie." In MS. M, "The hearts of the godly being pierced with that grosse abhomination, began to bowden and swell." In MS. L 4, "pierced all the heartis of the godlie, that they began to bowden and swell."

[637] Patrick, eldest son of Lord Lindesay, was styled Master of Lindesay, during his father's life. As already noticed, he succeeded to the title in 1563.

[638] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews.

[639] Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James the Fifth, had the Priory of Coldingham conferred on him in his youth. He has previously been mentioned (supra, page 88) as having joined the Reformers.

[640] Lord Robert Stewart, also a natural son of King James the Fifth, by Euphemia Elphinstone, daughter of Lord Elphinstone. He had a grant of the Abbacy of Holyrood in 1539, when only seven years of age. See vol. i. p. 458, and a subsequent note in the present volume.

[Sidenote: THE END IS NOTT YITT SEANE.]

And so the godlie departed with great greaf of heart, and at after noon repaired to the Abbay in great companeis, and gave plane significatioun, that thai could not abyd that the land which God by his power had purged from idolatrie, should in thair eyes be polluted agane. Which understand, thair began complaint upoun complaint. The old dounty-bowris, and otheris that long had served in the Court, and hes no remissioun of synnes, but by virtew of the Messe, cryed, "Thai wald to France without delay: thai could not live without the Messe." The same affirmed the Quenis Uncles. And wold to God that that menzie, togitther with the Messe, had tacken good nyght at this Realme for ever; for so had Scotland bene rydd of ane unprofitable burthen of devouring strangearis, and of the maledictioun of God that hes stricken, and yitt will strike for idolatrie.

[Sidenote: THE PERSUASIOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

The Counsall assembled, disputatioun was had of the nixt remeadye. Polytick headis war send unto the Gentilmen, with these and the lyke persuasionis, "Why, allace, will ye chase our Soverane from us? Sche will incontinent return to hir galayes; and what then shall all Realmes say of us? May we nott suffer hir a lytill whill? We doubt not but sche shall leave it. Yf we war not assured that sche myght be wonne, we should be als greate ennemyes to hir Masse, as ye should be. Hir Uncles will depart, and then sall we reull all at our plesour. Wold not we be as sorry to hurt the Religioun as any of you wald be?"

With these and the lyke persuasionis, (we say,) was the fervencie of the Bretheren quenched; and ane Act[641] was framed: the tennour whairof followeth:--

[641] This Act is not contained in the existing volumes of the Privy Council Records.--In MS. M, the Act itself is omitted, but its purport is briefly stated.

APUD EDINBURGH, XXV^{TO} AUGUSTI ANNO &C. LXI^O.

FORSAMEKLE as the Quenis Majestie hes understand the great inconvenientis that may come, through the divisioun presentlie standing in this Realme, for the difference in materis of Religioun, that hir Majestie is most desirous to see [it] pacifeit be ane good ordour, to the honour of God, and tranquillitie of hir Realme, and meanes to tack the same be advyse of hir Estaitis, sa soon as convenientlie may be; and that hir Majesties godlie resolutioun thairin may be greatlie hyndered, in case any tumult or seditioun be raised amanges the lieges, yf any suddane[642] alteratioun or novatioun be preassed [at] or attempted, befoir that the ordour may be establissed: Thairfoir, for eschewing of the saidis inconvenientis, hir Majestie ordanes letteris[643] to be direct to charge all and sindrie hir leiges, be oppin proclamatioun at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, and otheris places neidfull, that thai, and everie ane of thame, conteane thame selffis in quyetnesse, keap peace and civile societie amongis thame selffis: And in the meanetyme, while the Estaittis of this Realme may be assembled, and that hir Majestie have tackin ane finall ordour be thair advyse and publict consent, quhilk hir Majestie hopes shalbe to the contentment of the haill, That nane of thame tack upoun hand, privatlie or openlie, to mack alteratioun or innovatioun of the staite of Religioun, or attempt any thing against the form quhilk hir Majestie fand publictlie and universallie standing at hir Majesties arryvell in this hir Realme, under the pane of death: With certificatioun, that yf any subject of the Realme, shall cum in the contrarie heirof, he shalbe estemed and holden a seditious persone and raiser of tumult, and the said paine salbe execut upoun him with all rigour, to the example of otheris. Attour, hir Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, commandis and charges all hir leiges, that nane of thame tack upoun hand to molest or truble any of hir domesticall servandis, or personis whatsumever, come furth of France, in hir Gracis cumpany at this tyme, in wourd, deed, or countenance, for any caus whatsumever, eather within hir Palace or without, or mack ony derisioun[644] or invasioun upoun any of thame, under whatsumever cullour or pretence, under the said paine of death: Albeit hir Majestie be sufficientlie persuaded, that hir good and loving subjectis wold do the same, for the reverence thai bear to hir persone and authoritie, notwithstanding that na sick commandiment war publisshed.

[642] MS. G, omits "suddane."

[643] It appears that such Letters of Proclamation were accordingly issued on the 29th of August. (Treasurer's Accounts.)

[644] In MS. G, "divisioun."

* * * * *

This Act and Proclamatioun, penned and put in form by such as befoir professed Christ Jesus, (for in the Counsall then had Papistis neathir power nor vote,) it was publictlie proclaimed at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, upoun Mononday foirsaid. No man reclamed, nor maid repugnance to it, except the Erle of Arrane onlie;[645] who, in open audience of the Heraldis and people protested, "That he dissasented that any protectioun or defence should be maid to the Quenis domestickis, or to any that came from France, to offend Goddis Majestie, and to violat the lawis of the Realme, more then to any other subject: for Goddis law had pronunced death against the idolater, and the lawis of the realme had appoynted punishment for sayaris and heararis of Masse; quhilkis, (said he,) I here protest, be universallie observed, and that none be exempted, unto such tyme as a law, als publictlie maid, and als consonant to the law of God, have disannulled the formar." And thairupoun he took documentis, as the tenour of this his Protestatioun doeth witnesse:--

[645] MS. L 4, has this marginal note, "The Erle of Arran's protestation against this proclamation."

* * * * *

IN sa far as be this Proclamatioun it is understand to the Kirk of God, and memberis thairof, that the Quenis Grace is mynded, that the treu religioun and wyrschipping ellis establissed procead fordwart, that it may daly increase, unto the Parliament, that ordour then may be tane for extirpatioun of all idolatrie within this Realme: We rander maist hartlie thankis to the Lord our God for hir Gracis good mynd, earnestlie praying that it may be encreassed in hir Hienes, to the honour and glorie of His name, and weill of his Kirk within this Realme. And as tueching the molestatioun of hir Hienes servandis, we suppose that nane dare be sa bald as anes to move thair fyngar at thame, in doing of thair lefull busines; and as for us, we have learned at oure maister Christis school, "to keap peace with all men;" and thairfoir for our part, we will promeis that obedience unto hir Majestie (as is our dewitie) that nane of hir servandis salbe molested, trubled, or anes tueched, be the Kirk, or any member thairof, in doing thair lefull affairis. But, sen that God hes said, "The idolater shall die the death;" we Protest solempnedlie, in presence of God, and in the earis of the haill people that hearis this Proclamatioun, and specialie in presence of you Lyoun Herald, and of the rest of your collegues, &c., makaris of this Proclamatioun, that yf any of hir servandis shall commit idolatrie, specialie say Messe, participat thairwith, or tack the defence thairof, (quhilkis we war leyth should be in hir Grace cumpany,) in that caise, that this Proclamatioun be nott extended to thame in that behalf, nor be not a salfgard or gyrth to thame in that behalf, na mair nor give thai committ slauchter or murther, seing the ane is mekle mair abhominable and odiouse in the syght of God, then is the other: But that it may be laughtfull to inflict upoun thame the painis conteyned in Goddis word aganis idolateris, whairever thai may be apprehended, but favour. And this oure Protestatioun we desyre you to notifie unto hir, and gif hir the copie heirof, least hir Hienes should suspect ane uproar, gif we should all come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year foirsaid.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ROBERT CAMPBELL TO THE LORD VCHILTRIE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PRACTISES AT THE FIRST.]

This baldnes did somewhat exasperat the Quene, and such as favoured hir in that poynt. As the Lordis, callit[646] of the Congregatioun, repared unto the Town, at the first cuming thai schew thame selves wonderouslie offended, that the Messe was permitted; so that everie man as he cam accused thame that war befoir him: but after that thai had remaned a certane space, thai war as quyet as war the formare. Which thing perceaved, a zealous and godlie man, Robert Campbell of Kingzeancleucht, said unto the Lord Vchiltrie, "My Lord, now ye are come, and almost the last of all the rest; and I perceave, by your anger, that the fyre-edge is nott of you yit; but I fear, that after that the holy watter of the Courte be sprinckled upoun you, that ye sall become als temperat[647] as the rest: For I have bene here now fyve dayis, and at the first I hard everie man say, 'Let us hang the Preast;' but after that thai had bene twyse or thrise in the Abbay, all that fervency was past. I think thair be some inchantment whareby men ar bewitched." And in verray deed so it came to pass: for the Quenis flattering wordis, upoun the ane pairte, ever still crying, "Conscience, conscience: it is a sore thing to constreane the conscience;" and the subtile persuasionis of hir suppostis (we mean evin of such as sometymes war judged most fervent with us) upoun the other parte, blynded all men, and putt thame in this opinioun, sche wilbe content to hear the preaching; and so no doubt but sche may be wone. And thus of all it wes concluded, to suffer hir for a tyme.

[646] In MSS. G, A, and L 4, "then called." The latter has this marginal note, "The fervencie of professors cooled."

[647] In MS. G, "als temperat here."

[Sidenote: THE JUDGMENT OF JOHNE KNOX UPOUN THE SUFFERING OF THE QUENIS MESSE.][648]

[648] MS. L 4, instead of this marginal note, has "Mr. Knox findeth fault with the toleration of the Quenis Messe."

[Sidenote: THE COURTEOURIS.]

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX CONFESSIOUN.]

The nixt Sounday, Johnne Knox, inveighing against idolatrie, schew what terrible plagues God had tacken upoun Realmes and Nationis for the same; and added, "That one Messe (thair war no mo suffered at the first) was more fearful to him then gif ten thousand armed enemyes war landed in any pairte of the Realme, of purpose to suppress the hoill religioun. For (said he) in our God thair is strenth to resist and confound multitudis, yf we unfeanedlie depend upoun him; whairof heirtofoir we haif had experience; but when we joyne handis with idolatrie, it is no doubt but that both Godis amicable presence and confortable defence leaveth us, and what shall then become of us? Allace, I fear that experience shall teach us to the greaf of many." At these wordis, the guydaris of of the Court mocked, and plainlie spak, "That such fear was no poynt of thair fayth: it was besyd his text, and was a verray untymelie admonitioun." But we heard this same Johnne Knox, in the audience of the same men, recyte the same wordis agane in the myddest of trubles; and in the audience of many ask God mercy, that he was nott more vehement and upryght in the suppressing of that idoll in the begynning. "For, (said he,) albeit that I spack that which offended some, (which this day thai see and feall to be treu,) yit did I not [that] which I myght have done; for God had not onlie gevin unto me knowledge, and toung to maik the impietie of that idoll knowin unto this Realme, but he had gevin unto me credyte with many, who wold have put in executioun Goddis judgmentis, yf I wold onlie have consented thairto: But so cairfull was I[649] of that commoun tranquillitie, and so loth was I to have offended those of whom I had conceaved a good opinioun, that in secreat conference with earnest and zealous men, I travaled rather to mitigat, yea, to slokin, that fervencye that God had kyndled in otheris, than to animat or encorage thame to put thair handis to the Lordis work: Whairintill I unfeanedlie acknowledge my selff to have done most wickedlie; and from the bottom of my hart, askis of my God grace and pardon, for that I did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idoll in the begining." These and other wordis did many hear him speak in publict place, in the moneth of December, the year of God J^m V^c and threscoir fyve yearis, when such as at the Quenis arryvell onlie manteyned the Masse, war exyled the Realme, summoned upoun treassone, and decreit of forfaltour intended against thame. But to return from whence we have digressed.

[649] MS. G, adds here, "quoth he."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST REASSONING BETWIX THE QUEYN AND JOHNE KNOX.]

Whetther it was by counsall of otheris, or of the Quenis awin desyre, we knaw not; but the Quene spack with Johne Knox, and had long ressoning with him, none being present except the Lord James: (two gentilwemen stood[650] in the other end of the house.) The summe of thair reassoning was this. The Quene accused him, that he had raysed a part of hir subjectis against hir Mother, and against hir self: That he had writtin a book against hir just authoritie, (sche ment the treatise against the Regiment of Wemen[651]) which sche had, and should caus the most learned in Europe to wryte against it: That he was the caus of great seditioun and great slauchter in England; and that it was said to hir, that all which he did was by necromancye, &c.

[650] In MSS. G, and L4, "two gentilmen."

[651] See this vol. i. page 28.

To the whiche the said Johne answered, "Madam, it may please your Majestie patientlie to hear my sempill ansures. And first, (said he,) yf to teach the treuth of God in synceritie, yf to rebuke idolatrie, and to will a people to wyrschip God according to his word, be to raise subjectis against thair Princes, then can not I be excused; for it hes pleased God of his mercy to mack me ane (amongis many) to disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and the deceat, pryde, and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist. Bot, Madam, yf the treu knowledge of God, and his rycht wirschipping be the cheaf causses, that must move men from thair heart to obey thair just Princes, (as it is most certane that thai ar,) whairin can I be reprehended? I think, and am surelie persuaded, that your Grace have had, and presentlie have, als unfeaned obedience, of such as profess Jesus Christ within this Realme, as ever your Father, or other progenitouris had of those that war called Bischoppis. And tueching that booke, which seameth so highlie to offend your Majestie, it is most certane that I wrait it, and am content that all the learned of the world judge of it. I hear that ane Englishe man hath writtin against it,[652] but I have not redd him. Yf he have sufficientlie improved my ressones, and establissed his contrarie propositioun, with als evident testimonyes as I have done myne, I shall nott be obstinat, but shall confess my errour and ignorance. Bot to this hour I have thocht, and yit thinkis my self allone to be more able to sustene the thingis affirmed in that my wark, than any ten in Europe salbe able to confute it."

[652] John Aylmer: see this vol. page 26, note 3.

"Ye think then, (quod sche,) that I have no just authoritie?"

"Pleise your Majestie, (said he,) that learned men in all aiges have had thair judgmentis free, and most commonlie disagreing frome the commoun judgment of the warld; suche also have thei publisshed, boyth with pen and toung, and yit notwithstanding thei thame selves have lived in the commoun societie with otheris, and have borne patientlie with the errours and imperfectionis whiche thei could not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Bookis of the Commounwealth, in the whiche he dampneth many thingis that then war manteaned in the world, and required many thingis to have bene reformed; and yitt, notwithstanding he lived evin under suche policies, as then war universallie receaved, without farther trubling of any estait. Evin so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with a testimonye of a good conscience. I have communicat my judgment to the world: Yf the Realme fyndis no inconvenience frome the regiment of a woman, that whiche thei approve shall I not farther disallow, then within my awin breast, but salbe alse weall content to lyve under your Grace, as Paull was to lyve under Nero; and my hope is, that so long as that ye defyle not your handis with the blood of the sanctis of God, that neather I nor that Booke shall eather hurt you or your authoritie: for in verray deed, Madame, that Book was written most especialie against that wicked Jesabell of England."[653]

[653] That is, Mary, Queen of England.

"But (said sche) ye speak of women in generall."

"Most treu it is, Madame, (said the other,) and yit it appeareth to me that wisdome should persuade your Grace, never to raise truble for that, whiche to this day hath not trubled your Majestie, neather in persone nor yit in authoritie. For of lait yearis, many thingis, whiche befoir war haldin stable, have bene called in doubt; yea thei have bene plainlie impugned. But yit, Madame, (said he,) I am assured that neather Protestant nor Papist shalbe abill to prove, that any suche questioun was at any time moved in publict or in secreat. Now, Madam, (said he,) yf I had intended to have trubled your estaite, becaus ye ar a woman, I myght have chosen a tyme more convenient for that purpose, then I can do now, when your awin presence is within the Realme.

"But now, Madam, schortlie to ansuer to the other two accusationis. I hartlie praise my God, throwgh Jesus Christ, that Sathan the ennemye of mankynd, and the wicked of the world, have no other crymes to lay to my charge, then suche as the verray world it self knoweth to be most fals and vane. For in England I wes resident onlie the space of fyve yearis.[654] The places war Berwick, whair I abode two yearis; so long in the New Castell; and a year in London. Now, Madam, yf in any of these places, during the tyme that I wes thair, any man salbe able to prove, that thair wes eather battell, seditioun, or mutinie, I shall confesse that I my selff was the malefactour, and the scheddar of the bloode. I eschame not, Madam, farther to affirme, that God so blissed my waik laubouris, that in Berwick (whair commonlie befoir thair used to be slauchter, be ressone of quarrellis that used to aryse amongis soldartis) thair was as great quyetnes, all the tyme that I remaned thair, as thair is this day in Edinburgh.[655] And whare the sclander me of magick, nycromancie, or of any other arte forbidden of God, I have witnesses, (besydis my awin conscience,) all[656] congregationis that ever heard me, what I spake both against suche artis, and against those that use suche impietie. But, seing the wicked of the world said, That my Maister, the Lord Jesus, was possessed with Beelzebub, I man patientlie bear, albeit that I, wretched synnar, be injustlie accused of those, that never delyted in the veritie."

[654] Knox's residence in England extended from the period of his release from the French galleys till the death of Edward the Sixth, (1549-1553:) see vol. i. pp. xv. xvi.

[655] Knox's interview took place on a Tuesday, the 26th of August. Randolph alludes to it in a letter to Cecil, dated 7th September. Mr. Knox spoke upon Tuesday with the Quene. "He knocked so hardelye upon her harte, that he made her weepe, as well you know ther be of that sexe that will do that as well for anger as for greef, &c.... The brute [report] that he hathe tawlked with the Quene maketh the Papistis dowte what wyll become of the worlde." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 72.)

[656] In MS. G, "all the."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS SECOUND OBJECTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche) ye have taught the peeple to receave ane other Religioun, than thair Princes can allow: And how can that doctrin be of God, seing, that God commandis subjectis to obey thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Madam, (said he,) as rycht Religioun tooke nather originall strenth[657] nor authoritie frome worldly Princes, but frome the Eternall God allone, so are not subjectis bound to frame thair Religioun according to the appetites of thair Princes. For oft it is, that Princes ar the most ignorant of all otheris in Goddis treu Religioun, as we may reid in the historyes alse weill befoir the death of Christ Jesus, as efter. Yf all the sead of Abraham should have bene of the Religioun of Pharao, whome to thei war lang subjectis, I pray you, Madam, what Religioun should thair have bene in the world? Or, yf all men in the dayis of the Apostles should have bene of the Religioun of the Romane Emperouris, what Religioun should thair have bene upoun the face of the earth? Daniell and his fellowis war subjectis to Nabuchadonozzar, and unto Darius, and yitt, Madam, thei wold nott be of thair Religioun, neather of the one or of the other: for the thre Children said, "We maik it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worschip thy goddis." And Daniell did pray publictlie unto his God against the expressed commandiment of the King. And so, Madam, ye may perceave, that subjectis ar not bound to the Religioun of thair Princes, albeit thei ar commanded to geve thame obedience."

[657] MS. G, omits this word, "strenth."

[Sidenote: THE THIRD OBJECTIOUN.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but nane of thai men raised the sweard against thair Princes."

[Sidenote: [ANSWER]]

"Yit, Madam, (quod he,) ye cane not deny but that they resisted: for these that obey nott the commandimentis that ar gevin, in some sort resist."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"But yit, (said sche,) thei resisted not by the sweard?"

[Sidenote: [ANSWER.]]

"God, (said he,) Madam, had not gevin unto thame the power and the meanes."

"Think ye, (quod sche,) that subjectis having power may resist thair Princes?"

[Sidenote: QUESTION TO ANSWER THE FORMAR]

[Sidenote: BLYND ZEALL WHAT.]

[Sidenote: WHEN THIS WAS WRITTEN, THAIR WES NO APPEARANCE OF MARIES IMPREASONMENT.][658]

[658] This marginal note in MS. 1566, occurs in one of the re-written sets or quires, and is in the same hand with the text. The reference is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochlevin Castle, in June 1567, from whence she made her escape on the 2d May 1568.

"Yf thair Princes exceed thair boundis, (quod he,) Madam, and do against that whairfoir they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but thei may be resisted, evin by power. For thair is neather greattar honour, nor greattar obedience to be gevin to kings or princes, then God hes commanded to be gevin unto father and mother: But so it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a phrensye, in the which he wold slay his awin childrene. Now, Madame, yf the children aryese, joyne thame selfis togetther, apprehend the father, tack the sweard or other weaponis frome him, and finallie bind his handis, and keape him in preasone, till that his phrenesy be over past; think ye, Madam, that the children do any wrang? Or, think ye, Madam, that God wilbe offended with thame that have stayed thair father to committ wickedness? It is even so, (said he,) Madam, with Princes that wold murther the children of God that are subject unto thame. Thair blynd zeall is no thing but a verray mad phrenesie; and thairfoir, to tack the sweard frome thame, to bynd thair handis, and to cast thame selfis in preasone, till that thei be brought to a more sober mynd, is no disobedience against princes, but just obedience, becaus that it aggreith with the will of God."

At these wordis, the Quene stood as it war amased, more then the quarter of ane hour. Hir countenance altered, so that Lord James begane to entreat her, and to demand, "What hes offended you, Madam?"

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS CONCLUSIOUN.]

At lenth, sche said, "Weall then I perceave that my subjectis shall obey you,[659] and not me; and shall do what thei list, and nott what I command: and so man I be subject to thame, and nott thei to me."

[659] Namely, John Knox.

"God forbid, (answered he,) that ever I tack upoun me to command any to obey me, or yitt to set subjectis at libertie to do what pleaseth thame. Bot my travell is, that boyth princes and subjectis obey God. And think not, (said he,) Madam, that wrong is done unto you, when ye ar willed to be subject unto God: for it is he that subjects people under princes, and causses obedience to be gevin unto thame; yea, God craves of Kingis That thei be as it war foster-fatheris to his Churche, and commands Quenis to be nurisses unto his people. And this subjectioun, Madam, unto God, and unto his trubled Churche, is the greatest dignitie that flesche can get upoun the face of the earth, for it shall cary thame to everlasting glorie."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS KIRK.]

"Yea, (quod sche,) but ye are not the Kirk that I will nureiss. I will defend the Kirk of Rome, for, I think, it is the treu Kirk of God."

"Your will, (quod he,) Madam, is no reassone; neather doeth your thoght maik that Romane harlot to be the treu and immaculat spous of Jesus Christ. And wonder nott, Madam, that I call Rome a harlott; for that Churche is altogidder polluted with all kynd of spirituall fornicatioun, alsweall in doctrine as in maneris. Yea, Madam, I offer myselff farther to prove, that the Churche of the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, was not so far degenerated frome the ordinances and statutis which God gave be Moses and Aharon unto his people, when that thei manifestlie denyed the Sone of God,[660] as that the Churche of Rome is declyned, and more than five hundreth year hath declyned frome the puritie of that Religioun, whiche the Apostles taught and planted."

[660] In MS. G, these words are transposed.

"My conscience, (said sche,) is nott so."

"Conscience, Madam, (said he,) requyres knowlege; and I fear that rycht knowlege ye have none."

"But, (said sche,) I have bayth heard and red."

[Sidenote: QUESTIOUN.]

"So, (said he,) Madam, did the Jewes that crucifyed Christ Jesus, read both the Law and the Prophetis, and heard the same interprete after thair maner. Have ye heard, (said he,) any teache, but such as the Pope and his Cardinalles have allowed? And ye may be assured, that suche will speak nothing to offend thair awin estaite."

[Sidenote: ANSWRE.]

"Ye interprete the Scripturis (said she,) in one maner, and thei interprete in ane other; Whome shall I beleve? And who shalbe judge?"

[Sidenote: MESSE.]

"Ye shall beleve (said he,) God, that planelie speaketh in his word: and farther then the word teaches you, ye neather shall beleve the ane or the other. The word of God is plane in the self; and yf thair appear any obscuritie in one place, the Holy Ghost, whiche is never contrariouse to him self, explanes the same more clearlie in other places: so that thair can remane no doubt, but unto suche as obstinatlie remane ignorant. And now, (said he,) Madam, to tack ane of the cheaf pointis, whiche this day is in contraversie betwix the Papistis and us: for example, the Papistis allege, and boldly have affirmed, That the Messe is the ordinance of God, and the institutioun of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the synnes of the quyck and the dead. We deny bothe the one and the other, and affirme, that the Messe, as it is now used, is nothing but the inventioun of man; and, thairfoir, is an abominatioun befoir God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus contending? It is no reassone that eather of the parteis be farther beleved, then thei are able to prove by insuspect witnessing: Let thame lay down the book of God, and by the plane wordis thairof prove their affirmatives, and we shall geve unto thame the pley granted. But so long as thei ar bold to affirme, and yit do prove nothing, we man say, that albeit all the warld beleved thame, yit beleve thei not God, but receaves the lyes of men for the treuth of God. What oure maister Jesus Christ did, we know by his Evangelistis: what the preast doeth at his Messe, the warld seeth. Now, doeth nott the word of God planelie assure us, that Christ Jesus neather said, nor yit commanded Messe to be said at his Last Suppar, seing that no suche thing as thair Messe is maid mentioun of within the whole Scripturis?"

"Ye ar oure sair for me, (said the Quene,) but and yf thai war here that I have heard, thai wold ansuer you."

"Madam, (quod the other,) wold to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe, and he that ye wold best beleve, war present with your Grace to sustene the argument; and that ye wald patientlie abyd to hear the mater reassoned to the end; for then I doubt not, Madam, but that ye should hear the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun, and how small[661] ground it hath within the wourd of God."

[661] In MS. G, "how little."

"Weall (said sche) ye may perchance gett that sonner than ye beleve."

"Assuredlie, (said the other) yf ever I gett that in my lyeff, I gett it sonnar than I beleif; for the ignorant Papistis can not patientlie reassoun, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your audience, Madam, to have the ground of thair religioun searched out; for thai know that thai ar never able to sustene ane argument, except fyre and sweard, and thair awin lawis be judges."

"So say ye, (quod the Quene,) but I cane beleve that."

"It hes bene so to this day,[662] (quod he,) for how oft have the Papistis in this and other realmes bein required to come to conference, and yitt could it never be obteaned, unless that thame selfis war admitted for judges. And thairfoir, Madam, I must yitt say agane, that thai dar never dispute, but whare thame selfis are both judge and partye. And whensoever that ye shall let me see the contrarye, I shall grant my selff to have bene deceaved in that poynt."

[662] In MS. G, these words are added to the preceding sentence. In MS. L 4, the words are arranged, and perhaps more correctly thus:--"So say ye," said the Quene, "Bot (said he) I can believe that it has not been this day," &c.

And with this the Quene was called upon to dennar, for it was after-noon. At departing, Johnne Knox said unto hir, "I pray God, Madam, that ye may be als blessed within the Commoun-wealth of Scotland, yf it be the pleasur of God, as ever Debora was in the Commoun-wealth of Israell."

* * * * *

Of this long Conference, whairof we onlie tueich a part, war diverse opinionis. The Papistis grudged, and feared that which thai neided not. The godlye, thinking at least that sche wold have heard the preaching, rejoised; but thai war alluterly deceaved, for sche continewed in her Messing; and dispised and quyetlie mocked all exhortationis.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGMENT OF THE QUENE AT THE FIRST, AND EVER SINCE.]

Johne Knox his awin judgement, being be some of his[663] familiaris demanded, What he thought of the Quene? "Yf thair be not in hir (said he) a proud mynd, a crafty witt, and ane indurat hearte against God and his treuth, my judgment faileth me."

[663] In MS. G, "his awn."

* * * * *

When the hoill Nobilitie war convened, the Lordis of Privey Counsall war chosen,[664] who war appointed,[665] the Duke his Grace, the Erles of Huntley, Ergyle, Atholl, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merschell, Bothwell: Lordis Erskin, &c., Lord James, &c. Of these war a certane appointed to wait upoun [the] Court by course; but that ordour continewed not lang.

[664] In MS. L 4, "those that war appointed, war."

[665] The meeting of the Privy Council, referred to, was held in the Palace of Holyrood, on the 6th of September 1561. See an extract from the Register, in Keith's History, (new edit. vol. ii. p. 78.)

Duck D'Omell[666] returned with the galayes to France. The Quene entered in hir progresses, and in the moneth of September traveled from Edinburgh to Lynlythqu, Striveling, Sanct Johnestoun, Dondie, Sanctandrois;[667] which all partis sche polluted with hir idolatrie. Fyre followed hir verray commounlie in that jorney. The townis propyned hir liberallie, and thairof war the Frenche enriched.

[666] Claude, Duke d'Aumale, (see note 6, page 268.) On Sunday, the last of August, he was present at the banquet given by the Town of Edinburgh to the Queen and the French princes; and on the following day, "the said Monssieur Domell [d'Aumale] depairtit with the twa gallionis, quhilk brocht the Quenis Grace hame, to France." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67.) The Queen, on the 24th of August, had granted precepts for the following sums, £37, 10s. to be paid "to John Terrie, maister of ane schip;" 100 crounis of the sun "to six pilots, of the twa galeris;" £66, 13s. 4d. to "Monsieur Tynnance, to be distributit amangis the officiaris of the twa galeris;" and 200 crounis of the sun, or £266, 13s. 4d. to Monsieur Tynnance, for his own use. (Treasurer's Accounts.)

It may be added, that the Grand Prior, the Sieur Damville, and most of their attendants, returned by land, intending to visit the English Court. They were accompanied to Berwick by several of the Scottish Nobility; the Queen having addressed letters "to some Lords and others to convoy the Grande Priour and Mons^r. Damweile of Edinburgh to Berwick," on the 8th and 9th of October. About the same time, the Treasurer "deliverit to the Quenis Grace ane chene of gold contenand J^o 1. (150) crounis of the sone, and twa chenis of gold, ilk ane of tham contenand 1. (50) crounis of the sone, quhilk hir Grace deliverit to Mons^r. Marquess, to gif three Frenche men that passit with the Grande Priour and Mons^r. Danweill--Summa, £333, 6s. 8d." There was also paid to James Mosman, goldsmith, for making these chains, £29, 10s., and 20s. in drink-silver to his servants.

[667] Preparatory to the Queen's progress, her Master Stabler, on the 6th September, purchased 10 horses or haikneys. She was accompanied by two of her Uncles, Monsieur Damville, and a number of ladies. She set out from Holyrood Palace on horseback, after dinner, on the 11th of that month, and remained at Linlithgow Palace that night, and the following day; on the 13th she rode to Stirling Castle, and was there on Sunday the 14th; on the 15th she passed through Alloa to Kincardine, or, as some authorities state, to Leslie Castle in Fife; on the 17th she came to Perth; on the 19th to Dundee; crossed the Tay to St. Andrews, on the 20th; a few days afterwards she proceeded to Falkland Palace; and returned to Holyrood on Monday the 29th of September 1561. (Chalmers's Queen Mary, 2d edit. vol. i. pp. 82-86; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69.)

[Sidenote: BALFOUR, HIS DOCTRINE.]

In the begyning of October,[668] sche returned to Edinburgh, and at the day appointed sche was receaved in the Castell. Great preparationis war maid for hir enteress in the town. In ferses, in masking, and in other prodigalities, faine wold fooles have counterfooted France. Whatsoever myght sett furth hir glory, that sche heard, and glaidlye beheld. The keyes war delivered unto hir by a pretty boy, descending as it war from a cloud. The verses of hir awin praise sche heard, and smyled. But when the Bible was presented, and the praise thairof declared, sche began to frown: for schame sche could not refuise it.[669] But she did no better, for immediatelie sche gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the Realme, to wit, to Arthoure Erskyn.[670] Edinburgh since that day had reaped as thai sew. Thai gave hir some taist of thair prodigalitie; and becaus the liquor was sweet, sche hes licked of that buist oftar than twyse since.[671] All men know what we mean: the Quene can not lack, and the subjectis have.

[668] See next page, note 1.

[669] From the preceding note it will be seen that Queen Mary returned from her progress on the 29th of September; and that Knox has mistaken the date of her first entry into Edinburgh. It was on Tuesday the 2d September. A minute and interesting notice of it occurs in the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67, but the passage is too long for quotation. She rode through the town to the Castle, where she dined at 12 o'clock; and then returning, various pageants were represented in different parts of the town, as she proceeded, convoyed by the nobility and chief inhabitants, dressed in velvet gowns and bonnets, carrying a pall of fine purple velvet, with fringes of gold and silk. Upon reaching the Palace of Holyrood, she received a propyne, or gift of a cupboard, "quhilk was double our-gilt; the price thairof was 2000 merks." Randolph, in his letter to Cecil, on the 7th September, also mentions that part of the pageant to which Knox alludes. He says, "Upon Tuesday last the Queen made her entry. She dyned in the Castle. The fyrst syghte she sawe after she cam oute of the Castle, was a boye of six yeres of age, that cam, as it were, from heaven oute of a rounde globe, that presented unto hir a Bible and Psalter, and the keys of the gates, and spake unto her the verses which I send you. There, for the terrible sygnifications of the vengeance of God upon idolatrie, ther war burnt Coron, Dathan, and Abiram, in the tyme of thair sacrifice. Thei war mynded to have had a priest (that is, the representation of a priest) burned at the altar, at the elevation. The Erle of Huntlye stayed that pagent, but hath playde manye as wicked as that since he came hyther." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 73.) The expenses attending the "Banquet" on the 31st August, and the "Triumph," on the 2d September, cost the inhabitants of Edinburgh the sum of 4000 merks, which it was resolved should be levied by a general stent or assessment.

[670] Arthur Erskine was Captain of the Queen's guard. He was present at supper in Queen Mary's apartment the night of Riccio's murder. And having escaped from her temporary confinement in Holyrood, on the night of the 11th of March 1566, she "came to the place where Arthur Ersken, the captayn of her garde kept the horses, and so rode her waye behinde Arthur Erskin untill she cam to Seton. There she took a horse to herself, and rode to Dunbarre," &c. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 231.) In April 1562, the Treasurer paid "be the Quenis Grace speciall command, to Arthur Erskin to by him ane hors, £40:" and on the 2d of June 1565, in like manner there was paid "to Arthur Erskin ane of the maisteris of hir Graces Curie to by him ane horse, xx crownis." In December 1564, he is styled "Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, brother-german to John Lord Erskine." (Register of Signatures.) He was probably the ancestor of the Erskines of Scotscraig in Fife, who flourished in the following century.

[671] In MS. A, the marginal note is thus inserted in the text, "ance or twice since this was Balfoures rule."

In Edinburgh it hath bene ane auncient and laudable custom, that the Provest, Baillies, and Counsall, after thair electioun, which useth to be at Michaelmess, caused publictlie proclame[672] the Statutes and Ordinances of the town. And thairfoir Archibald Dowglas, Provest; Edwarde Hope, Adame Fowllartoun, [Mr. James Watsone, and David Somer,][673] Baillies, caused proclame, according to the formar Statutes of the town, that no adulterar, [no fornicatour,] no noted drunkard, no mess-mongare, no obstinate Papistis that corrupted the people, such as preastis, freiris, and otheris of that sorte, should be found within the toun within fourty-aught houris thairafter, under the paines conteaned in the statutes. Which blawin in the Quenis earis, thair began pryde and maliciousnes to schaw the self; for without farther cognitioun of the caus, was the Provest and Baillies charged to ward in the Castell; and immediatlie was commandiment gevin, that other Provest and Baillies should be elected.[674]

[672] Keith has accused Knox of misstating this fact. Had he examined the Council Records more carefully, he would have found direct evidence of the practice of proclaiming the Statutes enacted by the Council, to which Knox alludes, on the 8th November 1555. Knox's account of the change of the Magistracy of Edinburgh is quite correct, although it has also been called in question. Upon examining the Council Records, it appears that Archibald Douglas was Provost; and Mr. James Watson, David Somer, Edward Hope, and Adam Foullarton, Baillies, in 1560-1561; and that on the 24th March 1560-1, proclamation was made of the Act 1560, against Priests, Adulterars, &c. At the next election in September 1561, Douglas was re-elected Provost, with David Forster, Robert Kar, Alexander Home, and Allan Dikesoun, as Baillies. On the 2d October, the above proclamation was ordered to be made on the following day; and on the 5th, the Queen sent a macer enjoining the Town Council to deprive their new Magistrates, and to appoint others in their room. A new election accordingly took place on the 8th of October, as detailed at considerable length by Maitland, (Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 21.)

[673] In MS. 1566, and also in MSS. G and A, a blank space is left for these names; in MS. L 4, "&c." is supplied; and this marginal note added, "The Provost, Baillies, of Edinburgh changed at the Quenes command."

[674] See note 2, p. 289, respecting the election. In a letter to Cecill, Knox, on the 7th October 1561, writes:--"At this verry instant ar the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies thairof, command to ward in thare Tolboght, be reason of thair proclamatioun against Papists and hoormongeris. The whole blame lyeth upon the necke of the two fornamed," viz. Lord James Stewart and Lethington.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST PRYDE AFTER HIR ARRYVALL.]

Some ganestood for a while the new electioun, alledgeing, that the Provest and Baillies whom thai had chosen, and to whom thai had gevin thair oath, had committed no offence whairfoir that justlie thai aught to be depryved. But whill charge was doubled upoun charge, and no man was found to oppone thame selffis to iniquitie,[675] Jesabellis letter and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And so was Mr. Thomas Mackalzeane chosen[675] for the other. The man, no doubt, was boyth discreat and sufficient for that charge;[676] but the depositioun of the other was against all law. God be mercyfull to some of our owen; for thai war not all blameless that hir wicked will was so far obeyed.

[675] In MS. G, "to oppone himself to impietie."

[676] In MS. G, "Mr. Thomas M'Cally chosen Provost."--Mr. Thomas M'Calzean of Cliftonhall, was educated at St. Andrews, being a fellow-student with George Buchanan, in St. Salvator's College in 1525. He was admitted Advocate in 1549, and became Assessour of the Town of Edinburgh; and was chosen Provost in 1558, as well as on the above occasion. He was appointed a Lord of Session, 20th October 1570; and died 5th June 1581.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS TREW LIEGES, WHA?]

A contrair proclamatioun was publictlie maid, that the toun should be patent unto all the Quenis lieges; and so murtheraris, adulteraris, theavis, hooris, drunkardis, idolateris, and all malefactouris, gatt protectioun under the Quenis wyngis, under that cullour, becaus thai war of hir religioun. And so gatt the Devill fredome agane, whair that befoir he durst nott have bene sene in the day lyght upoun the commoun streatis. "Lord deliver us from that bondage."

[Sidenote: THE DEVILL GETTING ENTRESS WITH HIS FYNGAR, WILL SCHOOT FURTH[677] HIS HOLL ARME.]

[677] In MS. G, "will schut in."

The Devill finding his rainzeis lowse, ran fordwarte in his course; and the Quene took upoun hir grettar boldness than sche and Baalles bleatting preastis[678] durst have attempted befoir. For upoun Allhallow day[679] thai blended up thair Messe with all myscheivous solempnitie. The ministeris thairat offended, in plane and publict place, declared the inconvenientis that thairupoun should ensew. The Nobilitie war sufficientlie admonished of thair dewiteis. But affectioun caused men to call that in doubt, whairin schort befoir thai seamed to be most resolute, to wit, "Whitther that subjectis mycht put to thair hand to suppresse the idolatrie of thair Prince?" And upoun this questioun conveined in the house of Mr. James[680] Mackgill, the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun, the Erle Merschell, Secretarie Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark,[681] and Cleark of Registre;[682] who all reassoned for the parte of the Quene, affirmyng, "That the subjectis mycht not lauchfullie tack hir Messe frome hir." In the contrair judgement war the principall Ministeris, Mr. Johne Row,[683] Maister George Hay,[684] Maister Robert Hammyltoun,[685] and Johne Knox. The reassonis of boyth partyes we will omitt, becaus thai wilbe explaned after, whair the same questioun, and otheris concernyng the Obedience dew unto Princes, war long reassoned in open assemblie. The conclusioun of that first reassonyng was, "That the questioun should be formed, and letteris direct to Geneva for the resolutioun of that Churche," whairin Johne Knox offered his laubouris. But Secretarie Lethingtoun, (alledging that thair stood mekle in the informatioun,) said, that he should wryte. But that was onlie to dryve tyme, as the treuth declaired the self. The Quenis partye urged, "That the Quene should have hir religioun free in hir awin chapell, to do, sche and hir houshold, what thei list." The Ministeris boyth affirmed and voted the contrair, adding, "That hir libertie should be[686] thair thraldome or it was long." But neathir could reassone nor threatnyng move the affectionis[687] of such as war creipping in credite. And so did the vottis of the Lordis prevail against the Ministeris.

[678] In MS. G, "Baalim's bleating preests."

[679] Hallowmass, or All Saints, the 1st of November.

[680] In MS. 1566, one of the transcribed quires ends here with the catch-word, "of Mr. James," the last page being blank.

[681] Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoule, held the office of Justice Clerk for nearly thirty years. He was appointed successor to his father, 25th June 1547, and the office was again filled in November 1578, by Sir Lewis Bellenden, although then in "his less age," which Lord Hailes conceives to mean that he was not then twenty-five. Sir John died 6th October 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[682] Mr. James Makgill of Nether Rankeillor, was Clerk Register from 1554 to 1566, when he was deprived for his being concerned in Riccio's murder. He was restored in December 1567, and continued till 1577. He died in 1579.

[683] At the first nomination of ministers in July 1560, Row was appointed to Perth. He died 16th October 1580.

[684] Mr. George Hay, Commissioner of the diocese of Aberdeen and Banff.

[685] Mr. Robert Hamilton, minister of St. Andrews, and formerly one of the Masters or Regents, was advanced in 1574 to be Provost of St. Mary's College. When the new erection of the College was agreed upon, Hamilton was superseded; and in May 1580 he was ordered to account for his intromissions. In October following, he was denounced as rebel. (Treasurer's Accounts.) He died 16th April 1581. (Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 283.)

[686] In MS. G, "should be to."

[687] In MS. G, "move the hearts."

For the punishement of thift and of reaf, which had encreassed upoun the Borders, and in the Sowth, from the Quenis arryvall, was the Lord James maid Lievtenent.[688] Some suspected that suche honour and charge proceaded frome the same heart and counsall that Saull maid David capitane against the Philisteanis. But God assisted him, and bowed the heartis of men boyth to fear and obey him. Yea, the Lord Bothwell him self at that tyme assisted him (but he had remissioun for Lyddisdaill.) Scharpe executioun was maid in Jedburgh,[689] for twenty-aught of ane clan, and others war hanged at that Justice Courte. Brybes, buddis, nor solisitatioun saved not the gilty, yf he myght be apprehended; and thairfoir God prospered him in that his integritie.

[688] In MS. G, "appointed Lieutenant." In MS. L 4, the whole structure of this sentence is thus changed: "Whill the Court wes myndefull of nothing bot pleasures and prodigallitie, the Border[er]s brack lowse, and vexed the countrie adjacent with rapine, thift, and murther; Lord James, Lievtennant since the Quenis arryvall, was sent hither to repress them. Some suspected," &c.

[689] On the 13th October 1561, the Privy Council resolved that a Justice Court should be held at Jedburgh, by Lord James Stewart on the 15th of November; and in the Register, on the 12th of that month, is preserved a copy of Instructions to be used by him. See Keith's History, vol. ii. pp. 104-107.

That same tyme the said Lord James spack the Lord Gray of England at Kelso, for good reull to be keapt upoun boyth the Bordouris, and agreed in all thingis.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FIRST FRAY IN HALYRUDHOUSE]

Befoir his returnyng,[690] the Queyn upoun a nycht took a fray in hir bedd, as yf horse men had bein in the close, and the Palace had bene enclosed about. Whitther it proceaded of hir awin womanlie fantasye, or, yf men pat hir in fear,[691] for displeasur of the Erle of Arrane, and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the garde, we know not. But the fear was so great, that the toun was called to the watch. Lordis Robert of Halyrudhous,[692] and Johne of Coldinghame[692] keapt the watche by course. Scouttis war send furth, and centenallis war commanded under the pane of death to keap thair stationis. And yitt thai feared whair thair was no fear: neathir yit could ever any appeirance or suspitioun of suche thingis be tryed.

[690] This paragraph is very different in MSS. M and L 4, being thus amplified, in the style of David Buchanan's interpolations:--"When Lord James was absent, the Quene tooke greater libertie, for shee wes not content with the severitie of the present Government, nor the floorishing of Religion, so that sometymes speiches would eschape her which bewrayed her disposition and inclination to tyrannie. Wheras Kings wont before to commit thamselfs to the trust of the Nobilitie, shee purposed to have a guard of hyred souldiours, bot could find no pretext, saving onlie the custome of forraigne Kings, and the shaw of magnificence. Shee consulted with hir bastard brother John, an ambitious man, bot not so grave and austere as Lord James. He resolved to obey hir in all things, and therfor wes the more deare to hir, being desirous to confound all things. She consulteth with him how to get a companie of hyred souldiers about her. Ther was a tumult or sturr famed as though the Erle of Arrane had enclosed the Palace of Halyrudehous round about, and by force wold cary the Quene to his Castell fourtene myles from thence. This invention had some likliehood becaus of the immoderate love he bare unto hir, and of her affection estranged from him; both which war not unknowin to the people. The fray was so great that the Toune of Edinburgh wes called to watch. Robert Lord Halyrudhous, and John Lord Coldingham keeped watch by course; skouts wer sent furth, and sentrinells, and wer commanded under the pane of death to keep their stations. They feared wher ther was no feare. After the souldiers had skoured the fields all night, they shew themselfs before the Palace gates, some offendit at them, and others jesting at the sport. Bot the authors of this invention, howbeit they knew the vulgar people did not beleve them, yit being secure that no man wold controle them regarded not man's secreit judgement."--Calderwood has copied this passage very closely. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 158.)

[691] In MS. G, "in fear of it."

[692] Two natural brothers of the Queen: see page 271, notes 2 and 3.

Schort after the returnying of the Lord James, thair cam from the Quene of England, Sir Petir Mewtess,[693] with commissioun to requyre the ratificatioun of the Peace made at Leyth. His ansuer was[694] evin such as we have heard befoir, that sche behoved to advise, and then sche should send ansuer.

[693] Sir Peter Mewtas was sent by Queen Elizabeth to Scotland, chiefly to evade discussion respecting the Succession to the throne, although ostensibly to request that the Treaty of Edinburgh, in July 1560, should be ratified. See in Keith's History, vol. ii. pp. 132-136, the letters that passed between Queen Mary and Elizabeth, after Mewtas's return in October 1561. On the 19th of that month, is this entry in the Treasurer's Accounts: "Item, be the Quenis Grace speciale command to Sir Peter Mutus, Inglis Ambassadour, ane chene of gold of iij^o crownis of the sone, iiij^o lib." (£400.)

[694] In MS. G, "Her answer was."

In presence of hir Counsall, sche keapt hir self [very] grave, (for under the dule wead, sche could play the hypocryte in full perfectioun;) but how soon that ever hir Frenche fillockis, fydlaris, and otheris of that band, gatt the howse allone, thair mycht be sean skipping not verry cumlie for honest wemen. Hir commoun talk was in secreat, sche saw nothing in Scotland but gravitie, which repugned alltogetther to hir nature, for sche was brocht up in joyusitie; so termed sche hir dansing, and other thingis thairto belonging.

[Sidenote: DIVISIOUN BETWIX THE LORDIS AND THE MINISTERIS.]

The Generall Assemblie of the Churche[695] approched, holdin in December[696] after the Quenis arryvall; in the which began the reullaris of the Courte to draw tham selfis apart from the societie of thair brethren, and began to sturr and grudge that any thing should be consulted upoun, without thair advises. Maister Johne Wode,[697] who befoir had schawin him self verray fervent in the caus of God, and fordward in giveing of his counsall in all doubtfull materis, planelie refused ever to assist the Assemblie agane, whairof many did wonder. The Courteouris drew unto thame some of the Lordis, and wold nott convene with thair brethren, as befoir thai war accustomed, but keapt thame in the Abbay. The principall Commissionaris of the Churches,[698] the Superintendentis, and some Ministeris, past unto thame, whair thai war convened in the Abbottis ludging within Halyrudhouse. Boyth the partyis began to oppin thair greaf. The Lordis complayned that the Ministeris drew the gentilmen into secreat, and held counsallis without thair knowledge. The Ministeris denyed that thai had done any thing in secreat, or otherwyse than the Commoun Ordour commanded thame; and accused the Lordis (the flatteraris of the Quene we mean) that thai keapt not the Conventioun with thair brethren, considdering that thai know the Ordour, and that the same was appointed by thair awin advises, as the Buke of Discipline, subscrivit with the most part of thair awin handis, wold witness. Some began to deny that ever thai knew such a thing as the Buke of Discipline; and called also in doubt, whitther it was expedient that such Conventionis should be or not; for glaidlye wold the Quene and hir Secreat Counsall have had all assemblies of the godly discharged.

[695] In MS. G, here and elsewhere, "Kirk;" in the MS. 1566, except in the later portions, it is usually "Church."

[696] The Third meeting of the General Assembly was held in December 1561; but no notice of the proceedings is recorded in the Book of the Kirk, except the Supplication to the Queen, which will be found at page 316.

[697] Mr John Wood, son of Andrew Wood of Largo, was educated for the church, and took his degree of Master of Arts in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1536. He has been styled Vicar of Largo; and is said to have accompanied the Prior of St. Andrews to France in 1548. He joined the Reformers, and at the first General Assembly in December 1560, his name occurs among those at St. Andrews who were considered qualified for "ministring and teaching." He was nominated an Extraordinary Lord of Session, by the title of Tullidavie, 9th December 1562, but was deprived in 1565; and although restored he retained only a temporary possession of his seat on the Bench. When his patron the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent, Wood became his Secretary, and was employed in the proceedings against Queen Mary, at York, in 1568, as related by Sir James Melville, who styles him "a great ringleader." In September 1568, the Treasurer furnished Mr. John Wood fyne black velvet, and black satin, for a dress. The Regent, it is well known, was assassinated in January 1570, and Bishop Lesley in his Negotiations says, "That within a few days after his man Mr. John Wood, was killed in Fife, by the Laird of Rires." The cause of this murder is nowhere stated, but it took place on the 15th of April, by Arthur Forbes of Reres, (in the parish of Kilconquhar,) assisted by his son Arthur, and Henry Forrest; for which the latter were denounced rebels, 6th February 1572-3. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 40.) From the Treasurer's Accounts we learn that on the 23d September 1570, "the Laird of Reres was at the horne, (that is, denounced as rebel,) for the slauchter of umquhile Maister Johne Wood."

[698] In MS. G, "of the Kirk,"

The reassonyng was scharp and quick on eather part.[699] The Quenis factioun alledged, that it was suspitious to Princes that subjectis should assemble thame selffis and keape conventionis without thair knowledge. It was ansuered, That without knowledge of the Prince, the Churche did nothing. For the Prince perfytlie understood, that within this Realme thair was a Reformed Churche, and that thai had thair ordouris and appointed tymes of conventioun; and so without knowledge of the Prince thai did nothing. "Yea," said Lethingtoun, "the Quene knew and knowest it weill yneuch; but the questioun is, Whetther that the Quene allowis such Conventionis?" It was ansuered, "Yf the libertie of the Churche should stand[700] upoun the Quenis allowance or dyssallowance, we are assured not onlie to lack assemblies, but also to lack the publict preaching of the Evangell." That affirmative was mocked, and the contrarie affirmed. "Weill, (said the other,) tyme will try the treuth; but to my formar wordis, this will I add, tack from us the fredome of Assemblies, and tack from us the Evangell; for without Assemblies, how shall good ordour and unitie in doctrine be keapt? It is not to be supposed, that all Ministeris shalbe so perfyte, but that thai shall nead admonitioun, alsweill concernyng maneris as doctrin, as it may be that some be so styff necked that thai will not admitt the admonitioun of the simple; as also it may be that falt may be found with Ministeris without just offence committed: and yit yf ordour be not tacken boyth with the compleaner and the personis compleaned upoun, it can not be avoided, but that many grevouse offenses shall aryse. For remeady whairof, of necessitie it is, that Generall Assemblies maun be, in the which the judgement and the gravitie of many may concur, to correct or to represse the folyes or errouris of a few." Heirunto consented the most parte, alsweill of the Nobilitie as of the Baronis, and willed the reassonaris for the parte of the Quene to will hir Grace, yf that sche stood in any suspitioun of any thing that was to be entreated in thair Assemblies, that it wold please hir Grace to send such as sche wold appoint to hear whatsoever was proponed or reassoned.

[699] In MS. G, "on eyther syde."

[700] In MS. G, "stude or sould stand."

[Sidenote: LEDINGTON APPONED HYM TO THE BOOK OF DISCIPLENE]

Heirafter was the Buke of Discipline proponed, and desyred to have been ratified by the Quenys Majestie. That was scripped at, and the questioun was demanded, "How many of those that had subscrived that Buke wald be subject unto it?" It was answered, "All the godly." "Will the Duck?" said Lethingtoun. "Yf he will nott," answered the Lord Ochiltrie,[701] "I wold that he war scrapped out, not only of that book, but also out of our nomber and cumpany: For to what purpoise shall laubouris be tane to putt the Kirk in ordour, and to what end shall men subscrive, and then never mean to keap wourd of that quhilk thei promeisse?" Lethingtoun answered, "Many subscrived thair in fide parentum, as the barnes ar baptized." One, to wit Johne Knox,[702] answered, "Albeit ye think that scoiif propir, yit as it is most untreu, so is it most improper. That Buke was red in publict audience, and by the space of diverse dayis the headis thairof war reasoned, as all that hear sit know weill yneuche, and ye your self can nott deny; so that no man was required to subscrive that whiche he understood not." "Stand content, (said one,) that Buke will nott be obteaned." "Let God (said the other) requyre the lack which this poore Commoun-wealth shall have of the thingis thairin conteaned, from the handis of such as stope the same."

[701] See page 260, note 19.

[702] The words, "to wit, Johne Knox," interlined in the MS. 1566, are likewise added in the margin, apparently in Knox's own hand. In MS. L 4, it is "Maister Knox answered."

The Baronis perceaving that the Buke of Discipline was refused, presented unto the Counsall certane articles, requiring Idolatrie to be suppressed, thair Churches to be planted with treu Ministeris, and some certane Provisioun to be maid for thame, according to equitie and conscience; for unto that tyme, the most parte of the Ministeris had lyved upoun the benevolence of men. For many held into thair awin handis[703] the fructis that the Bischoppis and otheris of that sect had befoir abused; and so some parte was bestowed upoun the Ministeris. But then the Bischoppis began to grypp agane to that which most injustlie thei called thair awin; for the Erle of Arrane was discharged of Sanctandrois and Dunfermeling, whairwith befoir, be verteu of a factorie, he had intromitted: and so war many otheris. And thairfoir the Barones requyred, that ordour mycht be tacken for thair Ministeris, or ellis thei wold no moir obey the Bischoppis, neather yitt suffer any thing to be lifted up to thair use after the Quenis arryvall, then that thei did befoir; for thei verrelie supposed that the Quenys Majestie wold keapt promeisse maid unto thame; whiche was, nott to alter thair religioun, whiche could nott remane without Ministeris, and Ministeris could nott lyve without provisioun: and thairfoir thei heartlie[704] desyred the Counsall to provid some convenient ordour in that head.

[703] So in MS. L 4. MS. G, has "For many had into thair hands."

[704] In MS. G, "most hartely."

That somewhat moved the Quenys flatteraris; for the rode of impietie was not then strenthened in hyr and thair handis. And so began thei to practise how thei should pleise the Queyn, and yit seam somewhat to satisfie the faythfull; and so devised thei, that the Church men should have intromissioun with the Two parte of thair benefices, and that the Third parte[705] should be lifted up by suche men as thairto should be appointed, for suche uses, as in these subsequent Actis[706] ar more fullie expressed.

[705] In MS. L 4, "that the Third parte sould be lifted up for the sustentatioun of Ministry and the Quenis use, as is expressed in the Acts which we will set down in their owne place."

[706] The following Acts relating to the proposed arrangements for supporting the Ministry, by appropriating the Thirds of Benefices, have been collated with the Register of Privy Council, which has furnished the Sederunts of the meetings, and some slight corrections. In Knox, the first Act is dated the 20th instead of the 22d December 1561.

APUD EDINBURGH, XXIJ DECEMBRIS, ANNO LXJ^O. [SEDERUNT.

Jacobus Dux de Chattellarault, Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Archibaldus Ergadie Comes, Willelmus Marescalle Comes, Joannes Atholie Comes, Willelmus Comes de Montross, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Alexander Comes de Glencarne, Jacobus Commendatarius St. Andree et Pittenweme, Joannes Dns. Erskin, Mag^r. Robertus Richardsoun Thesaurarius, Mag^r. Ja^{bus} Makgill de Nether Rankelour Clericus Registri, Joannes Ballenden de Auchnoule miles Clericus Justiciarie, Willelmus Maitland de Lethingtoun junior Secretarius.

Presentibus etiam Dominis subscriptis ratione Conventionis, viz. Joanne Comite de Sutherland, Georgio Comite de Cathenes, Andrea Comite de Rothes, Joanne Domino de Menteith, Joanne Domino Glammis, Hugone Domino Somervell, Roberto Domino Boyd, Joanne Domino Flemyng, Georgio Domino Seytoun, Joanne Domino Innermeth, Alexandro Domino Hume, Davide Domino Drummond, Andrea Domino Stewart de Vchiltre, Jacobo Domino Sancti Joannis, Joanne Magistro de Maxwell, et Jacobo Dowglass de Drumlanrig, milites.][707]

[707] See page 309, notes 1 and 2.

The samyn day, forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsall, foirseand the eminent truble quhilk appeirandlie was to aryse amangis the lieges of hir realme for materis of Religioun; to evaid the samyn, and to stay all inconvenientis that may follow thairupoun,[708] intercommonit with ane parte of the Clergie and Estait Ecclesiasticall; with whome then reasonyng being had, it was thocht good and expedient be hir Hienes, that ane generall Conventioun should be appointed the xv. day of December instant, whairto the rest of that Estaite mycht have repaired, and be the advyse of the haill, ane reassonable overtoure maid and ordour taken for staying of the appearand truble, and quyetting of the haill countrey: Quhilk Conventioun being be hir Majestie appointed, and syndrie dayis of Counsale keaped, and the said Ecclesiasticall Estaite ofttymes required, that the said ordour mycht be taken and overtoure maid for staying of truble and quyetting of the countrey; last of all, in presence of the Quenis Majestie, and Lordis of Counsale foirsaid, and otheris of the Nobilitie of this Realme, compeired Johne Archbischopp of Sanctandrois, Robert Bischopp of Dunkelden, Patrik Bischopp of Murray, and Henrie Bischopp of Ross,[709] and for thame selfis respective offered to the Quenis Grace, to be content of Three partis of the rentis of thair benefices, and the Ferd parte thairof to be employed[710] as hir Grace thocht expedient. And becaus the certantie thairof was not knawin, nor yitt what sowmes of money wald sufficientlie susteane the Ministrie and Ministeris of Goddis worde within this Realme, nor yit how mekle was necessar to supporte the Quenis Majestie abone hir awin rentis for the commoun effairis of the countrey: Thairfoir, it is concludit, decernit, and determinat be the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counsale foirsaid, and utheris of the Nobilitie present, that gif the Ferd parte[711] of the fructes of the haill Benefices ecclesiasticall within this Realme may be sufficient to susteane the Ministerie throw the haill Realme, and supporte the Quenis Majestie to interteany and sett fordwarte the commoun effaires of the countrey, failzeing thairof, the Third parte of the saidis fructis, or mair, quhill it be found sufficient to the effect foirsaid, to be tacken up yearlie in tyme cuming, quhill ane generalle ordour be taken thairin; samekle thairof to be employed to the Quenis Majestie for entertenying and setting fordwarte of the commoun effaires of the countrey, and samekle thairof unto the Ministeris and sustentatioun of the Ministerie, as may reassonablie susteane the samin, at the sycht and discretioun of the Quenis Majestie and Counsale foirsaid: and the excrescens and superplus to be assigned unto the auld Possessouris. And to that effect that the rentis and yearlie availl of the haill benefices within this Realme may be clearlie knawin to the Quenis Majestie and Counsale foirsaid, It is statute and ordanit, that the haill Rentallis of all benefices within this Realme be produced befoir hir Grace and Lordis foirsaidis, at the tymes underwritten; That is to say, of the Benefices on this syde of the Month,[712] the xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, and beyond the Month, the tenth of Februar next thairefter. And ordanis letteris to be direct to officiaris of the Quenis schirreffis in that parte to pass, charge, and requyre, all and syndrie Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis, Commendatouris, and Priouris of this Realme, on this syd of the Mounth personallie, gif thai can be apprehended, and failzeing thairof, at the saidis Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis, Commendatouris, and Priouris dwelling-places, cathedrall kirkis, or abbayis; and all Deanis, Subdeanis, Archdeanis, Chantouris, Subchanteris, Provestis, Personis, Vicaris, and other beneficit men whatsomever, thair Chalmerlanis and Factouris, personallie or at thair dwelling-places, or at thair paroche kirkis, quhair thai suld remane, to exhibit and produce befoir the Quenis Majestie and Lordis foirsaidis, the said xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, the just and treu Rentalle of the availle and rentis of thair Benefices to the effect foirsaid; and to charge the Prelattis and utheris beneficit men on the yond syd of the Mounth in maner respective foirsaid, to [exhibite and][713] produce the just and treu Rentale of thair Benefices befoir the Quenis Majestie and Lordis foirsaidis the said tent day of Februar nixttocum, to the effect abone rehersit, With certificatioun to thame that failzeis, the Quenis grace and Counsale will proceid heirin as accordis: And sicklyk to charge the haill Superintendentis, Ministeris, Eldaris, and Deaconis of the principall townes and schyres of this Realme, to give in befoir the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counsale foirsaidis, the said xxiiij day of Januar nixttocum, ane formall and sufficient roll and memoriall, what may be sufficient and reasonable to susteane the Ministerie and hale Ministeris of this Realme, that hir Majestie and Lordis of Counsale foirsaidis may tak ordour thairintill as accordis: And farther, that the Quenis Majestie and Lordis of Counsale foirsaidis may ryplie and digestlie wey and considder what necessarie supporte is required to be taken yearlie of the fructis of the saidis Benefices by hir Grace's awin yearlie rent, to enterteany and sett fordwart the commoun effaires of this Realme, agane the said xxiiij day of Januare nixttocum, that then it may be proceided in the said mater, all parties be satisfied, and the haill countrey and lieges thairof sett in quyetnesse.

[708] In Knox, the words are, "to stay the samyn, and to evit all incommodities that mycht thereupon ensew."

[709] The names of these Prelates were John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, Robert Creichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, Patrick Hepburn, Bishop of Murray, and Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross.

[710] In MS. 1566, it is, "to be content of the Two parts of the rentis of thair benefices, and the Fourt part," &c. In MS. G, "and the Third part to be employed."

[711] The words, "the Ferd parte," here, and also a few lines above, were altered in the MS. 1566, to "the Thryde parte," but again corrected in the margin to the original words. MSS. G, and L 4, have "the Fourt parte."

[712] This name, The Mounth or Mount, was long applied to designate the mountain pass in the Highlands, in reaching the North of Scotland. In David Buchanan's editions of Knox's History, where the word occurs it is rendered "on this side of the Water," or, "beyond the Water," a rather vague description. The pass or road referred to led from Fettercairn (in Kincardineshire) to Banchory, on the north side of the Dee (in Aberdeenshire;) but here it may be considered to denote the mountain range itself, usually called the Grampian Mountains, which extend across the Island from Aberdeenshire in the north-east to the west coast in Argyleshire.

[713] The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the Register.

* * * * *

[The samyn day,[714] forsamekle as the wechtie and debateable caussis standand amangis the lieges of this Realme, quhilk micht gif occasioun of brek thairof, and inquieting of the hale estait of the samyn, for eschewing thairof the Quenis Majestie appointit ane Conventioun of the Nobilitie and Clergie of hir Gracis Realme foirsaid, to compeir the xv day of December instant: quhilk being haldin, and divers tymes continewit, comperit, Johne Archbischop of Sanctandrois, Robert Bischop of Dunkeld, Patrik Bischop of Murray, and Henrie Bischop of Ross,[715] and offerit as efter followis, That is to say, that thai being restorit to thair Benefices and privilegis, and ansuerit thairof, offeris to the Quenis Majestie for the space of ane zeir, the Ferd part of the rentis of thair Benefices, to be employit as hir Grace thinkis expedient: And this thai offerit, and na forder.]

[714] Namely, the 22d December 1561. This portion is not contained in Knox: it is here inserted, as it serves to connect the preceding Act with those that follow.

[715] See page 300, note 2.

APUD LYNLYTHGW, 24 JANUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJ^O.[716]

[716] There is no Sederunt of this date given in the Register.

Forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir Secreat Counsall, directit hir Letteris commanding all and sindrie Archbischoppis, Bischoppis, Abbottis, [Commendatouris,] Priouris, Deanis, Archdeanis, [Subdeanis, Chantouris, Subchantouris,][717] Personis, Vicaris, and[718] all utheris beneficit men, thair factouris, fermoraris, and takkismen, to compeir befoir hir Hienes and Lordis foirsaidis, at Edinburgh, or whair it shall happin thame to be for the tyme, sa many as dwellis upoun this syde of the Month, the xxiiij day of Januar instant; and thame that dwellis beyond the Month, the tent day of Februar nixttocum; that the just availl of thair Benefices may be knawin, sua that thairafter hir Grace mycht tack ordour for the susteanyng of the Ministeris, of the Pure,[719] and publict busynes of the Realme: And becaus the Quenis Majestie is presentlie occupyed in other effairis, and may nocht attend hir self upoun the ressait of the saidis Rentallis, Thairfoir hir Hienes hes gevin and granted, and be thir presentis gevis and grantis, full power and commissioun to Maister James Makgill of Rankeillour Neather Clerk of Registre, Schir Johne Bellenden of Achinowle knycht Justice Clerk, Thesaurar, Secretare, Advocat, and Laird of Pittarrow,[720] To call befoir thame within the burgh of Edinburgh, All and sindrie Prelattis and Beneficit men, quha are charged be vertew of the saidis letteris, and now being in Edinburgh, or that heirafter shall happin to repair thairto, thair factouris and fermoraris, and thar inquyre of thame the Rentallis of thair benefices, and resave the samyn fra thame, to the effect foirsaid: And siclyke that the saidis Commissionaris caus warne all Superintendentis, [Ministeris,][721] Eldaris, and Deaconis, to geve unto thame the names of the haill Ministeris of this Realme, that the just calculatioun being considdered and maid be the saidis Commissionaris, of the availl of the saidis Benefices, thai may reporte the samyn to the Quenis Majestie, that hir Hienes may tak ordour thairin; according to the [just][722] tennour of the first Ordinance maid thairupon.

[717] The words enclosed within brackets are omitted in the Register.

[718] In MS. G, the words after "Abbottis," are omitted, and "&c." added.

[719] In Knox it is, "the Ministerie of the Kirk."

[720] These officials, who are not named, were Mr. Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, Treasurer; William Maitland, Younger of Lethington, Secretary; Mr. John Spens of Condie, Queen's Advocate, and Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller.

[721] Omitted in the Register.

[722] Omitted in the Register.

APUD EDINBURGH, XIJ^O FEBRUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJ^O. [SEDERUNT.

Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Archibaldus Comes Ergadie, Jacobus Comes de Mar, Willelmus Marescalli Comes, Joannes Atholie Comes, Alexander Comes de Glencarne, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joannes Dns. Erskin, Jo^{es}. Ballenden de Auchnowle miles Clericus Justiciarie.]

THE quhilk day, forsamekle as be Statute and Ordinance maid be the Quenis Majestie and Lordis of Secreit Counsale, and her Hienes letteris direct thairupoun, All and sindrie Archbischoppis, [Bischoppis,][723] Abbottis, Commendatouris, Priouris, Archdeanis, Deanis, Subdeanis, Chantouris, Subchantouris, Provestis, Personis, Vicaris, and utheris beneficit men of this Realme, war charged to exhibite and produce the Rentallis of thair benefices befoir hir Majestie and Lordis foirsaids, in maner following: That is to say, the saidis Beneficit men, [dwelling] on this syde of the Month, the xxiiij day of Januar last bypast, and on the uther syd of the Month, the tent of Februar instant, to that effect that ordour mycht be takin thairin conforme to the said Ordinance; with certificatioun to thame, and thai failzeit, the Quenis Majestie and Counsale [foirsaid] wald tak ordour thairin, as the samyn Ordinance beiris: Notwithstanding the quhilk, and that the Quenis Majestie and Counsale, and utheris appointed be hir for resaving of the saidis Rentalles, hes continewallie, sen the said xxiiij day of Januare, awaitted upoun the resaving thairof; yit ane verray small nomber of thame hes produced the said Rentalles, contepmnand thairthrow nocht onlie hir Grace's Ordinance and Proclamatioun foirsaid, but als hir self and hir authoritie, like as thai war princes and nocht subjectis, expresse aganis reassone, equitie, and justice: For remeid quhairof, the Quenis Majestie ordanis, be advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsale, that Factouris and Chalmerlanis be appointed to intromett, gaddir, uplift, and receave to our Soverane Ladeis use, all and sindrie mailles, fermes, teyndis, rentis, proventis, emolumentis, canis, proffeittis, and dewities of whatsumevir Benefices, whairof the Rentallis ar nocht produced, conforme to the said Ordinance: And gif ony Rentalle ellis produced bearis not the just availl, but is fraudefullie maid, to intromett and uptak samekle of the frutis and proffeittis of the saidis benefices as ar omitted furth of the saidis Rentalle; and the ingevaris of the Rentalles, and possessouris of the benefices thairof, shall never haif actioun to craif, clame, or ressaif fra the tennantis and possessouris, farther nor is contained in the saidis Rentallis ellis produced be thame: and the saids tennandis and possessouris shall na wyis be haldin to pay ony mair for thair rowmes to the possessouris of the saidis benefices and ingevaris of the saidis Rentalles, nor is conteyned in the samyn rentallis ellis produced, as said is: And that the saidis Factouris and Chalmerlanis to be appointed be the Quenis Majestie, shall have sufficient power to intromett and uptak the fructis and proffeittis foirsaidis, siclyke as gif speciall letteris of Factorie and Chalmerlanrie wer granted to thame thairupoun. And ordanis the Lordis of Sessioun to direct furth letteris at the said Factouris and Chalmerlanis instance, owther horning or poinding, as shalbe thocht expedient, for causing of thame to be ansuered of the fructis of the saidis benefices, to be furthcumand to the Quenis Majesties behuif, whill forther ordour be tacken thairintill.

[723] The words enclosed within brackets are not in the Register; and in MS. G, the names after "Abbots," as in the preceding Act, are omitted.

APUD EDINBURGH, XV^{TO} FEBRUARIJ, ANNO &C. LXJ^O. [SEDERUNT.

Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Archibaldus Ergadie Comes, Jacobus Comes de Mar, Joannes Atholie Comes, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Willelmus Marescalli Comes.]

THE quhilk day, forsamekle as the Quenis Majestie, be the advise of the Lordis of hir Secreit Counsale, and otheris diverse of the Nobilitie had of befoir, upoun the xxij day of December last bypast, ordanit, that gif the Fourt parte of the fructis and rentis of all the Benefices within this Realme war nocht sufficient for the support of hir Majestie, and other particulare charges underwrittin, necessar to be borne for the tranquillitie[724] of the country; then the Thrid of the saidis fructis, mair or less, should be takin up, to the effectis foirsaidis: And attour ordanit letteris to be direct, chargeing all and sindrie beneficit men, on this syd of the Month, to produce thair Rentallis upoun the xxiiij day of Januar last bypast; and the tent day of Februar instant, was prefixt be the saidis letteris, for inbringing of all rentallis of the benefices beyond the Month; with certificatioun, that quha produced nott the saidis Rentallis[725] at the dayis foirsaidis respective, the Quenis Majestie and hir Counsale wald provide remeid: According to the quhilk certificatioun, hir Hienes, with avyse of hir Counsale foirsaid, hes ordanit, that thai quha hes nocht produced thair rentallis, haill and full intromissioun shalbe had of thair fructis, be thame whom hir Majestie shall direct thairto; and quha hes nocht gevin in thair just Rentallis, quhatsumever part omitted in thair saidis rentallis shalbe intromettit with in lyke maner: And further, having consulted ryplie and diligentlie avysit upoun the commoun effairis and necessities concernyng the Quenis Majestie, and charges to be borne, for the commoun weill of the Realme, and sustentatioun of the Preachearis and Readaris, conforme to the said Ordinance maid thairupoun of befoir, hes fundin and declaired the haill Thrid partis of all Benefices within this Realme, of the quhilkis the rentallis ar produced, to be taken up be the person or personis to be nominat be hir Majestie, and to begyn upoun this last crope of the year of God J^m V^c, and threscoir ane yearis, the samyn to be employed to the effect foirsaid: togitther with the haill fructis of the benefices whairof the Rentallis ar nocht produced; and alsua of samekle as is omitted in the rentallis produced: And that ordour be directit be the Quenis Majestie, to the Lordis of Sessioun, that the auld Possessouris may be ansuered of the remanent fructis of the saidis benefices; providing that the Thrid part foirsaid be full and haill takin up, be the personis to be deput to the up-taking thairof: And this ordoure to continew and stand, ay and whill further ordouris be takin be the Quenis Majestie, with advyse of hir Estaitis. Mairover hir Hienes, be the advyse of hir Counsale foirsaid, hes statut and ordanit that all annuellis, mailles, and dewities within free Burrowis, or utheris townis of this Realme, alsweill pertenyng to Chapellanreis, Prebendarijs, as to Freiris, togitther with the rentis of the Freiris landis, quhairever thai be, setting and disponing thairupoun, be intrometted with, and takin up be sik as hir Grace shall depute thairto; for employing of the same be hir Hienes, to Hospitaliteis, Scholes, and utheris godlie uses, as shall seme best to hir Hienes, be the advise of hir Counsale: And knawing, that nathing is mair commodious for the said Hospitalitie, nor the places of Freiris as [ar] yitt standand undemolissed; as als to the intertenyng of Scholes, Colleges, and utheris uses foirsaidis, Ordanis the Provest and Baillies of Abirdene, Elgin in Murray, Innerness, Glasgow, and utheris Burrowis of this Realme, quhair the samyn ar nocht demolished, to interteny and uphald the saidis Freiris places standand in the saidis Townis, upoun the commoun gudis thairof, and to use the samyn to the Commoun-weall and service of the saidis Townis, ay and quhill the Quenis Majestie be farther advysed, and tack finall ordour in sik thingis, nochtwithstanding [of] ony other gift, titill, or interesse, gevin to quhatsumever personis of the saidis places, with thair yardis, orchardis, and pertinentis, be our Soverane Lady as of befoir.

[724] In MS. G, "for the weill."

[725] In MS. G, "that they quha hes not produced thair Rentales."

* * * * *

The names of the Nobilitie and Lordis that war present at the maiking of the foirsaidis Actis[726] heirefter followis:--

[726] It will be seen at page 299, that this list corresponds with the Sederunt of the Privy Council on the 22d December 1561.

James Duk of Chattelarault, George Erle Huntlye, Archibald Erle Ergyle, Williame Erle Merschell, Johne Erle Atholl, Williame Erle Montrose, James Erle Mortoun, Alex^r. Erle of Glencarne, James Commendator of Sanctandrois and Pettinweme, Johne Lord Erskyne, Johne Ballendyne of Auchnowll knyght Justice Clerk, The Thesaurar, The Cleark of Registre, and The Secretar.[727]

[727] In MS. 1566, the above list is repeated in the following paragraph, the transcriber having overlooked its being inserted in the previous page of the MS. The only difference is the addition of the Comptroller's name.

"The Lordis of Secreat Counsall that war present at votting and maiking of these foirsaid Actis, war James Duck of Chattellarault, George Erle of Huntley, Archibald Erle of Ergyle, William Erle Merchell, John Erle Atholl, William Erle Montrose, James Erle Mortoun, Alexander Erle of Glencarne, James Commendatar of Sanctandrois, Johne Lord Erskin, the Thesaurar, the Cleark of Registre, Justice Cleark, Secreatarie, and Comptrollar."

The paragraph is also repeated in MS. A; but it is omitted in MS. G.

After the first Act,[728] the Erle of Huntley said, jestinglie, "Good day, my Lordis of the Twa parte."

[728] It may here be added, that the Register of the Privy Council contains another long minute of a meeting held at Edinburgh, on the last of February 1561-2, relating to the Thirds of Benefices. The Sederunt at this meeting: George Earl of Huntley, James Earl of Mortoun, Archibald Earl of Argyle, William Earl Mareschal, and James Earl of Mar.

The Council directed Letters of Proclamation to be issued, ordaining the fruits of benefices to remain undelivered to the old possessors, or their collectors, "unto the tyme thai be charged of new be letters past be deliverance of the Lords of Session, dated after the 1st of March."

The hoill Rentallis being gathered, the sowme of the Thrid, according to thair awin calculatioun, was found to extend to....[729]

[729] In all the copies of Knox, the sum is left blank.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS JUDGEMENT OF THE THRIDDIS.]

The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict Sermonis opponed thame selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foirsaw the purpose of the Devill, and clearlie understood the butt whairat the Quene and hir flatteraris schot; and so in the stoolle of Edinburgh, Johne Knox said, "Weill, yf the end of this ordour, pretended to be tacken for sustentatioun of the Ministeris, be happy, my judgement failleth me; for I am assured that the Spreit of God is nott the auctor of it; for, first, I see Twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the Thrid maun be devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to me, that this day I say it, or it be long the Devill shall have Three partis of the Thrid; and judge you then, what Goddis portioun shalbe." This was ane unsaverie saying in the earis of many. Some eschamed nott to affirme, "The Ministeris being susteaned, the Quene will nott gett at the yearis end to by hir a pair of new schoes." And this was Secreatarie Lethingtoun.

[Sidenote: LET THIS BE NOTTED]

Thair war appointed to modifie the Ministeris stipendis,[730] the Erles Ergyle, Murray, and Mortoun, Lethingtoun, the Justice Cleark, and Cleark of Registrie. The Laird of Pittarro was appointed to pay the Ministeris stipendis, according to thair modificatioun. Who wold have thought, that when Joseph reulled Egypt, that his brethren should have travailled for vittallis, and have returned with empty seekis unto thair families? Men wold rather have thought that Pharao's pose, treasure, and garnallis should have bene diminished, or that the houshold of Jacob should stand in danger to sterve for hungar.

[730] Among the Public Records, there are several volumes of Accounts of the Collectors General of the Thirds of Benifices, commencing in the year 1561.

[Sidenote: ANE PROVERBE.]

But so busy and circumspect war the Modificatouris, (becaus it was a new office, the terme must also be new,) that the Ministeris should nott be ower wantoun, that ane hundreth markis was sufficient to a singill man, being a commoun minister. Thre hundreth markis was the hiest that was appointed to any, except unto the Superintendentis, and unto a few otheris. Schortlie, whitther it was the nygartnesse of thair awin heartis, or the cayre that thei had to enryche the Quene, we know nott; but the poor Ministeris, Readaris, and Exhortaris cryed out to the heavin, (as thair complaintis in all Assemblies do witnesse,) that neathor war thei able to lyve upoun the stipendis appointed, neather could thei gett payment of that small thing that was appointed. So fayne wold the Comptrollare have played the goode vallett,[731] and have satisfyed the Quene, or ellis his awin proffeitt in everie point, that he gatt this dicton and proverbe, "The good Laird of Pittarro[732] was ane earnest professor of Christ; but the mekle Devill receave the Comptrollar, for he and his Collectouris ar become gready fectouris."[733]

[731] In MS. L 3, this word is left blank.

[732] John Wishart, Laird of Pittarrow in Forfarshire, son of Sir James Wishart, Justice Clerk, was an early and active supporter of the Reformation. At the Parliament in August 1560, he was one of the number selected for the government of the State; and some time after Queen Mary's arrival in Scotland, he was appointed Comptroller, in which office he was succeeded by Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, in 1563-4. Upon occasion of the marriage of Lord James, Earl of Murray, (see notes to page 314,) Wishart was one of ten gentlemen who had the honour of Knighthood conferred. He was advanced to be an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 19th November 1567, and accompanied the Regent Murray to York in the following year. He died 25th September 1576.

[733] In MS. G, "gredie Fectours."

To put ane end to this unpleasing mater: when the Brethren compleaned of thair povertie, it was disdanfullie ansuered of some, "Thair ar many Lordis have not so much to spend." When men did reassone that the vocatioun of Ministeris craved of thame bookis, quyetnesse, studye, and travell, to edifye the Kirk of Jesus Christ, when that many Lairdis war waitting upoun thair worldly busyness; and thairfoir, that the stipendis of Ministeris, who had none other industrye, but to lyve upoun that which was appointed, aught nott to be modifyed according to the lyvingis of[734] commoun men, who mycht, and did daily augment thair rentis by some other industrie. When suche reassonis war laid befoir thame, thei gat none other ansuer, but "The Quene can spair no greattar soumes." Oft was it cryed into thair earis, "O happy servandis of the Devill, and miserable servandis of Jesus Christ; yf that after this lyef thair war nott hell and heavin." For to the servandis of the devill, to your dum dogges and horned bischoppis, to one of those idill bellies (I say) ten thousand was nott yneuch; but to the servandis of Christ that painefullie preache his evangell, a thousand pound; how can that be susteaned?

[734] In MS. G, "the living of uther."--MS. L 4, corresponds with the text.

One day, in reassoning of this mater, the Secretar burst out in a pece of his cholere, and said, "The Ministeris have this much payed unto thame by year, and who yitt ever bad the Queyn 'grand-mercies' for it? Was thair ever a Minister that gave thankis to God for hir Majesties liberalitie towards thame?" One smyled and ansuered, "Assuredlye, I think, that such as receave any thing gratis of the Quene, are unthankfull yf thei acknowledge it not, boyth in heart and mouth. But whitther that the Ministeris be of that rank or not, I greatlie doubt. Gratis, I am assured, thei receave nothing; and whitther thai receave any thing at all fra the Quene, wyese men may reassone. I am assured that neather Thrid nor Twa part ever apperteaned to any of hir predecessouris within this Realme these thousand yearis bypast, neather yitt hes the Quene bettir title to that whiche sche usurpes, be it geving to otheris, or in tacken to hir self, then suche as crucifyed Christ Jesus had to devide his garmentis amonges thame. And yf the treuth may be spoken, sche hes nott so good titill as thai had; for such spoyle use to be the reward of such men: And in that point these soldiouris war more gentle than the Quene and hir flatteraris, for thai parted not the garmentis of our Maister till that he him self was hung upoun the croce; but sche and her flatteraris do part the spoyle, whill as poore Christ is yet preaching amangis you. But the wisdome of our God tackis tryall of us by this meane, knowing weall yneuch what sche and hir factioun hes purposed to do. Lett the Papistis, who have the Twa partis, some that have thair Thriddis free, and some that have gotten Abbacies and few landis, thank the Quene, and syng, Placebo Dominæ. The poore preachearis will not yit flatter, for feading of thair bellye." These wordis war judged proud and intollerable, and engendered no small displeasur to the speakar.

This we put in memorie, that the posteriteis to cum may know that God ones maid his treuth to triumph; but becaus that some of oure selfis delyted more in darknes than in lyght,[735] God hath restreaned our fredome, and putt the hoill body in bondage. Yea, the greatest flatteraris have not eschaiped so free as thai supposed; yea, the latter plagues appear yit to be worse than the first. "Be mercyfull to us, O Lord, and entreat us nott according to our deservingis; but look thou to the equitie of the cause which thou hast put into our handis, and suffer not iniquitie to oppresse thy treuth, for Thy awin nameis saik, O Lord."

[735] Randolph in his letter to Cecil, 7th December 1561, furnishes a remarkable instance of profanity at this time. Referring to the Marquis d' Elbeuf, he says, "We fell in talk of the pastimes that were the Sunday before, where the Lord Robert, the Lord John, and others rang at the ring, six against six, disguised and apparelled, the one half like women, the other like strangers, in strange masking garments. The Marquis that day did very well; but the women, whose part the Lord Robert did sustain, won the ring. The Queen herself beheld it, and as many others as listed."

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE OF THE ERLE OF MARE][736]

[736] In MS G, "Erle of Murray."

In this meantyme, to wit, in Februar, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir ane,[737] was Lord James first maid Erle of Marr,[738] and then maryed upoun Agnes Keyth, dowghter to the Erle Merschell. The mairiage was publict in the Church of Edinburgh[739]. In the marriage thai boyth gat ane admonitioun to behave thame selves moderatlie in all thingis; "For, (said the preachear[740] to him,) unto this day the Kirk of God hath receaved confort by you, and by your laubouris; in the which, yf heirafter ye shalbe found fayntar then that ye war befoir, it wilbe said that your Wyeff hath changed your nature." The greatness of the bancquett, and the vanitie used thairat, offended many godly. Thair began the masking, which from year to year hath continewed since. Maister Randolph, agent for the Quene of England, was then, and sometyme after, in no small conceat with our Quene; for his Maistres saik, she drank[741] to him [in] a coupe of gold, which he possessed with greattar joy, for the favour of the gevar, then of the gift and valew thairof; and yit it was honourable.

[737] That is, 1561-2. The Earldom of Murray was first taken from the Earl of Huntly, and granted to Lord James Stewart, by a charter, dated 30th January 1561-2. On the 7th of February following, the Earldom of Mar being conferred on him he publicly assumed this title, until it was restored, per modum justiciæ, to John Lord Erskine. Lord James then resumed the title by which he is chiefly known to posterity as the Earl of Murray.

[738] In MS G, "first maid Erle of Murray" In MS L 4, the commencement of this paragraph is thus amplified--"The Quene this winter preceding made Lord James Erle of Mar, as some thought to conciliat his good will quhom she had found in absence offendit. At this time he married also Agnes Keith, daughter to the Erle Marchell. Soone efter the Erledome of Murray was bestowed upon him instead of the Erledome of Mar. Lord Erskin had an old right to the Erldome of Marr."

[739] The marriage of Lord James Stewart with Agnes Keith, daughter of William Earl of Marischel, was celebrated on the 8th of February 1561-2, in the Church of St. Giles, Edinburgh, "with sik solemnitie as the lyk hes not bene sein befoir; the haill Nobilitie of this Realme being thair present, and convoyit thame doun to the Abbay of Halyrudhous, quhair the banket wes maid, and the Quenis Grace thairat." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 70) The same authority mentions the rejoicings on that occasion, and that the Queen conferred the honour of Knighthood on Wishart of Pittarrow, Lermonth of Dairsy, Kirkaldy of Grange, Stewart of Traquair, Murray of Balvaird, and five others.

[740] That is, John Knox.

[741] "At this notable marriage, (says Randolph to Cecil,) one thing there was which I must testify with my own hand, which is, that upon Shrove Tuesday, at night, sitting among the Lords at supper, in sight of the Queen, and placed for that purpose, she drank unto the Queen's Majesty (Elizabeth,) and sent me the cup of gold, which weighed eighteen or twenty ounces." (Letter, 12th February 1561-2, quoted by Mr Tytler, vol. vi. p. 258.)

The thingis that then war in handilling betwix the two Quenes, whairof Lethingtoun, Secreatarie Cycill, and Maister Randolph, war ministeris, war of great weight, as we will after hear.

This wynter, the Erle Bothwell, the Markques Delabuf, and Lord Johne of Coldingham, played the ryote in Edinburgh, mysordoured the hoill toune,[742] brack Cuthbart Ramsayis[743] yettis and durris, sought his house for his good-dowghter Alisone Craik: And this was done in dispyte of the Erle of Arrane, whose hoore the said Alison was suspected to have been. The horrour of this fact, and the raritie of it, heyghlie commoved all godlie heartis.[744] The Assemblie, and also the Nobilitie, for the most parte war in the toun; and so thei concluded to crave justice, as that thei did, as by this subsequent Supplicatioun doeth appear.

[742] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 27th December 1561, has given a somewhat similar account of this riot or "disorder which was of late in this town." The letter is printed in Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 128.

[743] In June 1571, Cuthbert Ramsay was elected one of the Magistrates of Edinburgh. He joined the Queen's adherents in defending the Castle, under Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, in 1573; and on the 3d of June, when the Castle was surrendered, Ramsay was one of the prisoners who were conducted by the English forces to Leith; but he appears to have escaped the ignominious fate awarded by Queen Elizabeth to the gallant chief, and his brother Mr. James Kirkcaldy, who were hanged for treason on the 3d of August 1573.

[744] It would appear that a General Assembly or Convention was sitting at Edinburgh, towards the end of December 1561, when this occurence took place; and it was resolved to present the Supplication to the Queen:

"The whilk day, tuiching the slander takin be the horrible fact and impietie committed within this burgh under silence of night, be Marques Dalbuiff and his colleagues, in breaking up of Cuthbert Ramsay his zets and doores, and searching and seiking his dochter-in-law to oppresse her, as appeirit; it is thought good be the haill Kirk, that a Supplicatioun be made and given in to the Quenis Majestie, in the name of the Professors of the Evangell, and the personis before nominat present the samein, to seik the answer thairof." (Booke of the Universal Kirk, vol. i. p. 11.)

TO THE QUEYNIS MAJESTIE AND HIR SECREAT AND GREAT COUNSALL, HIR GRACE'S FAYTHFULL AND OBEDIENT SUBJECTIS, THE PROFESSOURIS OF CHRIST JESUS HIS HOLY EVANGELL, WISHES THE SPREIT OF RYGHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.

The feare of God conceaved of his holy worde, the naturall and unfeaned luif we bear unto your Grace, the dewtie whiche we aw to the quyetness of our countrie, and the terrible threatnyngis which our God pronounces against everie Realme and Citie in the quhilk horrible crymes ar openlie committed, and then be the committars obstinatlie defended, compell us, a great parte of your subjectis, humblie to crave of your Grace upryght and trew judgement aganis sick personis as have done what in thame lyes, to kendle Goddis wrayth against this hoill Realme. The impietie be thame committed is so haynous and so horrible, that as it is ane fact most vyle and rair to be heard of within this Realme, and principallie within the bowells of this Citie, so should we think oure selfis gyltie in the same, gif negligentlie, or yitt for warldlie feare we pass it ower with silence: And thairfoir your Grace may nott think that we requyre ony thing (whill that we crave open malefactouris condignelie to be punished) but that quhilk God hes commanded us to crave, and hes also commanded your Grace to geve to everie ane of your subjectis; for be this lynk hes God knytt togitther the prince and the people, that as he commandis honour, feare, and obedience to be gevin to the poweris established by him, so does he in expressed wordis command and declair what the prince aweth unto the subjectis, to witt, that as he is the Minister of God, bearing his sweard for vengeance to be tackyn on evill doaris, and for the defence of peceable and quyett men, so aucht he to draw the same without all parcialitie so oft as in Goddis name he is requyred thairto: Seing so it is, (Madam,) that this cryme so recentlie committed, and that in the eyes of your hoill Realme now presentlie assembled, is so haynous, for who heirtofore have heard within the bowellis of Edinburgh, yettis and durris under silence of nycht burst up, housses ryped, (and that with hostilitie,) seaking a woman as appeared to oppresse hyr; seing we say that this cryme is so haynouse, that all godlie men fear nott onlye Goddis soir displeasur to fall upoun you and your hoill Realme, but also that sick libertie brede contempt, and in the end seditioun, yf remeady in tyme be not provided,[745] quhilk in our judgement is impossible, yf sevir punishement be nott executed for the cryme committed: Thairfoir, we maist humblye beseik your Grace, that all affectioun sett asyd,[746] ye declair your self so uprycht in this caise, that ye may geve evident demonstratioun to all your subjectis, that the fear of God, joyned with the luif of the commoun tranquillitie, have principall seat and dominioun in your Grace hearte. This farther, Madam, of conscience we speik, that as your Grace in Goddis name does crave of us obedience, (whilk to render in all thingis lauchfull we ar most willing,) so in the same name do we, the hoill Professouris of Christis Evangell within this your Grace Realme, crave of you and of your Counsall scharpe punishement of this cryme; and for performance thairof, that without all delay the principall actouris of this most haynous cryme, and the persewaris of this pretended vilanye, may be called befoir the Cheaf Justice of this Realme, to suffer an assise, and to be punished according to the lawes of the same: And your Grace's answer maist humilie we beseik.

[745] In the Book of the Kirk, "gudlie provydit."

[746] In the Book of the Kirk, "laid asyde."

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE MASK OF ORLEANCE.]

This Supplicatioun was presented by diverse gentilmen. The flatteraris of the Courte at the first stormed, and asked, "Who durst avow it?" To whom the Maister, now Lord Lyndesay answered, "A thousand gentilmen within Edinburgh." Otheris were eschamed to appone thame selfis thairto in publict; but thei suborned the Quene to geve a gentill answer unto such tyme as the Conventioun was dissolved. And so sche did; for sche lacks no craft, boyth to cloik and to manteane impietie (and hurdome in especiall.) Sche alledged, "That hir Uncle was a strangear, and he had a young cumpany; but sche should putt suche ordour unto him, and unto all otheris, that heareafter thei should have no occasioun to compleane." And so deluded sche the just petitioun of hir subjectis; and no wounder, for how shall sche punische in otheris that vice, which in France is free without punishement, and which Kingis and Cardinallis use most commonlie, as the mask and dansing of Orleance can witness, whairin virgenis and menis wyeffis war maid as commoun to King Harie and Charles, the Cardinallis, unto thair Courte and pages, as commoun harlottis of the bordell ar unto thair compainzeonis. The maner was thus:

At the entrie of King Harie of France, in the towne of Orleance, the matrones, virgenis, and menis wyiffis, war commanded to present thame selfis in the Kingis palice at nycht, to daunse: and thei obeyed; for commounlie the Frenche natioun is not hard to be entreated to vanitie. After fidling and flyngyng, and when the Cardinall of Lorane[747] had espyed his pray, he said to the King, "Sire, la primiere est vostre, et faut que je suis[748] le second." That is to say, "Sire, the first choise is youris, and I man be the secound." And so the King gat the preeminence, that he had his first electioun. Bot becaus Cardinallis ar companeonis to Kingis, the Cardinall of Lorane had the nixt: And thairafter the torches war putt out, and everie man commanded to provid for him self the best he myght. What cry was thair of husbandis for thair wyeffis; of wyiffis, for thair husbandis; of auncient matronis, for thair dochteris; and of virgenis for thair freindis; or for some honest man to defend thair pudicitie, Orleance will remember mo kingis dayis then one.

[747] The Cardinal Charles de Lorraine, Archbishop and Duke of Rheims, was the second son of Claude Duke de Guise. He was born 17th February 1524. He obtained the See of Rheims in 1538, and was consecrated in 1545, when twenty-one years of age. We need not refer to Protestant writers for his character, or to the work entitled the Legend of his Life, as it is admitted that to avarice and inordinate pride, he joined cruelty, want of faith, and licentiousness. Brantome admits that the Cardinal was no ornament to the Church, when he says, "qui, quoique mauvais Chrétien, etait, pour le temps, tres-bon Catholique." He died 24th December 1574, aged 49.

In addition to note 4, page 267, it may be noticed that Calderwood says, when the Queen was preparing to return to Scotland, "In the meanetyme, Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, counselled her to leave beside him her apparell and household stuffe, till it was seene what was the successe of her voyage. She being acquainted with his nature, answered, she could not see wherefore she should be more carefull of her stuffe and apparell nor of her owne persone." (Hist. vol. ii. p. 131.)

[748] In MS. G, "que je soy."

[Sidenote: OURE QUENIS EDUCATION.]

This horrible vilanay, a fruet of the Cardinall of Lorane's religioun, we shortlie tueche, to lett all the world understand, what subjectis may looke of suche magistratis; for such pastyme to thame is but joyousitie, whairin our Queyn was brocht up.[749] We call hir nott a hoore, (albeit hir deame heard more then we will wrytt,) but sche was brought up in the company of the wyldast hooremongaris, (yea, of such as no more regarded incest, then honest men regard the company of thair lauchfull wyeffis;) in the company of such men, (we say,) was our Queyn brought up. What sche was and is, her self best knowis, and God, (we doubt nott,) will farther declair.

[749] Henry the second of France succeeded to the throne in 1547, and died in 1559. This incident is not recorded in the Histories of the time, but may be referred to the later period of his reign. As noticed in a previous note (page 269,) the extreme profligacy that prevailed at the Court of France is but too manifestly exhibited in the pages of Brantome: a more unfortunate place could not have been chosen for the young Scotish Princess to have received her education.

[Sidenote: [G]OD HES NOW [D]ONE IT, 1567.][750]

[750] This marginal note does not occur in MS. G, and seems to have been added in MS. 1566, subsequently to the transcription of this portion of the text. It contains an evident allusion to the Queen's imprisonment after her surrender at Carberry Hill in July 1567: see vol. i. p. 218, note 4.

[Sidenote: THE HAMMYLTONIS AGAINST BOTHWELL AND THE MARQUESS.]

But punishement of that enormitie and fearfull attemptat we could gett none: but more and more thei presumed to do violence, and frequented nyghtlie masking. Some, as Roboyn Craige's house, becaus his dowghter was fair, delyted thairin: otheris lamented, and began to bear the mater verray heavelie. At lenth the Lord Duck his freindis assembled upoun a nycht upoun the calsey.[751] The Abbott of Kylwyning,[752] (who then was joyned to the Churche, and so, as we understand, yitt abydeth,) was the principall man at the begyning. To him repaired many faythfull; and amangis otheris cam Andro Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a man rather borne to maik peace, then to brag upoun the calsey, and demanded the querrall; and being informed of the formar enormitie said, "Nay, sick impietie shall nott be sufferred so long as God shall assist us. The victorye that God in his mercy hath gevin us, we will by his grace manteane." And so he commanded his sone, Andro Stewart, then Maister,[753] and his servandis to putt thame selfis in ordour, and to bring furth thair spearis and long weaponis; and so did otheris. The word cam to the Erle Bothwell and his, that the Hammyltonis war upoun the gaitt.[754] Vowes war maid, "That the Hammyltonis should be doung, not onlie out of the towne, but also out of the countrey." Lord Johne of Coldinghame[755] had maryed the said Erle Bothwellis sister, (a sufficient woman for such a man;)--allia drew the Lord Roberte;[756] and so they joyned boyth with the said Erle Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquess Le Beuf, (D'Elbuf[757] thei call him,) is most to be commended; for in his chalmer, within the Abbay, he starte to ane halbart, and ten men war skarse able to hald him; but as hap was, the inner yett of the Abbay keapt him that nycht; and the danger was betwix the Croce and the Salt Trone;[758] and so he was a large quarter of myle from the schote and sklenting of boltis. The Maister of Maxwell, gave declaratioun[759] to the Erle Bothwell, "That yf he steired furth of his lodgeing, he, and all that wold assist him, should resist him in the face;" whose wordis did somwhat beat doon that blast. The Erles of Huntley and Morray, being in the Abbay whair the Marques was, cam with thair cumpanyes, send fra the Quene to stay that tumult, as that thei did; for Bothwell and his war commanded, under pane of treassone, to keap thair lodgeingis.[760]

[751] On the 19th of December 1561, (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 70.)

[752] Gawin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, was the fourth son of James Hamilton of Raploch. In 1521, James the eldest son on his marriage with the heiress of Stenhouse, resigned the fee of the lands of Raploch, and upon the death of the next two brothers, Gavin succeeded to the property in 1559. He had been educated for the Church; and obtained the Deanery of Glasgow, which he exchanged in 1550 for the Abbacy of Kilwinning. In 1555, he was raised to the bench. He was a steady adherent of Queen Mary, and distinguished himself in several skirmishes; but was mortally wounded, and died at Leith, on 16th June 1571.

[753] Andrew, second Lord Stewart of Ochiltree: see page 260, note 19. His eldest son Andrew died in the year 1578, having predeceased his father, Master of Ochiltree, here mentioned.

[754] In MS. G, "upoun the streat."

[755] Lord John Stewart, Prior of Coldingham, an illegitimate son of James the Fifth, by Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Carmichael. His sister became the first wife of Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle. Randolph in a letter to Cecil, 24th October 1561, mentioning the leading persons at Court, says, "The Lord John of Coldingham hath not least favour with his leaping and dancing: he is like to marry the Lord Bothwell's sister." His marriage with Jean only daughter of Patrick third Earl of Bothwell, was solemnized at Seton, in presence of Queen Mary: see following note.

[756] Lord Robert Stewart, see page 271. Randolph in the letter referred to in the previous note, says, "The Lord Robert consumeth with love for the Earl of Cassillis sister." This was Lady Jane Kennedy, eldest daughter of Gilbert third Earl of Cassilis. In another letter, 27th December 1561, he says,--"The Lord Robert was married on Sunday was eight days to the Earl of Cassillis sister; and my Lord John upon Sunday next to the Earl of Bothwell's sister: I mean not here, in the Court, but where the women are in their friends' houses." According to this intimation, the marriages took place on the 14th and 28th of December respectively.

[757] René de Lorraine, Marquis d'Elbeuf: see note 8, page 268. He had a natural son born in Scotland, "de Marguerite Chrestien, demoisselle Ecossoise." According to one authority, d'Elbeuf remained in Scotland till the end of February 1561-2:--"Upoun the penult day of Februar, the zeir of God 1561 zeiris, [the] Marques departit furth of Halyrudhous fra the Quenis Grace to Fraunce." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 71.) But in June 1562, there was paid, "be the Quenis Graces speciale command to Mons^r Marques at his departing furth of this realme to France, as his acquittance, &c. £500." (Treasurer's Accounts.)

[758] Betwixt the Cross and the Salt-Trone; that is, in the High Street, near the present Trone Church, where the Trone or beam for weighing merchandize formerly stood.

[759] In MS. G, "The Maister of Maxwell, (thairafter maid Lord Herries,) gave declaration, &c.:" see vol. i. p. 319.

[760] Randolph says, that the day after the tumult, both the Duke and Bothwell were sent for to the Court, the former being "convoyed with all the Protestants that were in this town; the other with the Papists. It was concluded, that for avoiding of cumber, the Earl Bothwell should leave the toun till the 8th of January." According to the Diurnal of Occurrents, (p. 70,) the Earl of Bothwell, on the 21st December, "depairtit with his freindis furth of Edinburgh, at the Quenis command."

It was whispered of many, that the Erle of Murray's displeasur was as much sought as any haitterant that the Hammyltonis bayr against the Erle Bothwell, or yitt he aganist thame. And in verray deed, eather had the Duck verray fals servandis, or ellis by Huntley and the Hammyltonis, the Erle of Murray his death was ofter conspyred than ones: the suspitioun whairof burst furth so far, that upoun a day the said Erle, being upoun horse to have come to the sermon, was charged by one of the Duckis awin servandis to returne and abyd with the Queyn. The bruyt thairof spred over all. What ground it had we cane nott say; but schorte thairafter the Duck and some of the Lordis convened at Glasgow; thair conclusioun was nott knowen. The Erle of Arrane came to Edinburgh, whair the Erle Bothwell lay. The Quene and the Court war departed to Fyff, and remaned sometimes in Sanctandrois and sometimes in Falkland.[761]

[761] From about the end of March till the beginning of May 1562.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE BOTHWELL HIS COMMONYNG WYTH JOHNE KNOX.]

The Erle Bothwell, by the meanes of James Barroun,[762] burges, and then merchant of Edinburgh, desyred to speak with Johne Knox secreatlie; which the said Johne glaidlie granted, and spack him upoun a nycht, first in the said James's lodgeing, and thairafter in his awin study. The summe of all thair communication and conference was:--The said Earle lamented his formare inordinate lyef, and especiallie that he was provocked by the entysmentis of the Quene Regent to do that which he sore reapented, alsweall against the Laird of Ormestoun,[763] whose blood was spilt, albeit not in his defalt: But his cheaf dolour was, that he had misbehaved him self against the Erle of Arrane, whose favouris he was most willing to redeame, yf possible it war that sa he mycht; and desyred the said Johne to geve him his best counsall, "For (said he) yf I mycht have my Lord of Arrane's favouris, I wald await upoun the Court with a page and few servandis, to spair my expensis, whare now I am compelled to keap, for my awin saifty, a number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destructioun of my living that is left."

[762] Knox has previously mentioned Barron, (vol. i. p. 268); and in 1556, (ib. p. 246,) he gives an account of the death of his first wife, Elizabeth Adamson. Baron for several years filled the office of one of the magistrates of Edinburgh, and was returned as one of the Commissioners to the General Assembly, from 1560 till the year of his death, which took place in September 1569. His will was made at Kynnaird in Fyfe, 21st September 1569, having married for his second wife Helen Leslie, "gud-wyf of Kynnarde," by whom he left several daughters. (Register of Conf. Test.) This lady, who survived him, appears to have married again, first to Mr. James Kirkaldy, brother of Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, by whom she had a son and a daughter; and after his death in 1573, (see page 315, note 2,) to Mr. James Beaton. There was granted to Patrick Halket of Petferren, the escheit of 18 scoir pundis auchtand to vmquhile James Barroun, burgess of Edinburgh and to Helen Leslie his spous.... Now spousit in marriage with Maister James Kirkcaldy, brother-german to Sir William Kirkcaldy of Grange knycht,--the said Mr. James hir spouse, "being denounced rebell, &c., penult September 1571." (Register of Signatures, vol. iii. fol. 102.) In the confirmation of her own Testament, mention is made of her two children by her second husband; and she is described as now spousit to Mr. James Beaton, parson of Old Roxburgh. She died in June 1577. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.) In 1580, George Baroun paid a composition, as son and heir of Helen Leslie of Kynnaird. Sir Robert Sibbald, among the eminent men of Fife, says, "The learned Doctors of Divinity, John and Robert Baron, were cadets of the Lairds of Kinnaird, in this shire, of that name."

[763] John Cockburn of Ormiston: see vol. i. pp. 142, 455.

To the which the said Johne ansuered, "My Lord, wold to God that in me war counsall or judgement that mycht conforte and releave you. For albeit that to this hour it hath nott chaunsed me to speik with your Lordship face to face, yit have I borne a good mynd to your house; and have bene sorry at my heart of the trubles that I have heard you to be involved in. For, my Lord, my[764] grandfather, goodsher, and father, have served your Lordshipis predecessoris, and some of thame have died under thair standartis; and this is a part of the obligatioun of our Scotishe kyndnes: but this is not the cheaf. But as God hes maid me his publict messinger of glaid tydings, so is my will earnest that all men may embrase it, which perfytlie thei can not, so long as that thair remaneth in thame rancour, malice, or envy. I am verray sorry that ye have gevin occasioun unto men to be offended with you; but I am more sory that ye have offended the Majestie of God, who by such meanes oft punishes the other sinnes of man. And thairfoir my counsall is, that ye begyn at God, with whom yf ye will enter in perfyte reconciliatioun, I doubt not but he shall bow the heartis of men to forget all offenses. And as for me, yf ye will continue in godlynes, your Lordship shall command me als boldlie as any that serves your Lordship."

[764] This allusion of Knox to his own family is interesting, as it furnishes the only information that can be relied upon respecting his ancestors.

The said Lord desyred him that he wold tempt[765] the Erle of Arrane's mynd, yf he wold be content to accept him in his favouris, which he promessed to do; and so earnestlie travaled in that mater, that it was ones brought to such an end as all the faythfull praysed God for that aggrement. The greatest stay stood upoun the satisfactioun of the Laird of Ormestoun, who, besyde his formare hurte, as is before declared, was evin in that same tyme of the commonyng, persewed be the said Lord[766] Bothwell, his sone Maister Alexander Cockburne[767] tacken by him, and caryed with him to Borthwick; but gentillye yneuch send back agane.

[765] In MS. G, "wold attempt."

[766] In MS. G, "the said Erle."

[767] He was the eldest son of John Cockburn of Ormiston. In the following page 331, Knox mentions him as conveying the message from the Queen, which led to the communing there detailed. He died in 1564: and in early life he had been a pupil of Knox: see vol. i. p. 185, note 3.

[Sidenote: RECONCILIATIOUN BETWIX THE ERLE OF ARRANE AND ERLE BOTHWELL, ETC.]

That new truble so greatlie displeased Johne Knox, that he almost geve ower farther travalling for amytie. But yit, upoun the excuse of the said Erle, and upoun the declaratioun of his mynd, he re-entered in laubouris, and so brought it to pass, that the Laird of Ormestoun referred his satisfactioun in all thingis to the judgments of the Erles of Arrane and Murray, whom to the said Erle Bothwell submitted him self in that head, and thairupoun delyvered his hand wryt. And so was convoyed by certane of his friends to the loodgeing of the Kirk-of-Feild, whair the Erle of Arrane was with his friendis, and the said Johne Knox with him,[768] to bear witnesse and testificatioun of the end of the aggrement. As the said Erle Bothwell entered at the chalmer dore, and wold have done those honouris that freyndis had appointed, (Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[769] and the Laird of Rikchartoun,[770] war the cheaf freindis that communed,) the said Erle of Arrane gentillye passed unto him, embrased him, and said, "Yf the hearttis be uprycht, few ceremonyes may serve and content me."

[768] See page 327, note 2.

[769] In MSS. G, and L 4, "Mr. Gawin Hammyltoun, Abbot of Kilwynning"

[770] Henry Drummond of Riccarton succeeded his father, who is mentioned as slain at the siege of Leith in 1560. But see note to vol. i. p. 376. In 1574 he was succeeded by his brother of the same name, and probably the issue of a second marriage. (House of Drummond, p. 292.)

The said Johne Knox, in audience of thame boyth, and of thair freindis, said, "Now, my Lordis, God hath brought you to gitther be the laubouris of semple men, in respect of such as wold have travailled thairin. I know my laubouris ar alreaddy tacken in ane evill parte; but becaus I have the testimonye of a good conscience befoir my God, that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his fear, for the proffeit of you boith, for the hurt of none, and for the tranquillitie of this Realme: seing (I say) that[771] my conscience beareth witnesse to me, what I have sought and continewallie seak, I the more patientlie bear the mysreporttis and wrangouse judgementis of men. And now I leave you in peace, and desyres you that ar the freindis to study that amitie may increase, all formar offenses being forgett." The freindis on eather partie embrased other, and the two Erles departed to ane wyndo, and talked by thame selfis familiarlie a reasonable space. And thairafter the Erle Boithwell departed for that nycht: and upoun the nixt day in the mornyng returned, with some of his honest freinds, and came to the sermoun with the Erle foirsaid; whairat many rejoised. But God had ane other work to wyrk then the eyes of men could espy.

[771] In MS. G, "Seeing therefore that."

The Thurisday nixt[772] they dyned togetther; and thairafter the said Erle Boithwell and Maister Gawane Hammyltoun raid to my Lord Duckis Grace, who then was in Kynneill. What communicatioun was betwix thame, it is not certanelie knowne, but by the reporte which the said Erle of Arrane maid to the Quenys Grace, and unto the Erle of Murray, by his wryttingis. For upoun Fryday, the ferd day after thair reconciliatioun, the sermon being ended, the said Erle of Arrane cam to the house of the said Johne Knox, and brought with him Maister Richart Strang[773] and Alexander Guthre,[774] to whom he opened the greaf of his mynd befoir that Johne Knox was called; for he was occupyed, (as commounlie he useth to be after his sermonis,) in directing of writtingis. Whiche ended, the said Erle called the thre togetther, and said, "I am treasonablie betrayed;" and with these wordis began to weape. Johne Knox demanded, "My Lord, who hes betrayed yow?" "Ane Judas, or other (said he); but I know it is but my lyef that is sought: I regard it not." The other said, "My Lord, I understand not such dark maner of speaking: yf I shall geve you any ansuer, ye maun speik moir plane." "Weill, (said he,) I tack you three to witnesse that I oppen this unto you, and I will wryt it unto the Quene: Ane act of treassone is laid to my charge; the Erle Bothwell hes schawin to me in counsall, that he shall tack the Quene, and put hir in my handis in the Castell of Dumbertane; and that he shall slay the Erle of Murray, Lethingtoun, and otheris that now mysgyde hir: and so shall I and he reull all. But I know that this is devised to accuse me of treassone; for I know that he will inform the Quene of it: But I tack you to witnes, that I oppen it hear unto you; and I will pas incontinent, and wryte to the Quenis Majestie, and unto my brother the Erle of Murray."

[772] The 26th March, 1562.

[773] Mr. Richard Strang was an Advocate. His name occurs in the proceedings of the General Assembly as one of the three Procurators who were appointed in 1567, "to defend and pursue all actions pertaining to the Kirk."

[774] Alexander Guthrie held for many years the office of Town Clerk of the City of Edinburgh.

Johne Knox demanded, "Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part of that treassone?" He ansuered, "Nay." "Then, (said he,) in my judgement, his wordis, albeit thei war spoken, can never be treassone unto you; for the performance of the fact dependis upoun your will, whairto ye say ye have disassented; and so shall that purpose evanise and dye by the self, onless that ye waiken it; for it is not to be supposed that he will accuse you of that which he him self [hes] devised, and whairto ye wold not consent." "O, (said he,) ye understand not what craft is used against me: It is treassone to conceall treassone." "My Lord, (said he,) treasson maun importe consent and determinatioun, quhilk[775] I hear upoun neather of your partis. And thairfoir, my Lord, in my judgement it shalbe more suyre and moir honorable to you to depend upoun your [awin] innocencye, and to abyde the injust accusatioun of ane other, (yf any follow thairof, as I think thair shall not,) then ye to accuise, (especiallie after so lait reconciliatioun,) and have none other witnesses but your awin affirmatioun." "I know, (said he,) that he will offer the combatt unto me; but that wold not be suffered in France; but I will do that which I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with him to his loodgeing the saidis Alexander Guthery and Mr. Richart Strang; from whense was dyted and written a letter to the Quenis Majestie, according to the formar purpose, which letter was direct with all diligence to the Quenis Majestie, who then was in Falkland.

[775] In MS. G, "of the quhilks."

The Erle him self raid after to Kynneill, to his father, the Duckis Grace.[776] How he was entreated, we have but the commoun bruyte; but from thense he wrait ane other letter with his awin hand, in sypher, to the Erle of Murray, compleanyng upoun his rigorous handelling and entreatment by his awin father, and by his freindis; and affirmed farther, that he feared his lyef, in case that he gat not suddane reskew. But thairupoun he remaned not, but brack the chalmer whairin he was put, and with great pain past to Striveling, and from thense he was convoyed to the Hallyardis,[777] whair he was keapt till that the Erie of Murray cam unto him, and convoyed him to the Quene, then beand in Falkland, who then was sufficientlie instructed of the hoill mater; and upoun suspitioun conceaved, had caused apprehend Maister Gawan Hammyltoun and the Erle Bothwell foirsaid; who knowing nothing of the formar advertismentis, cam to Falkland,[778] which augmented the formar suspitioun.

[776] "Upon the 25th day of March 1562, my Lordis of Arrane, quha was eldest sone to James Duke of Chattellarault, and Bothwill, wer aggreit be Johne Knox minister, and thairefter raid and spak with the Duke." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 71.) "And upoun the 29th day of March, my Lord of Arrane come furth of the Palice of Kynneill, in ane franysy, in the nycht, at ane heich wyndo, and past to the Quenis Grace at Falkland, and sayd to her that my Lord Duke his fader, and my Lord Bothwill, and Gawin Commendatare of Kilwynning, had conspirit aganis the Quenis Grace and Lord James." (Ib. p. 71.)

[777] Hallyards, in the parish of Auchertule in Fifeshire. Sir Robert Sibbald, in 1710, speaks of "Hallyairds, the residence of a gentleman of the name of Skeen: a great building, surrounded with gardens, large enclosures and planting: having large meadows to the west, and a loch fertile of fish to the east." (Hist. of Fife, edit. 1710, App. p. 3.) At the time referred to by Knox, it belonged to Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange: see vol. i. p. 90.

[778] "Upon the last day of March (1562,) my Lord Bothwill and the Commendatare of Kilwynning wer commandit in ward, in the Palice of Falkland." Diurnal, p. 71.)

But yit the letteris of Johne Knox maid all thingis to be used more circumspectlie; for he[779] did planelie foirwarne the Erle of Murray, that he espyed the Erle of Arrane to be stricken with phrenesy, and thairfoir willed not oure great credytt to be gevin unto his wordis and inventionis. And as he advertised, so it cam to pass; for within few dayis his seaknes increased; he devised of wonderouse signes that he saw in the heavin; he alledged that he was bewitched; he wold have bene in the Quenis bed, and affirmed that he was hir husband; and fynallie, he behaved him self in all thingis so foolishelie, that his phrenesy could not be hyd. And yit war the saidis Erle Bothwell and Abbott[780] of Kylwynning keapt in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and conventit[781] befoir the Counsall, with the said Earl of Arrane, who ever stoode ferme, that the Erle Boithwell proponed to him suche thingis as he advertissed the Quenis Grace of; but styflie denyed that his Father, the said Abbote, or freindis, knew any thing thairof, eathir yit that thei intended any violence against him; but alledged, that he was enchanted so to think and wryte. Whairat the Quene, heghlie offended, committed him to preasone, with the other two, first in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and thairafter caused thame to be convoyed to the Castell of Edinburgh. James Stewarte of Cardonall,[782] called Capitane James, was evill bruited [of], for the rigorous entreatment that he schew to the said Erle in his seaknes, being appointed keeper unto him.

[779] It is a peculiarity in Knox's chief amanuensis, always to write "he" as "hie."

[780] In MS. G, "Mr. Gawin, Abbot," &c.

[781] In MSS. G, and L 4, "conveened."

[782] James Stewart of Cardonald, about two miles from Paisley, in the county of Renfrew. In a letter dated 7th September 1561, Randolph says, "James Steward's admission to be Captain of the garde, stayett upon the Lord of Lidington's retorne, to certifye whether he be sworne Englishman." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 74.) On the 4th May 1562, "Capitane Stewart, capitane of the Quenis gard," with 24 horsemen, convoyed Arrane, Bothwell, and the Abbot of Kilwinning from St. Andrews to Edinburgh. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.)

To consult upoun these accusationis, the hoill Counsalle was assembled at Sanctandrois, the 18 day of Aprile, in the year of God J^m V^c, and threscoir twa yearis;[783] in which it was concluded, that, in consideratioun of the formar suspitioun, the Duck his Grace should render to the Quene the Castell of Dumbartane,[784] the custodie whairof was granted unto him by appointment, till that lauchfull successioun should be sein of the Quenis body: But will prevailled against reassone and promisses, and so was the said Castell delivered to Capitane Anstrudour, as having power fra the Quene and Counsall to receave it.[785]

[783] In the Acts of the Privy Council, there is no minute of any meeting held on the 18th of April 1562. But the records of that time are not very entire. In the Diurnal of Occurrents it is stated, that a Convention was appointed to be held at St. Andrews, on the 15th of that month, "for taking tryell of the matter above written, and thair compeirit certane Lordis to the samyne;" and that, on the 18th of April, "My Lord Duke raid to the Quenis Grace in Sanctandrois, quhairintill he purgit himself of the conspiracie foirsaid in hir presens."

[784] "Upon the xxvij day of April (1562) the Castell of Dumbartane wes deliverit be my Lord Duke to Capitane Anstruther, in the name and behalf of the Quenis Grace." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72.) Captain Robert Anstruther, in the previous year, had the command of the fortified island of Inchkeith, in the Frith of Forth, with "40 hagbutteris, remanand within the said Inche," (Treasurer's Accounts.)

[785] At the end of this paragraph, the transcriber of MS. L 4, has added, "Thus farr Mr. Knox in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Let the Reader compare this relation with Buchanan's, and follow his own judgement." In like manner Calderwood (Hist. vol. ii. p. 177,) says, "Thus I have related this part of the Historie, as Knox hath sett it down in the Fourth Booke of his Historie. Mr. Buchanan, his relation, is somewhat different. He writeth," &c. Instead of quoting this passage, the reader may be referred to Buchanan's own work, in which he ascribes a plot to murther the Earl of Murray, as having been devised by the Earl of Bothwell, upon finding that he would not join Bothwell in his first design against the Hamiltons.

[Sidenote: PSAL. 2.]

Thingis ordoured in Fyfe, the Quene returned to Edinburgh,[786] and then began dansing to grow hote; for hir freindis began to triumph in France. The certantie heirof came to the earis of Johne Knox, for thair war some that schew to him, from tyme to tyme, the estait of thingis; and amangis otheris, he was assured, that the Queyne had daunced excessivelie till after mydnycht, becaus that sche had receaved letteris that persecutioun was begun agane in France, and that hir Uncles war begyning to steir thair taill,[787] and to truble the hoill Realme of France. Upoun occasioun of this text, "And now understand, O ye kingis, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to taxt the ignorance, the vanitie, and the dyspyte of princes against all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent of vice and love of vertew appeired.[788]

[786] Queen Mary returned from her journey and residence in Fife, to Edinburgh, early in May. Knox probably confounded this absence from Edinburgh, with the Queen's more protracted progress in the North in Autumn, (see page 381,) which may account for his mistaking the precise time of his second communing with the Queen, which actually took place in December: see next page, note 2.

[787] In MS. G, "taills."

[788] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 16th December 1562, says, "upon Sunday last he (Knox) inveighed sore against the Queenis dancing, and little exercise of herself in vertue and godliness. The report hereof being brought unto her ears, yesterday she sent for him. She talked long time with him: little liking there was between them, of the one or the other, yet did they so depart as no offense or slander did rise thereon." We thus learn, that Knox's sermon was delivered on the 13th, and that the interview occurred on the 15th December.

[Sidenote: THE SECOUND COMMONYNG OF JOHNE KNOX WITH THE QUENE]

The reporte heirof maid unto the Quene, the said Johne Knox was send for. Mr. Alexander Cockburne,[789] who befoir had bone his scolare, and then was very familiare with him, was the messinger, who geve him some knowledge both of the report and of the reportairis. The Quene was in hir bed-chalmer, and with hir, besydis the Ladyes and the commoun servandis, war the Lord James, the Erle of Mortoun, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and some of the garde that had maid the report. He was called and accused, as are that had irreverentlie spoken of the Quene, and that travailled to bring hir in haitterent and contempt of the people, and that he had exceaded the boundis of his text: And upoun these three headis, maid the Quene hir self a long harangue or orisoun;[790] whairto the said Johne ansuered as followis:--

[789] In MS. L 4, "Patrick Cockburne." See page 324, note 3.

[790] In MS. G. "oratioun."

"Madame, this is often tymes the just recompense which God geveth to the stubburne of the world, that becaus thei will nott hear God speaking to the conforte of the penitent, and for amendment of the wicked, thai are oft compelled to hear the fals report of otheris to thair greatter displeasur. I doubt not but that it cam to the earis of proud Herode, that our Maister Christ Jesus called him a fox; but thai told him not how odiouse a thing it was befoir God to murther ane innocent, as he had laitlie done befoir, causing to behead Johne the Baptiste, to reward the dansing of a harlottis doughtter. Madam, yf the reportaris of my wordis had bene honest men, thai wold have reaported my wordis, and the circumstances of the same. But becaus thai wold have credyte in Courte, and lacking vertew worthy thairof, thai mon haif somewhat to pleise your Majestie, yf it war but flatterye and lyes. But such pleasour (yf any your Grace tack in suche personis) will turn to your everlasting displeasour. For, Madam, yf your awin earis had heard the hoill mater that I entreated; yf thair be into you any sparckle of the Spreit of God, yea, of honestie or wisdome, ye could not justlie have bene offended with any thing that I spack. And becaus that ye have heard thair report, please your Grace to hear my self reherse the same, so neyr as memory will serve." (It was evin upoun the nixt day after that the sermon was maid.) "My text, (said he,) Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings, understand; be learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, (said he,) that I had declaired the dignitie of kingis and reullaris, the honour whairinto God lies placed thame, the obedience that is dew unto thame, being Goddis lievtennentis, I demanded this questioun,--But, O allace! what compte shall the most part of princes maik befoir that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authoritie so manifestlie and schamefullie thai abuse? That the complaynt of Salomon is this day most trew, to wit, 'That violence and oppressioun do occupy the throne of God here in this earth:' for whill that murtheraris, blood-thrystie men, oppressouris, and malefactouris dar be bold to present thame selfis befoir kingis and princes, and the poor sanctis of God are banisshed and exyled, what shall we say, But that the devill hath tacken possessioun in the throne of God, which aught to be fearfull to all wicked doiris, and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwyse be? For princes will not understand; thai will nott be learned as God commandis thame. But Goddis law thei dispyse, His statutis and holy ordinances thei will not understand; for in fidling and flynging thei ar more exercised then in reading or hearing of Goddis most blessed word; and fidlaris and flatteraris (which commonlie corrupt the youth) are more pretious in thair eyes then men of wisdome and gravitie, who by holsome admonitioun mycht beat doun into thame some part of that vanitie and pryde whairintill all are borne, but in princes tack [deepe] roote and strenth by wicked educatioun. And of dansing, Madam, I said, that albeit in Scripturis I fand no praise of it, and in prophane wryttaris, that it is termed the jesture rather of those that ar mad and in phrenesye then of sober men; yitt do I not utterlie dampne it, provyding that two vices be avoided: the formare, That the principall vocatioun of those that use that exercise be not neglected for the pleasur of dansing; Secoundly, That they daunse not, as the Philisteanis thair fatheris, for the pleasur that thai tack in the displeasur of Goddis people. For yf any of boyth thai do, as thai shall receave the reward of dansaris, and that willbe drynk in hell, onless thai spedilie repent, so shall God turn thair myrth in suddane sorow: for God will not alwayes afflict his people, neither yitt will he alwayes wynk at the tyranny of tyrantis. Yf any man, Madam, (said he,) will say that I spack more, let him presentlie accuse me; for I think I have nott only tueiched the somme, but the verry wordis as I spack them." Many that stood by bair witnesse with him, that he had recyted the verray wordis that publictlie he spack.

The Queyn looked about to some of the reaportaris, and said, "Your wourdis ar scharpe yneuch as ye have spocken thame; but yitt thei war tald to me in ane uther maner. I know (said sche) that my Uncles and ye ar nott of ane religioun, and thairfoir I can nott blame you albeit you have no good opinioun of thame. But yf ye hear any thing of my self that myslyikis you, come to my self and tell me, and I shall hear you."

"Madam," quod he, "I am assured that your Uncles ar enemyes to God, and unto his Sone Jesus Christ; and that for manteanance of thair awin pompe and worldlie glorie, that thei spair not to spill the bloode of many innocents; and thairfoir I am assured that thair interpryses shall have no better successe then otheris haif had that befoir thame have done that thei do now. But as to your awin personage, Madam, I wold be glade to do all that I could to your Graces contentment, provided that I exceed nott the boundis of my vocatioun. I am called, Madam, to ane publict functioun within the Kirk of God, and am appointed by God to rebuk the synnes and vices of all. I am not appointed to come to everie man in particular to schaw him his offense; for that laubour war infinite. Yf your Grace please to frequent the publict sermonis, then doubt I nott but that ye shall fullie understand boyth what I like and myslike, als weall in your Majestie as in all otheris. Or yf your Grace will assigne unto me a certane day and hour when it will please you to hear the forme and substance of doctrin whiche is proponed in publict to the Churches of this Realme, I will most gladlie await upoun your Grace's pleasur, tyme, and place. But to waitt[791] upoun your chalmer-doore, or ellis whair, and then to have no farther libertie but to whisper my mynd in your Grace's eare, or to tell to you what otheris think and speak of you, neather will my conscience nor the vocatioun whairto God hath called me suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's commandiment I am heare now, yitt can not I tell what other men shall judge of me, that at this tyme of day am absent from my book and wayting upoun the Courte."

[791] In MS. G, "to cum to waitt."

"You will not alwayis," said sche, "be at your book," and so turned hir back. And the said Johne Knox departed with a reasonable meary countenance; whairat some Papistis offended said, "He is not effrayed." Which heard of him, he answered, "Why should the pleasing face of a gentill woman effray me? I have looked in the faces of many angrie men, and yit have nott bene effrayed above measure." And so left he the Quene and the Courte for that tyme.

In this meanetyme, the negotiatioun and credytte[792] was great betwix the Quene of England and our Soverane: letteris, curreouris, and postis ran verray frequent.[793] Great bruyt thair was of the interview and meating of the two Quenes at York, and some preparatioun was maid thairfoir in boyth the Realmes. But that failed upoun the parte of England, and that be occasioun of the trubles moved in France, (as was alledged,) which caused the Quene and hir Counsall attend upoun the Sowth partes[794] of England, for avoyding of inconvenientis.

[792] In MS. G, "and credytte," are omitted.

[793] Various letters written by Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth at this time are contained in the Prince A. Labanoff's collection: "Lettres, Instructions et Mémoires de Marie Stuart, Reine d' Ecosse," &c. Londres, (Paris) 1844, 7 vols. 8vo. See also Keith's History.

[794] In MSS. M and L 4, the words after "Sowth partes" are omitted, and the following sentence interpolated. "Duke D'Awmall had opened up the English Ambassaders letters, who was then lying at Court, as wes reported; and by his procurement an English schip quhairin another Ambassador did fair, wes spoiled. There being appearance of warres betwix England and France, the Quene came from St. Andrews to Edinburgh, at what tyme she committed the Earl of Arran to ward in the Castell of Edinburgh." Calderwood has copied these words verbatim. (History, vol. ii. p. 182.)

That symmer, thair cam ane Ambassadour from the King of Swaden, requyring marriage of our Soverane to his Maister the King.[795] His intertenment was honorable; but his petitioun lyked our Quene nothing; for such a man was too base for hir estait; for had nott sche beyn great Queyn of France? Fye of Swaden! What is it? But happy was the man that of suche a one was forsaken. And yitt sche refuised nott one far inferiour to a vertouse King.[796]

[795] The Swedish Ambassador, "Herr Peter Groif," arrived in Leith on the 24th April, where he remained till the 9th of May, when the Queen came from Fife. In Edinburgh "he logeit in Mr. Harie Lawder's lodgeing, quhairto he was conveyit honorabill," and departed on the 1st of June, "with his answer, and imbarkit that nycht at ten houris at nicht, and obtanit ane fair wynd." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 72, 73.)

[796] The King of Sweden referred to was Eric XIV., who was born in the year 1533. He was educated in the Protestant faith, and succeeded to the throne on the death of his father Gustavus Vasa, 29th September 1560. He was unfortunate in his projected alliances, and also in the latter part of his career, having been forced to abdicate in 1568; and he died of poison in 1578.

The Erle of Levenax and his wyff[797] war committed to the Towre of London for trafiquin with Papistis. The young Lard of Barr[798] was a travaler in that busines, and was apprehended with some letteris, which war the cause of his and thair truble.

[797] Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, succeeded his father in 1526. He married Lady Margaret Douglas, the daughter of Archibald Earl of Angus, by his wife, Margaret Queen of Scotland, widow of James the Fourth, and sister of Henry the Eighth. Their son Henry Lord Darnley, who married Queen Mary of Scots, was born in 1545. The Earl of Lennox was elected Regent of Scotland 11th July 1570, but was slain 4th September 1571. The Countess of Lennox died 9th March 1577, in the 62d year of her age.

[798] John Lockhart, son of John Lockhart of Barr in Ayrshire. He was served heir of his father, 10th May 1575.

[Sidenote: HAWICK RAIDE.]

The Erle of Murray maid a privey raid to Hawick upoun the fayre-day thairof, and apprehended fyftie theaffis; of which nomber war sevintene drowned;[799] otheris war executed in Jedburght. The principallis war brought to Edinburgh, and thair suffered, according to thair merittis, upoun the Burrow Mure.[800] The Quene was nothing content of the prosperitie and gude successe that God gave to the Erle of Murray in all his interprysses, for sche hated his uprycht dealling, and the image of God which evidently did appear into him; but at that tyme sche could not weall have beyn served without him.

[799] The disturbed state of the Borders called for this summary act of justice. According to Randolph's letter, dated 7th July 1562, there were eighty-three persons apprehended at Hawick, "of the which twenty were acquitted by the assize; the rest condemned; of the which twenty-two were presently drowned there, for lack of trees and halters; six hanged at Edinburgh, yesterday being Monday," &c. (Chalmers' Queen Mary, vol. iii. p. 360; Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 259. But Chalmers dates this letter 7th June; Tytler, the 8th July.)

[800] The Borough or Common Muir, about a mile to the south of Edinburgh, was of great extent, stretching from the Pleasance westward to beyond Merchiston Castle. The place where the old wooden gallows stood for the execution of criminals, according to Maitland, was "on the west side of the Dalkeith road, where it is left by the way to Musselburgh." The position was afterwards changed: see his History of Edinburgh, p. 176, chap. 177, respecting the Borough Muir.

[Sidenote: SCHARPE LEFT PREACHING AND TOOK HIM TO THE LAWES.]

[Sidenote: ANNO 1566 IN MAIJ.]

The Assemblye of the Kyrk at Mydsymmer, the [29th] of Junij,[801] anno 1562, approached, in the which war many notable headis entreated concernying good ordour to be keapt in the Churche; for the Papistis and the idolatrie of the Queyn began to truble the formar good ordouris. Some ministeris, suche as Maister Johne Scharpe,[802] had left thair charges, and entered into other vocationis more profitable for the belly; against whom war actis maid, althought to this day thei have nott bene putt in executioun.

[801] In MS. 1566, "the 24;" in MS. L 4, "the penult of Junij;" in MS. M, "the penult of Julie." The General Assembly met at Edinburgh on the penult or 29th of June 1562. See the Booke of the Universall Kirk of Scotland, vol. i. p. 13. It should no doubt be, in "Mr. Henry Lawder's lugeing," instead of "Mr. Hendrie Lands house," (ib. p. 14,) where the Assembly was held.

[802] Mr. John Scharp was educated in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, having taken his Bachelor's degree in 1555; and he became a licentiate or Master of Arts in 1557. At the Reformation he appears to have occasionally exercised himself in the office of the ministry, without being appointed to any particular church. The want of efficient preachers to supply the vacant charges rendered the General Assembly more anxious to secure the services of qualified persons. On the 2d July 1562, the Assembly "finding him able to preach the word and minister the sacraments, as he had done before times, charged him to re-enter to the ministry, the place where he should minister being reserved to farther deliberation." And on the 4th July, "It was concludit that Mr. John Scharp should re-enter in the ministrie, and to serve in the kirk whilk the Superintendent of Lothian should appoint; and if he refused, that the censures of the Kirk be execute against him." Scharp, however, according to the above marginal note, became an Advocate, and long practised at the bar with great success. Mr. John Scharp, Advocate, had a charter of the lands of Houston, in the shires of Edinburgh and Linlithgow, 25th March 1576. His name occurs in an Act of Parliament, in July 1604, as "Maister John Scharp of Houston, Lawer." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 264.) He was one of five persons connected with Scotland who were knighted by King James at Whitehall, on the 17th December 1604.

The tennour of the Supplicatioun redd in oppen audience, and approved by the hoill Assemblye to be presented to the Quenis Majestie, was this:--

TO THE QUENIS MAJESTIE, AND HIR MOST HONORABLE PRIVEY COUNSALL, THE SUPERINTENDENTIS AND MINISTERIS OF THE EVANGELL OF JESUS CHRIST WITHIN THIS REALME, TOGETHER WITH THE COMMISSIONARIS OF THE HOILL CHURCHES,[803] DESYRE GRACE AND PEACE FROM GOD THE FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE SPREIT OF RYCHTEOUSE JUDGEMENT.

[803] In the Booke of the Kirk, "of the haill Kirk."

HAVING in mynd that fearfull sentence, pronunced by the Eternall God against the watchemen that see the sweard of Goddis punishement approche, and do not in plane wordis foirwarne the people, yea, the Princes and Reularis, that thei may repent, we can not but signify unto your Hienes, and unto your Counsall, that the estait of this Realme is sic for this present, that onless redress and remeady be schortlie provided, that Goddis hand can not long spayr in his anger, to stryck the head and the taill; the inobedient Prince and synfull people: For as God is unchangeable and trew, so must he punische in these our dayis, the grevouse synnes that befoir we read he hes punished in all aiges, after that he hes long called for reapentance, and none is schawin.

[Sidenote: THIS[804] CAUSES THE QUENIS RELIGIOUN TO HAVE MANY FAVOURARIS.]

[804] In MS. G, "These cause;" MS. L 4, "This causethe."

And that your Grace and Counsall may understand what be the thingis we desyre to be reformed, we will begyn at that quhilk we assuredlie know to be the fontane and spring of all other evillis that now abound in this Realme, to wit, That idoll and bastard service of God, the Messe; the fontane, we call it, of all impietie, not only becaus that many tack boldnes to syn be reassone of the opinioun which thei have conceaved of that idoll, to wit, That by the vertew of it, thei get remissioun of thair synnes; but also becaus that under the cullour of the Messe, are hoores, adulteraris, drunkardis, blasphemaris of God, of His holy Word and Sacramentis, and such other manifest malcfactouris, manteaned and defended: for lett any Messesayare, or earnest manteanar thairof be deprehended in any of the foirnamed crymes, no executioun can be had, for all is done in haiterent of his religioun; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedlie, clocked and defended by that odious idoll. But supposing that the Messe war occasioun of no such evillis, yit in the self it is so odiouse in Goddis presence, that we can not cease with all instance to desyre the removing of the same, alsweall frome your self as from all otheris within this Realme, tacking heavin and earth, yea, and your awin conscience to record, that the obstinat manteanance of that idoll shall in the end be to you destructioun of saule and body.

Yf your Majestie demand, why that now we ar more earnest then we have bein heirtofoir; We ansuer, (our formar silence no wiese excused,) becaus we fynd us frustrat of our hope and expectatioun; quhilk was, that in processe of tyme, your Grace's heart should have bein mollifyed, so far as that ye wold have heard the publict doctrin taught within this Realme; by the quhilk, our farther hope was, that Goddis Holy Spreit should so have moved your hearte, that ye should have suffered your religioun (quhilk befoir God is nothing but abominatioun and vanitie) to have been tryed by the trew tueich-stone, the writtin word of God; and that your Grace fynding it to have no ground nor fundatioun in the same, should have gevin that glorie unto God, that ye wold have preferred his treuth unto your awin preconceaved vane opinioun, of what antiquitie that ever it hes bene. Whairof we in a parte now discoraged[805] cane no longer keape silence, onless we wold mack our selfis criminall befoir God of your blood, perisheing in your awin iniquitie; for we plainlie admonishe you of the dangearis to come.

[805] In MS. G, "discharged." In the Book of the Kirk, and MS. L 4, "disappointed."

[Sidenote: GRUDGEING OF THE NOBILITIE ONE AGAINST OTHER]

The Secound that we requyre, is punishement of horrible vices, sic as ar adultery, fornicatioun, open hurdome, blasphemye, contempt of God, of his Word, and Sacramentis; quhilkis in this Realme, for lack of punishement, do evin now so abound, that syne is reputed to be no syne. And thairfoir, as that we see the present signes of Goddis wrath now manifestlie appear, so do we foirwarne, that he will stryck, or it be long, yf his law without punishement be permitted thus manifestlie to be contempned. Yf any object, that punishementis can nott be commanded to be executed without a Parliament; We answer that the eternall God in his Parliament has pronounced death to be the punishement for adulterye and for blasphemye; whose actis yf ye putt not to executioun, (seing that Kingis ar but his lieutennentis, having no power to geve lyefe, whair he commandis death,) as that he will reputt you, and all otheris that foster vice, patronis of impietie, so will he nott faill to punishe you for neglecting of his judgementis.

Our Third requeast concerneth the Poore, who be of thre sortis: the poore lauboraris of the ground; the poore desolat beggaris, orphelyns, wedoes, and strangaris; and the poore ministeris of Christ Jesus his holie evangell, quhilk ar all so crewallie entreated by this last pretended Ordour tacken for sustentatioun of Ministeris, that thair latter miserie far surmonteth the formar. For now the poore lauboraris of the ground ar so oppressed by the creualtie of those that pay thair Thrid, that they for the most parte advance upoun the poore, whatsoever they pay to the Quene, or to any other. As for the verray indigent and poore, to whome God commandis a sustentatioun to be provided of the Teyndis, they ar so dyspised, that it is a wonder that the sone geveth heat and lycht to the earth, whair Godis name is so frequentlie called upoun, and no mercy (according to his commandiment) schawin to his creaturis. And also for the Ministeris, thair lyvingis ar so appointed, that the most parte shall lyve but a beggaris lyef. And all cumeth of that impietie, that the idill bellies of Christis ennemyes mon be fedd in thair formare delicacie.

We dar nott conceall frome your Grace and Honouris our conscience, quhilk is this, That neather by the law of God, neather yitt by any just law of man, is any thing dew unto thame, who now most creuellie do exact of the poore and riche the Two partes of thair Benefices, as they call thame: And thairfoir we most humblie requyre, that some other Ordour may be tacken with thame, nor that thei be sett up agane to impyre above the people of God, eathir yitt above any subject within this Realme. For we fear that sic usurpatioun to thair formar estaite be neather in the end pleasing to thame selfis, nor profitable to thame that wold place thame in that tyrannye. Yf any think that a competent lyving is to be assigned to thame, we repugne not, provided that the Lauboraris of the ground be nott oppressed, the Poore be nott utterlie neglected, and the Ministeris of the word so scharplie entreated as now thay ar. And, finallie, that those idill bellies, who by law can crave nothing, shall confesse that thei receave thair sustentatioun, nott of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble requeast is thairfoir, that some suddane ordour may be tacken, that the poore Lauboraris may fynd some releaf, and that in everie parochine some portioun of the Teyndis may be assigned to the sustentatioun of the Poore within the same; and lykwise that some publict releaf may be provided for the Poore within Broughtis; that collectouris may be appointed to gatther, and that scharpe comptis may be tacken, alsweall of thair receat as of thair deliverance. The farther consideratioun to be had to our Ministeris, we in some parte remitt to your Wisdomes, and unto thair particular complayntis.

Oure Fourt petitioun is for the mansses, yardis, and gleibes, justlie apperteanyng to the Ministeris, without the quhilkis it is unpossible unto thame quyetly to serve thair chargeis; and thairfoir we desyre ordour to be tacken thairinto without delay.

Oure Fyft concerneth the inobedience of certane wicked personis, who not onlie truble, and have trubled Ministeris in thair functioun, but also disobey the Superintendentis in thair visitatioun; whairof we humblye crave remeady; which we do not so much for any fear that we and our Ministeris have of the Papistis, but for the love that we bear to the commoun tranquillitie. For this we can not hyd from your Majestie and Counsall, that yf the Papistis think to triumphe whair thai may, and to do what thai list, whair thair is not a partie able to resist thame, that some will think, that the godlie mon begyn whair thai left, who heirtofoir have borne all thingis patientlie, in hope that Lawes should have brydilled the wicked; whairof yf thai be frustrat, (albeit that nothing be more odiouse to thame then tumultis and domesticall discord,) yit will men attempt the uttermost, befoir that in thair awin eyes thai behold that House of God demolisshed, quhilk with travaill and danger God hath within this Realme erected by thame.

Last, We desyre that sick as have receaved remissioun of thair Thriddis be compelled to susteane the Ministerie within thair boundis, or ellis we foirwarne your Grace and Counsall, that we fear that the people shall reteane the hoill in thair handis, unto sic tyme as thair ministery be sufficientlie provided. We farther desyre the kirkis to be repared according to ane Act set furth by the Lordis of Secreat Counsall, befoir your Majesties arryvall in this countrey: That Judges be appointed to hear the causes of divorsement; for the Kirk can no longare sustean that burthen, especiallye becaus thair is no punishement for the offendars: That sayeris and heararis of Messe, prophanaris of the Sacramentis, such as have entered in [to] benefices by the Papis bulles, and such otheris transgressouris of the Law maid at your Grace's arryvall within this Realme, may be seveirlie punished; for ellis men will think that thair is no treuth ment in macking of sick Lawis.

Farther, We most humblye desyre of your Grace and Honorable Counsall, a resolut ansuer to everie ane of the headis foirwritten, that the same being knawin, we may somewhat satisfie such as be grevouslie offended at manifest iniquitie now manteaned, at oppressioun under pretext of Law done against the poor, and at the rebelliouse disobedience of many wicked personis against Godis word and holy ordinance.

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so reull your heartis, and direct your Grace and Counsallis judgementis by the dyttament and illuminatioun of his Holy Spreit, that ye may ansuer so as that your consciences may be absolved in the presence of that rychteous Judge, the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt nott but ye your selfis shall fynd felicitie, and this poor Realme, that long hes bene oppressed by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillitie and rest, with the treu knowledge of God.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ESAI.]

[Sidenote: ANSUERE TO LETHINGTON.]

These thingis redd in publict Assernblie,[806] as said is, war approved of all, (and some wissed that moir scharpness had bene used, becaus that the tyme so craved,) but the monzeoris of the Court, and Secreatarie Lethingtoun abuf otheris, could not abyd such hard speiking; "For who ever saw it writtin (said he) to a Prince, That God wold stryck the head and the taill: That yf Papistis did what thei list, men wold begyn whair thei left." But abuf all otheris that was most offensyve, that the Quene was accused, as that sche wold raise up Papists and Papistrie agane. To put that in the people's head was no less then treassone; for oathes durst be maid[807] that sche never ment such thing. To whom it was ansured, "That the Prophete Esaias used such manor of speiking; and it was no doubt but he was weill acquented in the Court; for it was supposed he was of the Kingis stock. But howsoever it was, his wordis mack manifest, that he spack to the Court and Courteouris, to Judges, Ladies, Princes, and Preastis: And yit, (sayes he,) "The Lord shall cut away the head and the taill," &c. "And so," said the first wryttar, "I fynd that such phrase was ones used befoir us. And yf this offend you, that we say, 'Men maun begyn whair thei left,' in case that Papistis do as thei do; we wold desyre you to teache us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when our Ministeris ar strycken, our Superintendentis disobeyed, and a plane rebellioun decread against all good ordour." "Complean," said Lethingtoun. "Whom to?" said the other. "To the Quenis Majestie," said he. "How long shall we do so?" quod the whole. "Till that ye get remeady," said the Justice Cleark: "geve me thair names, and I shall geve you letteris." "Yf the shepe," said one, "shall compleane to the wolf, that the wolves and whelpis hes devoured thair lambis, the compleanar may stand in danger; but the offendar, we feare, shall have libertie to hunt after his prey." "Sic comparisonis," said Lethingtoun, "are verray unsaverie; for I am assured, that the Quene will neather erect, nor yit manteane Papistrie." "Let your assurance," said ane other, "serve your self, but it can not assure us, for hir manifest proceadings speakis the contrair."

[806] At the 6th Sess., 4th July.

[807] In MS. G, "wer maid."

After sick tanting reassonyng of boyth the sydis, the multitude concluded, that the Supplicatioun, as it was conceaved, should be presented, onless that the Secreatarie wold forme one more aggreable to the present necessitie. He promest to keap the substance of ouris, but he wold use other termes, and ask thingis in a mair gentill maner. The first writtar ansured, "That he served the Kirk at thair commandiment, and was content, that in his dictament should men use the libertie that best pleased thame, provided that he was not compelled to subscryve to the flatterie of such as more regarded the personis of men and wemen, then the simple treuth of God." And so was this formar Supplicatioun gevin to be reformed as Lethingtounis wisdome thought best. And in verray deid he framed it so, that when it was delivered by the Superintendentis of Lotheane and Fyfe, and when that sche had redd somewhat of it, sche said, "Here ar many fair wordis: I can not tell what the heartis ar." And so for our paynted oratorye, we war termed the nixt name to flatteraris and dissemblaris. But for that Sessioun the Kirk receaved none other ansuer.

[Sidenote: JOHNE GORDOUN AND OGILBY.]

Schort after[808] the conventioun of the Kirk, chansed that unhappy persuyt whilk Johnne Gordoun, Laird of Fynlater,[809] maid upoun the Lord Ogilby,[810] who was evill hurt, and almost yit abydis mutilat. The occasioun was, for certane landis and rights, quhilkis old Fyndlater had resigned to the said Lord, which he was perseuing, and was in appearance to obteane his purpose. Whairat the said Johne and his servandis war offended, and thairfoir maid the said persuyt, upoun a Setterday, at nycht, betwix nyne and ten. The freindis of the said Lord war eather not with him, or ellis not weall willing to feght that nycht; for thei took straikis, but geve few that left markis. The said Johne was tane, and put in the Tolbuyth, whair he remanent certane dayis, and then brack his warde, some judged, at his fatheris commandiment; for he was macking preparatioun for the Quenis cuming to the North, as we will after hear.

[808] As mentioned in the previous page 337, Knox has mistaken the time when the General Assembly met, and in this way he probably committed the mistake of saying, "Schort after," instead of "Short before the Conventioun." The meetings of the Assembly were from Monday the 29th June, till Saturday the 4th July 1562. The above conflict took place on Saturday the 27th June. The Magistrates having apprehended and imprisoned Gordon of Finlater, and ordered two of the Ogilvies to be kept in ward, they sent a messenger to the Queen, who was then in Stirling, to obtain her instructions. The Queen's letter, dated penult of June, is preserved in the Council Register, and is printed by Keith. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 156.) But Sir John Gordon, as Knox mentions, soon afterwards made his escape to the North.

[809] Sir John Gordon was third son of George fourth Earl of Huntley. Alexander Ogilvy of Ogilvy, in 1545, having disinherited his son James Ogilvy of Cardell, settled his estates of Finlater and Deskford upon John Gordon, who assumed the name of Ogilvie, which was the occasion of the animosity that existed between the two families. James Ogilvy of Cardell had been in France, and was Master of the Household of Queen Mary. He was now endeavouring to recover possession of his father's estates. The claim between the rival families of Gordon and Ogilvy having at length been referred to arbitration, the estates of Deskford and Finlater, in 1566, were affirmed to James Ogilvy, the ancestor of the Earls of Finlater; and this award was ratified in Parliament, 19th April 1567.

[810] According to most accounts James sixth Lord Ogilvy of Airly was so severely wounded in this conflict, on the 27th June 1562, that his life was considered to be in imminent danger; but he recovered and survived till the year 1606.

The interview and meating of the two Quenis, delayed till the nixt year, oure Soverane took purpose to visyt the North, and departed from Striveling in the moneth of August. Whitther thair was any secreat pactioun and confederacye betwix the Papistis in the South, and the Erle of Huntley and his Papistis in the North; or, to speak more planelie, betwix the Quene hir self and Huntley, we can not certanlie say.[811] But the suspitionis war wounderous vehement, that thair was no good will borne to the Erle of Murray, nor yit to such as depended upoun him at that tyme. The History we shall faythfullie declair, and so leave the judgement free to the readaris.

[811] In MS. G, "certanely affirme."

That Johne Gordoun brack his ward, we have already heard, who immediately thairafter reapared to his father George, then Eric of Huntley;[812] and understanding the Quenis cuming, maid graite provisioun in Strabogye, and in other partis, as it war to receave the Quene. At Aberdene the Quene and Court remaned certane dayis to deliberat upoun the affaires of the countrey; whair some began to smell, that the Erle of Huntley was under gatthering, as heirefter shalbe declaired.

[812] George fourth Earl of Huntley succeeded his grandfather in 1524. He became a favourite of King James the Fifth, with whom he had been educated. He was admitted a Privy Councillor in 1535, and was constituted Lieutenant-General of the North in 1540. In 1546 he succeeded Cardinal Beaton as Lord Chancellor. He obtained in 1549 a grant of the Earldom of Murray, but this he was forced to resign in 1559. The estates and dignities of Mar and Murray having afterwards been conferred upon Lord James Stewart, this served to encrease those fatal dissensions which ultimately led to the Earl's death, at Corrichie, on the 28th October 1562.

[Sidenote: BOTHWELL BRAKE WARDE.]

[Sidenote: THE FALS BISHOPE AND HIS TRAFIQUE]

Whill thingis war so wyrking in the North, the Erle Bothwell brack his ward, and cam furth of the Castell of Edinburgh, the 28th of August. Some say that he brack the stancheour of the wyndo; utheris whispered, that he gat easye passage by the yettis. One thing is certane, to wit, The Quene was litill offended at his eschaiping. Thair passed with him a servand of the Capitane's, named James Porterfield. The said Erle schew him self not verray affrayed, for his commoun residence was in Lowthean. The Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Crosraguell keapt secreat conventioun that same tyme in Paslay, to whom resorted diverse Papistis; yea, the said Bischope spack the Duck, unto whom also cam the Lord Gordon from the Erle of Huntley, requyring him "to putt to his handis in the South, as he should do in the North; and so it should not be Knoxis crying nor preaching that should stay that purpose." The Bischope, be he never so close, could not altogether hyd his mynd, but at his awin table said, "The Quene is gone into the North, belyke to seak disobedience: sche may perchance fynd the thing that sche seikis." It was constantlie affirmed, that the Erle Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spack together, but of thair purpoise we heard no mentioun.

[Sidenote: COMMISSIONARIS.]

That same year, and at that instant tyme, war appointed Commissionaris by the Generall Assemblie to Carryk and Cunighame, Maister George Hay, who, the space of a moneth preached with great fruct in all the churches of Carryk. To Kyle, and to the partis of Galloway was appointed Johnne Knox, who besyde the doctrine of the evangell schawen unto the commoun people, foirwarned some of the Nobilitie and Baronis of the dangearis that he feared, and that war appearing schortlie to follow; and exhorted thame to put thame selfis in sic ordour as that thei mycht be able to serve the authoritie, and yit not to suffer the ennemeis of Goddis treuth to have the upper hand. Whairupoun a great part of the Baronis and Gentilmen of Kyle and Cunynghame and Carrik, professing the treu doctrine of the evangell, assembled at Ayre; and after exhortationis maid, and conference had, subscrivit this Band. The tennour whairof followis:--

WE, whais Names are underwrittin, do promesse, in the presence of God, and in the presence of his Sone our Lord Jesus Christ, that we, and everie ane of us, shall and will manteane and assist the preaching of his holy Evangell, now of his mear mercy, offered unto this Realme; and also will manteane the ministeris of the same against all personis, power, and authoritie, that will oppone the self to the doctrin proponed, and by us receaved. And farther, with the same solempnitie, we protest and promesse, that everie ane of us shall assist otheris; yea, and the hoill body of the Protestantis within this Realme, in all lauchfull and just actionis, against all personis; so that whosoever shall hurt, molest, or truble ony of our body, shalbe reaputed ennemye to the hoill, except that the offendar wilbe content to submit him self to the judgement of the Kirk, now establisshed amangis us. And this we do, as we desyre to be accepted and favored of the Lord Jesus, and reaccompted worthy of credyte and honestie in the presence of the godlie. At the Brough of Air, the ferd day of September, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa zeiris.

Subscrivit by all these with thair handis, as followis:--

MR. MICHAELL WALLACE, Provest of Air,[813] JAMES LOCKART,[814] WILLIAME MONTGOMERY, JOHNNE CRAUFURD of Wolstoun,[815] GLENCARNE,[816] RO. BOYD,[817] R. FAILFURD,[818] MATTHEW CAMPBELL of Lowden, knyght, ALLANE LORD CAYTHCART, JOHNNE MURE in Wole, HEW WALLACE of Carnell, JAMES CHALMER of Gathgirth, HEW MONTGOMERY of Hesheilhead, JOHNNE FULLARTOUN of Dreghorne, I WILLIAME CUNYGHAME, with my hand, SKELDOUN,[819] FARGUSHILL,[820] MR. OF BOYD,[821] JOHNNE LOCKART of Barr, WILLIAME CUNYGHAME of Capringtoun younger, ROBERT KER of Carsland, ROBERT CRAWFURD, DAVID CRAWFURD, WILLIAME CUNYGHAME, CHARLES CAMPBELL, Burgess of Air, JAMES DALRYMPLE of Stayre, MUNGO MURE, JAMES REID, JAMES KENNEDY, Burgess of Air, GEORGE LOCKART, Burgess thair, JOHNE CUNYNGHAME of Capringtoun, CUNYNGHAMHEID,[822] VCHILTRIE,[823] GEORGE CRAUFURD of Lefnoreise, JOHNE MURE of Rowallane, HEW CUNYGHAME of Watterstoun, ROBERT CUNYGHAME, AKYNHARVYE,[824] MYDDILTOUN,[825] JOHNE WALLACE of Cragie, JOHNE BOYD of Narstoun, ROBERT CAMPBELL of Kingzeanclewcht, GILBERT ECCLES, THOMAS CAYTHCARTE, with my hand, ALLANE CAITHCART of Clawance,[826] ADAM REYD of Barskymming, JOHNNE CAITHCART of Gibiszard,[827] JOHNE REID, with my hand, JOHNE ...[828] ROBERT SCHAW, Burgess thair, JOHNNE DUNBAR of Blantyre, ROBERT CHALMER of Martnem,[829] ROBERT HUNTAR of Huntarstoun, ROBERT RANKIN, ARCHIBALD BOYLE, ALEXANDER NYSBETT, JAMES LOCKART, WILLIAME STEWART of Halrig, HECTOUR DUNBAR of Clousting, JAMES CAMPBELL of Louchley, ADAM CAITHCART of Bardarocht, GEORGE RYD of Chapellhouse, HEW WALLACE of the Meanfurd, ROBERT CAMPBELL of Cragdow, ANDRO NEVEN of Monkredden, WILLIAME CAITHCART, DAVID CRAUFURD of the Kerse, JOHNNE KENNYDYE of Ternganoche, PATRIK KENNYDIE of Daljarocht,[830] ALLANE CAITHCART of Carlton, ROBERT BOYD of Pemont,[831] WILLIAME CAMPBELL of Horsclewcht,[832] WILLIAME CAITHCART, brother to the Lord Caithcart, JOHNNE MACQUHIDAILL, GEORGE CORRY of Kelwod, WILLIAME KENNYDIE of Ternganocht, JOHNNE KENNYDIE of Kirkmichaell, THOMAS MACKALEXANDER of Corsclais.[833][834]

[813] The Provost of Ayr was, no doubt, Wallace of Holmstone, on the south bank of the river, about a mile from the town.

[814] Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee.

[815] Or Walston, parish of Tarbolton.

[816] Alexander fourth Earl of Glencairn.

[817] Robert fourth Lord Boyd: see page 259, note 7.

[818] Robert Cunningham, minister of Failfurd: see a subsequent note.

[819] William Campbell of Skeldon, in the parish of Dalrymple.

[820] John Fergushill of Fergushill, in the parish of Kilwinning.

[821] Robert Master of Boyd. He predeceased his father Lord Boyd.

[822] Sir William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead.

[823] Andrew second Lord Stewart of Ochiltrie.

[824] In the list this appears as a distinct name, but Robert Cunningham was Laird of Auchinharvy.

[825] The Laird of Middleton was also a Cunningham.

[826] Or Clavanes, parish of Dundonald.

[827] Or Gibb's-yard.

[828] In all the copies of Knox this name is left blank, his transcriber in 1566 apparently being unable to decypher it.

[829] Or Martinham, parish of Dalrymple.

[830] Or Daljarrock, parish of Colmonell.

[831] Or Piedmont.

[832] Or Horsecleuch, in the parish of Cumnock, a designation assumed by the Campbells of Skerrington, although probably at first by a distinct branch of the family.

[833] Or Corseclays, in the parish of Colmonell.

[834] In MS. G, at the end of this list of names is added, "With many uther Gentilmen of worth, and Burgesses." In MS. L 4, the list is dated, the 3d of September; but the names of the Subscribers of this Bond are only partially given; but adding these words, "with an hundreth more gentlemen," &c. Calderwood also gives a similar abridged list. (Hist. vol. ii. p. 202.)

These thingis done at Ayr, the said Johne passed to Nethisdaill and Galloway, whair, in conference with the Maister of Maxwell,[835] a man of great judgment and experience, he communicat with him such thingis as he feared; who by his motioun wraytt to the Erle Bothwell, to behave himself as it became a faythfull subject, and to keape good quyetness in the partis committed to his charge, and so wold his cryme of the breaking of the ward be the more easelie pardoned. Johne Knox wrait unto the Dukis Grace, and earnestlie exhorted him neather to geve eare to the Bischope[836] his bastard brother, nor yit to the persuasionis of the Erle of Huntley; for yf he did, he assured him, that he and his House should come to a suddane ruyn.

[835] Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, Warden of the West Marches: see vol. i. p. 319.

[836] Giving ear to the Bishop, that is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews.

By such meanis war the South partis keapte in reassonable quyetness, during the tyme that the trubles war in brewing in the North. And yit the Bischope and the Abbote of Corsraguell,[837] did what in thame lay to have rased some truble; for besydis the fearfull bruytes that thei sparsed abroad, (sometymes that the Quene was tacken; sometymes that the Erle of Murray and all his band war slane; and sometymes that the Quene had gevin her self unto the Erle of Huntley,--besydis such bruites) the Bischope, to brek the countrey of Kyle, whair quyetness was greatest, rased the Craufurdis against the Readis for the payment of the Bischopis Pasche fynes; but that was stayed by the laubouris of indifferent men, who favored peace.

[837] Quintin Kennedy was the fourth son of Gilbert second Earl of Cassillis. As a younger son, intended for the church, he pursued his studies at St. Andrews, and afterwards at Paris. He obtained the Abbacy of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, in the year 1549. He died on the 22d August 1564. See notice of his life in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 89.

[Sidenote: DISPUTATIOUN.]

[Sidenote: CROSRAGUELL OFFFRED HIM ANES TO PREACH.]

The Abbot of Crosraguell requyred disputatioun of Johne Knox for mantenance of the Messe, which was granted unto him, and whiche held in Mayboll thre dayis. The Abbot had the advantage that he requyred, to wit, He took upoun him to prove that Melchisedeck offered bread and wyne unto God, which was the ground that the Messe was builded upoun to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the travaill of thre dayis thair could no prooff be produced for Melchisedeckis oblatioun, as in the same disputatioun (which is to be had in print[838]) clearlie may appear. The Papistis constantlie looked for a wolter, and thairfoir thei wold maid some bragg of reassonyng. The Abbote farther presented him self to the pulpit, but the voice of Maister George Hay[839] so effrayed him, that efter ones he wearyed of that exercise.

[838] The Disputation referred to took place at Maybole in September 1562. Knox published a detailed account of it, under the title of "The Copie of the Reasonyng which was betwix the Abbot of Crossraguell and Johne Knox, in Maybole, concerning the Masse," &c. Printed at Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevik, 1563, 4to. This, of course, will be reprinted in a subsequent volume of his Works.

[839] Mr. George Hay was first minister of Eddilston, and in or before 1563, was appointed Commissioner of the Diocese of Aberdeen and Banff, and also Minister of Ruthven. In August 1562, he had been appointed to visit Ayrshire (see page 347); and Knox's allusion is evidently to Hay's controversy with the Abbot at this time, which was published under this title, "The Confutation of the Abbote of Crosraguells Masse, set furth by Maister George Hay. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by Robert Lekprewik, 1563," 4to; dedicated "To the Most Noble, Potent, and Godly Lord James, Earle of Murray."

After that the Quene was somewhat satisfyed of hunting, and other pastyme,[840] sche cam to Abirdene, whair the Erle of Huntley met hir and his Lady, with no small tryne, remaned in Court, was supposed to have the greatest credyte, departed with the Quene to Buchquhane, met hir again at Rothymay, looking that sche should have passed with him to Strabogye. But in the jorney certane word cam to hir that Johne Gordoun had brocken promesse in not re-entering in ward; for his father the Erie had promessed that he should enter agane within the Castell of Stryveling, and thair abyd the Quenis pleasur. But whetther with his fatheris knowledge and consent, or without the same we know not, but he refused to enter; which so offended the Quene, that she wold not go to Strabogye, but passed through Straythyla to Innerness, whair the Castell thairof was denyed unto hir. The Capitane was commanded to keape it, and looked for releaf, for so had Johne of Gordoun promessed; but being thairof frustrat, the Castell was randered, and the Capitane named Gordoun was executed; the rest war damned, and the handis of some bound, but eschaiped.

[840] The following is a brief notice of the Queen's progress in the North of Scotland. She set out from Edinburgh, on horseback, on the 11th August 1562, dined that day at Calder, and then reached the Palace of Linlithgow. Next day, after dinner, at Lord Livingstone's, in Callander House, she came to Stirling Castle, where she remained till the 18th. She proceeded to Aberdeen, where she arrived on the 27th, and remained till the 1st of September. Having changed her purpose of visiting the Earl of Huntley, she proceeded, stopping at places not so well prepared for her reception, passed the Spey, and reached Elgin on the 4th. On the 8th she passed forward to Kinloss Abbey; on the following day to Tarnaway Castle, the chief mansion of the Earldom of Murray, where a Privy Council was held on the 10th of September; and Lord James Stewart having resigned the title of Mar, produced his patent, and assumed the title of Murray. Next day the Queen reached Inverness. On the 15th she set out on her return, stopping at Tarnaway and Spynie Castle, recrossed the Spey at Fochabers, and reached Aberdeen on the 22d, where the inhabitants shewed their loyalty on occasion of her public entry. Here she remained till the 5th of November, during which time the fatal conflict at Corrichie took place, ensuring the triumph of Murray, and the ruin of Huntley, which Chalmers and other writers assert was the chief object in inducing the Queen to undertake this journey. In her return she passed through Dunottar, Montrose, Dundee, Perth, and arrived at Holyrood on the evening of the 21st of November, after more than three months' absence. See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. i. sect. iv.

[Sidenote: SO WAS THE DUCK, THE ERLIS ERGYLE, MURRAY, AND GLENCARNE, WITH ALL THAIR COMPANIES AFTER SERVED.][841]

[841] Being denounced rebels, in August and October 1565.--Some letters in this marginal note, cut away by the binder, are supplied from MS. G.

This was the begynning of farther truble; for the Erie of Huntley thairat offended, began to assemble his folkis, and spaired not to speak that he wold be revenged. But alwayes his Wyef bayre faire countenance to the Quene; and it is verrely supposed, that no other harme then the Quene hir self could easilie have stand content with, was ment unto hir awin persone. But the hoill malice lay upoun the Erie of Murray, Secreatarie Lethingtoun, and upoun the Lard of Pittarro. Yitt the Quene begane to be effrayed, and by proclamatioun caused warne Stryveling, Fyffe, Anguss, Mearness, and Straytherne, charge all substantiall men to be in Abirdene the fyfth day of October, thair to remane the space of twenty dayis. In hir returning from Innerness, sche required the Castell of Fynlater, which was lykewise denyed, and so was Auchendowne, which more inflammed the Quein. The Erie of Huntley was charged to caus deliver the said housses, under pane of treasson. To schaw some obedience, he caused the keyis of boyth to be presented by his servand, Mr. Thomas Keyr. But befoir had the Quene send young Capitane Stewarte, (sone to Capitane James,[842] who to this day hes neather bein stout, happye, nor trew,) with sex scoir of soldartis, to ly about the said place of Fynlater. They lodged in Culane, nott far distant from the said place. Upoun a nycht Johne Gordoun cam with a cumpany of horsemen, took the Capitane, slew certane of the soldiouris, and disarmed the rest. This fact, done (as the Quene alledged) under traist, so inflambed hir, that all hope of reconciliatioun was past; and so the said Erle of Huntley was charged, under pane of putting of him to the home, to present him self and the said Johne befoir the Quene and Counsall within sax dayis: whiche charge he disobeyed, and so was denunced rebell. Whitther it was law or not, we dispute litill thairintill; but it was a preparative to otheris that after war served with that same measure. He was sought at his place of Strathbogye, but eschaped.

[842] Apparently Capt. Alexander Stewart, son of Capt. James Stewart of Cardonald, who is mentioned at page 329. On the 29th October 1562, there was paid by the Queen's speciale command "to Capitane Moffet ensinge to Capitane Stewart for his trew service done and to be done, £66, 13s. 4d."

[Sidenote: 1562.]

The evill encreased, for the Erle assembled his folk out of all partes of the North. He martched forward towardis Abirdene, and upoun the twenty-twa day of October, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa yearis, cam to the Loch of Skein. His army was judged to sevin or aught hundreth men. The Quenis army, boyth in nomber and manhead, far surmounted his, and yitt he took no fear; for he was assured of the most parte of thame that war with the Quene, as the ishew did witness. Within the toune thei stood in great fear; and thairfoir it was concluded that thei wold assaile the uttermost upoun the feildis. The Forbesses, Hayes, and Leslyes, took the vantgard, and promessed to feght the said Erle without any other helpe. Thei passed furth of the toune before ten houris. Thei putt thame selfis in array, but thei approached not to the enemye till that the Erle of Murray and his cumpanye war come to the feildis, and that was efter two at efter none; for he was appointed with his cumpanye onlye to have beholden the battell. But all thingis turned otherwyese then the most parte of men supposed.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE OF HUNTLEYIS PRAYER.]

The Erle of Huntley was the nycht befoir determined to have retyred him self and his cumpanye; but that mornyng he could not be walkened before it was ten houres, and when he was up on foote his spreitis failed him, (be reassone of his corpolencie,) so that rychtlie a longe tyme he could do nothing. Some of his freindis, fearing the danger, left him. When that he looked upoun boyth the cumpanyes, he said, "This great cumpany that approcheth neyest to us will do us no harm, thei ar our freindis. I only fear yonder small cumpayne that stand upoun the hill-syd, yone ar our enemyes. But we ar anew for thame, yf God be with us." And when he had thus spoken, he fell upoun his knees, and maid his prayer in this forme. "O Lord, I have been a bloode thristye man, and by my meanes hes mekle innocent bloode bein spilt; but wilt thou geve me victory this day, and I shall serve thee all the dayis of my lyef."--Note and observe, good Readar, he confessed that be had bein a blood-thristy man, and that he had bein the cause of the schedding of much innocent bloode: but yitt wold he have had victorye; and what was that ellis, but to have had power to have schedd more, and then wold he have satisfied God for all togetther. Wherein is expressed the nature of hypocrytis, whiche neather farther feareth nor loveth God then present danger or proffeitt suadeth. But to our Historye.

[Sidenote: CORRECHY BURNE, OR FARA BANK.]

[Sidenote: THE TREASSONABLE FACT OF THE NORTH.]

[Sidenote: SECRETARIE LETHINGTOUN HIS ORISONE ATT CORRECHIE.]

The Leslyes, Hayes, and Forbesses, espying the Erle of Murray and his to be lyghted upoun thair foote, maid fordwarde against the Erle of Huntley and his, who stoode in Correchie Burne, (some call it Fara Bank;)[843] but or thei approched, ney by the space of the schote of ane arrow, they caist frome thame thair spearis and long weaponis, and fled directlie in the faces of the Erle of Murray and his company. The danger espyed, the Lard of Pettarro, a man boyth stout and of a reddy wytt, with the Maister, now Lord Lyndsay, and Tutour of Pettcur,[844] said, "Let us cast downe spearis to the formest, and lett thame nott come amanges us, for thair is no doubt but that this flying is by treassone." And so thei did: so that they that fled keapt thame selfis apart frome the few nomber that war marching upoun foote in ordour. The Erle of Huntley, seing the vantgard flie, said unto his company, "Oure freindis ar honest men, they have keapt promesse: lett us now rencounter the rest." And so he and his, as suyre of victorye, martched fordwarte.

[843] The battle of Corrichie takes its name from the vale or small stream so called, in the parish of Mid-Mar, about twenty miles west of Aberdeen. The hill of Fare is computed to be 1793 feet above the level of the sea.

[844] This veteran has been several times mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 317; vol. ii. pp. 56, 63. It may be added that at a later period of life he obtained a grant of the Commendatorship of the Priory of Pittenweem. As elsewhere mentioned he died in 1588, aged seventy. He was buried in the church of Dundee, and the inscription on his monument, which, I believe, is still preserved, was published by Monteith, in his "Theater of Mortality." Edinb. 1713, 8vo.

The Secreatarie, in few wordis, maid a vehement orisoun, and willed everie man to call upoun his God, to remember his deuitie, and nott to fear the multitude; and, in the end, concluded thus: "O Lord, thou that reullis the heavin and the earth, look upoun us thy servandis, whose bloode this day is most unjustlie sought, and to man's judgement is sold and betrayed: Our refuge is now unto thee and our hope is in thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the Erle of Huntley, and the rest of our ennemyes. Yf ever we have injustlie sought his or thair destructioun and bloode, lett us fall in the edge of the sweard. And, O Lord, yf thou knowest our innocencye, manteane thou and preserve us for thy great mercyes saik."

[Sidenote: THE RESPONSE OF THE ERLE OF HUNTLEIS WYTTCHES.]

[Sidenote: 12 JUNIJ, 1566.][845]

[845] In MS. G, this marginal date is inserted in the text.

Schort after the speaking of these and the lyke wordis, the formar rankis joyned, for Huntleyis cumpany maid great haist. They war repulsed by the Maister of Lyndsay, and the cumpanyes of Fyffe and Anguss. Some of thame that fledd returned, and followed the Erle of Murray, but gave na straykis till that Huntleyis cumpanye geve back. In the front thair war slane about eighteen or twenty-foure men, and in the fleyeing thair fell ney a hundreth. Thair was tacken a hundreth, and the rest war spaired. The Erle himself was tacken alyve; his two sons, Johne foirsaid, and Adam Gordoun, war tacken with him. The Erle, immediatlie after his tacken, departed this lyiff without any wound, or yitt appearance of any strock, whairof death might have enseued; and so, becaus it was laitt, he was cassen over-thorte a pair of crealles, and so was caryed to Abirdene, and was laid in the Tolbuyth thairof, that the response whiche his wyffis wyttches had gevin mycht be fulfilled, whay all affirmed (as the most parte say,) that that same nycht should he be in the Tolbuyth of Abirdene without any wound upoun his body. When his Lady gatt knowledge thairof, sche blamed hir principale witche, called Janet; but sche stoutlie defended hir self, (as the devill can ever do,) and affirmed that she geve a trew answer, albeit she spack nott all the treuth; for she knew that he should be thair dead:[846] but that could nott proffeit my Lady.[847] Scho was angrye and sorye for a seassone, but the Devill, the Messe, and wyttches have als great credyte of hir this day as thei had sevin yearis ago.

[846] In MS. L 4, all the words after "should be there dead," are omitted.

[847] Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Robert Lord Keith, who with his father William third Earl Marischal, was killed at Floddon in 1513.

The Erle of Murray send message unto the Quene of the mervalouse victorye, and humblie prayed hir to schaw that obedience to God as publictlie to convene with thame, to geve thankis unto God for his notable deliverance. Sche glowmed boyth at the messenger[848] and at the requeast, and skarselie wold geve a good worde or blyth countenance to any that sche knew earnest favoraris of the Erle of Murray, whose prosperitie was and yitt is, a verray vennoume to hyr boldened harte, against him for his godlynes and uprycht plainess. Of many dayes she bair no better countenance; whairby it myght have bene evidentlie espyed, that sche rejosed nott greatlie of the successe of that mater; and albeit sche caused execut Johne Gordoun and diverse otheris, yitt it was the destructioun of otheris that sche sought.

[848] In MS. 1566, "message."

[Sidenote: THE LADY FORBES HIR WOURDIS.]

Upoun the morow after the disconfiture, the Lady Forbess, a woman boyth wyese and fearing God, cam amangis many other to vesytt the corps of the said Erle; and seing him ly upoun the cold steanes, having onlye upoun him a doublat of cammoise, a pair of Scottishe gray hoise, and covered with ane arrass-work,[849] she said, "What stabilitie shall we judge to be into this world: thair lyeth he that yesterday in the morneyng was holden the wyesest, the richest, and a man of greatest power that was within Scotland." And in verray dead sche lyed nott; for, in mannis opinioun, under a prince, thair was not suche a one these thre hundreth yearis in this Realme produced. Bott felicitie and worldlye wisdome so blynded him, that in the end he perished in thame, as shall all those that dyspyse God, and trust in thame selfis.[850]

[849] In MS. L 4, "an Yrish work."

[850] In MS. G, in this place there is a marginal note, "Let utheris that yet live mark this."

Johne Gordoun,[851] at his death, confessed many horrible thingis, devised by his father, by his brother, and by him self. Thair war letteris found in the Erles pocket, that disclosed the treassone of the Erle of Sutherland, and of diverse otheris. Mr. Thomas Keir, who befoir was the hole counsallour to the Erle foirsaid, disclosed whatsoever he understoode myght hurte the Gordones and thair freyndis: and so the treassone planelie disclosed, whiche was, that the Erle of Murray with certane otheris should have bene murthered in Strabogye; the Quene should have bene tane, and keapt at the devotioun of the said Erle of Huntley.

[851] See page 345, note 2.

[Sidenote: 1562.]

[Sidenote: MENIS JUDGEMENTIS OF THE QUENIS MARIAGE.]

These thingis (we say) reveilled, the Quene left the North,[852] and cam to Dondye, Sanct Johnestoun, Stirveling, and then to Edinburgh.[853] The Erle of Huntleyis body was caryed about in a boat,[854] and laid without buriall in the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, till the day of his forfaltour, as after shall be declaired.[855] The Duck apprehended the Lord Gordoun[856] his sone in law, becaus that the Quene had straitlie commanded him so to do, yf he repaired within his boundis. Befoir he delivered him, the Erle of Murray laubored at the Quenis hand for the saiftye of his lyeff, which hardly was granted; and so was he delivered within the Castell of Edinburgh, the twenty-aught day of November, whair he remaned till the aught of Februare, when he was put to ane assise, accused, and convict of treassone; but was restored agane, first to the Castell foirsaid, and thairafter was transported to Dumbar, whair he remaned preasoner till the moneth of August, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir fyve yearis, as we will after hear.

[852] In MS. L 4, this sentence reads, "These thingis thus reveilled, the Quene returned shortlie efter, leaving the Thesaurer, Mr. James M^c Gill, Mr. John Spence of Condie, and the Laird of Pittarrow in Aberdene, to compone for the eschetes of those who were in the fields with the Erle of Huntlie." Calderwood (Hist. vol. ii. p. 200) copies these words verbatim. The Treasurer in his Accounts from February 1561-2 to February 1562-3, charges himself with £3542, 6s. 8d., as the composition of various persons in the North for assisting, &c. George Earl of Huntley, "in Campo de Correchie, in mense Oct. ult." In October £33 was paid to Archibald Earl of Argyle, Lord Justice, and £62 to Sir John Bellenden, Justice Clerk, for the time they remained in Aberdeen. "Item, to John Johnstoun, Clerk of the Secreit Counsel, for his extraordinar wagis and ane servand, awaiting upoun the Quenis grace and Lordis of hir Secreit Counsel, all the tyme fra hir Grace departing furth of Edinburgh towart the North partis, fra the first day of August, 1562 zeris, to the last day of November in the said zeir, extending to 122 dayis, &c. £100."

[853] On the 21st November.

[854] The following payments in the Treasurer's Accounts, confirm this notice of the Earl's contemplated forfeiture:--

1562, November, Item to Patrick Hume, for the fraucht of his schip, of Abirdene to Leith, £10 --for the carriage of ane kist, quhairin wes contenit my Lord of Huntleis bodie, of Leith to Edinburgh, 4s. --for bandis for the same, 10s. --to Robert Hendersone, chirurgen, for expensis maid be him upoun spicis, vinagre, acquavitie, pulderis, odouris, and hardis, with sindrie utheris necessaris, and for his laubouris in the handeling of the said Erle of Huntleis bodie that it suld nocht putrefie, as compt gevin in be the said Robert, beris £28, 3s. 4d.

[855] See infra, page 380.

[856] George Lord Gordon was the second son of the Earl of Huntley. He succeeded his elder brother Alexander Lord Gordon, who died in 1553, without issue. Alexander married Lady Margaret, the second daughter, and George, Lady Anne, the third daughter of the Duke of Chattelherault. On his father's death at Corrichie, George became fifth Earl of Huntley. But being apprehended, he was convicted of treason on the 8th February 1562-3, his estates forfeited, and he himself sentenced to be executed. The latter part of the sentence however being delayed, he was sent to Dunbar Castle, where he remained a prisoner until August 1565. He was then restored to favour, and adhered to the Queen's party. He was advanced to be Lord Chancellor in March 1566, and after several changes of fortune, he died in 1576.

In this meantyme the trubles war hote in France; and the intelligence and outward familiaritie betwix the two Quenis was great. Lethingtoun was direct with large commissioun both to the Quene of England and unto the Guisianes. The mariage of our Queyn was in all mannis mouth. Some[857] wold have Spaine; some the Emperouris brother; some Lord Robert Dudlye; some Duck de Nemours; and some unhappilie gessed at the Lord Darnlye. What Lethingtounis credyte was, we know not; but schorte after thair began much to be talked of the Erle of Levenox, and of his sone, the Lord Darnlye. It was said that Lethingtoun spack the Lady Margarete Dowglass,[858] and that Robert Melven[859] receaved ane horse to the Secreatare's use, fra the Erle of Levenox, or from his wyff. Howsoever it was, Maister Foullare, servand to the said Erle, cam with letteris to the Quenis Grace, by the which, licence was permitted to the Erle of Levenox to cum to Scotland, to travell in his lauchfull busynes. That same day that the licence was granted, the said Secreatarye said, "This day have I tacken the deadlie haiterent of all the Hamyltonis within Scotland, and have done unto thame no less displeasur than that I had cutted thair throttis."

[857] Of the five persons here named, who were proposed as husband to Queen Mary, the first was Don Carlos, Infant of Spain, son of Philip the Second, born in 1545, and died in 1568. The next was the Archduke Charles, a younger son of the Emperor Ferdinand the First, and brother of Maximilian the Second, born in 1540, and died in 1596. The third was Lord Robert Dudley, the favourite of Queen Elizabeth, who created him Earl of Leicester, born in 1532, and died in 1588. The fourth was James (of the house of Savoy) Duke de Nemours, born in 1531, and died in 1585. He was reckoned as "l'un des plus beaux Princes de son tems, et des plus braves, fut liberal, magnifique, et sçavoit des langues." In 1566, he married Anne d'Este, widow of Francis Duke de Guise. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal. vol. iii. p. 512.) The last was Henry Lord Darnley, eldest son of Matthew Earl of Lennox, born 1545, and whom she afterwards married, 29th July 1565.

[858] See page 335, note 2.

[859] Robert Melvin or Melville, the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith. In May 1555, "Robert Melville, servand to the Quenis Grace, received be hir speciale command," the sum of £50; and in September following, £75, as his pension for the Whitsunday term, that year. He had long resided at the Court of France, during the reign of Henry the Second; and was afterwards much employed in public affairs. He was knighted in 1582, and was raised to the Peerage, by the title of Lord Melville of Monimail, in 1616, having survived till 1621, when he died at the very advanced age of 94.

The Erle Bothwell, who befoir had brocken ward, fearing apprehensioun, prepared to pas to France; but by storme of weather was dryven into England, whair he was stayed, and was offerred to have bein randered by the Quene of England. But our Quenis ansuer was, "That he was no rebell, and thairfoir sche requeasted that he should have libertie to pas whair it pleiseth him."[860] And thairto Lethingtoun helped not a litill; for he travailled to have freindis in everie factioun of the Courte. And so obteined the said Erle licence to pas to France.

[860] In MS. G, "quhair he pleased."

[Sidenote: THE PREACHEOURIS RAILLED UPOUN OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

[Sidenote: THE PREACHERIS ADMONITIOUN AFTER THE DEATH OF THE ERLE HUNTLEY.]

[Sidenote: HUNTLYE.][861]

[861] In MS. G, "mening of Huntlie."

[Sidenote: LET THE WARLDE JUDGE NOWE, 1571, FOR LETHINGTOUN THEN WAS THE FATHER OF ALL MISCHEIF.[862]

[862] In MS. 1566, the marginal note at the top of the next page, judging from the different hand and colour of ink, was evidently added in 1571. The words "then was," refer to the year 1562-3. The note occurs in MS. G, with this addition, "then was (as he is now)."

The wynter after the death of the Erle of Huntley, the Courte remaned for the maist part in Edinburgh. The Preacheouris war wonderous vehement in reprehensioun of all maner of vice, which then began to habound; and especiallie avarice, oppressioun of the poor, excesse, ryotouse chear, banketting, immoderat dansing, and hurdome, that thairof enseuis. Whairat the Courteouris began to storme, and began to pyck querrallis against the Preachearis, alledging that all thair preaching was turned to raylling. Whairunto one of thame gave ansuer as followeth: "It cumis to our earis that we ar called raillaris, whairof albeit we wounder, yitt we ar not eschamed, seing that the most worthy servandis of God that befoir us have travalled in this vocatioun, have so bein styled. But unto you do I say, that that same God, who from the begyning has punished the contempt of his word, and hes poured furth his vengeance upoun such proude mockaris, shall not spair you; yea, he shall not spair you befoir the eyis of this same wicked generatioun, for the pleasur whairof ye dispyse all holsome admonitionis. Have ye not sein ane greattar than any of you sitting whair presentlie ye sitt, pyck his naillis, and pull down his bonet ower his eyis, when idolatrie, witchecraft, murther, oppressioun, and such vices war rebuked? Was not his commoun talk, When thei knaiffis have railled thair fill, then will thei hald thair peace? Have ye not heard it affirmed to his awin face, that God should revenge that his blasphemy, evin in the eyis of such as war witnesses to his iniquitie? Then was the Erle Huntley accused by you, as the manteanar of idolatrie, and only hinderar of all good ordour. Him hes God punished, evin according to the threatnyngis that his and your earis heard; and by your handis hath God executed his judgementis. But what amendment in any caise can be espyed in you? Idolatrie was never in greattar rest: vertew and verteouse men war never in more contempt: vice was never more bold, nor less feared punishement. And yitt who guydis the Quene and Court? Who but the Protestantis? O horrible sclanderaris of God, and of his holie evangell. Bettir it war unto you plainelie to renunce Christ Jesus, then thus to expone his blessed Evangell to mockage. Yf God punishe not you, that this same aige shall see and behold your punishement,[863] the Spreit of rychteous judgement guydis me not."

[863] In MS. G, is this marginal note, which cannot be attributed to the author:--"The end declared thair words to be trew." Lethington, it is well known, having adhered to the Queen's party, he remained in the Castle of Edinburgh during the whole time of the siege by the English troops in 1573, until its surrender, under promise that the Governor and his associates should be favourably treated. But Queen Elizabeth delivered them up to their implacable enemy the Regent Morton; and Lethington was with Kirkaldy of Grange, and the other prisoners, carried to Leith; but whether it was his own act, to save the disgrace of a public execution, or that of others, he died, "not without suspicion of poison," on the 9th June 1573.

[Sidenote: THE DEFENCE OF THE COURTEOURIS.]

This vehemence provocked the hatterent, not onlie of the Courteouris, but also of diverse otheris against the speakar;[864] for such as be in credyte never lack flatteraris. "Thair brethren of the Courte war irreverentlie handilled. What was that, but to raise the heartis of the people against thame? Thei did what thei myght; such speaking wold cause thame do less." And this was the frute the Preachearis gatthered of thair just reprehensionis.

[864] In MS. G, "the speaker, quhilk was John Knox."

[Sidenote: 1562.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PRACTISE.]

The Generall Assemblie of the Churche,[865] holden the twenty-fyve of December, the year of God 1562, approched, in the which, great complentis war maid, that churches lacked Ministeris; that Ministeris lacked thair stipendis; that wicked men war permitted to be School-maisteris, and so to infect the youth; amongis whom one Maister Robert Cumyn, school-maister in Aberbrothok, was compleaned upoun by the Laird of Dun,[866] and sentence was pronunced against him. It was farther compleaned, that idolatrie was erected in diverse partis of the Realme; for redress whairof, some thought best, that new supplicatioun should be presented to the Quenis Grace. Otheris demanded, what ansuer was receaved of the formar? The Superintendent of Lowtheane confessed the deliverance of it, "But," said he, "I receaved no ansuer." It was ansuered for the parte of the Quene, (for hir suppostis war ever thair,) "That it was weill knawin to the hoill Realme what trubles had occurred since the last Assemblie; and thairfoir, that thei should not wounder albeit that the Quene had not ansuered: but betwix that and the Parliament which was appointed in May, thei doubted not but that such ordour should be tacken, as all men should have occasioun to stand content." This satisfyed, for that tyme, the hoill assemblie: And this was the practise of the Quene and of hir Counsall, with fair wordis to dryve tyme, as befoir we have said.

[865] In MS. G, "of the Kirk."

[866] John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns. Calderwood repeats this notice, and says, that Cumming was accused "for infecting the youth committed to his charge with idolatrie."

The Assemblie, nochtwithstanding, proceided fordward in establessing of such ordouris, as whairby vice myght be punished, and vertew myght be manteaned. And becaus that thair was a great sclander rissen upoun Paule Meffen,[867] of whom mentioun is maid in the Secound Booke of this Historie, commissioun and charge was gevin unto Johne Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and unto certane of the eldaris of the Kirk of Edinburgh, to pass to the toune of Jedburgh, whair the said sclander was rased, and to be found thair the thrid of Januar nixt, for the tryall to be tane in the sclander rased, and to hear the articules and complaynt of the said Paule; and after the tryall, to report the treuth to the Sessioun of the Churche of Edinburgh; to whom, with the assistance of the Superintendent of Lowthiane, commissioun was gevin to decern thairintill. The tryall and examinatioun of that cryme was difficill. The sclander was universall in that toune and countrey. The servand woman of the said Paule had betwix termes left his house; sche had borne a child; no father to it could she fynd; but alledged hir self to have bein oppressed late in ane evening. The said Paule constantlie affirmed him self innocent, and wold have gevin his publict purgatioun; but becaus that his accusatouris had tacken upoun thame to prove thair accusatioun, that was denyed. Many witnesses war produced, of whom some deponed so clearlie, that the Commissionaris suspected that thei had bene suborned, and thairfoir thei requyred to have inspectioun of the places, whair some said thei saw, and some said thei heard thame in the verray act of iniquitie. The syght and consideratioun of the places augmented greatlie the suspitioun. But one thing was most suspitiouse of all otheris; for the wyiff of the said Paull, ane auncient matron, was absent from him the space of aucht or nyne weakis in Dundye; which tyme (or at least a great part thairof) thei suspected, and he lay nyghtlie in ane house, without other cumpany than a child of sevin or eight yearis of aige.

[867] Knox has previously mentioned Paul Methven as an active and zealous preacher, (vol. i. p. 300.) The proceedings against him by order of the Assembly, contained in the Book of the Kirk, consist of extracts from Calderwood. Knox was appointed on the 30th December 1562, to proceed to Jedburgh, and on the 3d of January to take trial of the slander raised against Methven. At the next General Assembly, on the 25th June 1563, Knox reported that Methven had been removed from his charge, and excommunicated.

[Sidenote: HEIR THE INIQUITIE OF PAULL MEFFEN WAS CLEARLIE PROVEN]

The Judges, notwithstanding these suspitionis, haveing a good opinioun of the honestye and godlynes of the man, travalled what thei could (conscience not hurte) to purge him of the sclander. But God, who wold not that such vilanye should be clocked and conceiled within his Churche, otherwyese had decreed; for he brought the brother of the gyltie woman to the toune, having no mind of such materis, who being produced by the accusatouris, as one that was prevey of the fact, and knew the veritie with all circumstances: This witness, (we say,) which could not be suspected, being produced, maid the mater so plane and clear, that all suspitioun was removed; for he it was that convoyed the woman away; he it was that caused the child to be baptised, alledging it to be his awin: he it was that caryed frequent message betwix thame, and from Paull caryed money and claythis diverse tymes. How soon that ever the said Paule saw that man produced, as witnesse, he withdrew himself, and left the toune, by that mean plainlie tacken upon him the cryme; and so the Commissionaris with full informatioun returned to Edinburgh, and notified the fact unto the Churche, who caused publictlie summond the said Paull to hear the sentence pronunced; who not compearing, in the end, for his odiouse cryme and contumacye, was publictlie excommunicated, and depryved of all functioun within the Churches of Scotland: and so left he the Realme.

For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the ordour keapt in punishment of the same: formar, To foirwarne such as travaill in that vocatioun, that, according to the admonitioun of the Apostle, "Suche as stand, tack head lest thei fall." No man in the begyning of the Evangell was judged more fervent and more upryght, and yit we have heard how far Sathane has prevailled against him. God grant that we may hear of his reapentance.[868] Neather yitt aught his fall any thing to prejudge the authoritie of the doctrin which he taucht; for the doctrin of God have authoritie of no creature, but has the assurance of God him self, how weak or imperfite that ever the instrumentis be by whom it pleases God to publishe the same. The treason of Judas, the adulterie of David, and the abnegatioun of Petir, did derogat nothing to the glorie of Christis evangell, nor yit to the doctrin which befoir thei had taught; but declaired the one to be a reprobat, and the other to be instrumentis in whome mercy must neadis surmount judgement. The other caus is, That the world may see what difference thair is betwix light and darknes, betwix the uprychtness of the Churche of God, and the corruptioun that ringes in the synagoge of Sathan, the Papisticall rable; for how many of that sorte hath bein, and still remane openlie knowin hooremongaris, adulteraris, violataris of virgenis, yea, and committaris of such abhominationis as we will nott name; and yit ar thei called and permitted to be Bischoppis, Archbischoppis, Cardinallis, and Papis thame selfis. For what synnes can unable the sworn servandis of Simonye, and of his father the devill? For bragg what thei lyst of Christ, of Petir, and of Paule, thair lyves and conversationis bearis witnesse whom to they belong. But we return to our Historye of thingis done in Courte.

[868] The writer of the Fifth or Supplemental Book of the present work, notices Methven's contrition and public repentance; and his earnest desire to be received again into church-fellowship. It does not appear that he was permitted to resume his ministerial functions.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CHATTELETT AND THE QUENE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS DESYRE CONCERNYNG CHATTELETTIS DEATH.]

Amongis the monzeonis of the Courte,[869] thair was one named Monsieur Chattelett,[870] a Frencheman, that at that tyme passed all otheris in credytt with the Quene. In dansing of the Purpose, (so terme thei that danse, in the which man and woman talkis[871] secreatlie--wyese men wold judge such fassionis more lyke to the bordell than to the comelynes of honest women,) in this danse the Quene chosed Chattelett, and Chattelett took the Quene. Chattelett had the best dress. All this wynter Chattelett was so familiare in the Quenis cabinett, ayre and laitt, that scarslye could any of the Nobilitie have access unto hir. The Quene wold ly upoun Chattelettis shoulder, and sometymes prively she wold steall a kyss of his neck. And all this was honest yneuch; for it was the gentill entreatment of a stranger. But the familiaritie was so great, that upoun a nycht, he privelie did convoy him self under the Quenis bed; but being espyed, he was commanded away. But the bruyte arysing, the Quene called the Erle of Murray, and bursting furth in a womanlie affectioun, charged him, "That as he loved hir, he should slay Chattelett, and let him never speak word." The other, at the first, maid promesse so to do; but after calling to mynd the judgementis of God pronunced against the scheddaris of innocent bloode, and also that none should dye, without the testimonye of two or thre witnesses, returned and fell upoun his kneis befoir the Quene, and said, "Madam, I beseak your Grace, cause not me tack the blood of this man upoun me. Your Grace hes entreated him so familiarlie befoir, that ye have offended all your Nobilitie; and now yf he shalbe secreatlie slane at your awin commandiment, what shall the world judge of it? I shall bring him to the presence of Justice, and let him suffer be law according to his deserving." "Oh," said the Quene, "ye will never let him speak?" "I shall do," said he, "Madam, what in me lyeth to saiff your honour."

[869] The following account of Chastelard, in MS. L 4, is introduced with a passage relating to "Danvill, son to Annas Montmorrencie, Constable of France," who had accompanied "the Guises to Scotland;" but the reference, "as Thuanus sayeth," clearly shews it to be a subsequent interpolation. "When he (Danvill) departed, he left behind him Monsieur Chattellet, nephew to the famous knyght Pierr Tertall, by his daughter. Whill he is left a brocker between Danvill and the Queen, he lauboured to conquist hir affection to himself. He passed all others in credit," &c. See Cald. Hist. vol. ii. p. 211. It may be added, in reference to this MS. L 4, that it corresponds very closely with the MS. portion of Mr. M'Crie's copy of Vautrollier's edition; and the latter was probably the copy that Calderwood the Historian made use of, as his extracts correspond with it, and the MS. additions resemble the handwriting of his amanuensis.

[870] The name of Chastelard, among other varieties by different writers, occurs as Chatelar, Chastellet, Charterlet, Chatillon. But we cannot well identify him with a person of nearly the same name who had been attached to the household of the Queen Regent in 1555, as appears from this entry in the Treasurer's Accounts, on the 7th January:--"Item, Given to Franschois Chattillihon, kepar of the Quenis Grace chalmer dur, be ane precept and speciale command at his departing to Fransche--1 lb." (£50.)

Chastelard arrived in Scotland in 1561, as one of the suite of M. de Damville. He returned with him to France; but in November 1562, he again visited Scotland as the bearer of letters to the Queen. He remained about the Court until the 12th of February 1562-3, the night when he concealed himself in the Queen's bed-chamber in the Palace of Holyrood. He followed her to Fife, and two days later, he was discovered, as Knox relates, at Burntisland, and being arrested, he was conveyed and tried at St. Andrews, where he was executed on the 22d February 1562-3. No account of his trial has been preserved, the scroll Court-book of Justiciary, from May 1562 to May 1563, being lost. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 427.)

[871] In MS. G, "talketh."

Poor Chattelett was brocht back from Kinghorne to Sanctandrois, examinat, putt to ane assise, and so beheaded, the twenty-twa day of Februar, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir twa. He begged licence to wryte to Fraunce the cause of his death, which, said he, in his toung, was, "Pour estre trouvé en lieu trop suspect;" that is, "Becaus I was found in a place too much suspect." At the place of executioun, when he saw that thair was no remeady but death, he maid a godly confessioun, and granted, that his declyning from the treuth of God, and following of vanitie and impietie, was justlie recompensed upoun him. But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavenis, with these words, "O cruelle Dame," that is, "Cruell Maistress."[872] What that complaint imported, luvaris may devine. And so receaved Chattelett the reward of his dansing; for he lacked his head, that his toung should nott utter the secreattis of our Quene. "Deliver us, O Lord, from the raige of such inordinat reullaris."

[872] Brantome has given a tolerably full account of Chastelard, and says, he was a gentleman of Dauphinè, and grand-nephew on the mother's side of the celebrated M. de Bayard. On the day of his execution, he says, when brought to the scaffold, he took into his hands the hymns of the French poet Ronsard, "et, pour son éternelle consolation, se mit à lire tout entiérement l'hymne de la mort, qui est tres-bien fait, et propre pour ne point abhorrer la mort; ne s'aydent autrement d'autre livre spirituel, ny de Ministre, ny de Confesseur." He then adds that Chastelard turned to the place where he supposed the Queen to be, and cried aloud,--"Adieu, the most beautiful and the most cruel Princess of the world." (Oeuvres, tome ii. p. 357.) Randolph, however, says, "he died with repentance." (Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 274)

[Sidenote: THE PUNISHMENT OF GOD FOR MANTEYNYNG AND ERECTING OF THE MESSE.]

[Sidenote: DEARTH AND FAMYN IN THE NORTH.]

The year of God a thousand fyve hundreth threscoir thre yearis, thair was ane universall dearth in Scotland. But in the northland, whair the harvest befoir the Quene had travailled, thair was ane extreame famyn, in the qubilk many dyed in that countrey. The dearth was great ower all, but the famyn was principallie thair. The boll of wheat gave sax pound: the boll of bear, sax markis and ane half: the boll of meill, four markis: the boll of aittis, fyfty schillingis: ane ox to draw in the pleuch, xx markis: a weddir, thretty schillingis. And so all thingis apperteanyng to the sustentatioun of man, in tripill and more exceaded thair accustomed prices. And so did God, according to the threatnyng of His law, punish the idolatrie of our wicked Quene, and our ingratitud, that suffered hir to defyle the land with that abominatioun agane, that God so potentlie had purged, by the power of his wourd. For the ryotouse feasting, and excessive banquetting, used in Court and countrey, whair soevir that wicked Woman repaired, provocked God to stryck the staff of braid, and to geve his maledictioun upoun the fructis of the earth.[873] But, O allace, who looked, or yit lookis to the very cause of all our calamities.

[873] Bishop Keith animadverts with some severity on Knox's language in thus attributing this dearth and high price of provisions "as an immediate punishment upon what he calls 'the idolatry of our wicked rulers.'" (Hist. vol. ii. p. 193.) He also quotes an Act of Privy Council, 11th February 1562-3, against eating flesh during the season of Lent, because, as the Act bears, "The cattle had suffered much by the tempestuous storms of the winter bypast."

[Sidenote: PASCH OR EASTER.]

Lethingtoun was absent, as befoir we have heard, in the Quenis effairis.[874] The Papistis, at that Pasche,[875] anno lxiij^o, in diverse partis of the Realme, had erected up that idoll, the Messe; amongis whom the Bisshope of Sanctandrois, the Priour of Whithorne,[876] with diverse otheris of thair factioun, wold avow it. Besydis the first proclamatioun, thair had letteris past in the contrair, with certificatioun of death to the contraveanar.

[874] On the 13th February 1562-3, "Williame Maitland apperand of Lethingtoun, and Secretar to our Soverane Ladie, depairtit furth of Edinburgh to France in ambassatorie, to quhat effect none knowis." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75.) Keith has printed from what he calls "the Shattered MS.," the "Instructions by the Queen of Scots to her Secretary, Mr. William Maitland, younger of Lethingtoun." (Hist. vol. ii. p. 188.) They have reference, however, to his mission to Queen Elizabeth, and not to the Court of France. The date, 12th February 1562-3, is confirmed by a letter quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vi. p. 275.

[875] Easter Sunday, 11th April.

[876] Whitehorn or Candida Casa, was a Priory in Wigtonshire, founded in the reign of David the First, by Fergas, Lord of Galloway. The Commendator here mentioned was Malcolm Fleming, supposed to be a younger son of John second Lord Fleming, who died in 1524. Dns. Malcolmus Flemyng Vicarius chori Glasg., was incorporated in the University of Glasgow, 29th October 1519. He was Commendator and Vicar-General of the Diocese of Galloway, in December 1541. His name as Commendator occurs in February 1515-6, (Chalmers's Caledonia, vol. iii. pp. 439, 419.) Also, in 1565, (ib. p. 432.) He died intestate in the year 1568. John Lord Fleming being "decernit executor dative." (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[Sidenote: THE STOUTNES OF THE PROTESTANTIS IN THE WEST.][877]

[877] This marginal note is omitted in MS. G.

The brethren universallie offended, and espying that the Quene, by hir proclamationis, did but mock thame, determined to put to thair awin handis, and to punishe for example of otheris. And so some Preastis in the westland war apprehended, intimatioun maid unto otheris, (as unto the Abbot of Crossraguell,[878] the Parsone of Sanquhair,[879] and such,) that thei should nether complayne to Quene nor Counsall, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to idolateris in his law, by such means as thei mycht, whairever thei should be apprehended.

[878] Quintin Kennedy, Abbot of Crossraguell in Ayrshire, (see supra, pp. 351, 352.)

[879] Mr. Robert Creichton was Parson of Sanquhar, in Dumfries-shire, and Canon of Glasgow, in 1549. He was educated at the College of Glasgow, being incorporated in 1521. He died 16th January 1570-1. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX SEND FOR BY THE QUENE.]

The Quene stormed at sick fredome of speaking, but she could not amend it; for the Spreit of God, of boldness and of wisdom, had not then left the most part of such as God had used instrumentis in the begynyng. Thei war of one mynd to manteane the treuth of God, and to suppresse idolatrie. Particularties had not divided thame; and thairfoir could not the devill, working in the Quene and Papistis, do then what thei wold; and, thairfoir, she began to invent a new craft. She send for Johne Knox to come unto hir, whair she lay at Lochleaven.[880] She travailled with him earnestlie two houris befoir hir suppar, that he wold be the instrument to perswaid the people, and principallie the gentilmen of the West, not to put handis to punishe any man for the using of thame selfis in thair religioun as pleased thame. The other perceaving hir craft, willed hir Grace to punishe malefactouris according to the lawis, and he durst promesse quietness upoun the part of all thame that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland. But yf hir Majestie thought to delude the lawis, he said, he feared that some wold lett the Papistis understand, that without punishement, thei should not he suffered so manifestlie to offend Goddis Majestie.

[880] This interview is supposed to have taken place on the 13th April 1563. On the 15th of that month the Queen removed from Lochlevin to Perth.

[Sidenote: REASSONYNG BETWIX THE QUENE AND JOHNE KNOX.]

" Will ye," quod sche, "allow that thei shall tack my sweard in thair hand?"

"The Sweard of Justice," quod he, "Madam, is Goddis, and is gevin to Princes and reuallaris for ane end, which, yf thei transgresse, spairing the wicked, and oppressing innocentis, thei that in the fear of God executis judgement, whair God hes commanded, offendis not God, althought Kingis do it not; neather yitt synne thei that brydillis kingis to stryek innocent men in thair raige. The examples ar evident; for Samuell feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of Amalech, whom king Saule had saved. Neather spaired Helias Jesabellis fals propheittis, and Baallis preastis, albeit that king Achab was present. Phyneas was no magistrat, and yit feared he not to stryek Cosby and Zimbrye in the verray act of fylthie fornicatioun. And so, Madam, your Grace may see that otheris then cheaf magistrattis may lauchfullie punishe, and hes punished, the vice and crymes that God commandis to be punished. And in this case I wold earnestlie pray your Majestie to tack good advisement, and that your Grace should lett the Papistis understand, that thair attemptatis will not be suffered unpunissed. For power, be Act of Parliament, is gevin to all judges within thair awin boundis, to searche mesmongaris, or the heareris of the same, and to punishe thame according to the law. And thairfoir it shalbe profitable to your Majestie, to considder what is the thing your Grace's subjectis lookis to receave of your Majestie, and what it is that ye aught to do unto thame by mutuall contract. Thei ar bound to obey you, and that not but in God. Ye ar bound to keape lawis unto thame. Ye crave of thame service: thei crave of you protectioun and defence against wicked doaris. Now, Madam, yf ye shall deny your dewtie unto thame, (which especialle craves that ye punishe malefactouris) think ye to receave full obedience of thame? I feare, Madam, ye shall not."

Heirwith, she being somewhat offended, passed to hir suppar. The said Johne Knox left hir, informed the Erle of Murray of the hoill reassonyng, and so departed of finall purpose to have returned to Edinburgh, without any farther communicatioun with the Quene: But befoir the sonne, upoun the morne, war two direct (Watt Melven was the one[881]) to him, commanding him not to departe whill that he spack the Quenis Majestie; which he did, and met hir at the halking[882] be-weast Kynross. Whitther it was the nychttis sleape, or a deape dissimulation lokked in hir breast, that maid hir to forget hir formar anger, wyese men may doubt; but thairof sche never moved word, but began diverse other purposses; such as the offering of a ring to hir by the Lord Ruthven,[883] "Whome," said she, "I can not love, (for I know him to use enchantment,) and yit is he maid one of my Privy Counsall."

[881] In MS. G, "war two directed, (Walter Melvill was the one.)"--Walter Melville, a younger son of Sir John Melville of Raith, was in the Queen Regent's service, and at the time of her death received £30. At this time he was in the Queen's service. He afterwards became one of the gentlemen of the Earl of Murray's chamber. His brother, Sir James Melville, in reference to him and Kirkaldy of Grange, says, "Quhilk twa tint him sa schone (soon) as he became Regent, and lykwise my self; for we had bene famyliar with him, and had assisted him in all his troubles; but when he was Regent, wald reprove, admonish, and tell his faltis, wherby we tint his favour. And uthers that had ny bene in his contrair befoir, cam in and flatterit him in his proceedings, and bekkit wery laiche to him, calling him 'Your Grace,' at ilk word, &c." (Memoirs, Bann. Club, edit. p. 260.)

[882] Hawking appears to have been a favourite pastime of the Queen. In April 1562, Matthew Ker succeeded James Lindesay as "Maister Falconar." In the same month £20 was paid to two persons, "passand of Edinburgh to Scheitland for halkis."

[883] Patrick Lord Ruthven. His grandson, John second Earl Gowrye, was also accused of dealing in magic.

"Whome blamis your Grace," said the other, "thairof?"

"Lethingtoun," said she, "was the haill cause."

"That man is absent," said he, "for this present, Madam; and thairfoir I will speak nothing in that behalf."

"I understand," said the Quene, "that ye ar appointed to go to Drumfreise, for the electioun of a Superintendent to be establessed in thai countreys."

"Yis," said he, "those quarteris have great nead, and some of the gentilmen so require."

"But I hear," said she, "that the Bischope of Athenis[884] wold be Superintendent."

[884] In MS. G, "the Bishop of Cathenis;" (but the marginal note in that MS. reads correctly "Bishop of Athens.") This error in the printed copies has led Mr. Tytler and others into the mistake of saying, that the Queen here referred to "the Bishop of Caithness." The titular Archbishop of Athens, Alexander Gordon, afterwards Bishop of Galloway, &c., (see page 259, note 10,) was undoubtedly the person alluded to.

"He is one," said the other, "Madam, that is put in electioun."

"Yf ye knew him," said sche, "als weall as I do, ye wold never promote him to that office, nor yit to any other within your Kirk."

"What he hes bein," said he, "Madam, I neather know, nor yitt will I enquyre; for, in tyme of darkness, what could we do but grop and go wrang evin as darkness caryed us? But yf he fear not God now, he deceaves many ma then me. And yitt, (said he,) Madam, I am assured God will not suffer his Churche to be so far deceaved as that ane unworthy man shalbe elected, whair free electioun is, and the Spreit of God is earnestlie called upoun to decyd betwix the two."

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS JUDGEMENT OF THE BISCHOPE OF ATHENIS.]

"Weall," says she, "do as ye will, but that man is a dangerouse man."[885]

[885] In the proceedings of the General Assemblies, held between June 1562 and August 1575, (or less than three months of his death,) Bishop Gordon's name frequently occurs. Having petitioned the Assembly in June 1562, it was declared, the Assembly "cannot acknowledge him for a Superintendent lawfully called for the present, but offered unto him their aid and assistance, if the Kirks of Galloway shall suit (solicit), and the Lords present;" and enjoins him to subscribe the Book of Discipline, (although he seems actually to have done so in 1561: see page 258.) On the 29th December 1562, the Assembly nominated for that office, "Mr. Alexander Gordon, entituled Bishop of Galloway, and Mr. Robert Post, minister of Dunkell;" and ordered the inauguration of the person elected to take place in the Parish Kirk of Dumfries, "on the last Lord's day of April." The election, as Knox intimates, did not take place. But Gordon was continued as Commissioner for planting and visiting the churches of that diocese; although there were frequent complaints made against him.

And thairintill was nott the Queue deceaved; for he had corrupted most part of the gentilmen, not onlie to nominat him, but also to elect him; which perceaved by the said Johne, Commissionare, delayed the electioun, and left with the Maister of Maxwell, Mr. Robert Pont, (who was put in electioun with the foirsaid Bischope,) to the end that his doctrin and conversatioun mycht be the better tryed of those that had not knawin him befoir. And so was the Bischope frustrat of his purpose for that present. And yit was he, at that tyme, the man that was most familliare with the said Johne, in his house, and at table. But now to the formar conference.

When the Queue had long talked with Johne Knox, and he being oft willing to tack his leave, she said, "I have one of the greatest materis that have tweiched me since I cam in this Realme, to open unto you, and I maun have your help into it." And she began to maik a long discourse of hir sister, the Lady Ergyle,[886] how that sche was not so circumspect in all thingis as that sche wisshed hir to be. "And yitt," said sche, "my Lord, hir husband, whom I love, entreattis hir not in many thingis so honestlie and so godlie, as I think ye your self wold requyre."

[886] Lady Jane Stewart, a natural daughter of King James the Fifth, and Elizabeth, daughter of John Lord Carmichael. Her marriage with Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle took place in April 1554, and proved unfortunate for both parties; but no separation ensued till about the year 1564. She received from her sister, Queen Mary, a pension of £150, in June 1565. She was one of the party at supper in Holyrood Palace the night of Riccio's murder, 9th March 1566. She stood sponsor for Queen Elizabeth at the baptism of James the Sixth. In 1567, (15th November,) the Treasurer paid "to Dame Janet Stewart, Comptis of Ergile," £133, 6s. 8d. The action of Divorce founded upon the complaints of both parties, led to a lengthened litigation, of which Mr. Riddell has furnished a detailed account in his most valuable work on Peerage and Consistorial Law, vol. i. pp. 547-551. In 1569, the Earl offered to adhere, and to receive her in his Castle of Dunoon, but the Lady now refused. At length the Earl, on the 23d June 1573, "obtained, (says Mr. Riddell,) a decree of divorce, simpliciter, by the Commissaries of Edinburgh, adjudging her to have 'lost her tocher ad donationis propter nuptias."' The Earl immediately availed himself of this judgment, by forming an alliance with Lady Jane Cunningham, daughter of Alexander Earl of Glencairn, in the month of August. Having died within a month of his second marriage, 12th September 1573, (see page 258;) his first wife soon afterwards raised an action of Reduction of the Divorce, styling Lady Jane Cunningham, as "pretendit spous of umquhil Archibald Erle of Argyle." She died in the Canongate, 7th January 1586-7, and was interred in the Royal Vault in the Abbey of Holyrood House. Her own settlement became the subject of litigation. (Commissary Court Records, 11th March 1587)

"Madam," said he, "I have been trubled with that mater befoir, and anes I put sick ane end to it, (and that was befoir your Grace's arryvall,) that boith she and hir freindis seamed fullie to stand content: And she hir self promessed befoir hir freinds, that sche should never complain to creature, till that I should first understand the controversie by hir awin mouth, or ellis [by an] assured messinger. I now have heard nothing of hir part; and thairfoir I think thair is nothing but concord."

"Weall," said the Quene, "it is war then ye beleve. But do this mekle for my saik, as anes agane to put thame at unitie; and if sche behave not hir self so as she aught to do, she shall find no favouris of me: But, in any wyse, (said sche,) let not my Lord know that I have requested you in this mater; for I wald be verray sorry to offend him in that or any other thing. And now, (said sche,) as tueching our reassonyng yisternycht, I promess to do as ye requyred; I sall caus summond all offendaris, and ye shall know that I shall minister Justice."

"I am assured then," said he, "that ye shall please God, and enjoy rest and tranquillitie within your Realme; which to your Majestie is more profitable than all the Papes power can be." And thus thei departed.

* * * * *

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deaplie MARIE, QUENE OF SCOTLAND, can dissembill; and how that she could cause men to think that she bare no indignatioun for any controversie in religioun, whill that yitt in hir hearte was nothing but vennome and destructioun, as short after did appear.

Johne Knox departed, and prepaired him self for his jorney, appointed to Drumfreise; and from Glasgow, according to the Quenis commandiment, he wraitt this Lettir to the Erle of Ergile, the tenour whairof followis:--

"The Lord cumith and shall not tarie, &c.

"AFTER commendatioun of my service unto your Lordschipe, yf I had knawin of your Lordshipis suddane departing, the last tyme it chaunsed me to see and speak you, I had opened unto you somewhat of my greaf. But supposing that your Lordshipe should have remaned still with the Quenis Grace, I delayed at that tyme to utter any part of that which now my conscience compelleth me to do. Your behaviour toward your wyff is verray offensive unto many godlie. Hir complant is grevouse, that ye altogetther withdraw the use of your body from hir. Yf so be, ye have great nead to look weill to your awin estait; for albeit that ye within your self felt no more repugnance, than any flesche this day on earth, yitt by promesse, maid befoir God, ar ye debttour unto hir, as reassonablie ye shalbe requyred of hir. But yf that ye burne on the one syd, (albeit ye do no worse,) and sche in your defalt upoun the other, ye ar not onlie mensworne befoir God, but also doeth what in you lyeth, to kendle against your self his wraith and havie displeasour. These wordis ar scharpe, and God is witnesse that in dolour of heart I wraitt thame; but becaus thei ar trew, and pronunced by God himself, I dar not but admonische you, perceaving you, as it war, sleaping in synne. The proude stubburnes, whairof your Lordship hath oft compleaned, will not excuise you before God; for yf ye be not able to convict hir of one cryme, ye aught to beir with other imperfectionis, and that ye wold that she should bear with you, in the lyik. In the bowellis of Christ Jesus, I exhort you, my Lord, to have respect to your awin salvatioun, and not to abuse the lenitie and long suffering of God: for that is a fearfull treasure that ye heap upoun your awin head, whill that he calleth you to reapentance, and you obstinatlie contineu in your awin impietie; for impietie it is, that ye abstract your confort and cumpany from your lauchfull wyff. I wrytt nothing in defence of hir mysbehavour towardis your Lordship in any sort; but I say, yf ye be not able to convict hir of adulterie committed since your last reconciliatioun, which was in my presence, that ye can never be excuissed befoir God of this freammed and strange intreatment of your wyff. And yf by you such impietie be committed, as is bruited, then, befoir God, and unto your awin conscience I say, that everie moment of that fylthie pleasure shall turne to you in a yearis displeasur; yea, it shalbe the occasioun and caus of everlasting dampnatioun, onless spedelie ye reapent: and reapent ye can nott, except that ye desist from that impietie. Call to mynd, my Lord, 'That the servand knawing the will of his Lord, and doing the contrarie, shalbe plagued with many plagues.' Syn, my Lord, is sweat in drinkyng, but in digesting more bitter then the gall. The Eternall move your heart earnestlie to considder, how fearfull a thing it is ever to have God to be [ane] ennemye.

"In the end, I most heartlie pray your Lordship, not to be absent from Edinburgh the nynetene of this instant, for sick causses as I will not wraitt. This much onlie I foirwarne your Lordship, that it will nott be profitable for the commoun quyetness of this Realme, that the Papistis brag, and that justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease farther to truble your Lordship, whom God assist. In haist from Glasgu, the 7. of May 1563. Your Lordships to command in godlynes.

(Sic subscribitur.) "JOHNE KNOX."

This bill was not weall accepted of the said Erle; and yitt did he utter no part of his displeasur in publict, but contrairrelie schew him self most familiar with the said Johne. He keapt the dyett, and sat in judgment him self, whair the Bischope and the rest of the Papistis war accused, as after followis.

[Sidenote: ROBERT NORWALLIS FACT.]

[Sidenote: THE JUDGEMENT OF SOME.]

[Sidenote: HUNTLEY FOIRFALTED.]

The summondis war direct against the Messe-mongaris with expeditioun, and in the streatest form. The day was appointed the xix of May, a day onlie befoir the Parliament. Off the Papis knychtis[887] compeared the Bischop of Sanctandrois,[888] the Priour of Whitthorne,[889] the Parsone of Sanquhair,[890] Williame Hammyltoun of Camskeyth, Johne Gordoun of Barskeoghe, with otheris diverse. The Protestantis convened hoill to crave for justice. The Quene asked counsall of the Bischope of Ross,[891] and of the old Laird of Lethingtoun,[892] (for the youngar was absent, and so the Protestantis had the fewar unfreindis,) who affirmed, "That she must see hir lawis keapt, or ellis she wold get no obedience." And so was preparatioun maid for thair accusationis. The Bischope, and his band of the exempted sorte, maid it nyse to entyre befoir the Erle of Argyle who sat in judgement;[893] butt at last he was compelled to entir within the barr. A meary man, (who now sleapis in the Lord,) Robert Norwell, instead of the Bischoppis croce, bair befoir him a steyll hammer; whairat the Bischope and his band was not a lytill offended, becaus the Bischoppis priviledges war nott then currant in Scotland, (which day God grant oure posteritie may see of longar continuance then we possessed it.) The Bischope and his fellowis, after much ado, and long dryft of tyme, cam in the Quenis will, and war committed to warde, some to one place, some to ane other. The Lady Erskin,[894] (a sweatt morsall for the devillis mouth,) gatt the Bischoppis for hir part. All this was done of a most deape craft, to abuse the simplicitie of the Protestantis, that thei should not prease the Quene with any other thing concernyng materis of religioun at that Parliament, quhilk began within two dayis thairefter.[895] Sche obteined of the Protestantis whatsoever sche desyred; for this was the reassone of many, "We see what the Quene has done; the lyek of this was never heard of within the Realme: we will bear with the Quene; we doubt not but all shalbe weill." Otheris war of a contrarie judgement, and foirspak thingis, as after thei cam to pas, to wit, that nothing was meant but deceat; and that the Quene, how soon that ever Parliament was past, should set the Papistis at freedome: and thairfoir willed the Nobilitie not be abused. But becaus many had thair privat commoditie to be handilled at that Parliament, the commoun cause was the less regarded.

[887] On the 15th of February 1562-3, proclamation had been made for Parliament to assemble on the 20th March. It was delayed till the 26th of that month: see next page, note 2.

[888] On the 19th of May 1563, John Archbishop of St. Andrews, and forty-seven others, chiefly persons in holy orders, were tried before the Court of Justiciary for celebrating Mass, and attempting to restore Popery, at Kirk Oswald, Maybole, Paisley, and Congalton. Among the pannels were the persons mentioned by Knox--Malcolm Prior of Whitehorn, Robert Creichton, parson of Sanquhar, William Hamilton, tutor of Cammiskeyth, and John Gordon of Barskcocht. Most of the persons were committed to ward in Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and other places. See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. *427, and the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75.

[889] See page 370, note 4.

[890] See page 371, note 3.

[891] Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, and President of the Court of Session.

[892] Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. This venerable Judge was born in 1496, and survived till 1586. His attachment to literature has conferred an enduring celebrity on his name.

[893] Archibald Earl of Argyle, as hereditary Lord Chief Justice, presided on such occasions.

[894] Daughter of Sir William Murray of Tullibardine: see page 128, note 2.

[895] The meeting of Parliament took place on the 26th May 1563. Randolph, on the 3d June, writes thus to Cecil: "The Parliament began 26th May, on which day the Queen came to it in her robes, and crowned; the Duke carrying the crown, Argill the scepter, and Murray the sword. She made in English an oration publiquely there, and was present at the condemnation of the two Earles, Huntley and Sutherland." In like manner, the Diurnal of Occurrents states, that "Upon the xxvj day of the said moneth of Maij, the Quenis Majestie come to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, with the Lordis of Parliament, in the maist honourable manner, and past thairin; and efter that she had maid hir proposition and orisoun in Parliament, the Lordis chesit the Lordis of the Articles," &c. (p. 76.)

The Erle of Huntley, whose corps had lyn unburyed till that tyme, it was brought to the Tolbuyth:[896] he was accused, his armes rent of, him self, the Erle of Sudderland, and ellevin Baronis and Lairdis, bearing Gordoun to surname, war that day foirfalted. The Lady Huntley craftely protested, and asked the support of a man of law. In that Parliament war restored the Laird of Grange in Fyff, Maister Henrie Balnaves, Johne Lesly, and Alexander Whytlaw.[897]

[896] According to a barbarous custom, the body of a person deceased, when accused of treason, was brought into Court. It will be seen from the note at page 359, that Huntley's body, in the view of carrying through his forfeiture, had been brought to Edinburgh in December 1562. And, "Upoun the xxviij day of the said moneth, [May 1563] the Quenis Majestie come to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh and Lordis of Parliament, at ane efternone, and foirfaltit George Erle of Huntlie, being in the said Tolbuyth in ane kist, &c.; and als Alexander Erle of Sutherland was foirfaltit, and the saidis Erlis armes reven and deletit furth of memorie." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 76.)

[897] The record of this Parliament is lost; and in the printed Acts no mention is made of the forfeitures of Kirkaldy of Grange, Balnavis of Halhill, Lesley of Parkhill, and Whytlaw of New-Grange, having been rescinded.

[Sidenote: THE PRYDE OF WEMEN AT THAT PARLIAMENT.]

[Sidenote: FLATTERARES VNEW.]

Such styneken pryde of wemen as was sein at that Parliament, was never sein befoir in Scotland. Thre syndrie dayis the Quene raid to the Tolbuyth. The first day sche maid a paynted orisoun;[898] and thair mycht have bene hard among hir flatteraris, "Vox Dianæ! The voce of a goddess, (for it could not be Dei,) and not of a woman! God save that sweat face! Was thair ever oratour spack so properlie and so sweitlie!"

[898] In MS. G, "an oration."

[Sidenote: WHY RELIGIOUN AND THE COMMOUNWEALTH WAR DOYTH NEGLECTED.]

[Sidenote: VARIANCE BETWIX THE ERLE OF MURRAY AND JOHNE KNOX.]

All thingis myslyking[899] the Preachearis, thei spack boldlie against the tarejatting of thair taillies, and against the rest of thair vanitie, which thei affirmed should provock Goddis vengeance, not onlie against those foolishe wemen, but against the hoill Realme; and especiallie against those that manteaned thame in that odiouse abusing of thingis that mycht have bene better bestowed. Articles war presented for ordour to be tacken for apperall, and for reformatioun of other enormities; but all was scripped at. The Earldome of Murray neaded confirmatioun, and many thingis war to be ratified that concerned the help of friendis and servandis; and thairfoir thei myght nott urge the Quene, for yf thei so did, she wald hald no Parliament; and what then should become of thame that had melled with the slaughter of the Erle of Huntley? Lett that Parliament pas ower, and when the Quene asked[900] any thing of the Nobilitie, as sche most do befoir hir mariage, then should the Religioun be the first thing that should be establessed. It was answered, That the poetts and paynteris erred nott altogether, that fayned and paynted Occasioun with a bald hynd-head:[901] for the first, when it is offered, being lost, is hard to be recovered againe. Thc mater fell so hote betwix the Erle of Murray and some otheris of the Courte, and Johne Knox, that familiarlie after that tyme thei spack nott togetther more then a year and half; for the said Johne, by his letter, gave a discharge to the said Erle of all further intromissioun or cayr with his effaires. He maid unto him a discourse of thair first acquaintance; in what estait he was when that first thei spack togetther in London;[902] how God had promoted him, and that abuf manis judgement; and in the end maid this conclusioun, "But seing that I perceave myself frustrat of my expectatioun, which was, that ye should ever have preferred God to your awin affectioun, and the advancement of his treuth to your singular commoditie, I committ you to your awin wytt, and to the conducting of those who better can please you. I praise my God, I this day leave you victour of your enemyes, promoted to great honouris, and in credytt and authoritie with your Soverane. Yf so ye long continew, none within the Realme shalbe more glad than I shalbe: but yf that after this ye shall dekay, (as I fear that ye shall,) then call to mynd by what meanes God exalted you; quhilk was neather by bearing with impietie, neather yitt by manteanyng of pestilent Papistis."

[899] In MS. G, "mislyked."

[900] In MS. G, "sall ask."

[901] In MS. G, is this marginal note, "Occasioun painted with a bald hind-heid."

[902] This was probably in July 1552, Lord James having remained for some time in London on his way to France, or upon his return in December following. In 1556-7, he subscribed the letter sent to Knox at Geneva, inviting him to return to Scotland. See vol. i. p. 267.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOXES DISCHARGE TO THE ERLE OF MURRAY.]

This bill and discharge was so pleasing to the flatteraris of the said Erle, that thei triumphed of it, and war glad to have gotten thair occasioun; for some invyed that so great familiaritie was betwix the said Erle and Johne Knox. And thairfoir fra the tyme that thei gat ones that occasioun to separat thame, thei ceassed nott to cast oyle in the burnyng flambe, which ceassed nott to burne, till that God by watter of afflictioun, began to slocken it, as we shall after hear. But least that thei[903] should alltogetther have bein sein to have foirsaikin God, (as in verray deid boyth God and his Word was far frome the hearttis of the most parte of the Courteouris in that aige, and a fewe excepted,) thei began a newe schift, to wit, to speak of the punishement of adulterye, of witchcraft, and to seik the restitutioun of the glebes and manses to the Ministeris of the Kirk, and of the reparatioun of churches: and thairby thei thought to have pleased the godlye that war hyghtlie offended at thair slackness.

[903] After the words, "least that they," in the margin of MS. 1566, there was added, "Lethingtoun and his Companyons;" but this note was afterwards deleted. At this Parliament, Lethington was not present. Two or three slight corrections in the text of the MS. also occur in this place.

The Act of Oblivioun passed, becaus some of the Lordis had intresse; but the actis against adulterye, and for the mansses and gleibes, war so modifyed, that no law, and such law mycht stand in eodem predicamento; to speak plaine, no law and such Actis war boyth alyik. The Actis ar in prynt:[904] lett wyese men read, and then accuse us, yf without cause we compleane.

[904] The Acts of this Parliament were printed in a separate form at Edinburgh by Robert Lekprewik, 1565, folio,--an edition of great rarity. The Acts of 1563, are twenty-five in number, "extractit furth of the buikis of Parliament," by Maister James Makgill, Clerk Register. They are included in the collected edition of the Acts of 1424 to 1564, which issued from the same press in 1566, and in all the subsequent editions.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS SERMON.]

[Sidenote: [905]THE SPEAKAR WAS THE DEANE OF RESTALRIG.]

[905] Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, and afterwards Lord President of the Court of Session.

In the progresse of this corruptioun, and befoir the Parliament dissolved, Johne Knox, in his sermon befoir the most parte of the Nobilitie, began to enter in a deape discourse of Goddis mercyes which that Realme had felt, and of that ingratitude quhilk he espyed almost in the hoill multitude, which God had marvelouslie delivered from the boundage and tyrannye boyth of body and saule. "And now, my Lordis," said he, "I praise my God, throught Jesus Christ, that in your awin presence I may powre furth the sorowis of my hearte; yea, your selfis shalbe witnesse, yf that I shall maik any ley in thingis that ar bypast. From the begyning of Goddis myghty wirking within this Realme, I have bein with you in your most desperat tentationis. Ask your awin consciences, and lett thame answer you befoir God, yf that I, (not I, but Goddis Spirite by me,) in your greatest extremitie willed you nott ever to depend upoun your God, and in his name promissed unto you victorye and preservatioun from your ennemyes, so that ye wold only depend uponn his protectioun, and preferr his glory to your awin lyves and worldlie commoditie. In your most extreame dangearis I have bein with you: Sanct Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and the Craiggis of Edinburgh, ar yitt recent in my heart; yea, that dark and dolorouse nyght whairin all ye, my Lordis, with schame and feare left this toune,[906] is yitt in my mynd; and God forbid that ever I forgett it. What was (I say) my exhortatioun unto you, and what is fallen in vane of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye your selfis yitt lyve to testifie. Thair is nott one of you against whom was death and destructioun threatned, perished in that danger: And how many of your ennemyes hes God plagued befoir your eyis! Shall this be the thankfulness that ye shall render unto your God, to betray his cause, when ye have it in your awin handis to establesh it as ye please? The Quene, say ye, will not agree with us: Ask ye of hir that which by Goddis word ye may justlie requyre, and yf she will not agree with you in God, ye ar not bound to agree with hir in the Devill: Lett her plainelie understand so far of your myndis, and steall not from your formar stoutness in God, and he shall prosper you in your interpryses. But I can see nothing but such a reculling frome Christ Jesus, as the man that first and most spedelie flyeth from Christis enseignzie, holdeth him self most happy. Yea, I hear that some say, That we have nothing of our Religioun establesshed, neather by Law or Parliament. Albeit that the malitious wordis of sick can neather hurte the treuth of God, nor yitt us that thairupoun depend, yitt the speakar for his treasone against God committed, and against this poore Commounwealth, deserves the gallowes. For oure Religioun being commanded, and so establesshed by God, is accepted within this Realme in publict Parliament; and yf thei will say that was no Parliament, we man, and will say, and also prove, that that Parliament was also lauchfull as ever any that passed befoir it within this Realme. Yea, yf the King then lyving[907] was King, and the Quene now in this Realme be lauchfull Quene, that Parliament can nott be denyed.

[906] After the skirmish of Restalrig, (see vol. i. pp. 460-463,) on Monday the 6th November 1559, "the said day at evin in the nycht, the Congregatioun depairtit furth of Edinburgh to Lynlithquo, and left thair artailzerie void upon the calsay lyand, and the Toun [of Edinburgh] desolute." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 54.)

[907] This refers to Queen Mary's first husband, Francis the Second, who was styled King of France and Scotland.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS AFFIRMATIOUN.]

"And now, my Lordis, to putt end to all, I hear of the Quenis mariage: Duckis, brethren to Emperouris, and Kingis, stryve all for the best game; but this, my Lordis, will I say, (note the day, and beare witnesse efter,) whensoever the Nobilitie of Scotland professing the Lord Jesus, consentis that ane infidell (and all Papistis are infidellis) shalbe head to your Soverane, ye do so far as in ye lyeth to banishe Christ Jesus from this Realme; ye bring Goddis vengeance upoun the countrey, a plague upoun your self, and perchaunse ye shall do small conforte to your Soverane."

These wordis, and this maner of speaking was judged intollerable. Papistis and Protestantis war both offended; yea, his most familiaris disdained him for that speaking. Placeboes and flatteraris posted to the Courte to geve advertisement that Knox had spockin against the Quenis mariage. The Proveist of Lyncluden,[908] Dowglass of Drumlangrik by surname, was the man that geve the charge that the said Johne should present him self befoir the Quene: quhilk he did sone after dennar. The Lord Ochiltrie, and diverse of the faythfull, bayr him cumpany to the Abbay; but none past in to the Quene with him in the cabinet but Johne Erskine of Dune, then Superintendent of Anguss and Mearnes.[909]

[908] In MS. 1566, it was originally written "The Persone of Dundrennan," but this is deleted, and "Proveist of Lyncluden, Douglas of Drumlanrig by name," inserted. In the MS. the name Lyncluden appears as if written Glyncluden; and this form of the name is retained in the later MSS., adding an additional blunder, by writing, "N. Douglas of Lanerk by surname, &c."--Lincluden was a Priory or Convent of Black Nuns, situated upon the water of Cluden a few miles above Dumfries; but owing to their scandalous lives, the Priory had been changed by the Earl of Douglas, in the reign of Robert the Third, into a College or Provostry. (Keith's Catalogue, pp. 459, 470.)

According to the peerage writers, Mr. Robert Douglas, Provost of Lincluden, (from whom the Douglasses of Burford are descended,) was the second son of Sir William Douglas of Drumlanrig, who was killed at Floddon in 1513. But Chalmers has shown, that he was the natural son of Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, who succeeded to the estates in 1513, and died in 1578. Mr. Robert Douglas obtained letters of legitimation, 8th October 1559, being twelve years after his appointment as Provost of Lincluden, 16th September 1547. (Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 309.) In December 1585, Mr. Robert Douglas still retained his title as Provost of Lincluden, and the fruits of the benefice, when a gift of the Provostrie was ratified by an Act of Parliament in favour of William Douglas, lawful son to ---- Douglas of Drumlanrig. (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. pp. 415, 436.) About the same time he was appointed Collector General and Treasurer of the New Augmentations: he is so styled in deeds and Parliamentary proceedings between 1587 and 1594. William Douglas of Lincluden and Grenelaw, "the eldest son and apparent heir of William Douglas of Baitford," was tried and executed at Edinburgh in September 1610. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 90.)

[909] This interview with the Queen must have been at the end of May or beginning of June, as Knox says it was immediately after a sermon he had preached before Parliament was dissolved.

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS FUME AGAINST JOHNE KNOX.]

The Quene, in a vehement fume, began to cry out, that never Prince was handled as she was. "I have," said sche, "borne with you in all your rigorouse maner of speaking, bayth against my self and against my Uncles; yea, I have sought your favouris by all possible meanes. I offered unto you presence and audience whensoever it pleassed you to admonishe me; and yitt I can nott be quyte of you. I avow to God, I shalbe anes revenged." And with these wordis, skarslie could Marnock,[910] hir secreat chalmer-boy, gett neapkynes to hold hyr eyes drye for the tearis; and the owling, besydes womanlie weaping, stayed hir speiche.

[910] Evidently the same person with Marna, whose name occurs among the "gentilhomes servans," in the "Menu de la Maison de la Royne, faict par Mons. de Pinguillon," 1562; as the names of persons, in this curious record, are very incorrectly written. A few copies were printed for private circulation, by Thomas Thomson, Esq., in 1818, 4to.

[Sidenote: ANSURE.]

The said Johne did patientlie abyde all the first fume, and att opportunitie answered, "Trew it is, Madam, your Grace and I have bein att diverse controversies, into the which I never perceaved your Grace to be offended at me. Butt when it shall please God to deliver you fra that bondage of darknes and errour in the which ye have been nurisshed, for the lack of trew doctrin, your Majestie will fynd the libertie of my toung nothing offensive. Without the preaching place, Madam, I think few have occasioun to be offendit at me; and thair, Madam, I am nott maister of my self, but man obey Him who commandis me to speik plane, and to flatter no flesche upoun the face of the earth."

"But what have ye to do," said sche, "with my mariage?"

"Yf it pleise your Majestie," said he, "patientlie to hear me, I shall schaw the treuth in plane wordis. I grant your Grace offered unto me more than ever I requyred; but my answer was then, as it is now, that God hath not sent me to await upoun the courtes of Princesses, nor upoun the chamberis of Ladyes; but I am send to preache the Evangell of Jesus Christ, to such as please to hear it; and it hath two partes, Repentance and Fayth. And now, Madam, in preaching reapentance, of necessitie it is that the synnes of men be so noted, that thei may know whairin thei offend; but so it is, that the most parte of your Nobilitie ar so addicted to your affectionis, that neather God his word, nor yitt thair Commounwealth, ar rychtlie regarded. And thairfoir it becomes me so to speak, that thei may know thair dewitie."

"What have ye to do," said sche, "with my mariage? Or what ar ye within this Commounwealth?"

[Sidenote: LETT PAPISTIS JUDGE THIS DAY, 1567.]

"A subject borne within the same," said he, "Madam. And albeit I neather be Erle, Lord, nor Barroun within it, yitt hes God maid me, (how abject that ever I be in your eyes,) a profitable member within the same: Yea, Madam, to me it apperteanes no lesse to foirwarne of suche thingis as may hurte it, yf I foirsee thame, then it does to any of the Nobilitie; for boyth my vocatioun and conscience craves playness of me. And thairfoir, Madam, to your self I say that whiche I speak in publict place: Whensoever that the Nobilitie of this Realme shall consent that ye be subject to ane unfaythfull husband, thei do as muche as in thame lyeth to renunce Christ, to banishe his treuth from thame, to betray the fredome of this Realme, and perchance shall in the end do small conforte to your self."

At these wordis, owling was heard, and tearis mycht have bene sein in greattar abundance than the mater requyred. Johne Erskin of Dun, a man of meak and gentill spreit, stood besyd, and entreated what he could to mitigat hir anger, and gave unto hir many pleasing wordis of hir beautie, of hir excellence, and how that all the Princes of Europe wold he glaid to seak hir favouris. But all that was to cast oyle in the flaming fyre. The said Johne stood still, without any alteratioun of countenance for a long seasson, whill that the Quene gave place to hir inordinat passioun; and in the end he said, "Madam, in Goddis presence I speak: I never delyted in the weaping of any of Goddis creatures; yea, I can skarslie weill abyd the tearis of my awin boyes whome my awin hand correctis, much less can I rejoise in your Majesties weaping. But seing that I have offered unto you no just occasioun to be offended, but have spocken the treuth, as my vocatioun craves of me, I man sustean (albeit unwillinglie) your Majesties tearis, rather then I dar hurte my conscience, or betray my Commounwealth through my silence."

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS TALK AMONGIS THE QUENIS LADYIS.]

Heirwith was the Quene more offended, and commanded the said Johne to pass furth of the cabinet, and to abyd farther of hir pleasur in the chalmer. The Laird of Dun taryed, and Lord Johne of Coldinghame cam into the cabinet, and so thei boyth remaned with hyr neyr the space of ane houre. The said Johne stood in the chalmer, as one whom men had never sein, (so war all effrayed,) except that the Lord Ochiltrie bayre him companye: and thairfoir began he to forge talking of the ladyes who war thair sitting in all thair gorgiouse apparell; whiche espyed, he mearelie said, "O fayre Ladyes, how pleasing war this lyeff of youris, yf it should ever abyd, and then in the end that we myght passe to heavin with all this gay gear. But fye upoun that knave Death, that will come whitther we will or not! And when he hes laid on his areist, the foull wormes wilbe busye with this flesche, be it never so fayr and so tender; and the seally sowll, I fear, shalbe so feable, that it can neather cary with it gold, garnassing, targatting, pearle, nor pretious stanes." And by suche meanes procured he the cumpany of women; and so past the tyme till that the Laird of Dun willed him to departe to his house quhill new advertisement. The Queue wold have had the censement of the Lordis of Articles, yf that such maner of speaking deserved not punishement; but sche was consailled to desist: and so that storm quiettit in appearance, but never in the hearte.

[Sidenote: THE BISCHOPPE OF SANCTANDROIS SETT AT LIBERTIE.]

[Sidenote: LEDINGTHONIS PRACTISES.]

Schort after the Parliament, Lethington returned frome his negotiatioun in England[911] and France. God, in the Februare befoir, had strycken that bloody tyrane the Duke of Gueise,[912] which somwhat brak the fard of our Quene for a seassone. But schort after the returnyng of Lethington, pryde and malice begane to schaw thame selfis agane. Sche sett at libertie the Bischope of Sanctandrois, and the rest of the Papistes that befoir war put in preasone for violating of the lawis. Lethingtoun, at his returnyng, shew him self nott a litill offended, that any bruit should have rissen of the Quenis mariage with the King of Spane; for he took upoun him that suche thing never entered in hir hearte: but how trew that was we shall after hear. The end of all his acquittance and complaynt was to discreditt Johne Knox, who had affirmed, that such ane mariage was boyth proponit, and, upoun the parte of our Quene, by the Cardinall accepted.[913] Lethingtoun, in his absence, had run intill ane verray evill bruite among the Nobilitie for too muche serving the Quenis affectionis against the Commounwealth; and thairfoir had he, as one that lacketh no worldly wisdome, maid provisioun boyth in England and in Scotland: For in England he travailled for the freedome of the Erle Bothwell, and by that meane obteaned promesse of his favour. He had thair also tacken ordour for the hamecuming of the Erle of Levenox, as we shall after hear. In Scotland he joyned with the Erle of Atholl: him he promoted, and sett fordwart in Courte; and so began the Erle of Murray to be defaced. And yitt to the said Erie, Lethingtoun at all tymes schew a fayre countenance.

[911] Lethington returned from England towards the end of June. Keith says, "The Secretary was not in Council on the 18th of June, but he was present next Council-day, viz. 8th July."

[912] Francis de Lorraine succeeded his father as Duke de Guise, in 1550. He died 24th February 1562-3, having been assassinated by one of his own gentlemen, named Poltrot, while besieging the city of Orleans, which was defended by the Protestants. In the following month, the Grand Prior, (see page 268, note 7,) another of the Queen's uncles, was slain at the battle of Dreux.

[913] The Cardinal de Lorraine, in August 1563, had actually proposed the Archduke Charles of Austria to Queen Mary for a husband; but she declined such an overture.

[Sidenote: JOHNE KNOX HIS ANSURE TOWARDIS HIS PRAYER.]

The rest of that Sommer the Quene spent in hir progresse throught the West countrey, whair in all tounes and gentilmennes places she had her Messe.[914] Which cuming to the earis of Johne Knox, he began that forme of prayer which ordinarlie he sayeth after thankis-giving at his table: "1. Deliver us, O Lord, from the boundage of Idolatrie. 2. Preserve and keap us from the tyranny of strangearis. 3. Continew us in quyetnesse and concord amangis our selfis, yf thy good pleasur be, O Lord, for a seassone," &c. Whille that diverse of the familiaris of the said Johne asked of him why he prayed for quyetnesse to continew for a seassone, and nott rather absolutlie that we should continew in quyetness? His answer was, "That he durst nott pray but in fayth; and faith in Goddis word assured him, that constant quietness could nott continew in that Realme whair Idolatrie had bene suppressed, and then was permitted to be erected agane."

[914] Knox, in a letter to Cecil on the 6th October 1563, (quoted by Mr. Tytler,) expresses this same feeling in regard to the Queen's progress, when he says, "the carrying of the Mass through those quarters which longest had been best reformed, had dejected the hearts of many, and caused him to disclose the plainness of a troubled heart." (Hist. vol. vi. p. 286.)

From the West countrey, the Quene past in Ergyll[915] to the hunting, and after returned to Striveling. The Erle of Murray, the Lord Robert of Halyrudhouse,[916] and Lord Johne of Coldinghame, past to the Northland. Justice Courtis war halden; thevis and murtheraris war punished; twa witches war burnt, the eldest was so blynded with the Devill, that sche affirmed, "That na Judge had power ower hir."

[915] Randolph, on the 13th June 1563, informs Cecil that "The Queen, the Parliament now ended, hath made her Highland apparel for her journey into Argile." The absence of the English ambassador from Scotland during the next three months, has deprived us of much minute information. Keith states that the Queen "sat in Council at Glasgow on the 8th of July, after which day both she and the Earl of Argyle were not in Council until the 19th of August at Dumfries."

[916] See vol. i. p. 458; vol. ii. pp. 271, 321.

[Sidenote: THE LAST COMMENDATIOUN OF LORD JOHNE TO THE QUENE.][917]

[917] In the MS. 1566, these words, "quhairof more is spoken after," form part of this note, but are deleted, probably when the additional passage was inserted: see next note.

That same tyme Lord Johne of Coldinghame[918] departed this lyfe in Innerness. It was affirmed, that he commanded suche as war besyd him to say unto the Quene, "That onless she left hir idolatrie, that God wold nott fail to plague hir. He asked God mercy, that he had so far borne with hir in hir impietie, and had manteaned hir in the same:[919] And that no one thing did him more regreat then that he had flattered, fostered, and menteyned hir in hir wickednes against God and his servandis." And in verie deid great cause had he to have lamented his wickednes; for besydes all his other infirmities, in the end, he, for the Quenis plesour, became enemie to verteu and all verteous men, and a patrone to impietie to the uttermost of his power: yea, his vennome was so kendled against God and his word, that in his rage he bursted forth thir wordis: "Or I see the Quenis Majestie sa trubled with the railing of thir knaves, I shall have the best of thame sticked in the pulpett," What farther villanie came fourth of baith their stinking throttes and mouthes, modestie will not suffer us to wryte; wherof, yf he had grace to unfeynedlie repent, it is no small document to Godis mercyes. But howsoever God wrought with him, the Quene regarded his wordis as wynd, or ellis thocht thame to have been forged be otheris, and not to have proceaded from him self; and affirmed plainlie, that they wer devysed be the Laird of Pettarro and Mr. Johne Wode, whome sche both hated, because they flattered hir not in hir danceing and other doinges.[920] One thing in plane wordis she spak, "That God tuik alwyse from hir thay persounes in whome sche had greatest pleasour:" and that she repented; but of farther wickednes no mentioun.

[918] Lord John Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham: see page 320, note 5. By his marriage with the sister and sole heir of James Hepburn Earl of Bothwell, his family inherited a reversion of that lordship; and his son, Francis Stewart, in 1587, obtained the dignity of Earl of Bothwell.

[919] The remaining portion of this paragraph is added in the MS. 1566, upon a separate slip of paper, written in a hand very like Knox's own; and there is written as a marginal direction to his amanuensis, "Tak in this that is sewed in this place quhar it is scraped out." The words that are so scored through to be deleted, are: "When such thingis war schawin unto the Quene, thei war but mocked at, sche affirmyng that thei war devised by Maister Johne Woode and by the Laird of Pettarrow; as we sall after more planelie heare." See fac-simile.

[920] In MS. G, "uther things."

Whill the Quene lay at Striveling, with hir idolatrie in hir chapell, in the Palice of Halyrudhouse war left certane dontybouris, and otheris of the Frenehe menzie, who raised up thair Messe more publictlye then they had done at any tyme before. For upon those same Sundayes that the Church of Edinburgh had the ministration of the Lordis Table, the Papistis in great number resorted to the Abbay, to thair abomination. Which understand, dyverse of the brethren, being sore offended, consulted how to redress that inormitie; and so war appoynted certane of the most zelous, and most upryght in the religion, to await upon the Abbay, that thai myght note such persones as resorted to the Messe. And perceaving a great number to enter into the chapell, some of the brethren burst also in; whereat the Preist and the Frenche dames being affrayed, made the schout to be sent to the town; and Madame Raylie,[921] maistres to the Quenis dontiboures, (for maides that Court could not then beare,) posted on with all diligence to the Comptrollar, the Laird of Pettarro, who then was in Sanct Gelis Kirk at the sermon; and cryed for his assistance, to save hir lyfe, and to saif the Quenis Palice: Who, with greattar haist then nead requyred, obeyed hir desyre, and tuik with him the Provest, the Baillies, and a great part of the faithfull. But when they came where the feare was bruted to have bene, they fand all thingis quyet, except the tumult they broght with thame selves, and peaceable men luiking to the Papistis, and forbidding thame to transgress the lawis. Trew it is, a zelous brother, named Patrick Cranstoun, past into the chapell, and fynding the altar covered, and the Preast reddye to go to that abomination, said, "The Quenis Majestie is not heir: how dar thou then be so malepart, as opinlie to do against the law?" No farther was done nor said, and yit the bruit heirof was posted to the Quene, (with such information as the Papistis could give; which fand such credit, as thair heartis could have wished for,) which was so haynous a cryme in hir eyes, that satisfactioun for that syn was there none without bloode. And therfore, without delay was summoned Andro Armstrang[922] and Patrik Cranstoun, to fynd suyrtie to undirlie the law, for forethought, fellonie, hamesukkin, violent invation of the Quenis Palice, and for spoliation of the same.

[921] In MS. G, "Madame Baylie."--This Madame Raylie was the wife of Mons. Raullet or Roullet, the Queen's private Secretary. The disturbance which is here alluded to, happened on Sunday the 15th of August 1563. Roullet is frequently mentioned in Queen Mary's correspondence. He was sent to Flanders with letters of credit from the Queen, addressed to the Cardinal de Granville, in January 1564-5. (Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol. i. pp. 197-206, vol. vii. p. 291.) He died 30th August 1574, as the Queen informs Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, in a letter dated Sheffield, 4th September, (ib. vol. iv. p. 216.) The Earl of Shrewsbury took this occasion to search his coffers in the hope of discovering letters or papers that might implicate his Royal Mistress, the unfortunate Queen of Scots. (Chalmers's Life, &c., vol. ii. p. 68.) In 1586, in the list of the Queen's attendants, one of the "gentlewomen of her chamber," was Renee Rallay alias Beauregard. (Labanoff, Recueil, &c., vol. vii. p. 252.)

[922] Andrew Armstrong and George Rynd, burgesses of Edinburgh, on the 1st October, found surety "to underly the law," on the 24th of that month, for breaking the Queen's proclamation, "in carrying sundry pistollets, and for convocation of the lieges at the Palace of Holyrood, and invading sundry of the Queen's domestick servants therein." The case was postponed to the 13th November, when Patrick Cranston was commanded to appear. (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. *434.) No account of the subsequent proceedings has been preserved. At the same time Christian Pinkerton, spouse of James Rogers, and twenty-one other persons, of whom eight were females, were impannelled for being present at the celebration of Mass, in the Chapel of Holyrood, on the 8th August.

These letteris divulged,[923] and the extremitie feared, Brethren (the few that war within the town) consulted upon the next remedie; and in the end concluded, that Johne Knox (to whom the charge was geven to mak advertismentis whensoever daunger sould appear) should wryte to the Brethren in all quarteris, geving information as the matter stoode, and requyring thair assistance: which he did in tennour[924] as heir followes:--

[923] In MS. 1566, "devulgat."

[924] In the MS. 1566, the transcriber has written thirteen lines of the paragraph at page 397, beginning, "The Brethren advertissed," &c., preceded with the words, "as after we shall heare." Having obtained a copy of his own letter, all this is deleted; the words "as heir followes" are added, and the paragraph itself repeated, after the letter: see p. 397.

[Sidenote: THE SUPERSCRIPTIOUN.]

"Wheresoever two or thre are gathered together in my name, thare am I in the middest of thame.

[Sidenote: MR. ROBERT PONT STRIKKEN IN THE HEAD WITH A QUHINGAR BE CAPTANE LAUDER.][925]

[925] This marginal note is omitted in MS. G; but it occurs in MS. L 4; and in MS. L 3, it forms part of the text.--The name of Captain Robert Lauder occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts for 1561, and at other times. Captain Robert Lauder had a charter of the lands of Straegthrow, in Forfarshire, 20th July 1566. Parliament, in 1578, passed an Act of Pacification in his favour. (vol. iii. p. 111.) In March 1566-7, we find the names of "Capitanes Robert and Hew Lauderis, Alexander Stewart, and James Culane." (This Stewart was probably the person mentioned at p. 354.)

"IT is not unknawen unto yow, deare Brethren, what conforte and tranquillitie God gave unto us, in tymes most dangerous, by our Christian assemblies, and godly conferences, as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of oure bodye; and how that since we have neglected, or at the least not frequented our conventionis and assemblies, the adversaries of Christ Jesus his holie Evangill have interprysed, and boldened thame selves publictlie and secretlie, to do many thingis odious in Goddis presence, and maist hurtfull to the libertie of trew religion, now of Goddis great favour granted unto us. The holie Sacramentis are abused be profane Papistis. Messes have bein (and yit are) opinlie said and manteyned. The bloode of some of our dearest ministeris has bein shed, without fear of punishment or correction craved be us. And now last, are two of our dear brethren, Patrik Cranstoun and Andro Armstrang, summoned to underly the law, in the town of Edinburgh, the 24th of this instant October, 'For forethought fellonie, pretended murther, and for invading the Quenis Majesties Palice of Halyrudhouse, with unlauchfull convocatioun, &c.' This terrible summonds is direct against owre Brethren, because that they with two or thre more, passed to the Abbey upon Sunday, the 15th of August, to behald and note what persones repared to the Messe; and that because that the Sunday before, (the Quenis Grace being absent,) there resorted to that idole a rascall multitude, having opinlie the least devillissh ceremonie (yea even the conjuring of thair accurssed watter) that ever they had in the tyme off greatest blyndnes. Becaus, (I say,) our said Brethren passed, and that in maist quyet maner, to note sick abusearis, thir fearfull summondis ar directed against thame, to mak (no doubt) preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to execute creweltie upon a greattar multitude. And yf so it come to pass, God, no doubt, has justlie recompanced oure formare negligence and ingratitude, towardis hym and his benefittis receaved in oure awin bosoms. God gave to us a most notable victorie, of his and our ennemies: he brak thair strength, confounded thair counsailles: he sett us at fredome, and purged this Realme (for the maist part) of oppin idolatrye; to the end, that we, ever myndfull of so wounderous a deliverance, should have keapt this Realme clean from sick vyle filthiness, and dampnable idolatrie. But we, alace! preferring the pleasour of flesche [and blude,] to the pleasour and commandement of our God, have suffered that idoll, the Messe, to be erected agane, and therfore justlie sufferis he us now to fall in that danger that to luke to ane idolatour, going to his idolatrie, salbe repute a cryme lityll inferiour to treasone. God grant that we fall not farther. And now I, whom God has of his mercye made one amangis many to travell in setting fordward of his trew religion within this Realme, seing the same in danger of ruin, can not but of conscience crave of you, my Brethren, of all estaitis, that have professed the treuth, your presence, comfort, and assistance, at the said day, in the Town of Edinburgh, even as that ye tender the advancement of Goddis glorie, the saiftie of your brethren, and your awin assurance; togedder with the preservatioun of the Kirk in thir appearing daungers. It may be, perchance, that persuasions be made in the contrarie, and that ye may be informed, that either your assemblie is not necesser, or ellis that it will offend the uppar poweris: But my gude hope is, that nether flatterie nor feare sall mak you sa far to declyne fra Christ Jesus, as that, against your publict promise and solempned band, ye will leave your brethren in sa just a cause. And albeit there ware no great daunger, yet cannot oure assemblie be unproffitable; for many thingis requyre consultation, quhilkis can not be had, onles the wysest and godliest convein. And thus, doubting nothing of the assistance of owre God, yf that we uniformlie seik his glory, I cease farther to trouble you, committing you heartlie to the protection of the Eternall.

"JOHNE KNOX. "Fra Edinburgh, the 8th of October 1563."

[Sidenote: THE MINISTER OF FAILL, AND BISHOPE OF ROSSE.]

THE Brethren, advertissed be this bill, prepaired thameselves, so many as war thocht expedient for everie town and province, to keap the day appoynted. But by the meanis of false brethren, the letter came to the handis of the Quene; and the maner was this: It was read in the town of Ayre, whare wes present Robert Cunyghame, minister of Faillfurde,[926] who then was halden an earnest professor of the Evangell; who (be what meanes we knaw not) gat the said letter, and send it with his token to Maister Hendrie Sinkclare, then President of the Seat and College of Justice, and styled Byshope of Ross, ane perfyct hypocrite, and ane conjured ennemye to Christ Jesus,[927] whome God after straik according to his deservingis. The said Mr. Hendrie being ennemie to all that unfeynedlie professed the Lord Jesus, but cheiflie to Johne Knox, for the libertie of his toung; for he had affirmed, as ever still he doth affirme, that a Bischope that receaves proffit, and feidis not the flock, even be his awin labouris, is boith a theif and a murderare: The said Mr. Hendrie, we say, thinking him self happie that had found so gude occasion to trouble him, whose life he hated, posted the said letter, with his counsaill to the Quene, who then lay in Striveling.[928]

[926] Failfurd, the seat of a convent of Red Friars, in the parish of Torbolton, Ayrshire, was founded in 1252. "The chief who ruled this convent," says Chalmers, "was styled Minister. The Minister of Failfurd was Provincial of the Trinity Order in Scotland. From being the head of the Order, he appears to have had a seat in Parliament." (Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 492.) In 1540, Robert Cunningham, a natural son of William Earl of Glencairn, at the age of twenty-two, was appointed Minister; and he sat in Parliament among the clergy in 1546; and also in 1560. "William Wallace, brother to John Wallace of Cragy, had a letter of presentation to the benefice of the ministrie of Failfurde, vacant be deceis of umquhile Robert Cunnynghame, last minister thairof," dated 18th April 1576. (Register of Signatures.)

[927] Mr. Henry Sinclair, (see vol. i. p. 274,) was successively Rector of Glasgow and a Lord of Session in 1537, Abbot of Kilwynning in 1541, Dean of Glasgow in 1550, and President of the Court of Session in 1559. The Queen Regent, on the 27th March 1560, had written in his favour, to be advanced to the See of Ross, then vacant, by the death of David Panter, as mentioned by the French envoys De la Brosse and the Bishop of Amiens, in their letter of that date, to the Cardinal de Lorraine, and the Duko de Guise:--"La Royne Douugere vous escript pour les expeditions de l'Evesché de Rosse en faveur du Doyen de Glascou, qui est President de la Session. Son age, et fort bonne vye, et emynent scauoir le recommendent assez; et n'avons voulu faillir a vous en porter sa tesmoignage, et vous dire qu'il est bien affectioné et bien necessaire pardeça. L'Evesché est encores entièr." (Stevenson's Illustrations, &c. p. 80.)

[928] Calderwood says, that Sinclair "was a speciall enemy to Mr. Knox, becaus he still affirmed, that a Bishop receiving profite, and not feeding the flock by his owne labours, is a theefe and a murtherer." (Hist. vol. ii. p. 233.) Knox employs no measured terms in also speaking of his brother John Sinclair, who became Bishop of Brechin, and his successor as President, "as ane perfyte hypocrite," (vol. i. pp. 265.) Queen Mary, on the 20th February 1563-4, applied to Queen Elizabeth for a safe conduct "unto our traist Counsalour. Henry Bischop of Ross, (quhom we haif licent to pas to the partes of France, to seke cure and remedie of certane maladyis quhairwith he is presentlie diseasit,") &c. (Labanoff, Recueil des Lettres, &c., vol. vii. p. 293.) On the 18th September 1564, the Queen applied for a safe conduct to "oure weil belovit Clerk, Maister Johne Sinclair, Dene of Restalrig, being in the partes of France, and willing to returne hamewart in this oure Realme." (Ib. vol. i. p. 227.) In the above passage Knox evidently alludes to the disease of which the Bishop of Ross died, at Paris, on the 2d January 1564-5. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 77, 79.)

The letter being read, it was concluded be the Counsale of the Cabinet, that is, be the maist Secreat Counsale, that it imported treason: wherof the Quene was not a little rejoised, for she thoght anes to be reveanged of that hir great ennemie. It was concluded that the Nobilitie sould be written for, that the condampnation sould have the greatter authoritie. The day was appointed about the middest of December; which was keapt of the hoill Counsale, and of dyvers utheris, such as the Maister of Maxwell, the auld Laird of Lethingtoun, and the said President.

[Sidenote: THE MAISTER OF MAXWELIS DISCHARGE TO JOHNE KNOX.]

In the meane tyme, the Erle of Murray returned from the North, to whom the Secretary Lethingtoun opened the matter as best pleased him. The Master of Maxwell[929] gave unto the said Johne, as it had bene, a discharge of the familiaritie which before wes great betwix thame, onles that he wald satisfie the Quene at hir awin syght.

[929] In MS. G, "the Maister of Maxwell, efter maid Lord Herries." In a previous note, (vol. i. p 319,) it will be seen that Sir John Maxwell, whose name occurs repeatedly in Knox, married the eldest daughter and co-heiress of Lord Herries of Terreglis. Sometimes he is styled the Master of Maxwell, as presumptive heir of the title. He was much employed in public affairs, and was long Warden of the West Marches. Having joined himself with the Lords of the Congregation, on the 2d February 1559-60, he was one of the ambassadors sent by them to England. He was generally known as Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis; and this barony, in 1566, was erected into a Lordship, and Sir John took his seat in the Parliament 1567, as Lord Herries. In the latter period of his life, he became one of the most constant and zealous adherents of Queen Mary.

[Sidenote: REASSONYNG BETWIX YE MAISTER OF MAXWELL AND JOHNE KNOX.][930]

The answer[930] [of Johne Knox] was, "He knew no offence done be him to the Quenis Majestie, and therfoir he wist nocht quhat satisfactioun to mak."

[930] The portion of the MS. which bears internal evidence of having been transcribed in 1566, terminates with the commencement of this paragraph. In what follows, having the marginal note 3 as a kind of title at the head of the page, and extending in all to twenty-nine leaves, the transcription could not have been earlier than December 1571, (yet during Knox's life.) This concluding portion is hastily written, more like a scroll copy from dictation, than an accurate transcript--many of the words are omitted or inaccurately written. Various minute corrections, chiefly in orthography, have therefore been adopted from MS. G. It may further be added, that from the irregular manner of the writing, the marginal notes have suffered so much in the binder's hands, that some of them can scarcely be deciphered; but the Glasgow MS. fortunately serves to supply such deficiencies.

"No offence!" said the uther. "Haif ye not writtin letteris desyring the Bretherin from all pairts to convene to Andro Armstrang and Patrik Cranstounis day?"

"That I grant," said the uther; "but thairin I acknawledge no offence [done be me."

"No offence,"][931] said he, "to convocat the Quenis liegis?"

[931] The words inclosed within brackets are supplied from MS. G.

"Not for sua just ane cause," said the uther; "for grytter thingis wer reput no offence within thir two yeiris."

"The time," said he, "is now uther; for than our Soverane wes absent, and now sche is present."

"It is neather the absence nor the presence of the Quene," said he, "that reulis my conscience, but God speiking plainlie in his word; quhat was lauchfull to me last yeir, is yit lauchfull, becaus my God is unchangeable."

"Weill," said the Maister, "I haif gevin you my counsell, do as ye list; but I think ye sall repent it, gif ye bow not unto the Quene."

"I understand not," said he, "Maister, quhat ye mene. I nevir maid my self ane adversarie pairtie unto the Quenis Majestie, except in to the heid of religioun, and thairintill I think ye will nocht desyre me to bow."

"Weill," said he, "ye are wise eneuch; but ye will find that men will nocht beir with you in times to cum, as thay haif done in tymes bypast."

"Gif God stand my freind," said the uther, "as I am assurit he of his mercie will, so lang as I depend upon his promeise, and prefer his glorie to my life and warldlie proffeit, I littill regaird how men behave thame selffis towardis me; nether yit knaw I quhairin till ony man hes borne with me in times past, unles it be, that of my mouth thay haif heard the word of God, quhilk in times to cum, gif thay refuise, my hairt wilbe persit, and for ane seasone will lament; but the incommoditie wilbe thair awne."

And efter thir wordis, quhairinto the Laird of Lochinvar[932] wes witness, thai departit. But unto this day, the 17th of December 1571,[933] thay met nocht in sick familiaritie as thay had befoir.

[932] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar: see supra p. 260, note 27.

[933] This date forming part of the text, proves that this portion of the MS. must have been transcribed at that date: see introductory notice, vol i. p. xxx.

The bruit of the accusatioun of Johne Knox being divulged, Mr. Johne Spens of Condie, Advocat,[934] a man of gentill nature, and ane that professit the doctrine of the Evangell, came, as it wer, in secreit to Johne Knox, to inquyre the cause of that grit bruit. To quhom the said Johne wes plane in all thingis, and schew unto him the dowbill of the letter. Quhilk heard and consydderit, he said, "I thank my God, I came to you with ane feirfull and sorrowfull hairt, feiring that ye had done sick ane cryme as lawis mycht haif punischit, quhilk wald haif bene na small trubill to the hairtis of all sik as hes ressavit the worde of life quhilk ye haif preichit; but I depairt gritlie rejosit, alsweill becaus I persaif your awin confort, evin in the myddis of your trubillis, as that I cleirly understand, that ye haif committit no sik cryme as ye ar burdenit with: Ye wilbe accusit, (said he,) but God will assist you." And sua he departit.

[934] Mr. John Spens of Condie was Queen's Advocate from 1558, and has several times been mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 419. He died in June 1573. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 5th March 1577-8.)

[Sidenote: BEFOIR THAY DISDAINED NOT TO CUM TO HIS AWIN HOUS.]

[Sidenote: THE SECRETOURIS COUNSELL TO JOHN KNOX]

The Erle of Murray and the Secretarie send for the said Johne to the Clerk of Registeris house, and began to lament that he had so heighlie offendit the Quenis Majestie, the quhilk thai feirit sould cum to ane grit inconvenient to him self, gif he wer not wyselie forsene. Thay schew quhat paines and travell thai had tackin to mittigat hir anger, but thai could find na thing but extremitie, unless he him self wald confes his offence, and put him in hir Grace's will. To quhilk heidis the said Johne answerit as followis:--

[Sidenote: JOHN KNOX HIS ANSUER.]

"I praise my God, through Jesus Chryst, I haif leirnit nocht to cry conjuratioun and tressoun at everie thing that the godles multitude dois condempne, neither yit to feir the thingis that thai feir. I haif the testimonie of ane gude conscience, that I haif gevin no occasioun to the Quenis Majestie to be offendit with me; for I haif done na thing but my dewtie, and so quhatsoevir sall thairof insew, my gude houpe is, that my God will gif me patience to beir it. But to confes ane offence whair my conscience witnesseth thair is nane, far beit from me."

"How can it be defendit?" said Lethingtoun: "Haif ye not maid convocatioun of the Quenis leigis?"

"Gif I haif nocht," said he, "a just defence for my fact,[935] lat me smart for it."

[935] In MS. 1566, "my falt."

"Lat us heir," said thai, "your defensses; for we wald be glaid that ye mycht be found innocent."

"Nay," said the uther, "for I am informit, and that be diverse, and evin be you, my Lord Secreatarie, that I am allreddie condampnit, and my cause prejudged: Thairfoir I mycht be reputed ane fooll, gif I wald mak you previe to my defensses."

[Sidenote: THIS WES THE FIRST TYME THAT THE ERLE OF MURRAY SPAK TO THE SAID JOHN[936] EFTER THE PARLIAMENT.]

[936] In MS. G, "spack to Johne Knox,"]

At thoise wordis thai semeit baith offendit; and so the Secretarie departit. But the said Erle remanit still, and wald haif interit in farder discourse of the estait of the Court with the said Johne, quho ansuerit, "My Lorde, I understand mair than I wald of the effairis of the Court; and thairfoir it is nocht neidfull that your Lordschip trubill you with the recompting thairof. Gif ye stand in gude caise I am content; and gif ye do not, as I fear you do nocht allreddie, or ellis ye sall nocht do or it be lang, blame nocht me. Ye haif the Counsalouris quhome ye haif chosin; my waik judgement baith ye and thay dispyseit: I can do no thing but behald the end, quhilk, I pray God, be other than my trubilled hairt feireth."

[Sidenote: JOHN KNOX CALLIT BEFOIR THE QUENE AND COUNSELL IN ANNO 1563.][937]

[937] In MS. G, "in December 1563."

Within four days, the said Johne wes callit befoir the Quene and Counsell betwix sax and sevin houris at nycht:[938] The seassoune of the yeir wes the middes of December. The bruit rysing in the toune, that Johne Knox wes send for be the Quene, the brethering of the Kirk[939] followit in such noumer, that the inner close was full, and all the stairs, evin to the chalmer dure whair the Quene and Counsall sat; quho had bene ressonyng amangis thame selves befoir, but had nocht fullie satisfeyit the Secretaris mynd. And so wes the Quene retyreit to hir cabinet, and the Lordis wer talkand ilk one with uther, as occasioune served. Bot upoun the entre of John Knox, thay wer commandit to tak thair places, and so thai did, sytting as Counsalouris one aganis ane uther.

[938] Knox states that his examination before the Privy Council was the middle of December. Randolph, in one of his dispatches to Cecil, on the 21st December, mentions that the Lords had assembled for three causes, the last of which was, "To take order with Knox and his faction, who intended, by a mutinous assembly made by his letter before, to have rescued two of their brethren, (viz. Armstrong and Cranston,) from course of lawe, for usinge an outrage upon a Priest saying Masse to the Queen's household at Halliruydhous." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 210.)

[939] In MS. G, "the brethren of the Toun."

The Duke, according to his dignitie, began the one syde. Upone the uther syde sat the Erle of Argyle, and consequentlie followit the Erle of Murray, the Erle of Glencarne, the Erle of Merchell, the Lord Ruthven, the commoun officeris, Pettarro than Controllor, the Justice Clark, Mr. John Spens of Condie Advocat; and diverse utheris stude by. Removeand from the tabill sat auld Lethingtoun, father to the Secretour, Mr. Henrie Synclare then Bischope of Rosse, and Mr. James M'Gill Clark Register.

Thingis thus put in ordour, the Quene cam furth, and with no littill warldlie pomp, wes placeit in the chyre, haifing twa faithfull supportis, the Maister of Maxwell upoun the ane tor, and Secretour Lethingtoun on the uther tor of the chyre; quhairupoun thay waittit dillegentlie all time of that accusatioun, sumtymes the one occupying hir ear, sumtymes the uther. Hir pomp lackit one principall point, to wit, womanlie gravitie; for when sche saw John Knox standing at the uther end of the tabill bair-heided, sche first smyleit, and efter gaif ane gawf lauchter. Quhairat quhen hir placeboes[940] gaif thair plaudite, affirming with lyke countenance, "This is ane gude begyning," sche said: "But wat ye whairat I lauch? Yon man gart me greit, and grat never teir him self: I will see gif I can gar him greit." At that word the Secretoure quhisperrit hir in the ear, and sche him agane, and with that gaif him ane letter. Efter the inspectioun thairof, he directit his vissage and speche to Johne Knox in this maner:--

[940] In MS. 1566, "hir placebo boyis."

"The Quenis Majestie is informit, that ye haif travellit to raise a tumult of hir subjectis against hir, and for certificatioun thairof, thair is presented to hir your awin letter subscryvit in your name. Yit because hir Grace will do na thing without ane gude advysement, sche hes convenit you befoir this pairt of the Nobilitie, that thai may witness betwix you and hir."

"Lat him acknawlege," said sche, "his awin hand writ, and than sall we juge of the contentis of the letter."

And so wes the letter presentit from hand to hand to Johne Knox, who, taking inspectioun of it, said, "I glaidlie acknawlege this to be my hand writ: and also I remember, I dyteit ane letter in the month of October, giffin significatioun to the brether in sindrie quarteris, of sick thingis as displesit me. And that gude opinioun haif I of the fidelatie of the Scribes that willinglie thai wald nocht adulterat my originall, albeit I left diverse blankis subscryvit with thame; and so I acknawlege boith the hand write and the dytement."

"Ye haif done more," said Lethingtoun, "than I wald haif done."

"Charritie," said the uther, "is not suspicious."

"Weill, weill," said the Quene, "reid your awin letter, and than answer to such thingis as salbe demandit of you."

"I sall do the best I can," said the other; and so with loud voce he began to reid as befoir expressed.

Efter that the letter was red to the end, it was presentit agane to Mr. Johne Spens; for the Quene commandit him to accuse, as he efter did, but verie gentillie,--Efter, we say, that the letter was red, the Quene, behalding the hoill tabill, said, "Hard ye evir, my Lordis, ane mair dispitfull and tressonable letter?"[941]

[941] The Letter on which this accusation was founded, is printed at page 395.

Quhill that no man gaif ansuer, Lethingtoun addressit him to John Knox, and said, "Maister Knox, ar ye nocht sorie from your hairt, and do ye nocht repent that sick ane letter hes past your pen, and from you is cumin to the knawlege of utheris."

Johne Knox ansuerit, "My Lord Secretour, befoir I repent I maun be taucht of my offence."

"Offence," said Lethingtoun, "gif thair wer na mair but the convocatioun of the Quenis leigis, the offence can nocht be denyit."

"Remember your self, my Lord," said the uther, "thair is a differens betwix ane lauchfull convocatioun, and ane unlauchfull. Giff I haif bene giltie in this, I haif oft offendit sen I come [last] in Scotland: for what convocatioun of the brethering hes ever bene to this day into quhilk my pen servit not? Befoir this no man led it to my chairge as ane cryme."

"Than wes than," said Ledingtoun, "and now is now: We haif no neid of sick convocatiounis as sometimes we haif had."

Johne Knox ansuerit, "The time that hes bene is evin now befoir my eyis; for I see the pure flock[942] in no less daunger nor it hes bene at ony time befoir, except that the Devill hes gottin a vissorne upon his face. Befoir he come in with his awin face, discoverit be opin tyrannie, seiking the destructioun of all that hes refuissit idolatrie; and than I think ye will confess the brethering lauchfullie assembled thame selfis for defence of thair lyffeis. And now the Devill cumis under the cloke of Justice, to do that quhilk God wald nocht suffer him to do by strength."

[942] In MS. 1566, "folk."

"What is this?" said the Quene. "Me think ye tryfill with him. Quho gaif him authoritie to mak convocatioun of my leigis? Is nocht that tressoun?"

"Na, Madam," said the Lord Ruithven, "for he makis convocatioun of the pepill to heir prayer and sermoun almost daylie, and whatevir your Grace or utheris will think thereof, we think it no tressoun."

"Hald your peace," said the Quene, "and let him mak ansuer for him self."

"I began, [Madam]" said Johne Knox, "to ressoun with the Secratour, quhome I tak to be ane far better dialectician[943] then your Grace is, that all convocatiouns ar nocht unlauchfull: and now my Lord Ruithven hes gevin the instance, quhilk gif your Grace will deny, I sall addres me for the prufe."

[943] In MS. 1566, "dalectiane."

"I will say nathing," said the Quene, "aganis your religioun, nor aganis your convenyng to your sermonis: But quhat authoritie haif ye to convocat my subjectis quhen ye will, without my commandiment?"

"I haif no plesour," said Johne Knox, "to declyne from the formar purpoise. And yit, Madam, to satisfie your Grace's two questiounis, I ansuer, that at my will I nevir convenit four persounis in Scotland; but at the ordour that the bretherin hes appoyntit, I haif gevin diverse adverteismentis, and grit multitudis haif assemblit thairupone. And gif your Grace complane that this wes done without your Graceis commandiment, I ansuer, sa hes all that God hes blissed within this Realme from the begyning of this actioun. And thairfoir, Madam, I maun be convyckit be ane just law, that I haif done aganis the deutie of Godis messinger in writting of this letter, befoir that either I be sorie, or yit repent for the doing of it, as my Lord Secretour wald perswaid me: For what I haif done, I haif done [at] the commandiment of the generall Kirk of this Realme; and thairfoir, I think, I haif done na wrang."

"Ye sall not eschaip so," said the Quene. "Is it nocht tressoun, my Lordis, to accuse ane Prince of creweltie? I think thair be Actis of Parliament aganis sick whisperaris." That wes grantit of monie.

"But whairintill," said Johne Knox, "can I be accusit?"

"Reid this pairt of your awin bill," said the Quene, quhilk began, "Thir feirfull summondis is direct aganis thame, (to wit, the bretherin foirsaid,) to make, no dout, preparatioun[944] upoun ane few, that ane dore may be opened till execute creweltie upoun ane grytter multitude." "Lo," said the Quene, "quhat say ye to that?"

[944] In MS. G. "a preparatyve."

Quhill monie doubtit quhan the said Johne sould ansuer, he said unto the Quene, "Is it lauchfull for me, Madam, to ansuer for my self? Or sall I be dampned befoir I be hard?"

"Say what ye can," said sche; "for I think ye haif eneuch ado."

"I will first [then] desyre this of your Grace, Madam, and of this maist Honorabill audience, quhidder gif your Grace knawis nocht, that the obstinat Papistis ar deidlie ennemeis to all sick as profess the Evangill of Jesus Christ, and that thai moist eirnistlie desyre the exterminatioun of thame, and of the trew doctrine that is taucht within this Realme?"

The Quene held hir peace: but all the Lordis, with commoun voce, said, "God forbid that either the lyves of the faythfull, or yit the staying of the doctrine, stude in the power of the Papistis: for just experience hes tauld us what creweltie lyis in[945] thair hertis."

[945] In MS. G, 1566, "is in."

"I maun proceid than," said Johne Knox, "seing that I persaif that all will grant that it wer ane barbarous creweltie to destroy sick ane multitude as profess the Evangell of Jesus Christ within this Realme, quhilk ofter then anis or twyse thai haif tempit to do be force, as thingis done of lait dayis do testify, quhairof thay, be God and his providence, being dissapointit, haif inventit moir craftie and daingerous practises, to wit, to mak the Prince pairtie under cullour of law: and so what thai could not do [be] oppin force, thai sall perform be craftie deceat. For who thinkis, my Lordis, that the insatiable crewaltie of the Papistis, within this Realme, I meane, sall end in the murthering of these two bretherin now injustlie summond, and moir unjustlie to be accusit. I think no man of judgement can sa esteme, but rayther the direct contrair, that is, that by this few noumer thai intend to prepair a way to thair bloodie interprises aganis the whole. And thairfoir, Madam, cast up when ye list the Actis of your Parliment. I haif offendit nathing aganis thame; I accuse nocht in my letter your Grace, nor yit your natoure of creweltie. But I affirm yit agane, that the pestilent Papistis, quho have inflamit your Grace without caus againis those pure men at this present, ar the sonis of the devill; and thairfoir maun obey the desires of thair father, quho hes bene ane liar and ane murtherour from the begyning."

"Ye forget your self," said ane; "ye ar not now in the pulpit."

[Sidenote: LAT THE WARLD JUGE QUHAT EFFER SCHORTLIE ANSUERIT.][946]

[946] This marginal note is omitted in MS G.

"I am in the place," said the uther, "quhair I am demandit of conscience to speik the treuth; and thairfoir I speik. The treuth I speik impung it quhoso list. And heirunto [I add,] Madam, that honest, gentill, and meik naturis be appeirance, be wickit and corrupt counsallouris, may be convertit and alter[947] to the direct contrair. Exampill we haif of Nero, who in the begyning of his impyre, we find haifing some naturall schame;[948] but efter that his flatteraris had encuraged him in all impietie, alleging, that na thing wes either unhonest nor yit unlauchfull for his personage, quho wes Empriour abuif utheris: quhen he had drunken of this coup, I say, to quhat enormiteis he fell, the historeis beiris witnes. And now, Madam, to speik planelie, Papistis and conjureit ennemeis to Jesus Christ, haif your Graceis eare patent at all tymeis. I assure your Grace thai ar daingerous counsallouris, and that your Mother fand."

[947] In MS. G, "be subverted and altered."

[948] In M.S. 1566, "some mortell."

As this wes said, Ledingtoun smyleit,[949] and spak secreitlie to the Queue in hir eare; what it wes, the tabill hard nocht. But immediatlie sche addressit hir vissage, and spack to Johne Knox, and said, "Weill, ye speik fair eneuch heir befoir my Lordis; but the last tyme I spak with you secreitlie, ye causit me weip monie salt teiris, and said to me stubernelie, 'Ye set not by my greitting.'"

[949] In MS. G. "smyrklit."

"Madam," said the uther, "becaus now the secound tyme your Grace hes burdened me with that crime, I maun ansuer, as [leist] for my silence I be haldin gyltie. [If your Grace] be rypelie rememberit, the Laird of Dun, yit leving to testifie the treuth, was present at that tyme quhairof your Grace complenis. Your Grace accuseit me, that I had irreventlie handyllit you in the pulpat; that I denyit. Ye said, What ado had I to speik of your marriage? What was I, that I sould mell with syk maiteris? I ansuerit, As tueching natour, I wes ane worm of this earth, and yet ane subject of this Commounwelth; but as tueching the office whairintill it hes plesit God to place me, I wes ane watchman, bayth over the Realme, and over the Kirk of God gatherit within the same; be reasoun whairof I wes bound in conscience to blaw the trumpet publictlie, so oft as evir I saw onie upfall, onie appeiring dainger,[950] either of the one or of the other. But sa it wes, that ane certane bruit affermed that traffick of mariage wes betwix your Grace and the Spanishe allya; quhairinto I said, that gif your Nobylattie and Estaitis did agrie, unles that bayth ye and your husband sould be so straitlie bound, that neither of you mycht hurte this Commounwealth, nor yit the pure Kirk of God within the same, that in that cais I wald pronunce, that the consentaris wer trubleris[951] of this Commounwelth, and ennemeis to God, and to his promeis plantit within the same.[952] At these wordis, I grant, your Grace stormed, and burstit furth into ane unressonable weiping. Quhat myttigatioun the Laird of Dun wald haif maid, I suppois your Grace hes not forget. But whill that nathing wes abill to stay your weiping, I wes compellit to say, I tak God to record, that I never tuik plesour to see onie creatour weip, [yea, not my children quhen my awin hands had bett thame,][953] meikle less can I rejoise to see your Grace mak sick regreat. But seing I haif offerit your Grace no such occasioun, I maun rather suffer your Grace to tack your awin plesour, or that I dar conceil the treuth, and so betray baith the Kirk of God and my Commounwelth. Thir wes the maist extreme wordis that I spak that day."

[950] In MS. G, "ony upfall or apparand danger." In MS. 1566, "apfaw."

[951] In MS. G, "wer traytors."

[952] In MS. G, "and to his truth planted within the same."

[953] These words omitted in MS 1566.

Efter that the Secretar had conferrit with the Quene, he said, "Mr. Knox, ye may returne to your hous for this nicht."

"I thank God and the Quenis Majestie," said the other. "And, Madame, I pray God to purge your hairt from Papeistrey, and to preserve you from the counsall of flatteraris; for how pleasand that thei appeir to your ear and corrupt affectioun for the tyme, experience hes tauld us in what perplexatie thay have brocht famous princes."

Ledingtoune and the Maister of Maxwell [were] that nycht the two stoupeis of hir chair.

Johne Knox being departit, the Tabill of the Lordis, and utheris that wer present, wer demandit, everie man be his vote, Gif Johne Knox had nocht offendit the Quenis Majestie. The Lordis voteit uniformelie thai coulde find no offence. The Quene wes past to hir cabinet. The flatteraris of the Courte, and Ledingtoune pryncipally, raged. The Quene wes brocht agane, and placeit in hir chyre, and thai commandit to vote oure agane: quhilk thing heichlie offendit the haill Nobylattie, and began to speik in opin audience, "What! sall the Laird of Lethingtoune haif power to controle us: or sall the presence of ane woman caus us to offend God, and to dampne ane innocent aganis oure conscience for plesour of onie creatour?" And so the haill Nobylattie absolved Johne Knox agane, and praisit God for his modestie, and for his plane and sensible ansueris. Yit befoir the end, ane thing is to be noittit, to witt, that amangis sa monie placeboes, we mene the flatteraris of Courte, thair wes nocht ane that planelie durst condampne the pure man that was accusit, this same God reuling thair tounge that sometymeis reulit the toung of Balaam,[954] when gladlie he wald haif cursit Godis pepill.

[954] In MS. 1566, "Balam."

[Sidenote: THE TANT OF THE QUENE TO MR. HENRIE SYNCLAIR.]

[Sidenote: THE CRAFT OF THE COURTE.]

This persaveit, the Quene began to upbraid Mr. Henrie Synclair, then Bischope of Ross, and said, heiring his vote to agree with the rest, "Trubill nocht the barne: I pray you trubill him nocht; for he is newlie walknit out of his sleip. Why soulde nocht the aulde fule follow the futestapis of thame that haif passit befoir him." The Bischope answerit cauldlie, "Your Grace may considder, that it is neither affectioun to the man, nor yit lufe to his proffessioun that moved me to absolve him; but the sempill treuthe, quhilk planelie appeiris in his defence, drawis me efter it, albeit that utheris wald haif condampnit him." And this being said, the Lordis and haill assisteris araise and departit. That nycht wes nether dansing nor fyddilling in the Courte; for Madame wes disappoyntit of hir purpois, quhilk wes to haif had Johne Knox in hir will be vote of hir Nobylattie.

Johne Knox, absolved be the votes of the grittest pairt of the Nobylattie from the cryme intendit aganis him, evin in the presence of the Quene, sche rageit, and the placebois of the Courte stormed: And so began new assaultis to be maid at the handis of the said Johne, to confes ane offence, and to put him in the Quenis will, and thay soulde promeis that his gryttest punischement sould be to go within the Castell of Edinburgh, and immediatlie to returne to his awin hous. He answerit, "God forbid that my confessioune soulde dampne those nobill men that of thair conscience, and with displasour of the Quene, have absolved me. And forder, I am assureit, ye will nocht in earnist desyre me to confes ane offence, onles that thairwith ye wald desyre me to ceise from preiching: for how can I exhorte utheris to peace and Cryssin quyetnes, gif I confes myself ane authour and mover of seditioun?"

[Sidenote: QUHILK BEGAN THE 25 OF DECEMBER.][955]

[955] This note is taken into the text in MS. G. In MS. L 4, the paragraph reads:--"The Generall Assemblie of the Kirk convened at Edinburgh in the New Tolbuith, the 25th of December." And this marginal note is added:--"Quick speeches betwix some Courteours, Barrons, and Ministers."

[Sidenote: THE COURTE REFUISIT THE MINISTERIS.]

The Generall Assemblie of the Kirk approcheit. But the juste petitiounis of the Mynisteris and Commissionaris of Kirkis wer dispysit at the first, and that with thir wordis, "As Mynisteris will not follow our counsellis, so will we suffer Mynisteris to labour for thame selfis, and see what speid thai cum." And when the quhole Assemblie said, "Gif the Quene will not [provide for our Ministeris], we man; [for] bayth Thrid and Tua pairt ar rigyrrouslie takin frome us, and frome our tennentis." "Giff utheris," said one, "will follow my counsell, the gaird and the Papistis sall complene als lang as our Mynisteris haif done." At these wordis the former scherpnes wes cullourit, and the speikare allegit, that he menit not of all Mynisteris, bot of sum to quhome the Quene wes no dettour; for what Thrid ressavit sche of Borrowis? Cristopheir Gudeman[956] ansuerit, "My Lord Secretour, gif ye can schaw me what [just] tyttill either the Quene hes to the Thrid, or the Papistis to the Twa pairt, then I think I soulde solve[957] quhidder sche wer dettour to Mynisteris within broughis or not." But thairto he ressavit this check for ansure, "Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica;" that is, "Lat not ane strainger be curious in a strainge Commounewelth." The man of God ansuerit, "Albeit I be ane strainger in your pollicey, yit so am I not in the Kirk of God; and thairfoir the cair thairof does no less appertene to me in Scotland than gif I wer in the myddis of Ingland."

[956] Christopher Goodman was a native of Chester, born about the year 1520, and educated at Oxford. During the persecutions in England, after Queen Mary's accession to the throne, he went first to Frankfort, then to Strasburg, and in September 1555, he was chosen Knox's colleague at Geneva. In 1558, he published his celebrated treatise, "How Superior Powers ought to be obeyed," which rendered him so obnoxious to Queen Elizabeth, on account of his statements on "The Regiment of Women." Finding no encouragement, on returning to England, he accompanied Knox's wife and family to Scotland, in September 1559, and became minister of Ayr. He was soon afterwards translated to St. Andrews, as a place of greater importance. He returned to England towards the close of 1565. (Booke of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 72.) He died at an advanced age, at Chester, in 1601. See notices collected by Dr. M'Crie, Life of Knox, vol. ii. pp. 331-333, 459.

[957] In MS. 1566, "resonne."

[Sidenote: KNOX FALSLIE REPOIRTIT OF.]

Monie wonderit at the sylence of Johne Knox; for in all those quick ressonyngis he openit not his mouthe. The cause thairof he himself expressit in those wordis: "I haif travellit, rycht honorabill and belovit Bretherin, sen my last arryval within this Realme in ane uprycht conscience befoir my God, seiking no thing more, as he is [my] wytness, than the advancement of his glorie, and the stabillitie of his Kirk within this Realme; and yit of lait dayis I haif bene accuseit as ane sedytious man, and as ane that usurpes unto my self power that becumis me nocht. Trew it is, I haif gevin adverteismentis into the bretherin in dyveris quarteris, of the extremitie intendit aganis certane faythfull for luiking to ane Preist going to Mess, and for observing of those that transgressit juste lawis; bot [that] thairintill I haif usurped farther power than is gevin into me, till that be you I be dampned, I utterlie deny; for I say, that be you, that is be the chairge of the Generall Assemblie, I haif als just power to adverteise the bretherin from tyme to tyme of daingers appeiring, as that I haif to preche the worde of God in the pulpett of Edinbrough; for be you I wes appoyntit to the one and to the uther; and thairfoir, in the name of God, I craif your jugementis. The dainger that appeirit to me in my accusatioun wes nocht sua feirfull as the wordis that come to my earis wer dollorous to my hairt; for thir wordis wer planelie spokin, and that be sum Protestantis, 'What can the Pape do mair then send furth his Letteris, and requyreit thame to be obeyit.' Lat me haif your jugementis thairof, quhidder that I haif usurped onie power to my self, or gif I haif bot obeyit your commandiment."

The flatteraris of the Courte, amangis quhome Sir Johne Ballentyne, Justice Clerk,[958] wes then not the leist, began to storme, and said, "Sall we be compellit to justifie the rasch doingis of men?" "My Lorde," said Johne Knox, "ye sall speik your plesour for the present: of you I craif no thing; bot gif the Kirk that is heir present do not either absolve me, or ellis condampne me, nevir sall I in publict or in privat, as ane publict mynister, open my mouthe in doctrine or in ressonyng."

[958] In MS. G, "Bellenden," the same name during the 16th century being written Ballenden, Bellenden, Ballantyne, Bannatyne. Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul, Justice-Clerk, is repeatedly mentioned by Knox: see notes in vol. i. pp. 358, 418.

Efter lang contentioun, the said Johne being removed, the whole Kirk fand, that a chairg wes gevin unto him to adverteis the Bretherin in all quarteris as oft as evir dainger appeirit; and thairfoir avowit that fact not to be his onlie, bot to be the fact of all. Thairat wer the Quenis claw-backis mair inrageit than evir thai wer; for sum of thame had promissit to the Quene to get the said Johne convyct, baith be the Consall and be the Kirk;[959] and being frustrat of boith, sche and thai thocht thame selffis nocht [a little] dissapoyntit.

[959] In MS. G, "Churche" is now generally used for "Kirk."

[Sidenote: 1563.]

[Sidenote: HURDOME AND MURDOUR IN THE COURTE.]

[Sidenote: SEMPILL AND LEVINGSTOUN.]

[Sidenote: MARIES REGIMENT.]

In the verie tyme of the Generall Assemblie, thair cumis to publyct knawlege ane heinous murdour committed in the Courte, yea, not far from the Quenis awin lap; for ane Frenche woman, that servit in the Quenis chalmer had playit the hure with the Quenis awin hipoticary.[960] The woman conceveit and bare ane child, quhome with commoune consent the father and the mother murthered. Yit wer the cryis of ane new borne barne hard; searche wes maid, the chylde and mother wes baith deprehendit; and so wer baith the man and the woman dampned to be hangit upoun the publict streit of Edinburgh. The punischment wes notable, becaus the cryme wes heinous. Bot yit wes not the Courte purged of hureis and huredome, quhilk wes the fontane of sik enormiteis; for it wes weill knawin, that schame haistit mariage betwix Johne Sempill, callit the Danser, and Marie Levingstoune, surnameit the Lustie.[961] What bruit the Maries and the rest of the dansaris of the Courte had, the ballattis of that aige[962] did witnes, quhilk we for modesteis sake omit. Bot this wes the commoune complaint of all godlie and wyse men, that giff thai thocht that sick ane Courte soulde lang continew, and giff thai luikit for no uther lyffe to cum, thay wald haif wissit thair soneis and dochteris rather to have bene brought up with fydlaris and dansaris, and to have bene exerceit in flinging upone ane flure, and in the rest that thairof followis, than to haif bene nurisched in the companie of the godlie, and exerceissit in vertew, quhilk in that Courte wes haittit, and fylthines not onlie maintenit, bot also rewairded. Witnes the Lordschip[963] of Abercorne, the baronie of Authormortie,[964] and diverse utheris pertenyng to the patrimonie of the Crowne, gyffin in heritage to scouparis, dansaris, and dalliaris with damis. This wes the begyning of the regement of Marie Quene of Scottis, and thir wer the fructeis that sche brocht furth of France. "Lorde, luik upone our mysereis, and delyver us from the tyrannie[965] of that hure, for thy awin meir mercies saik."

[960] MS. G, "Hypothecary;" in MS. L 4, "Apothecar." No notice of their trial and execution is elsewhere given; and the Record of the Criminal Court at this period, which might have furnished the same, is not preserved.

[961] John Sempill was the son of Robert third Lord Sempill, by a second marriage with Elizabeth Carlyle. (Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 494.) Mary Levingstone was one of the Queen's Maries who accompanied her to France, and was the youngest daughter of Alexander fifth Lord Levingstone. It may have been to ensure their marriage that the Queen, by a special grant under the Privy Seal, to "John Sempill, sone to hir cousin Robert Lord Sempill, and Marie Levingstoun his spous, sister to William Lord Livingstone," granted a charter of various lands, in consideration that "it had pleisit God to move thair hartis to joyne togidder in the stait of matrimonye." It is dated 9th March 1564-5. In the Parliament 19th April 1567, when it proposed to annul the forfeiture of George Earl of Huntley, which would affect various grants that had been made, the charter of infestment in the lands of Auchtermuchty, Stewarton, and others, to Sempill, was anew ratified by the Queen. (Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 559.) The same favour was continued by James the Sixth, on the penult November 1581, from his general Revocation of grants, among other exceptions, "reservit and exceptit" the infestment made by Queen Mary "to umquhile John Semple of Butress, and Marie Livingston his spous, of the town and lands of Auchtermuchtie, and otheris," &c. (ib. vol. iii. p. 245.) This shews that Semple was then deceased. He had acquired the lands of Beltrees in Renfrewshire--a name distinguished in the literature of Scotland during the 17th century.

[962] The ballads to which Knox specially alludes are not known to be preserved. Various enactments and proclamations were made from time to time, prohibiting, in 1556, for instance, "the odeous ballates and rymes laitly sett furth be sume evill inclinit personis of your toun." (Maitland's Hist. of Edinb., p. 14.)

[963] In MS. 1566, "Bischope of."

[964] In MS. G, "Achermoutie." It will be seen from the previous note 3, that the lands of Auchtermuchty, in Fife, had been conferred on John Sempill and Mary Levingstone, his wife, in 1565. The Lordship of Abercorn was probably bestowed about the same time upon one of the courtiers. At a later period, at least, John Levingstone, one of the Master Stabularis, had a grant in feu-farm of the lands, &c., of Abercorn, 10th October 1587, of which he obtained a ratification by Parliament, 5th June 1592. (Acta Parl. Scot., vol. iii. p. 643.)

[965] In MS. 1566, "tyranitie."

[Sidenote: PRAYIT AND WRITTEN QUHEN SHE WES IN GRYTEST AUTHORITIE.][966]

[966] Or, in the year 1566.

[Sidenote: GREIT WEIT AND FROIST IN JANUARE 1563.]

[SIDENOTE: WONDARIS SENE IN FEBRUAR.]

[Sidenote: BANKITING IN THE COURTE, BOT CONTEMP OF THE MYNISTERIS.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENIS PROMEIS.]

God from hevin, and upone the face of the eirth, gaif declaratioun that he wes offendit at the iniquitie that wes committit evin within this Realme; for upone the 20th day of Januare thair fell weit in grit aboundance, quhilk in the falling freisit so vehementlie, that the eirth wes bot ane scheit of ysce. The foules baith grit and small freisit, and mycht nocht flee: monie deyit, and sum wer takin and laid besyde the fyre, that thair fetheris mycht resolve. And in that same moneth the sey stude still, as wes clerlie observed, and nather ebbit nor flowit the space of 24. houris. In the moneth of Februare, the 15th and 18th day thairof, wes sene in the fyrmament battelis arrayit, speiris, and utheris weapounis, and as it had bene the joinyng of two armeis. Thir thingis wer nocht onlie observed, bot also spokin and constantlie affyrmed be men of jugement and credit. But the Quene and our Court maid myrrie. Thair wes banketting upoun banketting. The Quene wald banket all the Lordis; and that wes done upoun polessie, to remove the suspitioune of hir displesour aganis thame, becaus thai wald nocht at hir devotioun dampne Johne Knox. To remove, we say, that jeloussie, sche maid the banket to the haill Lordis, quhairat sche wald haif the Duke amangis the rest. It behuifit thame to banket hir agane; and so did banketting continew till Fastronis-evin and efter. But the pure Mynisteris wer mockit, and reputed as monsteris; the gaird, and[967] the effairis of the kytcheing wer so gryping, that the Mynisteris stipendis could nocht be payit; and yit at the Assemblie precedeand, solemnitlie promeis wes maid in the Quenis name, be the mouth of Secretour Lethingtoune, in the audiance of monie of the Nobylatie and of the hoill Assemblie, who affyrmeit, that he had commandiment of hir Heichnes to promeis[968] unto thame full contentatioun to all the Mynisteris within the Realme of thingis bygane; and of suche ordour to be keipit in all tymeis to cum, that the whole bodie of the Protestantis soulde haif occasioune to stand content. The Erle of Murray affermit the same, with monie uthair fair promeisses gevin be writ be Lethingtoune him self; as in the register of the Actis done in the Generall Assemblie may be sene.[969] Bot how that, or yit anie uther thing promissit by hir, or in hir name, unto the Kirk of God, wes observed, the Warlde can witnes.

[967] In MS. 1566, "regairdand" as one word.

[968] In MS. 1566, "to pronunce."

[969] See the proceedings of the General Assembly, (Book of the Universall Kirk, vol. i. p. 48.)

The Mynisteris perceaving all thingis tend to ruyne, dischairgit thair conscience in publict and in previt; but thay ressaifit for thair laubouris haitred and indignatioun; and amangis utheris, that worthie servand of God, Mr. John Craig, speiking aganis the manifest corruptioun that then withoute schame or feir declareit the self, said, "Sum tymeis wer hypocriteis knawin be thair disgyseit habittis, and we had men to be monkis, and women to be nunis; but now all thingis ar so chaingit, that we can nocht dyscerne the Erle frome the Abbot, nor the Nun frome sik as wald be haldin the Nobill-wemin;[970] so that we haif gottin ane new ordour of monkis and nunis. But, (said he,) seing that ye eschame not of that unjuste proffeit, wald God that thairwith ye had the coule of the nun, the vaill, yea, and the taill joyned with all,[971] that so ye mycht appeir in your awin cullouris."

[970] In MS. 1566, "gentillman."

[971] In MS. 1566, these words appear in this unintelligible form, "ze had the coule of the waill, ye and the taill junit with all."

[Sidenote: LETHINGTOUNE TWYSE DEFYIT THE SERVANDIS OF GOD.]

This lybertie did so provoik the choller[972] of Lethingtoune, that in opin audience he gaif him unto the Devill, gif that ever efter that day he sould regaird what become of Mynisteris, that he sould do what he could, that his companyeounis sould haif ane skair with him; "And lat thame bark and blaw," said he, "alse loude as thay list." And so that wes the second tyme that he had gevin [his] defyance to the servandis of God. And heirupone raise whispering and complainttis, all be the flatteraris of the Courte, complenyng that men wer not cheritably[973] handyllit: "Mycht nocht synnis be repruifit in generall, albeit that men wer not so specialie taxed, that all the warlde mycht knaw of whome the preachour spak?" Quhairinto wes the ansuer maid, "Let men eschame publiklie to offend, and the Mynisteris sall abstene from specialiteis; but so lang as Protestantis ar not eschameit manifestlie to do aganis the evangill of Jesus Chryste, so lang can nocht the Mynisteris of God ceise to cry, that God wilbe revengit upoun sik abusearis of his holie worde."

[972] In MS. 1566, "the collowre."

[973] In MS. 1566, "chyrrable."

And thus had the servandis of God ane doubill battell, fechting upoun the one syde aganis the idolatrie and the rest of the abominatiounis mentenit be the Quene; and upoun the uther pairt, aganis the unthankfulnes of sik as sumtyme wald haif bene estemed the cheiff pyllaris of the Kirk within the Realme.

[Sidenote: 1564.]

The threitnyngis of the prechouris wer feirfull; but the Courte thocht the self in [such] securitie that it coulde nocht myscary.[974] The Quene, efter the banketting, keipit a dyett [be directioun of] Monsieur Lusury, Frenche man, who had bene acquaintit with hir maladie befoir, being hir physicioun:[975] And theirefter sche, for the secound tyme, maid hir progresses in the North,[976] and commandit to waird in the Castell of Edinburgh the Erle of Kaithness,[977] for ane murther committit be his servandis upoun the Erle of Merchellis men. He obeyit, bot he wes sodentlie relevit; for sik blude-thrystie men and Papeistis, sik as he is, ar best subjectis to the Quene. "Thy kingdome cum, O Lord; for in this Realme is no thing (amangis sik as soulde punische vyce and mentene vertew) but abhominatiounis abounding withoute brydell."

[974] In MS. 1566, "mynnistrey."

[975] In MS. G, "Monsieur la Usurie." The person referred to was Jacques Lusgerie, who had been the Queen's physician while she resided in France. He is mentioned by her in a letter to Catharine de Medicis, 12th March 1565. In May 1571, the Queen requests Beaton to send her a physician from France, with the advice, or recommended by Lusgerie. (Labanoff, Lettres, &c., vol. i. p. 256; vol. vii. p. 305.)

[976] Before the Queen's second progress in the North, she had visited the West of Scotland, and returned from Inverary through Ayrshire to Dumfries. This journey lasted from the 29th June till the beginning of September 1563. After stopping a few days in Edinburgh, she proceeded to Perthshire and Stirling. But the journey to which Knox here alludes was in the following year. She rode from Edinburgh on the 22d of July 1564. She was at Perth on the 31st, when she went into the district of Athole "to the hunting." After crossing the mountains, and visiting some parts of Inverness-shire, and the Chanonry of Ross, she returned along the east coast, by Aberdeen and Dunottar, to Dundee and St. Andrews, reaching Holyrood on the 25th or 26th September, after an absence of upwards of two months.

[977] George fourth Earl of Caithness, who died 9th September 1582.

The flatteraris[978] of the Courte did daylie inrage aganis the pure Prechouris: happyest wes he that coulde invent the moist bytter tantis and disdainfull mokingis of the Mynisteris. And at lenth thai began to jest at the terme of Idolatrie, affirmyng, "That men wist nocht what thai spak, quhan thai callit the Messe Idolatrie." Yea, sum proceidit farder, and feirit nocht at opin tabilles to affirme, "That thai wald sustene the argument, that the Messe wes no Idolatrie." These thingis cuming to the earis of the prechouris, wer proclamit in publyct pulpett of Edinburgh, with this complaynt direct be the speikare[979] to his God. "O Lord, how lang sall the wyckit prevaill aganis the juste! How lang sall thou suffer thy self and thy blessit Evangill to be dyspysit of men; of men, we say, that makis[980] thame selfis defendaris of the treuth! For of thy manifest and knawin ennemeis we complene nocht, bot of such as unto whom thou hes reveilit thy lycht: for now it cumis into our eiris, that men, not Papistis, we say, bot cheif Protestantis, will defend the Messe to be no Idolatrie. Giff so wer, O Lord, myserablie haif I bene disavit, and myserablie, alace, O Lord, haif I deceavit thy peopill; quhilk thou knawis, O Lord, I haif evir moir abhorrit than a thousand deithis. Bot," said he, turnyng his face towardis the rowme where sik men as so had affirmed, sat, "Gif I be nocht able to prove the Messe to be the moist abhominable Idolatrie that evir wes useit sen the begynning of the Worlde, I offer my self to suffer the punischement appoyntit be God to a fals teichare; and it appeiris unto me," said the preichare, "that the affirmeris soulde be subject to the same law: for it is the treuthe of God that ye persecute and blaspheme; and it is the inventioun of the Devill, that obstinatlie aganis his Worde, ye menteyne. Whairat, albeit ye now flyrt and ye flyre, as [thocht] that all wer spokin wer but wind,[981] yit am I [als] assureit, as I am assureit that my God leveth, that sum that hear this your defectioun and railling aganis the treuthe and servandis of God, sall see ane pairt of Godis jugementis poured furth upoun this Realme, (and pryncipallie upoun you[982] that fastest cleifes to the favour of the Courte,) for the abominatiounes that ar be you menteneit." Albeit that suche vehemencie provoikit teiris of sum, yit those men that knew themselfis guilty, in a mocking maner said, "We must recant, and burne oure bill; for the Prechouris ar angrie."

[978] In MS. 1566, "flattering."

[979] That is, by Knox himself.

[980] In MS. G, "that boastis."

[981] In MS. 1566, "wounde."

[982] In MS. M. there is added this remark, "But this threatening was accomplished in his owne person;" and the next paragraph is wholly omitted.

[Sidenote: ANNO 1564.]

[Sidenote: THIS WES NEVIR DONE BE THIS AUTHOR.]

The Generall Assemblie, halden in Junij 1564,[983] approcheit, unto the which greit[984] pairt of the Nobylatie, of those that ar callit Protestantis, convenit; sum for assistance of the mynisteris, and sum to accuse thame, as we will efter heir.[985]

[983] At Edinburgh on the 25th June 1564.

[984] In MS. 1566, "aggreit."

[985] Here and a few lines above, in MS. 1566, of two marginal notes only some unintelligible letters remain unmutilated by the binder: but the notes occur in MS. G, as follows:--

"Lethingtounes countenance at the threatnings of the preichars."

"Let the Warld judge quhidder this has cummyn to pas or not, and quhat has fallin out sen that tyme."

A lyttill befoir the trubles, quhich Sathan raised in the bodie of the Kirk, began Davie[986] to grow grit in Courte. The Quene usit him for Secretarie, in thingis that appertenit to hir secreit effaires, in France[987] or ellis quhair. Grit men maid in Courte unto him, and thair sutes wer the better heard. Bot of the begynning and progress, we delay now forder to speik, becaus his end will requyre the descryptioune of the whole: [And referris it unto suche, as God sall rayse up to do the same.][988]

[986] In MS. G, "began one Davie, ane Italiane." That is David Riccio: see article in the Appendix to this volume.

[987] The words "in France," are omitted in MS. 1566; and "effaires," is written "faires."

[988] The words enclosed within brackets, are supplied from MS. G. They occur in MS. L 4, but neither in L 3, or in MS. 1566. In place of this, on the margin of that MS. we find, as above, "THIS WES NEVIR DONE BE THIS AUTHOR;" a remark, which was probably added after Knox's death by his Secretary, or the person who transcribed this portion of the MS.

The first day of the Generall Assemblie, the Courtiouris nor the Lordis that dependit upoun the Court, presentit nocht thame selfis in the sessioun with thair Bretherin. Whairat monie wondering, ane anceyant and honorable man, the Laird of Lundie,[989] said, "Nay, I wonder nocht of thair present absence; but I wonder that at our last Assemblie, thai drew thame selfis ane pairt, and joynit nocht with us, but drew from us some of our mynisteris, and wylleit thame to conclude sik thingis as war never proponit in the publick Assemblie, [quhilk apperis to me to be a thing][990] verrie prejudiciall to the libertie of the Kirk. And, thairfoir, my jugement is, that thai salbe informit of this offence, quhilk the whole Bretherin haif consaveit of thair former falt; humblie requyring thame, that gif thai be Bretherin, thai will assist thair Bretherin with thair presence and counsall, for we had nevir grytter neid. And gif thai be myndit to fall back from us, it wer better we knaw it now than afterward." Thairto aggreyit the whole Assemblie, and gaif commissioun to certene Bretherin to signify the myndis of the Assemblie to the Lordis; quhilk wes done that same day efter noon.[991]

[989] Walter Lundie or Lundin of Lundie, in Fife. The name of the "Laird of Lundie" occurs very frequently in the Book of the Kirk.

[990] The words within brackets are omitted in MS. 1566.

[991] According to Calderwood, on the 26th June 1564 "The Laird of Lundie, and the Superintendent of Lowthian, war appointed to request the Lords of Secreit Counsell to assist the Assemblie with thair presence and counsell." In like manner, at the next General Assembly, on the 25th December, "William Wallace of Carnell, and Andrew Ker of Fadownside, war sent to the Lords of Secreit Counsell, to requist thair Honours to assist the Assemblie with thair presence and counsell."

The Courteouris at first semeit nocht a lyttill offendit, that thay sould be as it wer suspectit of defectioun: yit, nevirtheles, upoun the morrow, thai joynit with the Assemblie, and come into it: But thai drew thame selfis, lyke as thai did befoir, apairt, and enterit the Inner Counsell-house. Thair wes the Dukis Grace, the Erles Argyle, Murray, Mortoun, Glencarne, Merchell, Rothes; the Maister of Maxwell, Secretour Lethingtoun, the Justice Clark, the Clark of Register, and the Controllour, the Laird of Pittarro.

Efter a lyttill consultatioun, thai direct ane messinger, Mr. George Hay,[992] than callit the Minister of the Court, requyring the Superintendantis, and sum of the leirnit ministeris, to confer with thame. The Assemblie ansuerit, "That thai convenit to delyberat upoun the commoun effairis of the Kirk; and, thairfoir, that thay could nocht lack thair Superintendantis and cheif ministeris, whose jugementis wer so necessarie, that without thame the rest sould sit as it wer idill; and thairfoir willand thame (as of befoir) that gif thay acknawlege thame selfis memberis of the Kirk, that thai wald joyne with the Bretherin, and propone in publict sik thingis as thai pleissit; and so thai sould haif the assistance of the whole in all thingis that mycht stand to Godis commandiment. But to send from thame selfis a portioun of thair companie, thai understand that thairof hurt and sclander mycht aryse, rather than anie proffeit or conforte to the Kirk: for thay feirit, that all men sould nocht stand content with the conclusioun, whair the conference and ressounis wer hard but of a few."

[992] See note 2, page 352. In the proceedings of the General Assembly, 30th December 1563, Mr. George Hay is styled "Minister of the Privie Counsell."

This ansuer wes nocht giffin without cause; for no small travell wes maid, to haif drawin sum mynisteris to the factioun of the Courtiouris, and to haif sustenit thair argumentis and opiniounis. But whan it wes persaifit be the moist politick amangis thame, that thai could not prevaill be that meanes, thai proponeit the matter in uther termis, purging thame selfis, first, that thai nevir ment to devyde[993] thame selfis from the sociatie of thair bretherin; but, because thai had certane heidis to confer with certane ministeris; thairfoir, for avoyding of confusioun, thai thocht it mair expedient to haif the conference befoir a few, rather than in the publict audience. But the Assemblie[994] did still reply, "That secreit conference wald thay nocht admit in those heidis that sould be concludit be generall voit." The Lordis promeissit, "That no conclusioun sould be taikin, nether yit voit requyreit, till that bayth the propositiounis and the ressounis sould be heard, and considderit of the whole bodie." And upoun that conditioun wer directit unto thame, with expressit chairge to conclude no thing without the knawledge[995] and advyse of the Assemblie, the Laird of Dun, Superintendant of Anguss, the Superintendantis of Lothyane and Fyffe,[996] Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, Williame Crystisoune, Mr. David Lyndesay, mynisteris, with the Rectour of Sanctandrois,[997] and Mr. George Hay; the Superintendant of Glasgow, Mr. Johne Willok, wes Moderatour, and Johne Knox waitit upoun the Scrybe. And so thay wer appoyntit to sit with the Bretherin. And that because the principall compleint tuychit[998] Johne Knox, he wes also callit for.

[993] In MS. G, "to separate."

[994] "Assemblie" is usually written "assemble;" but, as already remarked, the orthography in this portion of the MS. is very peculiar, and requires correction.

[995] In MS. G, "acknawlege."

[996] John Erskine of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynrame.

[997] John Douglas.

[998] In MS. G, "concernit."

[Sidenote: LEDINGTOUN'S HARANGE AT THE ASSEMBLIE IN JUNIJ 1564 ZEIRIS.]

Secretour Lethingtoun began the harangue,[999] which contenit these heidis: First, How much we wer adettit unto God, be whois providence we had libertie of religioun under the Quenis Majestie, albeit that sche wes nocht persuadeit in the same: Secoundlie, How necessarie ane thing it wes that the Quenis Majestic, be all gude offices, (so spak he,) of the Kirk, and of the mynisteris principally, sould be retenit in that constant opinioun, that thai unfeinzeitlie favourit hir advancement, and procureit hir subjectis to haif ane gude opinioun of hir: And, last, How daingerous ane thing it was, that mynisteris sould be noittit ane to disagree from ane uther, in form of prayer for hir Majestie, or in doctrine conserning obedience to hir Majesties authoritie: "And in these two last heidis, (said he,) we desyre you all to be circumspect; but especially we maun craif of you our brother, Johne Knox, to moderat your selff, als weall in form of praying for the Quenis Majestie, as in doctrine that ye propone tuyching hir estait and obedience. Neither sall ye tak this, (said he,) as spokin to your reproche, quia nevus[1000] interdum in corpore pulchro, but becaus that otheris, by your example, may imitate the lyke libertie, albeit nocht with the same modestie and foirsycht; and what opinioun may ingedder[1001] in the peopillis heidis, wyse men do forsee."

[999] In MS. G, this marginal note stands: "Lethingtonis harrange in the Assembly in 1584;" a mistake in the date only worthy of notice, as affording an indication of the time when the MS itself was transcribed.

[1000] In MS. G, "quia mens."

[1001] In MS. G, "ingender."

The said Johne prepairit him for ansuer, as followis: "Gif such as feir God haif occasioune to praise him, that becaus that idolatrie is maintenit, the servandis of God dispyseit, wyekit men placeit agane in honour and authoritie, (Mr. Henrie Synclair wes of schort tyme befoir maid President,[1002] who befoir durst nocht haif syttin in jugement;) and, finalie, (said he,) gif we aucht to prais God becaus that vice and impyettie overfloweth this hoill Realme without punischment, than haif we occasioun to rejoise and to prayse[1003] God: But gif those and the lyke use to provoik Godis vengeance aganis Realmis and Natiounis, than, in my jugement, the godlie within Scotland aucht to lament and murne; and so to prevent Goddis jugementis, leist that he, fynding all in a lyke security,[1004] stryke in his hot indignatioun, begynning [perchance] at sik as think thai offend nocht."

[1002] Sinclair had been appointed President of the Court of Session in 1559: see page 398, note 1.

[1003] In MS. 1566, "and praysit."

[1004] In MS. 1566, "lyke secreit."

"That is ane heid," said Lethingtoun, "whairinto ye and I nevir aggreyit; for how ar ye abill to prove that evir God straik or plaigit ane natioun or peopill for the iniquitie of thair Prince, gif that thame selfis levit godlie?"

[Sidenote: 2 PARALI. 33.][1005]

[1005] That is, Paralipomena, a name given by the Alexandrian translators to the two Books of Chronicles, as things omitted or supplementary to the other historical records belonging to the Old Testament Canon. (Kitto's Biblical Cyclopedia.)

"I lukeit," said he, "my Lord, to haif audience, till that I had absolvit the uthor two pairtis; but seing it pleissis your Lordship to cut me off befoir the myddis, I will ansuer to your questioun. The Scriptour of God teichis me, that Jerusalem and Juda wes punischit for the sinne of Manasses; and gif ye will allege, that thai wer punischit because that thai wer wyckit, and offendit with thair King, and nocht because thair King wes wyckit; I ansuer, that albeit the Spreit of God makis for me, saying in expressit wordis, 'For the syn of Manasses,' yit will I nocht be so obstinat as to lay the whole syn, and plaigis that thairof followit, upoun the King, and utterlie absolve the peopill; but I will grant with you, that the whole peopill offendit with the King: but how, and in what fassioun, I feir that ye and I sall nocht agrie. I doute nocht but the grit multitude accumpanit him in all abhominatiounis quhilk he did; for idolatrie, and ane fals religioun haith evir bene, is, and wilbe plesing to the moist pairt of men. But to affirm that all Juda committit realie the actis of his impyettie, is but to affirm that quhilk nether hes certentie, nor yit appeirence of ane treuth: for who can think it to be possible, that all those of Jerusalem sould so schoirtlie turn to externall idolatrie, considdering the notabill reformatioun laitlie befoir had in the days of Ezechias? But yit, says the text, 'Manasses maid Juda and the inhabitantis of Jerusalem to erre.' True it is; for the one pairt, as I haif said, willinglie followit him in his idolatrie, and the other, be ressoune of his authoritie, sufferit him to fyle Jerusalem, and the tempill of God, with all abhominatiounis, and so wer thai all cryminall for his sin; the one be act and deid, the uther be suffering and permissioun: even as hoill Scotland is guiltie this day of the Quenis idolatrie, and ye, my Lordis, speciallie above all utheris."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that is the cheif heid quhairin we nevir aggreit; but of that we sall speik heirefter. What will ye say as tuyching the moveing of the peopill to haif ane gude opinioun of the Quenis Majestie, and as concerning obedience to be gevin to hir authoritie, as also of the form of the prayer quhilk commounlie ye use," &c.

"My Lord," said he, "moir eirnistlie to move the peopill, or yit utherwyse to pray than heirtofoir I haif done, a gude conscience will nocht suffer me; for He who knawis the secreittis of hertis, knawis that privilie and publictlie I haif callit to God for hir conversioun, and haif willit the peopill to do the same, schawing thame the dangerous estait quhairin nocht onelie sche hir self standis, but also the haill Realme, be the ressoun of hir indureit blindnes," &c.

"That is it," said Lethingtoun, "whairin we find gryttest falt. Your extremitie aganis hir Messe, in particular, passis meassour. Ye call hir ane slaif to Sathan; ye affirme that Godis vengeance hingis oure the Realme, be ressoune of hir impietie;[1006] and what is this ellis but to rouse up the hairt of the peopill aganis hir Majestie, and aganis thame that serve hir."

[1006] In MS. G, "iniquity."

[Sidenote: THE MR. OF MAXWELL'S WORDS IN THE ASSEMBLIE.]

Thair wes heard ane exclamatioun of the rest of the flatteraris, that sick extremittie could nocht proffit. The Maister of Maxwell said in plane wordis, "Gif I war in the Quenis Majesties place, I wald nocht suffer sick thingis as I heir."

[Sidenote: JOHN KNOX HIS PRAYER FOR THE QUENE.]

"Gif the wordis of prechouris," said Johne Knox, "sall alwayis be rest to the worst pairt, than will it be hard to speik onie thing so circumspectlie, provyded that the treuth be spokin, quhilk sall not eschape the censure of the calamniatour. The moist vehement, and, as ye speak, excessive maneir of prayer that I use in publict is this, 'O Lord, gif thy plesour be, purge the hairt of the Quenis Majestie from the venoum of idolatrie, and deliver hir from the boundage and thraldom of Sathan, in the quhilk sche hes bene brocht up, and yit remanis, for the lack of true doctrine; and lat hir see, be the illuminatioun of thy Holie Spreit, that thair is no meane to pleis thee but be Jesus Christ thy onlie Son, and that Jesus Christ can nocht be found but in thy holie word, nor yit ressavit but as it prescrybeis; which is, to renunce our awin wittis, and preconsavit opinioun, and worschip thee as thou commandis; that in sa doing sche may avoid that eternall dampnatioun quhilk abydeis all obstinat and impenitent unto the end; and that this poor Realme may also eschaip that plaig and vengeance quhilk inevitablie followis idolatrie, menteinit aganis thy manifest worde, and the opin lycht thairof.' This, (said he,) is the form of my commoun prayer, as your selflis can witnes. Now, what is worthie reprehensioun in it I wald heir?"

"Thair ar three thingis," said Lethingtoun, "that nevir lykeit unto me. And the first is, Ye pray for the Quenis Majestie with ane conditioun, saying, 'Illuminat hir hairt, gif thy gude plesour be;' quhairby it may appeir, that ye doute of hir conversioun. Whair haif ye the example of sik prayer?"

"Whairsoevir the exampillis are," said the uther, "I am assureit of the reule, whilk is this, 'Gif we sall ask onie thing according to his will, he sall heir us;' and our Maister, Chryst Jesus, commandit us to pray unto our Father, 'Thy will be done.'"

"But," said Lethingtoun, "whair evir find ye onie of the Propheitis so to haif pray it?"

"It sufficeth me," said the uther, "my Lord, that the Maister and teicheare of bayth Prophettis and Appossillis hes taucht me so to pray."

"But in so doing," said he, "ye put ane doute in the peopillis heid of hir conversioun."[1007]

[1007] In MS. 1566, "conversatioun."

"Nocht I, my Lord," said the uther, "but hir awin obstinat rebellioune causis mo than me to doute of hir conversioun."

"Whairinto," said he, "rebellis sche aganis God?"

"In all the actiounis of hir lyffe," said he, "but in thir two heidis especiallie; former, That sche will nocht heir the preiching of the blissit evangill of Jesus Chryst; and secoundlie, That sche menteinis that idoll, the Messe."

"Sche thinkis nocht that rebellioune," said Lethingtoun, "but goode religion."

"So thocht thai," said the uther, "that sumtymes offerit thair childerin unto Moloch, and yit the Spreit of God affirmeis that thai offerit thame unto devillis, and nocht unto God. And this day the Turkis thinkis to haif ane better religioune than the Papistis haif; and yit, I think, ye will excuse nether of thame boith from committing rebellioun aganis God: nether yit justlie can ye do the Quene, onles that ye will mak God to be parcyall."

"But yit," said Lethingtoun, "why pray ye nocht for hir without moving onie doute?"

"Becaus," said the uther, "I haif leirnit to pray in faith. Now Faith, ye know, dependis upoun the wordis of God, and so it is that the word teichis me, that prayeris proffettis the sonis and dochteris of Godis electioun, of which noumer, quhether sche be ane or nocht, I haif just cause to doute; and, thairfoir, I pray God 'illuminat hir hairt, gif his gude plesour be.'"

"But yit," said Lethingtoun, "ye can produce the exampill of none that so hes prayit befoir you."

"Thairto I haif alreddy ansuerit," said Johne Knox; "but yit for farther declaratioun, I will demand ane questioun, quhilk is this, Quhider gif ye think that the Appossillis prayit thame selves as thai commandit utheris to pray."

"Who douttis of that?" said the haill companie that wer present.

"Weill than," said Johne Knox, "I am assureit that Peter said thir wordis to Symoun Magus, 'Repent thairfoir of this thy wyckitness, and pray to God, that gif it be possible the thought of your hairt may be forgevin thee.' Heir we may cleirlie see that Peter joynes ane conditioun with his commandiment, That Symoun sould repent and pray, to wit, gif it wer possible that his sin mycht be forgevin; for he wes nocht ignorant that sum synnis wer unto the deith, and so without all houpe of repentence or remissioun. And think ye nocht, my Lord Secretar, (said he,) but the same doute may tuich my hairt, as tuyching the Quenis conversioun, that then tuiched the hairt of the Appossill?"

"I wald nevir," said Lethingtoun, "heir you or onie uther call that in doubt."

"But your will," said the uther, "is no assurance to my conscience: And to speik frelie, my Lord, I wonder gif ye your self doute nocht of the Quenis conversioun; for more evident signes of induratioun haif appeirit, and still do appeir in hir, than Peter outwartlie could haif espyit in Symoun Magus. For albeit sum tymes he wes are sorcerar, yit joynit he with the Appossillis, belevit, and wes bapteissit; and albeit that the venome of avarice remaneit in his hairt, and that he wald haif bocht the Holie Goist, yit when he heard the feirfull threitnyngis of God pronunceand aganis him, he trymbillitt, desyreit the assistance of the prayeris of the Appossilis, and so humblit him self, so far as the jugement of man could perss, lyke ane true penitent, and yit we see that Peter douttis of his conversioun. [Quhy then may not all the godly justly doubt of the conversioun][1008] of the Quene, wha hes usit idolatrie, quhilk is no less odious in the sicht of God than is the other and still continewis in the same, yea, that dispyseis all threitnyngis, and refuisses all godlie admonitiounis?"

[1008] Those words are omitted in MS. 1566.

"Quhy say ye that sche refuisses admonitioun?" said Lethingtoun. "She will glaidlie heir ony man."

"But what obedience," said the uther, "to God or to his worde, ensewis of all that is spokin unto hir? Or when sall sche be sene to gif hir presence to the publict preiching?"

"I think nevir," said Lethingtoun, "so lang as sche is thus intreittit."

"And so lang," said the uther, "ye and all utheris maun be content that I pray so as I may be assureit to be heard of my God, that his gude will may be done, ether in making hir comfortable to his Kirk, or gif that he hes appoyntit hir to be ane scurge to the same, that we may haif patience, and sche may be brydellit."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "lat us cum to the Secound Heid. Whair find ye that the Scriptour callis onie the bound slaiffis to Sathan? or that the Propheittis of God speik so irreverentlie of kingis and princes?"

[Sidenote: ACTIS 26]

[Sidenote: 2 TIMO. 2]

"The Scriptour," said Johne Knox, "sayis, that 'be natour we are all the soneis of wraith.' Our Maister, Chryst Jesus, affirmes, 'that sik as do sin ar servandis to sin,' and that it is the onlie Son of God that settis men at freedome. Now what difference thair is betwix the sonnis of wraith, and the servandis of sin, and the slaiffis to the devill, I understand nocht, except I be taught; and gif the scharpnes of the terme offendit you, I haif nocht inventit that phrase of speich, but haif leirnit it out of Godis Scriptour; for those wordis I find spokin unto Paul, 'Behauld, I send thee to the Gentillis, to oppin thair eyes, that thay may turn from darknes to lycht, and from the power of Sathan unto God.' Mark thir wordis, my Lord, and sture nocht at the speiking of the Holie Goist. And the same Apostle wryting to his scoller Timotheus, says, 'Instruct with meiknes those that ar contrarie myndit, gif that God at onie tyme will gif thame repentence, that thay may knaw the treuth, and that thay may cum to amendment, out of the snair of the Devill, quhilk ar tackin of him at his will.' Gif your Lordschip rychtlie considder these sentences, ye sall nocht onlie find my wordis to be the wordis of the Holie Goist, but also the conditioune quhilk I use to adde, to haif the assurance of Godis Scriptouris."

"But thay spak nothing aganis kingis in especiall," said Lethingtoun, "and yit your continewall crying is, 'The Quenis Idolatrie, the Quenis Messe, will provoke Godis vengeance.'"

"In the former sentences," said the uther, "I heir nocht Kingis and Quenis excepit, but all unfaithfull ar pronunced to stand in one rank, and to be in bondage to ane tyrant, the Devill. But belyke, my Lord, ye lyttill regaird the estait whairin thay stand, when ye wald haif thame so flatterit, that the daingour thairfoir sould neither be knawin, neither yit declareit to the poore peopill."

"Quhair will ye find," said Lethingtoun, "that onie of the Propheittis did so intreat Kingis and Quenis, reuleris or magistratis?"

"In mo placeis than ane," said the uther. "Achab wes ane King, and Jesabell wes ane Quene, and yit what the Prophet Helias said to the one and to the uther, I suppois ye be nocht ignorant?"

"That wes nocht cryit out befoir the peopill," said Lethingtoun, "to mak thame odious unto thair subjectis."

"That Helias said, 'Doggis sail lyck the blude of Achab,'" said Johne Knox, "'and eat the flesche of Jesabell,' the Scriptouris assuris me; but that it wes whisperit in thair awin eir, or in ane cornar, I reid nocht. But the plane contrair appeiris to me, quhilk is, that boith the Peopill and the Court understude weill eneuch what the Propheit had promeissit;[1009] for so witnessit Jehu, efter that Godis vengeance had strickin Jesabell."

[1009] In MS. G, "pronuncit."

"Thay wer singular motiounis of the Spreit of God," said Lethingtoun, "and appertene nothing to this our aige."

"Then hes the Scriptour far dissavit me," said the uther; "for Sanct Paule teichis me, that 'Whatsoevir is wryttin within the Holie Scriptouris, the same is writtin for our instructioun,' And my Maister said, that 'Everie leirnit and wyise scribe bringis furth his tresour, baith thingis auld and thingis new.' And the Propheit Jeremye affirmis, that 'Everie realme and everie cytie that lykwyse offendis, as then did Jerusalem, sould lykewyse be punischit.' Why then that the factis of the ancient Propheittis, and the feirfull jugementis of God executed befoir us upoun the disobedient, appertene nocht unto this our aige, I neither see nor yit can understand. But now, to put end to this heid, my Lord, (said he,) the Propheittis of God hes nocht spairit to rebuke wickit kingis, alsweill in thair face as befoir the pepill and subjectis. Elischa[1010] feirit nocht to say to king Jehoram, 'What haif I to do with thee? Get thee to the Propheittis of thy [Father, and to the Propheittis of thy] Mother; for as the Lord of Hostis levis, in quhose sicht I stand, gif it wer nocht that I regaird the presens of Jehosaphat, the king of Juda, I wald nocht haif luikit toward thee, nor sene thee.' Plane it is, that the Propheitt wes ane subject in the kingdom of Israell, and yit how little reverence he gevis to the King, we heir. Jeremye the Propheit wes commandit to cry to the King and to the Quene, and to say, 'Behaif your selfis lawlie; execute justice and jugement; or ellis your carcageis salbe eassin to the heit of the day, and unto the froist of the nicht.' Unto Cononias, Sallum, and Zedechias, he speikis in speciall, and schawis into tham, in his publict sermoundis thair misserable endis; and thairfoir ye aucht nocht to think it strainge, my Lord, (said he,) albeit that the servandis of God mark the vice[1011] of Kingis and Quenis, evin als weill as of uther offendouris, and that because thair synnis be moir noisum to the Commounwelth, than ar the synnis of inferiour persounis."

[1010] In MS. G, "Helisias."

[1011] In MS. G, "tax the vices."

The moist pairt of this ressounyng, Secretour Lethingtoun leanit upoun the Maister of Maxwellis breist, who said, "I am almoist werie: I wald that sum uther wald ressoun in the chief heid, quhilk is nocht tuychit."

Then the Erle of Mortoune, Chancellour, commandit Mr. George Hay to reassoun aganis Johne Knox, in the heid of Obedience dew unto Magistratis; who began so to do. Unto whom Johne Knox said, "Brother, that ye sall ressoun in my contrair I am weill content, because I know you boith ane man of leirnyng and of modestie: but that ye sall oppone your self in the treuth whairof,[1012] I suppoise, your awin conscience is no less perswaded than is mine, I can nocht weill approve; for I wald be sorie that I and ye suld be reputed to ressoun as two scolleris of Pythagoras, to schaw the quicknes of our ingyne, as it wer to ressoune on boith the pairtis. I protest heir befoir God, that whatsoevir I sustene, I do the same of conscience; yea, I dar no moir sustene ane propositioun knawin unto my self untrew, than that I dar teich false doctrine in the publict place: And thairfoir, Brother, gif conscience move you to oppone your self to that doctrine, whilk ye haif heard of my mouth in that maitter, do it bauldlie: it sall nevir offend me. But that ye sall be found to oppone[1013] your self unto me, ye being perswaidit in the same treuthe, I say yit agane, it pleisses me nocht; for thairin may be gritter inconvenient than either ye or I do considder for the present."

[1012] In MS. 1566, "quhairfoir."

[1013] In MS. 1566, "oppone" is usually written "appone."

The said Mr. George ansuerit, "That I wald oppone my self unto you as willing to impugn or confute that heid of doctrine, whilk nocht onlie ye, but monie utheris, yea, and I my self haif affirmit, far be it from me; for so sould I be found contrarious to my self. For my Lord Secretour knawis my jugement in that heid."

"Marye!" said the Secretour, "ye ar the weall worst of the twa; for I remember weill your ressonyng whan the Quene wes in Caryke."[1014]

[1014] In MS. G, "I remember yit our resouning quhen the Quene was in Carrick."

"Weill," said Johne Knox, "seing, Brother, that God hes maid you to occupy the chyre of verittie, whairin, I assure, we will aggrie in all principall heidis of doctrine, lat it nevir be said that we disaggrie in disputatioun." Johne Knox wes moved thus to speik, because he[1015] understood moir of the craft than the other did.

[1015] In MS. 1566, "because thai."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I am sumwhat better provydeit in this last heid, then I wes in the uther twa. Mr. Knox, (said he,) yisterday we heard your jugement upoun the 13 to the Romanis; we heard the mynde of the Appossill weill opened; we heard the causses why God hes establissed Poweris upoun the earth; we heard the necessitie that mankynde hes of the same; and we heard the deutie of Magistratis sufficientlie declareit: But in two thingis I wes offendit, and I think sum mo of my Lordis that than wer present. The ane was, ye maid difference betwix the ordinance of God and the persounis that wer placeit in authoritie; and ye affirmed, that men mycht refuise[1016] the persounis, and yit nocht to offend againis Godis ordinance. This is the ane; the uther ye had na tyme to explane; but this methocht ye menit, that subjectis wer nocht bound to obey thair Princes gif thai commandit unlauchfull thingis; but that thai mycht resist thair Princes, and wer nocht ever bound to suffer."

[1016] In MS. G, "micht resist."

"In verie deid," said the uther, "ye haif rychtlie bayth markit my wordis, and understand my mynd; for of that same jugement I haif lang bene, and so yit I remane."

"How will ye prove your divisioun and difference," said Lethingtoun, "and that the persoun placeit in authoritie may be resistit, and Godis ordinance nocht transgressit, seing that the Appossill says, 'He that resistis [the poweris,] resisteth the ordinance of God.'"

"My Lord," said he, "the plane wordis of the Appossill makis the difference, and the factis of many approved be God, prove my affirmative. First, The Appossill affirmis, that the poweris ar ordanit of God, [for the preservation of quyet and peacebill men, and for the punischment of malefactours; quhairof it is plane, That the ordinance of God,][1017] and the power giffin unto man, is one thing, and the persone clad with the power or with the authoritie, is ane uther; for Godis ordinance is the conservatioun of mankynd, the punischment of vyce, the mentenyng of vertew, quhilk is in it self holie, just, constant, stable, and perpetuall. But men clad with the authoritie, ar commounlie prophane and unjust; yea, thai ar mutabill and transitorie, and subject to corruptioun, as God threitneth thame be his Prophet David, saying, 'I haif said, Ye ar godis, and everie one of you the sones of the Moist Heichest; but ye sall die as men, and the princes sall fall like utheris.' Heir I am assureit, that persounis, the saule and bodie of wyckit Princes, ar threitnit with death: I think, that so ye will nocht affirm is the authoritie, the ordinance and the power, whairwith God hes indeuit sik persounis; for as I haif said, as it is holie, so it is the permanent will of God. And now, my Lord, that the Prince may be resistit, and yit the ordinance of God nocht violatit, it is evident; for the peopill resistit Saule, when he had sworn be the leving God that Jonathan sould die. The peopill, (I say,) swair in the contrair, and delyverit Jonathan, so that ane hair of his heid fell nocht. Now, Saule wes the anoyntit King, and thai wer his subjectis, and yit thai so resisted him, that thai maid him no better than mansworne."

[1017] The words inclosed within brackets are omitted in MS. 1566.

"I doute," said Lethingtoun, "if in so doing the peopill did weill."

"The Spreit of God," said the uther, "accuses thame nocht of onie cryime, but rather praisses thame, and dampnis the King, alsweill for his foolish vow and law maid without God, as for his crewell mynd, that so seveirlie wald haif punischit ane innocent man. But heirin I sall nocht stand: this that followis sall confirm the former. This same Saule commandit Abimelech and the Preistis of the Lord to be slane, becaus thay had committit tressoune, as he allegit, for intercommuning with David: His gaird and principall servandis walde nocht obey his unjust commandiment; but Doeg the flatterar put the Kingis creweltie to executioun. I will nocht ask your jugement, Whidder that the servandis of the King, in nocht obeying his commandiment, resisted God or nocht? or whidder Doeg, in murthering the Preastis, gaif obedience to ane just authoritie? for I haif the Spreit of God, speiking be the mouth of David, to assure me of the one alsweill as of the uther; for he, in his 52d Psalme, dampnis that fact as ane moist crewell murther; and affirmis, that God wald punisch, nocht onlie the commander, but the mercyles executour. And thairfoir, I conclude, that thai who ganestand his commandiment, resistit nocht the ordinance of God.

"And now, my Lord, to ansueir to the place of the Appossill, who affirmis, 'That such as resistis the Power, resistis the ordinance of God;' I say, that the power in that place is nocht to be understande of the unjuste commandiment of men, but of the just power whairwith God hes armit his Magistratis and Lievtenentis to punische syn, and mentene vertew. As gif onie man sould interpryise to tak fra the handis of ane lauchful juge ane murderare, ane adulterar, or onie [uther] malefactour that be Godis law deserved deith, this same man resistit Godis ordinance, and procureit to him self vengeance and dampnatioune, because that he stayit Godis sworde[1018] to stryke. But so it is nocht, gif that men in the feir of God oppone[1019] thame selfis to the furie and blynd rage of Princes; for so thai resist nocht God, but the Devill, who abusis the swerd and authoritie of God."

"I understand sufficientlie," said Lethingtoun, "what ye mene; and to the one pairt I will nocht oppone[1019] my self. But I doute of the uther. For gif the Quene wald command me [to] slay Johne Knox, because sche is offendit at him, I wald nocht obey hir. But, and sche wald command utheris to do it, or yit be ane collour of justice tak his lyffe fra him, I can nocht tell gif I be found to defend him aganis the Quene and aganis hir officiaris."

[1018] In MS. 1565, "Godis worde."

[1019] In MS. 1566, "appone."

"Under protestatioun," said the uther, "that the auditour think nocht that I seik favouris to my self,[1020] I say, my Lord, that gif ye be persuadeit of my innocency, and gif God hes giffin unto you sik ane power and credyt as mycht deliver me, and yit sufferit me to perisch, that in so doing ye soulde be cryminall and gyltie of my blude."

[1020] In MS. G, "that I speik in favours of my self."

"Prove that, and win the play," said Lethingtoun.

"Weill, my Lord," said the uther, "remember your promeis, and I sail be schoirt of my probatioun. The Propheit Jeremey wes apprehendit be Preistis and Prophettis, (who wer ane pairt of the authoritie within Jerusalem,) and be the multitude of the peopill, and this sentence wes pronunceit aganis him, 'Thou sall dey the deith; for thou hes said, This hous salbe lyk Siloch, and this cytie salbe desolat without ane habitant.' The Princes heiring the uprore, come from the Kingis hous, and sit doune in jugement in the entrie of the new gait of the Lordis hous, and thair the Preistis find the Prophettis befoir the Princes, and befoir all the peopill, intendit thair accusatioun, in these wordis, 'This man is worthie to dye, for he hes propheissit aganis this cytie, as your eiris haif heard.' Jeremey ansuerit, 'That whatsoevir he had spokin proceidit from God; and thairfoir, (said he,) as for me, I am in your handis: do with me as ye think gude and rycht: But knaw ye for certane, that if ye put me to deith, ye sall surelie bring innocent blude upoun your saulis,[1021] and upoun this cytie, and upoun the habitatiounis[1022] thairof; for of treuth, the Lord hes send me unto you, to speik all these wordis.' Now, my Lord, gif the Princes and the hole peopill sould haif bene gyltie of the Propheittis blude, how sall ye or utheris be jugeit innocent befoir God, gif ye sall suffer the blude of sik as haif nocht deservit deith to be sched, when that ye may save it?"

[1021] In MS. G, "yourselves."

[1022] In MS. G, "inhabitants."

"The cases ar nothing lyke," said Lethingtoun.

"And I wald learn," said the uther, "whairin the dissymilitude standis."

"First," said Lethingtoun, "the King had nocht condampnit him to the deith. And nixt, the false Propheittis and the Preistis and the peopill accuseit him without ane caus, and thairfoir thai could nocht but be gyltie of his blude."

"Nether of these," said Johne Knox, "fechtis aganis my argument; for albeit the King wes nether present, nor yit had condampnit him, yit wer the princes and cheif counsallouris thair sytting in jugement, who presentit the Kingis persoune and authoritie, heiring the accusatioune laid unto the chairge off the Propheit; and thairfoir he foirwairnis thame of the dainger, as befoir I said, to wit, that in case he soulde be condampnit, and so put to deith, that the King, the Counsell, and the whole cytie of Jerusalem, soulde be gyltie of his blude, becaus he had committit no cryme worthy of deith. And gif ye think, that thai souldo haif bene all cryminall onelie, becaus that thay all accuseit him, the plane text witnesses the contrair; for the princes defendit him, and so no doute did a greit pairt of the peopill; and yit he bauldlie affirmis, that thai soulde be all gyltie of his blude gif that he soulde be put to deith. And the propheit Ezechiell gifis the ressoune why all are guilty of ane commoune corruptioune, 'Becaus,' sayis he, 'I socht ane man amangis thame that soulde mak [up] the hedge, and stand in the gappe befoir me for the land, that I soulde nocht distroy it, but I fand none; thairfoir, haif I powrit my indignatioune upoun thame.' Heirof, my Lorde, (said he,) it is plaine, that God craveis nocht onlie that a man do no iniquittie in his awin persoune, but also that he oppone[1023] him self to all iniquitie, sa far furth as into him lyis."

[1023] In MS. 1566, "that to heip upone."

"Than will ye," said Lethingtoun, "mak subjectis to controlle thair prynces and reuleris."

"And what harm," said the uther, "soulde the Commounewelth ressaif, gif that the corrupt effectiounis off ignorant reuleris wer moderatit, and so brydillit be the wisdome and discretioun of godlie subjectis, that thai soulde do wrang nor violence to no man?"

"All this ressonyng," said Lethingtoun, "is nocht of the purpois; for we ressoune as gif the Quene soulde becum sik an ennemye to oure religioune, that sche soulde persecute it, and put innocent men to deith; whilk I am assureit sche nevir thocht, nor nevir will do. For gif I soulde see hir begin at that end, yea, gif I soulde suspect onie sik thing in hir, I soulde be also far fordwarte in that argument as ye or onie uther within this Realme: Bot thair is nocht sik ane thing. Oure questioune is, Whidder that we may and aucht to suppres the Quenis Messe? Or whidder hir Idolatrie salbe laid to our chairge?"

"What ye may," said the uther, "be force, I disput nocht; bot what ye may and aucht to do be Godis express commandiment, that I can tell. Idolatrie aucht nocht [only] to be suppressit, but the idolater aucht to dey the deith, unless that we will accuse God."

"I knaw," said Lethingtoun, "the idolater is commandit to dey the deith; but be whome?"

"Be the peopill of God," said the uther; "for the commandiment wes gevin to Israell, as ye may reid, 'Heir, Israell,' sayis the Lorde, 'the statutis and the ordinancis of the Lord thy God,' &c. Yea, ane [commandment] wes gevin, That gif it be heard that idolatrie is committit in onie ane cytie, inquisitioune salbe taikin; and gif it be founde trew, that than the whole bodie of the peopill sall aryse and destroy that cytie, spairing in it nether man, woman, nor chylde."

"But thair is no commandiment gevin to the peopill," said the Secretour, "to punisch thair King gif he be ane idoliter."

"I find no moir privilege grantit unto Kingis," said the uther, "be God, moir than unto the peopill, to offend Godis majestie."

"I grant," said Lethingtoun; "but yit the peopill may nocht be jugeis unto thair King to punisch him, albeit he be ane idolater."

"God," said the uther, "is the Universall Judge, alsweill unto the King as to the peopill; so that what his worde commandis to be punischit in the one, is nocht to be absolved in the uther."

"We agree in that," said Lethingtoun; "but the peopill may nocht execute Godis jugement, but man leif it unto him self, who will either punische it be deith, be war, be emprisounment, or be sum uther plaigis."[1024]

[1024] In MS. G, "or be sum uther kynd of his plagues."

"I knaw the last pairt of your ressoune," said Johne Knox, "to be trew; but for the first, to wit, that the peopill, yea, or ane pairt of the peopill may nocht execut God jugementis aganis thair King, being ane offender, I am assureit ye haif no uther warrand except your awin imaginatioun, and the opinioune of sik as moir feir to offend princes than God."

"Why say ye so?" said Lethingtoun, "I haif the jugementis of the most famous men within Europe, and of sik as ye your self will confes boith godlie and leirnit."

And with that he callit for his paperis, quhilk produceit be Mr. Robert Maitland,[1025] he began to reid with greit gravitie the jugementis of Luther, Melanchton, the myndis of Bucer, Musculus, and Calvin, how Christianis soulde behaffe thame selffis in tyme of persecutioun: yea, the Buik of Baruch wes nocht omittit with this conclusioune.[1026] "The gathering of these thingis," said he, "hes coist moir travell, than I tuik this sevin yearis in reiding of anie commentareis."

[1025] Mr. Robert Maitland was Dean of Aberdeen, having succeeded Mr. Robert Erskine, about the year 1560. He was frequently a member of the General Assembly, and became one of the Commissaries of Edinburgh. He died at Brechin in August 1579. In his confirmed Testament, (recorded 19th August 1580.) mention is made of his brother-german, James Maitland, in Monlaittie: and in 1601, the name occurs (probably his nephew) of Mr. Robert Maitland of Monlatie. (Eccl. Records of Aberdeen, p. 177.)

[1026] In MS. 1566, "yea, the Buik of Baruce was nocht admitted, with his conclusioun."

"The moir pitie," said the uther, "and yit, what ye haif proffeitit your awin cause, let utheris juge. But as for my argument, I am assureit, ye haif infirmit it nothing; for your first two witnesses speik aganis the Anabaptistis, who deny that Christianis soulde be subject to magistratis, or yit that is lauchfull for ane Christiane to be ane magistrate; quhilk opinioune I no less abhore than ye do, or onie uther that levis do. The uthers speik of Christiane subjectis unto tyrantis and infidellis, so dispersed that thai haif no uther force but onlie to sobbe to God for delyverance. That sik indeid sould haisard onie farder than these godlie men willis thame, I can nocht haistellie be of counsell. But my argument hes ane uther grounde; for I speik of the peopill assembled togidder in one bodie of ane Commounewelth, unto whome God hes gevin sufficient force, nocht onlie to resyst, but also to suppres all kynde of opin idolatrie: and sik ane peopill, yit agane I affirme, ar bound to kepe thair land clene and unpollutit. And that this my devissioune sall nocht appeir strange unto you, ye sall understand, that God requyreit one thing of Abrahame and of his seid, when he and thay wer strangeris and pilgremes in Egipte and Canaan; and ane uther thing requyrit he of thame, when thay wer delyverit fra the boundage of Egipt, and the possessioune of the land of Canaan grantit unto thame. At the first, and during all the tyme of thair boundage, God craveit no moir but that Abraham soulde nocht defyle himself with idolatrie. Nether wes he, nor yit his posterittie commandit to distroy the idollis that wer in Canaan or in Egypt. But when God gaif unto thame the possessioune of the land, he gaif unto thame this strait commandiment, 'Bewar that you mak league or confyderacye with the inhabitantis of this land: gif nocht thy sonnis unto thair dochteris, nor yit gif thy douchteris unto thair sonnis. But this sall ye do unto thame, cut downe thair grovis, destroy thair imageis, brek doune thair altaris, and leif thou no kynde of remembrance of those abominatiounis, whilk the inhabitantis of the land useit befoir: for thou art ane holie peopill unto the Lorde thy God. Defyle nocht thy self, thairwith, with thair goddis.'

"To this same commandiment, I say, are ye, my Lordis, and all sik as haif professit the Lorde Jesus within this Realme bound. For God hes wrocht no less myrakill upoun you, baith spirituall and corporall, than he did unto the carnell seid of Abraham. For in what estait your bodyis, and this pure Realme wes, within this sevin yeir, your selfis can nocht be ignorant: You and it wer boith in boundage of ane strange natioun; and what tyrrantis rang over your conscience, God perchance may lat you feill, becaus that ye do nocht rychtlie acknawlege the benefit ressavit. When oure pure Bretherin befoir us gave thair bodeis to the flamis of fyre, for the testimonie of the treuthe, and when skairslie coulde ten be founde into ane contrie, that rychtlie knew God, it had bene folishnes to haif craveit ether of the Nobillitie, or of the meane Subjectis, the suppressing of Idolatrie; for that had beene no thing but to haif exponeit the sempill scheip in ane prey to the woulves. But sen that God hes multipleyit knawlege, yea, and hes gevin the victorie to his treuthe, evin in the handis of his servandis, gif ye suffer the land agane to be defyleit, ye and your Princess sall boith drink the coupe of Godis indignatioun, sche for hir obstinat abydeing in manifest idolatrie, in this grit lycht of the Evangill of Jesus Chryste, and ye for your permissioune and mentenyng hir in the same."[1027]

[1027] In MS. G, there is this marginal note, which, we may suppose, was added by the transcriber: "QUHIDDER THIS HES CUM TO PAS OR NOT, LET THE WARLD JUDGE."

Lethingtoun said, "In that poynt we will nevir agree; and whair find ye, I pray you, that evir onie of the Prophettis or of the Appossillis taucht sik ane doctrine, that the peopill soulde be plaigit for the idolatrie of the prince; or yit, that the subjectis mycht suppres the idolatrie of thair rewleris, or punisch thame for the same?"

"What wes the commissioune giffin to the Appossillis," said he, "my Lorde, we knaw: it wes to preche and plant the Evangill of Jesus Chryste, whair darkness affoir had dominioune; and thairfoir it behuifit thame, first to lat thame see the lycht befoir that thay soulde will thame to put to thair handis to suppress idolatrie. What preceptis the Appossillis gaif unto the faythfull in perticular, other than that thai commandit all to fley frome idolatrie, I will nocht affirme: But I find two thingis quhilk the faithfull did; the one wes, thay assisted thair preichouris, evin aganeis the reuleris and magistrates; the other wes, thay suppressit idolatrie whairsoever God gaif unto thame force, asking no leif at the Empriour, nor of his deputtis. Reid the Ecclesiasticall Historie, and ye sall find cxampill sufficient. And as to the doctrine of the Prophettis, we knaw thay wer interpretouris of the law of God; and we knaw thay spak alsweill to the kingis as to the peopill. I reid that nether of boith wald heir thame; and thairfoir come the plaig of God upoun boith. But that thai more flatterit Kingis than that thay did the peopill, I can nocht be persuadit. Now, Godis lawis pronunces deith, as befoir I haif said, to idolateris withoute exceptioune of onie persoune: Now, how the Propheittis coulde rychtlie interpret the law, and schew the causes of Godis jugementis, quhilk evir thay threitned soulde follow idolatrie, and for the rest of abominatiounis that accumpaney it, for it is nevir alone; but still corrupt religioune bringis with it ane fylthie and corrupt lyfe: How, I say, the Propheittis coulde reprove the vyces, and nocht schaw the peopill thair dewtie, I understand nocht; and thairfoir I constantlie beleif that the doctrine of the Prophettis wes so sensible, that the Kingis understude thair awin abhominatiounis, and the peopill understude what thay aucht to haif done, in punisching and repressing thame. But becaus that the moist pairt of the pepill wer no less rebellious unto God than wer thair princes, thairfoir the ane and the uther conveineit aganis God and aganis his servandis. And yit, my Lord, the factis of sum Propheittis ar so evident, that thairof we may collect what doctrine thay taucht; for it war no small absurdity to affirme that thair factis soulde repugn to their doctrine."

"I think," said Lethingtoun, "ye meane of the historie of Jehu. What will ye prove thairby?"

"The cheif heid," said Johne Knox, "that ye deny, to wit, That the Propheittis nevir taucht that it appertenit to the peopill to punisch the idolatrie of thair Kingis; the contrair whairof I affirm: And for the probatioun, I am reddie to produce the fact of ane Propheit; for ye knaw, my Lord, said he, that Eliseus send one of the childrene of the Propheittis to anoynt Jehu, who gaif him in commandiment to destroy the hous of his maister Achab for the idolatrie commitit be him, and for the innocent blude that Jesabell his wyckit wyff had sched: quhilk he obeyit, and pat in full execution; for the quhilk God promessit unto him the stabillatie of the kingdom to the fourt generation. Now, said he, heir is the fact of ane Propheit, that proveis that subjectis wer commandit to execute jugementis upoun thair King and Prince."

"Thair is eneuch," said Lethingtoun, "to be ansuerit thairto; for Jehu wes ane King befoir he pat onie thing in executioun; and besydis this, the fact is extraordinaire, and aucht nocht to be imitat."

"My Lord," said the uther, "he wes ane meir subject, and no King whan the Propheittis servand came unto him; yea, and albeit that his fellow capitanis, heiring of the message, blew the trumphet, and said, 'Jehu is king;' yit I doute nocht, but Jesabell boith thocht and said, 'He wes ane traitour;' and so did monie utheris that wer in Israell and in Samaria. And as tuiching that ye allege, that the fact wes extraordinarie, and is nocht to be imitat, I say, that it had ground of Godis ordinary jugement, whilk commandis the idolater to dey the deith; and, thairfoir, I yit agane affirme, that it is to be imitat of all those that prefferis the true honour, the true worschip and glorie of God, to the affectiounis of flesch, and of wickit Princes."[1028]

[1028] The conclusion of this sentence is corrected by MS. G. In MS. 1566, the words are here awkwardly transposed; and various others in this Disputation have either been omitted, or inaccurately transcribed.

"We ar nocht bound to imitat extraordinarie exampillis," said Lethingtoun, "unles we haif the lyke commandiment and assurance."

"I grant," said the uther, "gif the exampill repugn to the law; and gif ane avaricious and deceitfull man wald borrow [gold,] silver, rayment, or [ony] uther necessaris from his nychtbour, and withhauld the same, alledging, that so thay mycht do and nocht offend God, because that the Iseraellitis did so to the Egiptianis at thair depairtour furth of Egipt. The exampill served to no purpoise unles that thai coulde produce the lyke cause, and the lyke commandiment that the Iseraellitis had, and that because thair fact repugnit to this commandiment of God, 'Thou sall nocht steill.' But whair the exampill aggreis with the law, and is, as it wer, the executioun of Godis jugementis expressit in the same, I say, that the exampill approved of God standis to us in place of a commandiment: for, as God of his natour is constant, immutable, sa can he nocht dampne in the aigis subsequent, that whilk he hes approvit in his servandis befoir us. But in his servandis befoir us, He be his awin commandiment hes approvit, that subjectis hes nocht onlie distroyit thair Kingis for idolatrie, but also hes ruitit out thair hoill posteritie, so that none of that race wes left efter to impyre above the peopill of God."

"Whatsoevir thai did," said Lethingtoun, "wes done at Godis commandiment."

"That fortifeis my argument," said the uther; "for be Godis commandiment he approvit, that subjectis punish thair Princes[1029] for idolatrie and wickitness be thame committit."

[1029] In MS. G, "thair Kings."

"We haif nocht the lyke commandiment," said Lethingtoun.

"That I deny," said the uther; "for the commandiment, 'The idolater sall dey the deith,' is perpetuall, as [ye] your self hes grantit: You douttit onlie who sould be executouris againis the King; and I said the peopill of God, and hes sufficientlie provin, as I think, that God hes raissit up the peopill, and by his Propheit hes anoyntit ane King to tak vengeance upoun the King, and upoun his posteritie. Quhilk fact, God sen that tyme hes nevir retreittit; and, thairfoir, to me it remanis for ane constant and cleane commandiment to all the peopill professing God, and haifing the power to punisch vyce, what thay aucht to do in the lyke caise. Gif the peopill had interprysit onie thing without Godis commandiment, we mycht haif doutit whidder thai had done weill or evill; but seing that God did bring the execution of his law agane in practice, efter that it wes cum in oblivioun and contempt, what ressonable man can doute now of Goddis will, unles we will doute of all thingis quhilk God renewis nocht unto us be miracallis, as it wer from age to age. But I am assureit, that the ansuer of Abraham unto the riche man, who being into hell, desyreit that Lazarus, or sum of the deid, sould be send unto his bretherin and freindis, to foirwairne thame of his incredable [pane and] tormentis, and that thay sould behaif thame selfis, so that thai sould nocht cum in that place of torment: the ansuer, I say, gevin unto him, sall confound sik as craif farder approbatioun of Godis will then is alreddy expressit within his holie Scriptouris; for Abraham said, 'Thay haif Moyses and the Propheittis, whome gif thay will nocht beleif, neither will thay beleif albeit that one of the deid sould ryise.' Evin so, I say, my Lord, that sik as will nocht be taucht what thay aucht to do, be commandiment of God anis gevin, and anis put in practice, will nocht beleif nor obey, albeit that God sould send angellis from hevin to instruct that doctrine."

"Ye haif but produceit ane exampill," said Lethingtoun.

[Sidenote: 2 PARALI.2][1030]

[1030] See page 427, note 1.

"One sufficeth," said the uther; "but yit, God be praissit, we lack nocht utheris; for the whole peopill conspyreit aganis Amasiath king of Juda, efter that he had turnit away from the Lord, followit him to Lachess and slew him, and tuik Uziah and anoyntit him king in steid of his father. The peopill had nocht altogidder forgottin[1031] the league and covenant quhilk wes maid betwix thair king and thame, at the inauguratioun of Joash, his father, to wit, 'That the King and the peopill sould be the peopill of the Lord,' and than sould thai be his faythfull subjectis: From the quhilk convenant, whan that first the father, and efter the sonne declynit, thai wer boith punischit to the deith, Joash be his awin servandis, and Amasias be the whole peopill."

[1031] In MS. 1566, "gottin."

"I doubt," said Lethingtoun, "whidder thay did weill or nocht."

"It salbe free for you," said the uther, "to doubt as ye pleis; but whair I find executioun according to Godis lawis, and God him self nocht to accuse the doaris, I dar nocht doubt of the equittie of thair cause. And farder, it appeiris unto me, that God gaif sufficient approbatioun and allowance to thair fact; for he blissit thame with victorie, peace, and prosperitie, the space of fifty-two yeiris thairafter."

"But prosperitie," said Lethingtoun, "does nocht alwayis prove that God approveis the factis of men."

"Yis," said the uther; "when the factis[1032] of men aggrie with the law of God, and ar rewairdit according to Godis awin promeise, expressit in his law, I say, that the prosperitie succeiding the fact is moist infallable assurance that God hes approvit that fact. Now so it is, that God hes promeissit in his law, that when his peopill sall exterminat and destroy sik as declyne from him, that he will bliss thame, and multipley thame, as he hes promeissit unto thair fatheris. But so it is, that Amasias turneit fra God; for so the text do witness; and plane it is the peopill slew thair king; and lyke plane it is, that God blissit thame: Thairfoir, yit agane conclude I, that God approvit thair fact, in so far as it wes done according to his commandiment, wes blissit according to his promeise."

[1032] In MS. 1566, "faltis."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think nocht the ground sa sure as I durst builde my conscience thairupoun."

"I pray God," said the uther, "that your conscience haif no worse ground than is this, when soevir ye sall begin that lyke work whilk God in your awin eis hes alreddie blessit. And now, my Lord, (said he,) I haif but one exampeill to produce, and than I will put [an] end to my ressonying, becaus I wearie langer to stand." (Commandiment wes gevin that he sould sytt doune; but he refuissit it, and said, "Melancholius[1033] ressouns wald haif sum myrth intermixed.") "My last exampill, (said he,) my Lord, is this:--Uzzias the King, nocht content of his royal estait, malepeirtlie tuk upoun him to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burne incense upoun the alter of incense; 'And Azarias the preist went in efter him, and with him fourscore preistis of the Lord, vailzeant men, and thay withstude Uzzias the king, and said unto him, It pertenith thee nocht, Uzzias,[1034] to burne incense unto the Lord, but to the preistis, the sonnis of Aaroune, that ar consecratit to offer incense: Go furth of the sanctuary, for thou hes transgressit, and you sall haif no honour of the Lord God.' Heirof, my Lord, I conclude, that subjectis nocht onlie may, but also aucht to withstand and resist thair princes, whensoever thay do onie thing that expreslie repugnis to God, his law, or holie ordinance."

[1033] In MS. 1566, "malankourelie;" in MS. L 3, "malancholik."

[1034] In MS. G, "it apperteneth not unto Uzzias."

"Thay that withstude the King," said Lethingtoun, "wer nocht sempill subjectis, but wer the Preistis of the Lord, and figoureis of Chryste, and sik preistis haif we none this day, to withstand Kingis gif thay do wrang."

"That the Hye Preist wes the figour of Chryste," said the uther, "I grant: but that he wes nocht ane subject, that I deny. For I am assureit, that he in his priestheid had no prerogative above those that had passit befoir him. Now, so it is, that Aaroune wes subject unto Moyses, and callit him his Lord. Samuell, being boith propheit and preist, subject him self to Saule, eftor he wes inaugurat of the peopill. Sadock bowit befoir David; and Abiathar wes depossit frome the preistheid be Salamoune, quhilkis all confessit thame selfis subjectis to the Kingis, albeit that thairwith thei ceissit nocht to be the figouris of Christe. And whairas ye say, that we haif no sik preistis this day, I mycht answer, that nether haif we sik Kingis this day as than wer annoyntit at Godis commandiment, and sat upoun the sait of David, and wer no les the figour of Chryste Jesus in thair juste administratioun, then wer the preistis in thair appoyntit office: and sik Kingis, I am assureit, we haif nocht now moir than that we haif sik preistis: for Chryste Jesus being annoyntit in our natour, of God his Father, both King, Priest, and Prophet, hes put an end to all externall unctioune. And yit, I think, ye will nocht say, that God hes now diminissit his graceis for those whome he appoyntis ambassadouris betwix him and his peopill, [more] than that he dois from kingis and princes; and thairfoir, why that the servandis of Jesus Chryste may not also justlie withstand kingis and princes, that this day no less offendit Godis majestie than Uzzias did, I see nocht, onless that ye will say, that we, in the brychtnes of the Evangill, ar nocht sa straitlie bound to regaird Godis glorie, nor yit his commandimentis, as wer the fatheris that leiffit under the dark schaddowis of the Law."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I will dip no farder in that heid. But how resisted the Preistis the King? Thai onelie spak unto him without farder violence intendit."

"That thay withstude him," said the other, "the text assureis me; but that thay did nothing but speik, I can nocht understand; for the plane text affirms the contrair, to wit, that thay caused him haistilie to depairt frome the sanctuarie, yea, and that he wes compellit to depairt: quhilk maner of speiking, I am assureit in the Hebrew toung impoirtis uther thing than exhoirting, or commanding by worde."

"Thay did that," said Lethingtoun, "efter that he wes espyit leaprous."

"Thay withstude him hefoir," said the other; "but yit thair last fact confermes my propositioune so evidentlie, that sik as will oppone thame unto it, moist neidis oppone thame unto God; for my assertioun is, that kingis haif no previlege moir than has the peopill to offend Godis majestie; and gif that so thay do, thay ar no moir exempted from the punischment of the law than is onie uther subject; yea, and that subjectis may nocht onlie lauchfullie oppone thame selfis to thair kingis, whensoevir thay do onie thing that expressedlie repugnes to Goddis commandiment, but also that thay may execute jugement upoun thame according to Goddis law; so that [if] the king be ane murtherar, adulterar, or idolater, he soulde suffer according to Godis law, nocht as ane king, but as ane offender, and that the peopill may put Godis lawis in executioune, this Historie cleirlie proveis: for how soon that the leprosie appeirit[1035] in his foirheid, he wes nocht onelie compellit to depairt oute of the sanctuarie, but also he was removeit frome all publick socyetie and administratioune of the kingdome, and wes compellit to dwell in ane house ane pairt, evin as the law commandit, and gat no grytter privilage in that cais than onie uther of the peopill soulde haif done; and this wes executit be the peopill; for it is no doute mo wer witnesses of his leprossie than the preistis allone. But we fynd none oppone thame selfis to the sentence of God pronounced in his law aganis the leprouse; and thairfoir, yit agane say I, that the peopill aucht to execute Goddis law evin aganis thair princes, when that thair oppin crymes be Godis law deserve deith, but especialie when thay ar sik as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lordis, (said he,) I will ressoune no langer, for I haif spokin moir than I intendit."

[1035] In MSS. G, and L 3, "the leprosie was espyed."

"And yit," said Lethingtoun, "I can nocht tell what can be concludit."

"Albeit ye can nocht," said the uther, "yit I am assureit what I haif provin, to wit:--

"1. That subjectis haif delyverit ane innocent frome the handis of thair King, and thairintill offendit nocht God.

"2. That subjectis haif refuseit to stryke innocentis whan ane King commandit, and in so doing denyit no just obedience.

"3. That sik as struck at the commandiment of the King befoir God wer reputed murtheraris.

"4. That God hes nocht onlie of ane subject maid ane King, but also hes airmit subjectis aganis thair naturall Kings, and commandit thame to tak vengence upoun thame according to his law.

"And, last, That Godis pepill hes executit Godis law aganis thair King, having no farther regaird to him in that behalf, than gif he had bene the moist simpill subject within this Realme.

"And thairfoir, albeit ye will not understand what sould be concludeit, yit I am[1036] assureit that nocht onlie Goddis pepill [may], but also, that thai ar bounde to do the same whair the lyke crymes ar committit, and when he gevis unto thame the lyke power."

[1036] In MS. G, "I am not."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "I think ye sall nocht haif monie leirnit men of your oppinioun."

"My Lord," said the uther, "the treuthe ceisses nocht to be the treuthe, howsoevir it be that men [either] misknaw it, or yit ganestand it. And yit, (said he,) I praise my God, I lack nocht the consent of Godis servandis in that heid." And with that he presentit unto the Secretour the Apologie of Magdeburgh;[1037] and willit him to reid the names of the Mynisteris who had subscribed the defence of the Toune to be ane moist juste defence; and thairwith addit, "That to resist ane tyrant, is not to resist God, nor yit his ordinance."

[1037] Magdeburg, in the province of Saxony, is a town of ancient date, and of importance from its situation. It was involved in disputes with Austria, on account of the protection which it granted to Lutheranism. This drew upon it the ban of the Empire, followed by a siege in 1550, which endured for twelve months; but a treaty was concluded in 1551, without the Magdeburgers being betrayed into any mean submission to the Emperor. (See Robertson's Charles V., Book x.)

Whilk when he had read, he scripped and said, "Homines obscuri."[1038] The uther ansuerit, "Dei tamen servi."[1039]

[1038] That is, "Men of no note."

[1039] That is, "Servants of God however."

And [so] Lethingtoun arose and said, "My Lordis, ye haif hard the ressounis upoun boith pairteis: it becumis you now to decyde, and [to] put ane ordour unto preicheouris, that thay may be uniforme in doctrine. May we, think ye, tak the Queenis Messe frome hir?"

Whille that sum began to geif thair voittis, for sum wer appoyntit, as it wer, leaderis to the rest, Johne Knox said, "My Lordis, I suppois that ye will nocht [do] contrair to your [Lordships] promeis, maid to the whole Assemblie, whilk wes, That nothing soulde be voited in secreit, till that the first all maitteris soulde be debaittit in publict, and that than the voittis of the whole Assemblie sould put an end to the controversie. Now haif I onelie sustenit the argument, and haif rather schawin my conscience in moist simpill maner, than that I haif insystit upoun the force and vehemence of onie ane argument: And thairfoir I, for my pairt, utterlie disassent frome all voitting, till that the whole Assemblie haif hard the propositiounis and the ressounis of boith pairteis. For I unfeinyeitlie acknawlege, that monie in this cumpanie ar moir abill to sustene the argument than I am."

"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethingtoun, "that sik ane multitude [as] ar now convenit, soulde ressoune and voit in these heidis and matteris that concerne the Quenis Majesties awin persoune and effairis?"

"I think," said the uther, "that whatsoevir soulde bind, the multitude soulde heir, unless that thai haif resignit thair power unto thair Commissioneris, whilk thai haif nocht done, sua far as I understand; for my Lord Justice-Clark heard thame with ane voice say, That in no wayis wald thai consent that onie thing soulde ether here be voited or concludit."

"I can nocht tell," said Lethingtoun, "[if] that my Lordis that be heir present, and that beir the burding of sik maitteris, soulde be bounde to thair will. What say ye, (said he,) my Lordis? Will ye voit in this maitter, or will ye nocht voit?"

Efter lang ressonyng, sum that wer maid for the purpois said, "Why may nocht the Lordis voit, and than schaw unto the Kirk whatsoevir is done?"

"That appeiris to me," said Johne Knox, "nocht onlie ane backwart ordour, but also ane tyrranie usurpeit upoun the Kirk: But for me, do as ye list, (said he,) for as I ressoune, so I voit; yit protesting as befoir, that I dissent frome all voiting, till that the hoill Assemblie understand alsweill the questiounis as the ressonyngis."

"Weill," said Lethingtoun, "that can nocht be done now, for the tyme is spent; and thairfoir, my Lorde Chanceler, (said he,) ask ye the voittis, and tak [be course] everie ane of the Mynisteris, and ane of us."

[Sidenote: MR. JOHNE DOUGLAS RECTOUR.]

And so wes the Rectour of Sanctandrois[1040] commanded first to speik his conscience; who said, "I reffer, to the Superintendant of Fyffe, for I think we ar boith in one jugement; and yit, (said he,) gif ye will that I speik first, my conscience is this, That gif the Quene oppone hir self to oure religioun, whilk is the onelie trew religioun, that in that caise the Nobillitie and Estaitis of this Realme, professouris[1041] of the trew doctrine, may justlie oppone thame selffis unto hir. But as concernyng hir awin Messe, I knaw it is idolatrie, but yit I am nocht yit resolved, whidder that be violence we may tack it frome hir or nocht." The Superintendant of Fyffe[1042] said, "That same is my conscience." And so affirmit sum of the Nobillitie. But utheris voitted frankley, and said, "That as the Messe wes abominatioun, so wes it juste and rycht that it soulde be suppressit;[1043] and that in so doing, men did no moir wrong to the Quenis Majestie than thay that soulde be force tak frome hir ane poysonit coupe when sehe wes going to drink it."

[1040] At page 286 of the former volume, a brief notice of Douglas is given, in order to show that he must be distinguished from John Douglas, a Carmalite Friar, who, forsaking his order, became in 1558, Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle. As stated in the note referred to, Mr. John Douglas was elected Provost of St. Mary's College, St. Andrews, in 1547. He was also elected for a long series of years Rector of the University; and having embraced the Reformed opinions, he still continued his residence at St. Andrews, retaining his situation as Provost of the College. In 1571, when "an auld feeble man," by "compromise with the Earl of Morton, he was nominated to the See of St. Andrews: Knox having refused to inaugurate him, the ceremony was performed by Mr. John Wynrame. (M'Crie's Life of Knox.) According to his Confirmed Testament, 29th January 1574-5, "Johne Archbishop of Sanctandrois, &c. died in (blank) 1574;" and it shows that his nominal dignity had not enriched him. The Summa of his Inventar amounted only to £280, 4s. 4d., and this included "Item, his L[ordship's] liberall [library] of bukis, extending to ane hundreth pundis."

[1041] In MS. G, "that have professit."

[1042] Mr. John Wynrame. See note in vol. i. p. 150. As Sub-prior of St. Andrews, he sat as one of the Judges at the trials of Sir John Borthwick in 1540, of George Wishart in 1546, and of Walter Myln in 1550. In 1549, at the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, he is styled "M. Johannes Wynrame Ecclesiæ Metrop. Primitialis S. Andreæ, Canonicus Regularis, et Supprior, Theologiæ Doctor." He survived till the year 1582, when he died at the advanced age of ninety.

[1043] In MSS. G, and L 4, "repressed."

[Sidenote: MR. JOHN CRAIG.]

At last, Mr. Johne Craig,[1044] fellow-minister with Johne Knox in the Kirk of Edinburgh, wes requyreit to gif his jugement and vote, who said, "I will glaidlie schaw unto your Honouris what I understand; but I gritlie doubt whidder my knawlege and conscience sall satisfy you, seing that ye haif heard so monie ressounis and ar so lyttil moved be thame. But yit I sall nocht conceill from you my jugement, adhering first to the protestatioun of my Brother, to wit, That our voitting prejudge nocht the lybertie of the Generall Assembly. I wes, (said he,) in the Universitie of Bononia,[1045] in the yeir of God 1554,[1046] whair, in the place of the Blak-Freiris of the same toune, I saw in the tyme of thair Generall Assemblie this Conclusioun set furth: This same I hard ressoned, determined, and concludit:--

[1044] Mr. John Craig was born in 1512, became a Dominican Friar, and narrowly escaped from a sentence of the Inquisition at Rome, which had condemned him to the flames as a heretic in 1559. He at length succeeded in reaching Scotland. He was minister of the Canongate for a short time, before he was appointed Knox's colleague. He was translated from Edinburgh to New Aberdeen before 1574; but was brought back as King's Minister in July 1580. He survived till the year 1600, and died at the advanced age of eighty-eight. (M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 53-57; Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 455.)

[1045] The Latin name of Bologna.

[1046] So also in MS. L 3; but in MS. A i, the date is "1550;" in MSS. L 4, and M, "1553." MS. G, makes it "1562"--an obvious mistake, as Craig returned to Scotland in 1560, and is not known to have left it at any subsequent period.

CONCLUSIO.

"PRINCIPES omnes, tam supremi, quam inferiores, possunt et debent reformari, vel deponi per eos, per quos eliguntur, confirmantur, vel admittuntur ad officium, quoties a fide præstita subditis per juramentum deficiunt: Quoniam relatio juramenti subditorum et principum mutua est, et utrinque æquo jure servanda et reformanda, juxta legem et conditionem juramenti ab utraque parte facti."

"That is, All Reuleris, be thay supreame or be thay inferiour, may and aucht to be reformed or deposed be thame be whom thay ar chosin, confirmed, or admitted to thair office, as oft as thay brak that promeis maid be the oath to thair subjectis: Because that thair Prince is no less bound be oath to the subjectis, then is the subjectis to thair Princeis, and thairfoir aucht to be keipit and reformed equallie, according to the law and conditioun of the oath that is maid of other partie."

"This Conclusioun, my Lordis, I heard sustenit and concludit, as I haif said, in ane moist notabill auditour. The sustenar wes ane leirnit man, M. Thomas de Finola, the Rectour of the Universitie, ane man famous in that cuntrie. Magister Vincentius de Placentia, affirmed the Conclusioun to be moist true and certane, agreable boith with the law of God and man. The occasioun of this Disputatioun and Conclusioun, wes ane certene disordour and tyrranie that wes attempit be the Paipes Governouris, who began to mak innovationis in the cuntrie aganis the lawis that wer befoir establischit, alledging thame selfis nocht to be subject to sik lawis, be ressoune that thay wer nocht institute be the peopill, but be the Paip, who wes King of that cuntrie; and, thairfoir thay, haifing full commissioun and authoritie of the Paip, mycht alter and change statuteis and ordinanceis of the cuntrie, without all consent of the peopill. Aganis this [thair] usurped tyrranie, the leirnit and the peopill opponcit thame selffis opinlie: and when that all ressounis whilk the Paipis governouris could allege wer heard and confuted, the Paip him self wes fane to tak up the maitter, and to promeis to keip nocht onlie the lybertie of the peopill, but also that he sould neither abrogat[1047] onie law [or] statute, neither yit mak onie new law without thair awin consent. And, thairfoir, my Lord, (said he,) my vote and consience is, that Princes ar nocht onlie bound to keip lawis and promeisses to thair subjectis, but also, that in caise thai faill, thay justlie may be deposeit; for the band betwix the Prince and the Peopill is reciproce."

[1047] In MS. 1566, "haif brocht."

Then start [up] ane claw-back of that corrupt Court, and said, "Ye wat nocht what ye say; for ye tell us what wes done in Bononia; we ar ane kingdome, and thai ar but ane Commounwelth."

"My Lord," said he, "my jugement is, that everie kingdom is, or at leist, sould be ane Commounwelth, albeit that everie Commounwelth be nocht ane kingdom; and, thairfoir, I think, that in ane kingdom no less dylligence aucht to be taikin, that lawis be nocht violatit, than is [in] ane Commounwelth; because that the tyrranie of Princeis who continwallie ring[1048] in ane kingdom, is moir hurtfull to the subjectis, than is the misgovernment of those that from yeir to yeir ar chaingit in fre Commounwelthis. But yit, my Lordis, to assure you and all utheris farder, that heid wes disputed be the utermoist; and than, in the end, it was concludit,[1049] that thay spak nocht of sik thingis as wer done in diverse kingdomis and natiounis be tyrranie and negligence of peopill. 'But we conclude,' said thai, 'what aucht to be done in all Kingdomis and Commounwelthis, according to the law of God, and unto the just lawis of man. And gif be the negligence of the peopill, or be tyrranie of Princes, contrair lawis haif bene maid, yit may that same peopill, or thair posteritie, justlie craif all thingis to be reformed,[1050] according to the originall institutioun of Kingis and Commounwelthis: and sik as will nocht [do] so, deserve to eit the frute of thair awin folischnes.'"

[1048] In MS. 1566, "who continewing."

[1049] In MSS. 1566, and L 3, "nocht concluded."

[1050] In MS. 1566, "ressonit."

Maister James Makgill,[1051] than Clark of Register, persaifing the voittis to be different, and heiring the bauld plainess of the foirsaid servand of God, said, "I remember that this same questioun wes lang debaittit aneis befoir this in my house, and thair, be ressoune that we wer nocht all of ane mynd, it wes concludit, that Mr. Knox sould in all our names haif writtin to Mr. Calvin for his jugement in the contraversie."

[1051] Some notices respecting Mackgill, who was appointed Clerk Register in 1554, are given at page 156. From the Treasurer's Accounts it appears his salary was only 20 merks, or £13, 6s. 8d.

"Nay," said Mr. Knox, "my Lord Secretour wald nocht consent that I sould wrytte, alleging, that the grittest weycht of the ansuer stude in the narrative, and thairfoir [promeisit that] he wald wryte, and I sould sey it. But when, (said he,) that diverse tymes I requyreit him to remember his promeis, I fand no thing but delay."

Whairto the Secretour did ansuer, "True it is, I promeist to wryte, and true it is, that diverse tymeis Mr. Knox requyreit me so to do. But when I had moir deiplie consydderit the weycht of the maitter, I began to find mo douttis than that I did befoir, and this one amangis utheris, How I durst, I being ane subject, and the Quenis Majesties Secretarie,[1052] tak upoun me to seik resolutioun of contraverseyis depending betwix hir Heyness and hir subjectis, without hir awin knawlege and consent." Than wes thair ane acclamatioun of the claw-backis of the Courte, as if Apollo had gevin his response: It wes wyselie and faythfullie done.

[1052] William Maitland, usually styled Laird of Lethington, was the eldest son of Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, and was born probably between 1525 and 1530. He is said to have studied at St. Andrews, but his name does not occur in the Registers as having taken any degree. Chalmers has devoted much labour in tracing the career of this very able man, whose policy in changing his views from time to time proved equally unfortunate to himself and his country. (Life of Mary Queen of Scots, 2d edit. vol. iii. page 530 to 615.) At an early period of life Maitland took an active share in public affairs. Knox mentions him under the year 1555, (vol. i. p. 247;) and on more than one occasion calls him "the author of all the mischief" that had occurred. He first appears in the service of the Queen Regent; and in September 1555, the Treasurer paid "to William Maitland, be the Quenis Grace precept, for his pension of this instant zeir, £150." After the death of Bishop Panter, on the 4th December 1558, he was appointed Secretary of State. In October 1559, he joined the Lords of the Congregation; in August 1560, he acted as Speaker of Parliament; and in the following year he was raised to the bench. After various embassies to France and England, and after having an active share in all the intrigues and public affairs of the time, he died at Leith, as alluded to at page 363, note I, 9th June 1573. He was twice married. On the 10th November 1552, he had a charter of lands in Stirlingshire to himself and Janet Menteith his spouse: she was the daughter of Menteith of Kerse. He married, secondly, at Stirling, 6th January 1566-7, Mary Fleming, daughter of Malcolm third Lord Fleming. After his death she addressed a pathetic letter to Lord Burleigh, dated from Edinburgh, 21st June 1573, praying that her husband's body might "receive no shame or ignominy." The English General, on the 18th, had also written, that he had been pressed by the Earl of Athole and others, "that the body of Ledingtoun might be buried, and not remain above the ground as it does."--In 1584, Parliament passed an Act of "Pacification to Marie Flemyng, (relict of umquhill William Maitland younger of Lethingtoun, Secretare to our Soverane Lord) and his bairnis." (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. iii. p. 313.)

"Weill," said Johne Knox, "let warldlie men praise warldlie wisdome so heichlie as thay pleise, I am assureit, that be sik shiftis, idolatrie is mentenit, and the treuth of Jesus Chryste is betrayit, whairof God one day will be revengit." At this, and the lyke scherpnes, monie offendit, the voitting ceissit, and everie factioun began planelie to speik as effectioun moveit thame.

Johne Knox in the end wes commandit yit to wryte to Mr. Calvin, and to the leirnit in uther Kirkis, to knaw thair jugementis in that questioune; quhilk he refuissit, schawing his ressoun, "I myself am nocht onlie fullie resolved in conscience, but also I haif heard the jugementis in this, and all uther thingis that I haif affirmit within this Realme, of the moist godlie and moist leirnit that be knawin in Europe. I come nocht to this Realme without thair resolutioun; and for my assurance I haif the hand wrytingis of monie; and, thairfoir, gif I sould [now] move the same questioun agane, what sould I do uther, but either schaw my awin ignorance and forgetfulness, or ellis inconstancey: And, thairfoir, it may pleise you to appardoune me, albeit I wryte nocht. But I will teich you the surer way, whilk is [this], that ye wryte and complayne upoun me, that I teich publictlie and affirme constantlie sik doctrine as offendis you, and so sall ye knaw thair plane myndis, and whidder that I and thay aggrey in jugement or nocht."

[Sidenote: THE END OF THE RESSONYNG BETWIX JOHN KNOX AND THE SECRETOUR IN JUNE 1564.]

Diverse said the offer wes gude; bot no man wes founde that wald be the secretour. And so did that Assemblie in lang ressonyng brek up. Efter the whilk tyme, the mynisteris, that wer callit preceissit, wer haldin of all the Courteouris as monstouris.

In all that tyme[1053] the Erle of Murray wes so formed[1054] to Johne Knox, that nowther be word nor write wes there ony communicatioun betwix thame.[1055]

[1053] In MS. 1566, this short paragraph of three lines, is in a different hand and colour of ink, and bears a close resemblance to Knox's own writing.

[1054] So in the MS.; but evidently intended for fremmit, strange, foreign: in MS. G, "fremmed;" in MS. M, "freamed;" in MS. L 4, "frame;" in MS. A 1, "framed;" but MS. L 3, has "formed."

[1055] In the later MSS. there are several variations at the end of this book. In MSS. A 1, and L 3, an extract from his Sermon in 1565, is added with this title, "These words following are found written be John Knox, in the preface of a certain Treatise maid be him upon the xxvj. cap. Isayas." In MSS. M, and L 1, we read as follows: "In this Conference, (with Lethington,) ye may see a proofe of Mr. Knox his deep jugement and promptness in citing the passages of Scripture, besides his great zeal, courage, and sinceritie in the cause of God, without respect to flesh or blood." MS. L 4, adds, "Mr. Knox endeth the 4 Buik of his Storie, with this Conference." In MS. M, "Heere endeth the Fourth Booke of Mr. Knox his Historie of the Church of Scotland." On a separate leaf in MS. L 4, are four paragraphs which occur in Book Fifth, and are copied nearly verbatim in Calderwood's History, vol. ii. pp. 280, 284, 294, 295. The last paragraph breaks off in the middle of a sentence, and in the margin is added, "The rest of this section ye will find elsewhere, in the beginning of some writt scrollis."

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO BOOK FIFTH.

IN the previous volume it has been shewn that the Four Books of THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND were written by Knox, between the years 1559 and 1566; and that these Books have reached us, as completed by himself, without being either mutilated or interpolated, except in the common printed editions of the work. But of the Fifth Book, no manuscript copy has been discovered; and although there may be sufficient reason to prevent us from ascribing its composition to the Scotish Reformer, there can be no doubt of the propriety of annexing it as a Supplement or Continuation of his History.

This Fifth Book relates to the progress of affairs in Scotland, from September 1564 to August 1567, when Queen Mary having been forced to abdicate the throne, the Earl of Murray was appointed Regent. It was first published in folio, in the year 1644, by DAVID BUCHANAN, a person of literary distinction, of whom some account will be given in the Appendix to the present volume. The volume has this title:--

"THE HISTORIE OF THE REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND; Containing five Books: Together with some TREATISES conducing to the History. Published by Authority. (Jerem. 5. 1.-2 Cor. 13. 8.) LONDON, Printed by John Raworth, for George Thomason and Octavian Pullen, and are to be sold at the Signe of the Rose in Paul's Church-yard. MDCXLIV."

In the course of the same year, another edition, in quarto, appeared under a similar title:--"THE HISTORIE, &c. Printed at LONDON for G. T. and O. P. And Re-Printed at EDINBURGH by ROBERT BRYSON, and are to be sold at his Shop at the Signe of JONA. 1644."

It is a mistake to suppose that this Edinburgh edition was a literal reprint. The greater portion of the volume is in fact so, insomuch that the words and letters in most of the lines correspond in the two editions; still there are some changes which it is not improbable were introduced under Buchanan's immediate inspection. The Preface "To the Reader," in which the Editor "D. B." says, "I have thought fit in this place to point at some main occurrences from that time (1567) till now," remains unaltered. But "The Life of John Knox," which fills eight pages in the folio edition, is extended as "The Life and Death of John Knox," in the quarto, to twenty-two pages, including "An Acrostick" (8 lines), and 16 lines in the shape of an altar, "To the pretious memorie of John Knox, that worthie Primitive-Reformer in the Church of Scotland," signed "J. L." The historical "Preface," relating to the earlier people and religion of Scotland, filling thirty leaves in the folio, and thirty-two leaves in the quarto edition, contains no alterations. Neither are there any of importance, until we reach the close of Book Fourth, where four paragraphs are added, two of them being transposed from the commencement of Book Fifth. Other additions occur towards the latter part of Book Fifth. And in the subjoined Treatises, there is added Knox's "Brief Exhortation," dated from Geneva, 12th January 1557.

The passage in Buchanan's Life of John Knox, in which he speaks of the HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION, is worthy of notice. After mentioning Knox's education and earnest study of the Holy Scriptures, he refers to his sufferings, and says, "For the cause of the truth, he suffered very much by sea and land, in minde and body; among forraigners, and amongst his own countreymen, as ye may see in this History of the Church, which now here we present unto you: Which History, namely so much of it, I mean, as formerly was published, hath gone commonly under his name, because he is the man of whom most is spoken thorowout the whole History, as being a most earnest and diligent agent in the businesse of the Reformation in the Church: Next, because he hath penned with his own hand, or spoken by word of mouth, the most part of the most remarkable and most usefull things for Posterity in the History. Thirdly, the whole History is gathered out of his Papers and Manuscripts: And so ye see why it is generally received to be of JOHN KNOX. But to return to his Life," &c.

In the Edinburgh edition, this reference to the History is altered as follows:--after mentioning that Knox "was honoured to be one of the prime publike actors in that worthy worke of our Primitive Reformation," Buchanan says, "And because some singular fruit, more then ordinare, is expected from him who hes some singular enduements, more then ordinar: Therefore, to shew to the world how farre his thoughts were bussied upon the good of Posteritie, and how little he did live to himselfe, he brought out of the intrals of actions many choise and worthie secrets, as the laudable travels of his pious and judicious minde, the truth whereof is evidentlie apparent throughout the whole progresse of this Church-Historie, which may justly bee published and sent abroad under his name, because the most part thereof hath either been penned with his owne hand, or spoken and uttered by the word of his mouth, or gathered and collected out of his Papers and Manuscripts. His Historicall relations are without partialitie. Hee hated no man's person, no not the enemie but his sin. And therefore I hope his unpartiall expressions shall be unseasonable to no good man, be hee never so great. Wearie not then in reading, but adventure your patience as he hes done his paines, and I doubt not, but in each particular, you shall get such a full and satisfactorie information of the truth, that you shall not afterward need to strike fire, and light your candle at another man's Torch. But to returne to his Life," &c.

In regard to the authorship of this Fifth Book, the minute statement of facts, the occasional modes of expression, and the above declaration by the Editor, that "the whole History is gathered out of Knox's Papers and Manuscripts," are quite opposed to the general notion that it was written or even compiled by David Buchanan. Neither can we attribute it to Knox's Secretary, Richard Bannatyne, as the style is altogether unlike that of the "Journal of Transactions" from 1570 to 1573, which has been published under his name; and from which portions at least ought to be included in a collection of the Reformer's Works. This will form part of the concluding volume.

On this subject the Editor of 1732, after remarking, "It is not easy to give any tolerable account of the Fifth Book," says, "It seems probable that Mr. David Buchanan himself is the author of it: perhaps he was beholden to Mr. Knox's scrolls, but I wish he had carefully distinguished Mr. Knox's composure from his own, and forborn his interpolations in the body of the History, which is a liberty no person ought to take with any Author.... The Editors, (it is added;) have given the Fifth Book as Mr. Buchanan has published it, and leave it to the Reader to value it as he finds cause." But these Editors have taken an unusual liberty, which they have not specified, in altering the language to correspond to the more antiquated orthography of the Glasgow MS. of the Four Books. In the present edition, the text is given from that of London, 1644.

Although persuaded that the Fifth Book has been chiefly derived from Knox's papers by some unknown hand, yet, as it has no well-founded claims to be regarded as A WORK OF ORIGINAL AUTHORITY, like the previous Books, I have not thought it necessary to devote much time to its elucidation by encumbering the pages with foot-notes; and the more so, as the period of three years which it embraces, has been so fruitful in controversy, and has obtained a much larger share of literary investigation than perhaps any other period of our National History.

[Sidenote: There be two Epigrams extant, written by George Buchanan, of a rich diamond sent from Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth.[1056]

[1056] The marginal notes in this Book are evidently added by the original editor, David Buchanan.

* * * * *

IN the next moneth, which was July, the Queen went into Athole to the hunting; and from thence she made her progress into Murray, and returned to Fyfe in September.[1057] All this while there was appearance of love and tender friendship betwixt the two Queens; for there was many letters full of civility and complements sent from either of them to the other in signe of amity; besides costly presents for tokens. And in the meantime the Earl of Lenox[1058] laboured to come home forth of England; and in the moneth of October he arrived at Halyrud-House, where he was graciously received by the Queen's Majestie; namely, when he had presented the Queen of England her letters, written in his favour: And because he could not be restored to his lands without Act of Parliament, therefore there was a Parliament procured to be holden at Edinburgh, the 13. day of December:[1059] But before the Queen would cause to proclaim a Parliament, she desired the Earle of Murray, by whose means chiefly the said Earle of Lenox came into Scotland, That there should no word be spoken, or at least concluded, that concerned Religion in the Parliament. But he answered, That he could not promise it. In the mean time, the Hamiltons and the Earle of Lenox were agreed.[1060]

[1057] On the 25th or 26th September 1564: see note 4, page 420.

[1058] Matthew Stewart, fourth Earl of Lennox. He arrived at Edinburgh on the 23d September. A letter, addressed by Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth, on the 28th of that month, mentions, that he had presented the letters of Elizabeth, at Holyrood-House, on the previous day. (Tytler's Hist., vol. vi. p. 297; Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 233.)

[1059] The proceedings of this Parliament are not preserved, and the day of meeting in variously stated. Some Acts passed on the 15th December are recorded. (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 545.) In an abstract of a letter from Randolph to Cecil, marked 3d December 1564, (an evident error in the date for the 23d,) we read, "Lennox restored by Parliament called only for that purpose. The Queen made an Oration in the Parliament, shewing the reason of restoring Lennox; and the rather, because it was at the request and suit of her sister of England." (Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 259.) On the 15th, Lennox's restoration was proclaimed with great solemnity at the Cross of Edinburgh.

[1060] In Buchanan's republication of Knox's History, at Edinburgh, 1644, this and the next paragraph are transposed to the end of Book Fourth, with two additional paragraphs, for the purpose evidently of bringing the History down to the close of the year 1564. The first of these, as follows, occurs nearly verbatim in Calderwood's History, vol. ii. p. 280: see also the Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 47.--

"ARTICLES AND PETITIONS.

"It was thought good by the Church Assembly immediately preceding [viz. in June 1564,] and conforme to the Acts made before the Queen's arrivall, and approven since, that Christ's true Religion bee de novo, established, ratified, and approven throughout the whole Realme; And that all Idolatry, especially the Masse, he abolished every where, so that no other face of Religion be suffered to be erected within this Realme. And for this effect, that the Ministrie be sufficiently provided with maintenance, and sure appointment where they shall take up thair stipends. In like manner, to desire that the transgressors of the said Laws bee punished, specially in Aberdeen, the Karse of Gowry, Seyfield, and other places which shall be specified. These Articles were appointed to bee presented to the Lords of the Secret Councel. The Earls of Murray, Argyle, Glencairne, and the Secretary being present, and sent by the Queene to observe what things were propounded in the Assembly, thought not good that the Articles should be propounded after this manner, but drew out two heads; First, they would declare the good mind and obedience of the Assembly; Next, they would labour at her G[race's] hands for settling of Religion according to the order established before her arrivall. They promised also to deal with her for set stipends. Lethington returned a gracious answer to these Heads. It was appointed that a request should be presented to the Queen for obtaining the gift of the Frier's Kirk of Kirkcudbright, to be holden hereafter the Parish Kirk of Kirkcudbright."

The second paragraph is entitled,

"AN ANSWER TO PAUL METHVEN'S SUPPLICATION.

"The General Assembly of the Church conveened at Edinburgh the 25. of December, the exhortation and invocation of the name of God being made by John Knox. John Ærskin of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearnes, was chosen Moderator. In this Assembly Paul Methven's supplication anent his receiving to repentance, &c., was read and considered. The Brethren were content to receive him, providing he presented himself personally before them, and shew evident signes of unfained repentance, and willingness to obey such a forme of repentance as they should enjoyne. As for deleting the processe out of their Books, they could no wayes condescend, neither thought they such a Petition could proceed of the Holy Spirit, seeing David, a notable servant of God, was not ashamed to leave in register his offence, to God's glory and his own confusion. Anent his admission and re-entrie to the Ministrie within this Realme, it was ansuered, That could not be granted till the memorie of his former offence were more deeply buried, and some particular Kirks within the Realme made request for him. And, further, That his entrie in the Ministrie of England, hee being excommunicated and unreconciled to the Kirk, hath grievously offended them." This paragraph is copied nearly verbatim from the Acts of Assembly, 27th December 1564. (Book of the Kirk, vol. i. p. 55.)

At the day appointed, the Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where the said Earle of Lenox was restored, after two and twenty years exile: He was banished, and forfeited by the Hamiltons, when they had the rule. There were some Articles given in by the Church, especially for the abolishing of the Masse universally, and for punishment of vice; but there was little thing granted, save that it was Statute, That scandalous livers should be punished first by prison, and then publikely shewen unto the people with ignominy; but the same was not put in execution.

In the end of this moneth of December, the Generall Assembly of the Church was held at Edinburgh:[1061] many things were ordained for setling of the affairs of the Church.

[1061] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1564.

In the end of January the Queen past to Fyfe,[1062] and visiting the Gentlemen's houses, was magnificently banquetted every where, so that such superfluity was never seen before within this Realme; which caused the wilde fowl to be so dear, that partridges were sold for a crown a piece. At this time was granted by an Act of Parliament, the confirmation of the feues of Church Lands, at the desire of divers Lords, whereof the Earle of Murray was chief. During the Queen's absence, the Papists of Edinburgh went down to the Chappell to hear Masse; and seeing there was no punishment, they waxed more bold: some of them thinking thereby to please the Queen, upon a certain Sunday in February, they made an Even-song of their own, setting two Priests on the one side of the quire, and one or two on the other side, with Sandy Stevin, Menstrall, (baptizing their children, and making marriages,) who, within eight days after, convinced of blasphemy, alleadging, That he would give no more credit to the New Testament than to a tale of Robin Hood,[1063] except it were confirmed by the Doctors of the Church. The said superstitious Even-song was the occasion of a great slander, for many were offended with it; which being by the Brethren declared to the Lords of the Privy Councell, especially to the Earle of Murray, who lamented the cause to the Queen's Majestie, shewing her what inconveniency should come if such things were suffered unpunished: And, after sharp reasoning, it was promised, That the like should not be done hereafter: The Queen also alleadged, That they were a great number; and that she could not trouble their conscience.

[1062] The Queen left Edinburgh on the 19th January 1564-5. Randolph, who followed soon after, transmitted to England an interesting account of his interviews with her at St. Andrews. (Chalmers' Life of Queen Mary, vol. i. p. 123-127. Keith's Hist., vol. ii. p. 261.) She afterwards visited Wemyss Castle. where she received Darnley's first visit, on the 16th February, and returned to the Palace of Holyrood on the 24th of that month.

[1063] Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, dated 20th March 1564-5, refers to the excesses of both parties at this time; and in particular, that "one of the Queen's chappel, a singing man, said, that he believed as well a tale of Robin Hood as any word is written in the Old Testament or New." He further adds, the Queen's "own Mass, and the resort into it; such blasphemies as there unpunished; her will to continue Papistry, and her desire to have all men live as they list, so offendeth the godly men's consciences, and so many besides that desire alteration, that it is continually feared that these matters will shortly break out to some greater mischief."

About the 20. of this moneth, arrived at Edinburgh, Henry Stewart, Lord Darnley;[1064] from thence he passed to Fyffe: And in the place of Weemes he was admitted to kisse the Queen's hand; whom she liked so well, that she preferred him before all others, as shall hereafter, God willing, be declared. Soon after, in the moneth of March, the Earle Bothwell arrived out of France; whereat the Earle of Murray was highly offended, because of the evil report made to him of the Lord Bothwell; and passing immediately to the Queen's Majestie, demanded of her, If it was her will, or by her advice, that he was come home; and seeing he was his deadly enemy, either he or the other should leave the countrey, and therefore desired that he might have justice. Her answer was, That seeing the Earle Bothwell was a nobleman, and had done her service, she could not hate him: Nevertheless she would do nothing that might be prejudiciall to the Erle of Murray, but desired that the matter might be taken away. Within few days she caused summon the Earle Bothwell to answer to the course of law the 2d of May, for the conspiracy which the Earle of Arrane had alledged two years before, and for the breaking of the ward of the Castle. In the meanwhile there was nothing in the Court but banquetting, balling, and dancing, and other such pleasures as were meet to provoke the disordered appetite; and all for the entertainment of the Queen's cousin from England, the Lord Darnley, to whom she did shew all the expressions imaginable of love and kindenesse.[1065]

[1064] Henry Lord Darnley, then in the twentieth year of his age, arrived in Edinburgh, on the 13th February 1564-5. After visiting the Queen at Wemyss Castle, in Fife, on the 16th, he proceeded to Dunkeld, where his father the Earl of Lennox was residing; but he hastened back to Edinburgh to wait the Queen's arrival at Holyrood.--In both edit. 1644, his name is always printed "Darley."

[1065] Within a month of Darnley's arrival in Scotland, Queen Mary had fixed her affections on him, as her proposed husband, and to communicate this to Queen Elizabeth, was the main object of Lethington's mission to the English Court. He had arrived there on the 18th April, and had returned to Edinburgh on the 13th May 1565. (Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii p. 551.)

Within few days, the Queen being at Sterlin, order was given to Secretary Lethington to pass to the Queen of England. The chief point of his message was, to declare to the Queen of England, That the Queen was minded to marry her cousin the Lord Darnley; and the rather, because he was so near of blood to both Queens: for by his mother, he was cousin-german to the Queen of Scotland, also of near kindred, and of the same name by his father: His mother was cousin-german to the Queen of England. Here mark God's providence: King James the Fifth having lost his two sons, did declare his resolution to make the Earle of Lenox his heir of the Crown; but he prevented by sudden death, that design ceased. Then came the Earle of Lenox from France, with intention to marry King James his widow; but that failed also: He marries Mary[1066] Dowglas, and his son marrieth Mary, King James the Fifth his daughter. And so the King's desire is fulfilled, to wit, The Crown continueth in the name and in the family. The Queen of England, nevertheless, shewed her self nothing pleased therewith, but rather declared, That she would in no wise suffer her subjects to make such contracts or alliance that might be prejudiciall to her; and for the same purpose sent a post to the Queen with letters, wherein she complained greatly of the mind of our Mistris, seeing the great affection she bare to her, intending to declare her heretrix of her Realme of England, providing only that she would use her counsell in marriage; but she could not approve her Marriage with the Lord Darnley, although he was their near cousin by birth, since he was below the rank of the Queen by condition, being but a private subject. At the same time she wrote to the Earle of Lenox, and to his son, commanding them to repair both into England. Some write, That all this was but counterfeit by the Queen of England, and from her heart she was glad of the marriage, for by that means the Succession of the Crown of England was secured, the Lord Darnley being the right heir after the Queen of Scotland: and Queen Elizabeth was not angry to see her married to one of inferior rank, for by that means she thought the Scots Queen would be less proud.

[1066] An error in both edit. 1644 for Lady Margaret Douglas: see page 336, note 2.

[Sidenote: At this time an Italian named Davie, entered in great familiarity with the Queen so that there was nothing done without him.]

During this time there were certain letters directed to the Brethren of Edinburgh, to Dundie, Fyfe, Angus, and Mernes, and other places, from the Brethren of Kyle, and other places in the West Countrey, desiring the professors of the Evangel in all places, to remember what the Eternall God had wrought, and how potently he had abolished all kind of idolatry and superstition, and placed his word in this Realm, so that no man could say otherwise but it was the work of God, who also had delivered this countrey from the bondage and tyranny of strangers: Nevertheless by our slothfulness, we have suffered that idol the Masse not only to be planted again, but to increase so, that the maintainers thereof are like, by all appearance, to get the upper hand, which would be the occasion of our destruction: And for that the Papists purposed to set up their idol at Easter following, in all places, which was to be imputed to the slothfulness and want of godly zeal of the professors. Therefore they admonished the Brethren to strive to avert the evil in time, and not to suffer such wickedness to continue and encrease, lest God's heavy wrath come upon us unawares like a consuming fire. By these letters many Brethren were animated, and their spirits wakened, minding to provide as God should give them grace. And first of all, by the advice of the most learned in Edinburgh, there was a Supplication made, and given to the Queen's Majestie by the Superintendent of Lowthian, containing, in effect, That the Church in generall of the Realme, had divers times most humbly craved of her Majesty, That committers of adultery should be punished according to the law of God and the Acts of Parliament, nevertheless they continued in their wickednes; and the Papists, of obstinate malice, pretended nothing else but to erect and set up their idolatry and superstition; and at Easter day following, they intended to put the same in practice, which the Brethren and Professors of the Evangel could not suffer; therefore wished her Majestie to take heed of the matter.

This Supplication the Secretary received of the hands of the Superintendents of Lowthian and Glasgow, and told them, in the Queen's name, That there should be such provision made as should serve to their contentment: And for the same purpose, the Queen's Majestie writ to all such places as were suspected, especially to the Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Aberdeine, (as was said,) not to use any Masse, and that they should not do any such thing as was feared by the Protestants, or convene any Councell, and thereto commanded them. Now the Communion was administred in Edinburgh, the 1st day of April 1565: At which time, because it was near Easter, the Papists used to meet at their Masse; and as some of the Brethren were diligent to search such things, they having with them one of the Bayliffs, took one Sir James Carvet, riding hard, as he had now ended the saying of the Masse, and conveyed him, together with the master of the house, and one or two more of the assistants, to the Tolbuith, and immediately revested him with all his garments upon him, and so carried him to the Market-Crosse, where they set him on high, binding the chalice in his hand, and himself fast tyed to the said Crosse, where he tarried the space of one hour; during which time the boyes served him with his Easter eggs. The next day following, the said Carvet, with his assistants, were accused and convinced by an assize, according to the Act of Parliament: And albeit for the same offence he deserved death, yet for all punishment, he was set upon the Market-Crosse for the space of three or four hours, the hangman standing by, and keeping him, the boyes and others were busie with eggs casting; and some Papists there were that stopped as far as they could: And as the presse of people encreased about the Crosse, there appeared to have been some tumult. The Provost, Archibald Dowglas, came with some Halberdiers, and carried the Priest safe againe to the Tolbuith. The Queen being advertised, and having received sinister information that the Priest was dead, suddenly thought to have used and inflicted some extreme punishment; for she thought that all this was done in contempt of her, and of her Religion; and it was affirmed, That the Towne should have been sacked, and a great number executed to death: she sent to such as she pleassed, commanding them to come to her at Edinburgh suddenly with their whole forces; and in the mean time she sent her Advocate, Master Spence of Condie, to Edinburgh, to take a sure triall of the matter. The Provost and Councell wrote to the Queen the truth of the matter as it was, desiring her Majestie to take the same in good part, and not to give credit to false reports, and therewith sent to her Majestie the processe and enrolment of the Court of the Priest convict. Thus the Queen's Majestie being informed of the truth by her said Advocate, sent againe, and stayed the said meeting of men, and sent to the Town a grave Letter, whereof the copie followeth:--

_The Queen's Letter to the Provest, Bailiffe, and Councell of Edinburgh._

"PROVEST, Bayliffe, and Councell of our Citie of Edinburgh, We received your letter from our Advocate, and understand by this report what diligence you took to stay the tumult in the late disorder attempted at Edinburgh; wherein, as you did your duty in suppressing the tumult, so can We not take in good part, nor think our self satisfied of so notorious a thing, without certain seditious persons, who were pleased to do justice perforce and without the Magistrates authoritie, be condignly and really punished for their rashnesse and misbehaviour; for if all private persons should usurpe to take vengeance at their own hands, what lies in ours? And to what purpose hath good laws and statutes been established? Since, therefore, We have never been obstinate to the due punishment of any offenders, prescribed by the lawes, but have alwayes maintained justice in that case without respect of persons, it is our will, and We command you, as you will answer to us upon your obedience and allegiance, that you will take before you certane of the most responsall persons which are declared authors of the said sedition, and usurpers of our authority, and to administer justice upon them, in such sort as We may know a sinceritie on your parts, and our authority no wayes slighted. But if you faile, perswade your selves, (and that shortly,) We will not oversee it, but will account this contempt not only to be in the committers thereof, but in yourselves, who ought to punish it, and relieve us on our part, remitting the rest to your diligence and execution, which We look for so soon as reason will permit.

"Subscribed with our hand at Sterlin, this 24. of April, Anno 1565."

By this manner of writing and high threatning, may be perceived how grievously the Queen's Majestie would have been offended if the said Tarbot[1067] and Messe-monger had been handled according to his demerite, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest whoremaster, and a common fighter and blasphemer; nevertheless, within few dayes the Queen charged the Provest and Bailiffs to set him at libertie, commanding them further, that no man should trouble nor molest him in any sort for whatsoever cause, and soon after rewarded him with a benefice, and likewise his assisters, John Low and John Kennedie, set at libertie in the same manner. At this Easter-tyde, in Sterlin, the Queen made her domestick servants use Papisticall rites and ceremonies, and more, she perswaded others by faire means to do the same, and threatned those that were most constant at the Earle of Cassels house.

[1067] So in both edit. 1644; but at page 476 the name is "Carvet."

Upon the second day of May 1565, conveened at Edinburgh, the Earl of Murray with his friends in great numbers, to keepe the day of law against the Earle of Bothwell; who being called, appeared not, only the Laird of Rickerton protested, That the personall absence of the Earle Bothwell should not be prejudiciall to him, by reason, that for just fear, which might happen in the heart of any man, since he had so potent an enemy as the Lord of Murray, who, next the Queen's Majesty, was of greatest estimation and authority of any man within this Realm, to whom assisted at this present day of law, seven or eight hundred men, which force he could not resist, and therefore had absented himself; which protestation being made, those that had been sureties for his appearance, were outlawed. The said Earle Bothwell, a few dayes after, past into France, after he had been in Liddesdale, where, suspecting almost every man, he was not in great assurance of his life, notwithstanding he was not put to the horne; for the Queen continually bore a great favour towards him, and kept him to be a souldier, as appeared within lesse than half a year; for she would not suffer the Lord Morton, nor my Lord Ariskin, my Lord of Murray's great friends, to keep the day. There assisted my Lord of Murray, the Earles of Argyle, Glenearne, and Crawford, with great numbers, and many Lords and Barons, who for the most part conveened the same afternoon to treat and consult for the maintaining of Religion; where some articles were devised, and delivered to the Lord of Murray to be presented to the Queen's Majestie and Privie Councell; which articles were enlarged at the Generall Assembly following, as shall be declared.

In the meane time, as they were informed in Court of this great Assembly of people in Edinburgh, they were affraid, for naturally the Queen hated and suspected all such Conventions as were not in her own presence, and devised by her self. The chief Counsellors in the Court were the Earls of Lenox and Athole. The Queen writ incontinent for all the Lords to come to Sterlin, so soone as she was advertised that they had treated in Edinburgh of Religion; she writ likewise for the Superintendants and other learned men who went thither, and being there, they caused to keep the ports or gates, and make good watch about the towne. The speciall cause of this Convention was to give to the Lord Darnley title of honour, openly and solemnly, with consent of the Nobles, before the marriage.

The fourth day of May the Earle of Murray came to Sterlin, where he was well received by the Queen's Majestie, as appeared; and immediately, as he past with her to my Lord Darnley's chamber, they presented to him a contract, containing in effect, That forasmuch, as, or since, the Queen had contracted marriage with the Lord Darnley, and that therefore sundry Lords of the Nobilitie had under-written, ratified, and approved the same, and obliged themselves to grant unto him in full Parliament the Crowne Matrimoniall, (by a new Court solecisme in policie, the Crowne for the second time is surnamed Matrimoniall; before, when the Queen was first married, it was so called also,) to serve and obey him and her as their lawfull Soveraignes. The Queen desired my Lord Murray to subscribe, as many others had done before; which hee refused to do, "Because, (said he,) it is required necessarily that the whole Nobility be present, at least the principall, and such as he himself was posteriour unto, before that so grave a matter should be advised and concluded."

The Queen's Majesty no wayes content with this answer, insisted still upon him, saying, The greatest part of the Nobilitie were there present and content with the matter, wished him to be so much a Stewart, as to consent to the keeping of the Crown in the family, and the surname, according to their Father's will and desire, as was said of him a little before his death: But he still refused for the causes above written.

Now as the Lords were assembled, an Ambassadour from England, named Sir Nicholas Throckmorton,[1068] arrived at Sterlin, and in his company the Laird of Lethington; the Ambassador was at the Castle gate or ever they were aware; and as he stood there in the entry, he was desired to passe to his lodgings. The next day he had audience of the Queen, and was graciously received according to the dignity of his message. The whole summe of this his message was, to shew and declare to the Queen, how highly the Queen his mistris was offended with this precipitated marriage, and wondered what had moved her to take a man of inferiour rank and condition to her selfe: and therefore disswaded her therefrom. And specially desiring her most earnestly to send home her subjects, the Earle of Lennox and the Lord Darnley: but all in vaine; for the matter was well farre proceeded. In her heart Queen Elizabeth was not angry at this marriage; first, because if Queen Mary had married a foraign Prince, it had been an accesse to her greatnesse, and consequently she had been more redoubted by the other; next, both Harry and Mary were alike and in equall degree of consanguinitie unto her, the father of Mary and the mother of Harry being children to her Father's sister.

[1068] Throckmorton, in his letter to the Queen of England, on the 20th May 1565, mentions that he reached Edinburgh on the 13th, and Stirling on the morning of 15th May; when, he says, "At my arrival at the Castle, the gates were shut against me, whether it proceeded from fear, or of some other passion, I know not. I thus remaining some time before the gate, there came unto me the Master of Arskine and the Justice-Clerk, who desired me, in the Queen their Mistress's behalf, to retire unto my lodging which was appointed in the town, saying, that after I had reposed myself, the Queen did mind to give me audience." (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 279.)

With many fair words the Queen let the Ambassadour depart, promising to do all she could to satisfie the Queen of England; and for the same purpose she would send an Ambassador to her.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Murray seeing the other Nobles consent gave his, which before he refused.]

In the meane time the Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley was prepared and propounded in Councell, and the chief of the Nobilitie, such as the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, Murray, Glenearne, with the rest, granted freely to the same, providing that they might have the Religion established in Parliament, by the Queene, and the idolatrous Masse and Superstition abolished; shortly it was concluded, that they should convene again to Saint Johnstoun, where the Queen promised to take a finall order for Religion. The day was appointed, to wit, the last of May, at Perth: my Lord of Argile came too late. The Queen's Majestie communed with the Lords, who were very plain with her, saying, Except the Masse were abolished, there should be no quietnesse in the countrey. The twelfth day of May the Lord Darnley was belted, (that is, created) Earle of Rosse, with great solemnity, a belt or girdle being tyed about his waist or middle; and albeit all kinde of provision was made to make him Duke of Rothesay, yet at that time it came not to effect, albeit the crown and robe-royall were prepared to him for the same. For the entertainment of this triumph there were many Knights made, to the number of fourteen.[1069] The next day, which was the thirteenth of May, the Queen called for the Superintendants, by name John Willock, John Winram, and John Spotswood, whom she cherished with faire words, assuring them, that she desired nothing more earnestly than the glory of God, and satisfying of men's consciences, and the good of the Commonwealth; and albeit she was not perswaded in any Religion but in that wherein she was brought up, yet she promised to them that she would hear conference and disputation in the Scriptures: And likewise she would be content to hear publike preaching, but alwayes out of the mouth of such as pleased her Majestie; and above all others, she said, she would gladly hear the Superintendant of Angus, (for he was a mild and sweet natured man,) with true honesty and uprightnesse, John Ariskin[1070] of Dun.

[1069] According to a memorial transmitted by Sir Nicholas Throckmorton to Queen Elizabeth, this ceremony took place at Stirling on the 15th May; and he enumerates the names and titles of the fourteen Knights. (Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 289.)

[1070] In the Lond. edit. 1644, "Sir Ariskin;" in the Edinb. edit. "Sir Ærskin."

Soon after the Queen past to Saint Johnston, after that she had directed Master John Hay,[1071] Prior of Monimusk, to passe to England, who sped at the Queen of England's hand, even as Sir Nicholas Throckmorton did in Scotland.

[1071] Mr. John Hay was Master of Requests, a Privy Counsellor, and Commendator of Balmerinoch. He died on the 3d December 1573. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

Before the day which was appointed for the meeting at Saint Johnston, my Lord of Murray, most carefull of the maintenance of Religion, sent to all the principall Churches, advertising them of the matter, and desiring them to advise, and send the most able men in learning and reputation, to keep the day; but their craft and dissimulation appeared, for the Dean of Restalrigge who lately arrived out of France,[1072] with others, such as Mr. John Lesley, Parson of Oyne,[1073] afterward Bishop of Rosse, caused the Queen to understand that thing whereof she was easily perswaded, to wit, That there ought to be given to all men libertie of conscience, and for this purpose to shun or put off the first day appointed. The Queen writ to the Nobility, That because she was informed that there was great meetings out of every shire and town in great number; and then the other partie, (so termed she the Papists,) were minded to gether to the said Convention, which should apparently make trouble or sedition, rather than any other thing; therefore she thought it expedient, and willed them to stay the said meetings, and to deferre the same till such a day that she should appoint with advice of her Councell. At this time there was a Parliament proclaimed to be held at Edinburgh the twentieth day of July. By this Letter, some of the Protestants having best judgement, thought themselves sufficiently warned of the inconveniences and troubles to come. Now her Councell at this time was only the Earles of Lenox and Athole, the Lord Ruthven, but chiefely David Rizio the Italian ruled all; yet the Earle of Rosse[1074] [was] already in greatest credit and familiarity.

[1072] Queen Mary applied for a safe conduct to "Maister John Sinclair, Deane of Restalrig, being from the partes of France, and willing to returne hameward," 18th September 1561. (Labanoff, Recueil, vol. i. p. 227)

[1073] In both edit. 1644, Lesley is called "Parson of Vune," an error for Une, or Oyne, in Aberdeenshire: see the Appendix to this volume.

[1074] Henry Lord Darnley: see page 495.

These Letters were sent out to the Lords about the eight and twentieth day of May; and within twelve dayes thereafter, she directed new missives to the chief of the Nobility, desiring, or commanding them, to come to Saint Johnston the three and twentieth day of June following, to consult upon such things as concerned Religion, and other things, as her Majesty should propose; Which day was even the day before that the Generall Assembly should have been held in Edinburgh. This last Letter uttered the effect of the former; so that the Protestants thought themselves sufficiently warned. Always as the Earle of Murray was passing to Saint Johnston to have kept the said day, he chanced to fall sick of the fluxes in Lochleven, where he remained till the Queen came forth of Saint Johnston to Edinburgh, where the Generall Assembly of the whole Church of Scotland was held the four and twentieth day of July.[1075] The Earles of Argyle and Glencarne assisted the Church, with a great company of Lods, Barons, and others: It was there ordered and concluded, That certain Gentlemen, as Commissioners from the Church National, should passe to the Queen's Majestie, with certain Articles, to the number of six, desiring her most humbly to ratifie and approve the same in Parliament.

[1075] The General Assembly met at Edinburgh, on the 25th June 1565.

And because the said ARTICLES are of great weight, and worthy of memory, I thought good to insert the same word by word.[1076]

[1076] The Articles here inserted were drawn up by John Erskine of Dun, John Willock, Christopher Goodman, and John Row; and, on the following day, they received the Assembly's approbation.

Imprimis, That the Papisticall and blasphemous Masse, with all Papisticall idolatry, and Papall jurisdiction, be universally supprest and abolisht thorowout this Realme, not only in the subjects, but also in the Queen's own person, with punishment against all persons that should be deprehended to transgresse and offend in the same: And that the sincere word of God, and Christ's true Religion, now at this present received, be established, approved, and ratified, thorowout the whole Realme, as well in the Queen's own person as in the subjects: And that the people be [astricted] to resort upon the Sundays at the least, to the prayers and preaching of God's word, even as they were before to the idolatrous Masse: And these Heads to be provided by Act of Parliament, and ratified by the Queen's Majesty.

Secondly, That [sure] provision be made for sustentation of the Ministry, as well for the time present, as the time to come: And that such persons as are presently admitted to the Ministry, may have their livings assigned unto them, in places where they travell in their calling, or at least next adjacent thereto: And that the Benefices now vacant, or hath been vacant since the month of March 1558, or that hereafter shall happen to be vacant, be disponed to qualified and learned persons, able to preach God's Word, and discharge the vocation concerning the Ministry, by tryall and admission of the Superintendents and Overseers: And that no Benefice or Living, having many Churches annexed thereunto, be disponed altogether in any time to come, to any [one] man, but at the least the Churches thereof be severally disponed, and that to severall persons; so that every man having charge may serve at his own church according to his vocation: And to that effect, likewise the Gleebs and the Manses be given to the Ministers, that they may make residency at their Churches, whereby they may discharge their consciences according to their vocation; and also, that the Kirks may be repaired accordingly; and that a law be made and established hereupon by Act of Parliament, as said is.

Thirdly, That none be permitted to have charge of Souls, [Schools,] Colledges, or Universities, neither privately or publickly to teach and instruct the youth, but such as shall be tried by the Superintendents or Visitors of churches, and found sound and able in doctrine, and admitted by them to their charges.

Fourthly, For the Sustentation of the Poor, That all lands founded for hospitality of old be restored again to the same use; and that all lands, annual-rents, or any other emoluments, pertaining any ways sometimes to the Friers, of whatsoever Order they had been of; as likewise the annuities, alterages, obits, and other duties pertaining to Priests, to be applied to the sustentation of the poor, and uphold of the town-schools in towns, and other places where they lie.

Fifthly, That such horrible crimes as now abound within this Realme, without any correction, to the great contempt of God and his Word; such as Idolatry, blasphemie of God's name, manifest breaking of the Sabbath-day, witchcraft, sorcery, inchantment, adultery, manifest whoredome, maintenance of bordals, murther, slaughter, oppression, with many other detestable crimes, may be severely punished; and Judges appointed in every province and diocesse, for execution thereof, with power to do the same, and that by Act of Parliament.

Lastly, That some order be devised and established for ease of the poor labourers of the ground, concerning the [un]reasonable payment of the tythes, who are oppressed by the leasers of the tythes set over their heads, without their own consent and advice.

The persons who were appointed by the Church to carry these Articles, and present them to the Queen's Majestie, were the Lairds of Cunninghamhead, Lundie, Spot, and Grange of Angus, and James Baron for the Broughs:[1077] These five past from Edinburgh to Saint Johnston, where they presented the said Articles to the Queen's Majestie, desiring and requiring her Highnesse most humbly to advise therewith, and to give them answer. The next day, ere they were aware, the Queen departed to Dunkeld, and immediately they followed; and after they had gotten audience, they desired the Queen's Majestie most humbly to give their dispatch. She answered, That her Councell was not there present, but she intended to be in Edinburgh within eight dayes, and there they should receive their answer.

[1077] These five Commissioners were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, in Fife; William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire; William Durham of Grange, in Forfarshire; George Hume of Spot, in Berwickshire, and James Barron, merchant-burgess of Edinburgh.

At the same time, as the Generall Assembly was holden in Edinburgh, the Brethren perceiving the Papists to brag, and trouble like to be, they assembled themselves at Saint Leonard's Craig,[1078] where they concluded they would defend themselves; and for the same purpose, elected eight persons of the most able, two of every quarter, to see that the Brethren should be ready armed.

[1078] The district of St. Leonard's is now included in the suburbs of Edinburgh. It is on the south side of the city, immediately in front of Salisbury Crags.

And when the five Commissioners above named had waited upon the Court four or five days after her Majesties coming to Edinburgh, there the matter was proposed in Councell: And after long and earnest reasoning upon these Articles, at length it was answered to the Commissioners by the Secretary, That the Queen's Majesties command was, That the matter should be reasoned in her presence; which for the gravitie of the same, there could nothing be concluded at that time, albeit the Queen's Majestie had heard more in that matter then ever she did before: But within eight days thereafter, she understood that a great part of the Nobilitie should be present in Edinburgh, where they should have a final answer.

At length, the one and twentieth of August, they received the answer in writing in her presence, according to the tenour hereof, as followeth:--

THE QUEEN'S MAJESTIES ANSWER TO THE ARTICLES PRESENTED TO HER HIGHNESSE, BY CERTAIN GENTLEMEN, IN THE NAME OF THE WHOLE ASSEMBLIE OF THE CHURCH.

To the first, Desiring the Masse to be suppressed and abolished, as well in the head as in the members, with punishment against the contraveners; as also, the Religion professed to be Established by Act of Parliament: It was answered first, for her Majesties part, That her Highness is no way yet perswaded in the said Religion, nor yet that any impiety is in the Masse; and therefore believeth, that her loving subjects will not press her to receive any Religion against her conscience, which should be unto her a continuall trouble by remorse of conscience, and therewith a perpetuall unquietness. And to deal plainly with her subjects, her Majesty neither will nor may leave the Religion wherein she hath been nourished and brought up, and believeth the same to be well-grounded; knowing, besides the grudge of conscience that she should receive, upon the change of her own Religion, that she should lose the friendship of the King of France, the married Allia of this Realme, and of other great Princes her friends and confederates, who would take the same in evil part, and of whom she may look for their great support in all her necessities. And having no assured consideration that may countervail the same, she will be loth to put in hazard all her friends at an instant; praying all her loving subjects, seeing they have had experience of her goodness, that she hath neither in times past, not yet intends hereafter, to press the conscience of any [man,] but that they may worship God in such sort, as they are preswaded in their conscience to be best, that they will also not presse her conscience.

As to the establishing of Religion in the body of the Realme, they themselves know, as appears by their Articles, that the same cannot be done only by consent of her Majestie, but requires necessarily the consent of the [three] States in Parliament; and therefore so soon as the Parliament holds, those things which the [three] States agree upon amongst themselves, her Majestie shall consent unto the same; and in the mean time shall make sure, that no man be troubled for using [themselves in] religion according to conscience; so that no man shall have cause to doubt, that for religion's sake men's lives and heritage shall be in any hazard.

To the second Article, it is answered, That her Majestie thinks it no wayes reasonable, that she should defraud her self of so great a part of the patrimony of the Crowne, as to put the Patronage of Benefices forth of her own hands; for her owne necessity in bearing of her port and common charges will require the retention thereof, and that in a good part, in her owne hands: Neverthelesse her Majestie is well pleased, that consideration being bad of her owne necessity, and what may be sufficient for [her, and for] the reasonable sustentation of the Ministers, a speciall assignation he made to them in places most commodious and meet: with which her Majesty shall not meddle, but suffer the same to come to them.

To the third Article, it is answered, That her Majestie shall do therein as shall be agreed by the States in Parliament.

To the fourth Article, Her Majesties liberality towards the poore shall alwayes be so far extended, as can be reasonably required at her hands.

To the fifth and sixth Articles, Her Majesty will refer the taking order therein unto the States assembled in Parliament.[1079]

[1079] The Queen's Answers to the Articles were presented by the Commissioners at the next meeting of the General Assembly, on the 25th December 1565. They were declared to be unsatisfactory to the Kirk, and Mr. John Row was directed "to put in wryte, Answers to the Answers." These Answers are inserted in the Book of the Universall Kirk, vol. i. p. 69; and also the Supplication, which the Assembly on the 26th December prepared "to be presented to the Queen and Counsell, by the Lord Lindesay, and David Murray, brother to the Laird of Balvaird." (Book of the Univ. Kirk, vol. i. p. 71.)

As the Queen's Majestie came from Saint Johnston, over Forth to the Callender, she was conveyed to the water side of Forth with two hundred spears: For at that time it was bruted, that there was some lying in wait at the Path of Dron.[1080] In the mean time the Earle of Murray was in Lochlevin, and the Earle of Argyle with him. Now in the Callender[1081] the Lord Levingston had desired the Queen's Majestie to be witnesse to the christning of a child; for his Lady was lately delivered and brought to bed: And when the Minister made the sermon and exhortation concerning baptisme, the Queen's Majestie came in the end, and said to the Lord Levingston, "That she would shew him that favour that she had not done to any other before;" that is, that she would give her presence to the Protestant sermon, which was reckoned a great matter.

[1080] Dron, the name of a small parish in Perthshire, at the foot of the Ochil hills.

[1081] Callender, near Falkirk, the seat of William fifth Lord Livingstone of Callender, in the shire of Stirling.

The Queen being in the Callender, was informed both by word and letters by false brethren, That a great part of the Protestants of Edinburgh had lately convened upon Saint Leonard's Craigs, and there made a conspiration against her; and had chosen for the same purpose certain Captains to governe the rest: And without any tryall, or perfect notice taken in the case, she sent to the Provest and Bayliffs of Edinburgh, commanding them to take and apprehend Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerke, Gilbert Lawder, and Andrew Sclater, and put them in prison in the Castle.[1082]

[1082] On the 10th July 1565, a messenger was sent "within Edinburgh, to Summond Alexander Guthrie, Alexander Clerk, Gilbert Lauder, and Andro Sklater, burgesses of the said burgh, to compeir before the Justice and his deputis in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, on the 26th July," &c. (Treasurer's Accounts.) The office of Town-Clerk being held by Guthrie, was disposed of at this time to David Chalmers of Ormond, who, in January preceeding, had been appointed one of the Lords of Session. He was an adherent of Bothwell, and was openly accused as having been accessary to the murder of Darnley, but was never brought to trial.

This new and unaccustomed fashion of proceeding seemed to be very strange: And because the said four persons were not apprehended, she sent the next day a charge to the Provest and Bayliffs, and to her owne great Treasurer, to passe to the houses of the said foure men, and likewise to their booths or shops, and there to take inventory of all their goods and chattells; and commanded the said Treasurer to take the keyes of the said houses and booths, together with the said inventory; which was executed in effect, especially upon the said Alexander Guthrie his wife, he being then common Clerke, and one of the greatest in estimation within the towne: his wife and children were shut out of their house, and compelled to seek some other lodging in the town.

By this manner of proceeding, the hearts of all men of spirit and judgement were wonderfully abashed and wounded, seeing and perceiving these things so furiously handled upon sinister and wrong information, men never called to their answer, nor heard, nor any triall taken therein. Immediately thereafter, as she came to Edinburgh, she called to counsell such as pleased her Majestie, and there complains of the said matter, alleadging it to be a conspiracy and manifest treason. And another matter likewise was complained upon, that the Earle of Argile (as the Queen was surely informed,) was riding with a great army to invade the Earle of Athole and his lands. For the first matter it was concluded by the Councell, that diligent inquisition should be made in the matter, and to that purpose appointed the Queen's Advocates, Master John Spence of Condie,[1083] and Master Robert Crichton, to examine such as they would; and when the said Advocates had called before them, and examined a sufficient number, and their depositions subscribed and delivered to the Queen, there was nothing found worthy of death nor treason: At length the said four persons were summoned to answer at law.

[1083] Spens of Condie (see page 101,) had been appointed joint Advocate with Henry Lauder, 21st October 1555. On the 8th February 1560, Robert Crichton of Elliock was conjoined with Spens in place of Lauder. Crichton died in June 1581. He was the father of James, "the Admirable Crichton." See Tytler's Life of Crichton, and Senators of the College of Justice, p. 176.

For the [other] matter, That the Queen's Majestie should send to the Earles of Argyle and Athole some of her Councell or familiar servants to take order touching it.[1084] And when the Secretary, the Justice Clarke, and Lord of Saint Colme[1085] had past to the said Earl of Argyle, they found no such thing; but in Athole there was great fear come of a sudden fray; for after many proclamations, the Fire-crosse (which they made use of in lieu of beacons) was raised in Athole.

[1084] On the 6th July 1565, £8, 10s. was paid "to Johne Paterson, Snawdon herald, and John Brand, messinger, passand of Edinburgh with letters of the Quenis Grace, to charge Archibald Erle of Argile and Johne Earle of Athole, to desist and ceiss fra ony convocation of our Souerane Ladeis liegis; being in cumpany with William Maitland, Secretar, and Sir Johne Bellenden, thair Hienes Justice Clerk."

[1085] James Stewart, Commendator of St. Colme: see page 88, note 7.

Now as the day of Parliament approached, the Lords pretending to consult before what should be done, as well in Religion, as for the Commonwealth, the fifteenth day of July there convened at Sterlin the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, and Murray, Rothes, and other Lords and Barons; and as they were devising and consulting, the Queen's Majesty taking their meeting in evill part, sent her Advocates, Master John Spence and Master [Robert] Crichton, to them at Sterlin, requiring the cause of their meeting. They answered, That the speciall occasion of their meeting was for the cause of Religion and the assurance thereof, according as they had lately written to the Queen's Majesty in Seaton from the town of Edinburgh, they desiring then to prorogate the day.

Finally, when the said Advocates could by no means perswade them to come to Edinburgh, they returned again to Edinburgh, and declared to the Queen's Majestie according as they had found.

In the mean time the Parliament was prorogated at the Queen's Majesties command to the first of September next after following; for it was thought, that the least part and principall of the chief Nobility being absent, there could no Parliament be holden: at the same time the Queen's Majestie perceiving that the matter was already come to a maturity and ripenesse, so that the minds and secrecy of men's hearts must needs be disclosed, she wrote to a great number of Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others that were nearest in Fife, Angus, Lowthian, Mers, Tevidale, Perth, Lithgow, Clidsdall, and others to resort to her, in this form of words hereafter following:--

The Queen's Letter.

"TRUST FRIEND, We greet you well: We are grieved indeed by the evill bruite spread amongst our lieges, as that we should have molested any man in the using of his Religion and conscience freely, a thing which never entred into our minde; yet since we perceive the too easie beleeving such reports hath made them carelesse, and so we think it becomes us to be carefull for the safety and preservation of our State; wherefore we pray you most affectionately, that with all possible haste, (after the receipt of this our Letter,) you with your kindred, friends, and whole force, well furnished with armes for warre, be provided for, fifteen dayes after your coming, addresse you to come to us, to write and attend upon us, according to our expectation and trust in you, as you will thereby declare the good affection you bear to the maintenance of our authoritie, and will do us therein acceptable service.

Subscribed with Our hand at Edinburgh, the seventeenth day of July, 1565."

There was likewise Proclamation made in Edinburgh, That the Queen minded not to trouble nor alter the Religion; and also Proclamations made in the Shires above mentioned, for the same purpose, That all freeholders and other gentlemen should resort, (in the aforesaid manner,) to Edinburgh, where the Earl of Rosse was made Duke of Rothesay, with great triumph, the 23rd day of July. The same afternoon the Queen complained grievously upon the Earl of Murray, in open audience of all the Lords and Barons; and the same day the bans of the Earl of Rosse and Duke of Rothesay and the Queen's marriage were proclaimed. About this time the Lord Arskin was made Earl of Marre. In the mean time there were divers messages sent from the Queen's Majestie to the Lord of Murray, first, Master Robert Crichton, to perswade him by all means possible to come and resort to the Queen's Majestie: His answer was, That he would be glad to come to her self, according to his bounden duty; yet for as much as such persons as were most privie in her company were his capitall enemies, who also had conspired his death, he could no wayes come so long as they were in Court.

Soon after my Lord Erskin, and the Master Maxwell, past to him to St. Andrews, rather suffered and permitted by the Queen, then sent by her Highness; after them the Laird of Dun, who was sent by the means of the Earl of Mar; but all this did not prevail with him; and when all hope of his coming was past, an herald was sent to him, charging him to come to the Queen's Majesty, and answer to such things as should be laid to his charge, within eight and fourty hours next after the charge, under pain of rebellion; and because he appeared not the next day after the eight and fourty hours, he was denounced rebell, and put to the horne. The same order they used against the Earl of Argyle; for the Queen said she would serve him and the rest with the same measure they had mete to others, meaning the said Argyle.

In the mean while, as the fire was well kindled and enflamed, all means and ways were sought to stir up enemies against the chief Protestants that had been lately at Sterlin; for the Earl of Athole was ready bent against the Earl of Argyle: the Lord Lindesay against the Earl Rothesse in Fyfe, they both being Protestants; for they had contended now a long time for the heir ship of Fyfe: And that no such thing should be left undone, the Lord Gordon,[1086] who now had remained neer three yeers in prison in Dumbar, was, after some little travell of his friends, received by the Queen; and being thus received into favour, was restored first to the Lordship of Gordon, and soon after to the Erldom of Huntley, and to all his lands, honours, and dignities, that he might be a bar and a party in the North to the Earl of Murray.

[1086] George Lord Gordon fifth Earl of Huntley: see page 360, note 1. His restoration to his forfeited titles was proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh, on the 26th August 1565 (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 810)

[Sidenote: The Dispensation being come from Rome for the Marriage: Before which, according to the Romish law, it was unlawful to marry, being Cousin-Germans, brother and sister's children, and so the degree of consanguinity forbidden.]

The 28. of July,[1087] late in the evening, neer an hour after the sun's going down, there was a Proclamation made at the Market-Cross of Edinburgh, containing in effect:

"THAT forasmuch as at the will and pleasure of Almighty God, the Queen had taken to her husband a right excellent illustrious Prince, Harry Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, Lord Darnley, Therefore it was her will, that he should be holden and obeyed, and reverenced as King: Commanding all letters and proclamations to be made in the names of Henry and Mary in times coming."

[1087] In both edit. 1611, "The 18," an error for the 28th of July.

The next day following, at six hours in the morning, they were married[1088] in the Chappell Royall of Halyrud-House, by the Dean of Restalrig; the Queen being all clothed in mourning: But immediately, as the Queen went to Masse, the King not with her, but to his pastime. During the space of three or four days, there was nothing but balling, and dancing, and banquetting.

[1088] On Sunday, the 29th July 1565, "the said Henrie King, and Marie Quene of Scottis, wes marijt in the Chapel o f Halyrudhous, at sex houris in the mornyng, be Mr. Johne Sinclare, Deane of Restalrig, wilh greit magnificence, accompanyit with the haill Nobilitie of this Realme." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 80.)]

In the mean time, the Earl Rothesse, the Laird of Grange, the Tutor of Pitcur, with some gentlemen of Fyfe, were put to the horne, for non-appearance; and immediately the swash, tabron, and drums were stricken or beaten, for men of war to serve the King and Queen's Majestie, and to take their pay. This sudden alteration and hasty creation of Kings, moved the hearts of a great number.

Now, amongst the people there were divers bruits; for some alleadged, That the cause of this alteration was not for Religion, but rather for hatred, envie of sudden promotion or dignity, or such worldly causes: But they that considered the progress of the matter, according as is heretofore declared, thought the principall cause to be only for Religion.

In this mean time, the Lords past to Argyle, taking, apparently, little care of the trouble that was to come: Howbeit they sent into England Master Nicolas Elphinston for support, who brought some moneys in this countrey, to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterlin. There came one forth of England to the Queen, who got presence the seventh of August in Halyrud-House. He was not well, &c.[1089]

[1089] In both edit. 1611, the paragraph ends in this abrupt manner. The addition of the word "received" might supply the "&c.," as it refers to a message from England, which was sent by John Tamworth; but not being duly accredited, in order to avoid acknowledging Darnley as King, he consequently "was not well received." See Keith's History, vol. ii. p. 351.

[Sidenote: Note this for our time.]

About the fifteenth of August, the Lords met at Aire, to wit, the Duke of Hamilton, the Earls Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, Rothesse, the Lord Boyd and Ochiltrie, with divers Barons and Gentlemen of Fyfe and Kyle, where they concluded to be in readiness with their whole forces the four and twentieth day of August. But the King and Queen with great celerity prevented them; for their Majesties sent thorow Lowthian, Fife, Angus, Strathern, Tividaile, and Cliddisdaile, and other shires, making their Proclamations in this manner, "That forasmuch as certain Rebels, who, (under colour of Religion,) intended nothing but the trouble and subversion of the Commonwealth, were to convene with such as they might perswade to assist them; therefore they charged all manner of men, under pain of life, lands, and goods, to resort and meet their Majesties at Linlithgow, the 24. day of August."

[Sidenote: The King, to make himself more popular, and to take from the Lords of the Congregation the pretext of Religion, he went to the Kirk to hear John Knox preach.]

This Proclamation was made in Lowthian the third day of the said month. Upon Sunday, the nineteenth of August,[1090] the King came to the High Kirk of Edinburgh, where John Knox made the Sermon: his text was taken out of the six and twentieth chapter of Esayas his Prophesie, about the thirteenth verse, where, in the words of the Prophet, he said, "O Lord our God, other lords then thou have ruled over us." Whereupon he took occasion to speak of the government of wicked Princes, who, for the sins of the people, are sent as tyrants and scourges to plague them: And amongst other things, he said, "That God sets in that room, (for the offences and ingratitude of the people,) boys and women." And some other words which appeared bitter in the King's ears, as, "That God justly punished Ahab and his posterity, because he would not take order with that harlot Jezabel." And because he had tarried an hour and more longer than the time appointed, the King, (sitting in a throne made for that purpose,) was so moved at this Sermon, that he would not dine; and being troubled, with great fury he past in the afternoon to the hawking.

[1090] "Upoun the xix day of August, the King cam to Sanctgelis Kirk to the preitching, and Johne Knox preachit; quhairat he was crabbit, and causit discharge the said Johne of his preitching." (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81.) The Sermon was afterwards published by Knox, in order, as he says, "to let such as Satan hes not altogether blinded, see upon how small occasions great offence is now conceived."

Immediately John Knox was commanded to come to the Councell, where, in the Secretaries chamber, were convened the Earl of Athole, the Lord Ruthven, the Secretary, the Justice Clark, with the Advocate. There passed along with the Minister a great number of the most apparent men of the Towne. When he was called, the Secretary declared, "That the King's Majestie was offended with some words spoken in the Sermon, (especially such as are above rehearsed,) desiring him to abstain from preaching for fifteen or twenty days, and let Master Craig supply the place."

[Sidenote: In answering he said more than he had preached, for he added, That as the King had (to pleasure the Queen) gone to Masse, and dishonoured the Lord God, so should God in his justice make her an instrument of his ruin; and so it fell out in a very short time; but the Queen being incensed with these words, fell out in tears, and to please her, John Knox must abstain from preaching for a time.]

He answered, "That he had spoken nothing but according to his text; and if the Church would command him either to speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as the Word of God would permit him."

Within four days after, the King and Queen sent to the Councell of Edinburgh, commanding them to depose Archibald Douglas,[1091] and to receive the Laird [of] Craigmiller for their Provest, which was presently obeyed.

[1091] On the 23d August 1565, the Queen commanded the "Baillies and Counsell of Edinburgh to depois and displace (Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie) the present Provest of oure said Burgh, and in his place that you elect, ressave, and admit our lovit Symon Preston of that Ilk, as Provest thairof." See the Queen's Letter in Maitland's Hist. of Edinb., p. 26.

The five and twentieth of August, the King and Queen's Majesties past from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, and from thence to Sterlin, and from Sterlin to Glasgow. At their [first] arrival their whole people were not come. The next day after their arrivall to Glasgow, the Lords came to Paisley, where they remained that night, being in company about one thousand horses. On the morrow they came to Hamilton, keeping the high passage from Paisley hard by Glasgow, where the King and Queen easily might behold them. The night following, which was the penult of August, they remained in Hamilton with their company; but for divers respects moving them, they thought it not expedient to tarry; especially, because the Earl of Argyle was not come: for his diet was not afore the second of September following, to have been at Hamilton.

Finally, They took purpose to come to Edinburgh, the which they did the next day.[1092] And albeit Alexander Areskin,[1093] Captain under the Lord his brother, caused to shoot forth of the Castle two shot of cannon, they being near the town; and likewise that the Laird [of] Craigmiller, Provest, did his endeavour to hold the Lords forth of the town, in causing the common bells to be rung, for the convening of the town to the effect aforesaid; yet they entred easily at the West-Port or Gate, without any molestation or impediment, being in number, as they esteemed themselves, one thousand three hundred horses. Immediately they dispatched messengers southward and northward to assist them; but all in vain: And immediately after they were in their lodgings, they caused to strike or beat the drum, desiring all such men as would receive wages for the defence of the glory of God, that they should resort the day following to the Church, where they should receive good pay: But they profited little that way; neither could they in Edinburgh get any comfort or support, for none or few resorted unto them; yet, they got more rest and sleep when they were at Edinburgh then they had done in five or six nights before.

[1092] The 31st of August.

[1093] In the Edinburgh edit. 1644, the name is changed to "Ærskin." Alexander Erskine of Gogar, was the younger brother of John Lord Erskin, and was afterwards knighted. His grandson was created Earl of Kellie in 1619.

The Noblemen of this company were, the Duke, the Earls Murray, Glencarne, and Rothesse; the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie; the Lairds of Grange, Cunninghamhead, Balcomie, and Lawers; the Tutor of Pitcur; the Lairds of Barr, Carnell,[1094] and Dreghorn; and the Laird of Pittarow, Comptroller, went with them. Some said merrily, That they were come to keep the Parliament; for the Parliament was continued till the first day of September: Upon the which day they wrote to the King and Queen's Majesties a letter, containing in effect, That albeit they were persecuted most unjustly, which they understood proceeded not of the King and Queen's Majesties own nature, but only by evil counsell, yet notwithstanding they were willing and content to suffer according to the laws of the Realme, providing that the true Religion of God might be established, and the dependants thereupon be likewise reformed: beseeching their Majesties most humbly to grant these things; but otherwise, if their enemies would seek their blood, they should understand it should be dear bought. They had written twice, almost to the same effect, to the King and Queen's Majesties, after their passing from Edinburgh; for the Laird of Preston presented a letter to the King and Queen's Majestie, and was therefore imprisoned, but soon after released; nevertheless they got no answer.

[1094] In both edit. 1644, "Carmell."

The same day that they departed out of Hamilton, the King and Queen's Majesties issued out of Glasgow in the morning betimes, and passing towards Hamilton, the army met their Majesties near the Bridge of Cadder. As they mustered, the Master of Maxwell sat down upon his knees, and made a long oration to the Queen, declaring what pleasure she had done to them, and ever laid the whole burden upon the Earl Murray. Soon after, they marched forward in battell array: The Earl of Lenox took the vanguard, the Earl of Mortoun the middle battell, and the King and Queen the rear: The whole number were about five thousand men, whereof the greatest part were in the vanguard.

As the King and Queen's Majesties were within three miles of Hamilton, they were advertised that the Lords were departed in the morning; but where they pretended to be that night, it was uncertain. Always, soon after their return to Glasgow, the King and Queen were certainly advertised that they were past to Edinburgh; and therefore caused immediately to warn the whole army to pass with them to Edinburgh the next day, who, early in the morning, long before the sun was risen, began to march: But there arose such a vehement tempest of wind and rain from the west, as the like had not been seen before in a long time; so that a little brook turned incontinent into a great river; and the raging storm being in their face,[1095] with great difficulty went they forward: And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the Queen's courage encreased man-like so much, that she was ever with the foremost. There was divers persons drowned that day in the water of Carron; and amongst others, the King's master, a notable Papist, who, for the zeal he bare to the Masse, carried about his neck a round god of bread, well closed in a case, which always could not serve [save] him.

[1095] It is an obvious mistake to say that "the raging storm from the west" was "in the face" of the army marching from Hamilton to Edinburgh.

Before the end of August, there came a post to the Queen's Majestie, sent by Alexander Areskin, who declared, That the Lords were in the town of Edinburgh, where there was a multitude of innocent persons, and therefore desired to know if he should shoot. She commanded incontinent, that he should return again to the said Alexander, and command him, in her name, That he should shoot so long as he had either powder or bullet, and not spare for any body.

At night, the King and Queen came well wet to the Callender, where they remained that night. And about eight hours at night, the first of September, the post came again to the Castle, and reported the Queen's command to Alexander Areskin, who incontinently caused to shoot six or seven shot of cannon, whereof the marks appeared, having respect to no reason, but only to the Queen's command.

The Lords perceiving that they could get no support in Edinburgh, nor souldiers for money, albeit they had travelled all that they could; and being advertised of the Queen's returning with her whole company, they took purpose to depart. And so the next day betimes, long before day, they departed with their whole company, and came to Laurik,[1096] and from thence to Hamilton, where the Master of Maxwell came to them, with his uncle, the Laird of Dumlanrick. And after consultation, the said Master wrote to the Queen's Majestie, that being required by the Lords as he was passing homeward, he could not refuse to come to them; and after that he had given them counsell to disperse their army, they thought it expedient to pass to Dumfreis to repose them, where they would consult and make their offers,[1097] and send to their Majesties; and thus beseeching their Majesties to take this in good part. The town of Edinburgh sent two of the Councell of the town to make their excuse.

[1096] According to the Diurnal of Occorents, "the Lordis" departed from Edinburgh "at 12 hours at evin or thairby," of the 1st September 1565, and rode first to Lanark, and thence to Dumfries. (p. 82.)

[1097] In both editions 1644, misprinted "officers."

The next day the King and Queen past to Sterlin, and sent to Edinburgh, and caused a Proclamation to be made, commanding all men to return to Glasgow, where, having remained three or four days, and understanding that the Lords were past to Dumfries, they returned to Sterlin, and from thence to Fyfe; and in their passage, caused to take in Castle Campbell, which was delivered without impediment to the Lord of Sanquhar.

Before the King and Queen went out of Sterlin, there came from Edinburgh two ensignes of footmen, to convey them into Fyfe. In the meantime, the Burroughs were taxed in great sums unaccustomed, for the payment of the souldiers: Farther, there was raised divers troops of horsemen, to the number of five or six hundred horse. The souldiers had taken two poor men that had received the Lords wages; which two men being accused and convinced of, at the Queen's command, were hanged at Edinburgh, the third day after the Lords departing. At this time, Master James Balfour, Parson of Flesk,[1098] had gotten all the guiding in the Court.

[1098] Balfour took his seat on the Bench, 12th November 1561, as "Parson of Flisk." He was knighted in 1566, and is best known by his subsequent title, Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich.

The third day after the Queen's coming to Fyfe, the whole Barons and Lairds of Fyfe convoyed her Majestie, till she came to Saint Andrews, where the said Lairds and Barons, especially the Protestants, were commanded to subscribe to a Band, containing in effect, That they obliged themselves to defend the King and Queen's persons, against Englishmen and rebells: and in case they should come to Fyfe, they should resist them to their utmost power; which charge every man obeyed.

The second night after the Queen's coming to Saint Andrews, she sent a band, or troop of horsemen, and another of foot, to Lundie, and at midnight took out the Laird, being a man of eighty years old; then they past to Fawside, and took likewise Thomas Scot, and brought him to Saint Andrews; where they, with the Laird of Bavard,[1099] and some others, were commanded to prison. This manner of handling and usage being onkend and strange, were heavily spoken of, and a great terrour to others, who thought themselves warned of greater severity to come.

[1099] The persons here mentioned were, Walter Lundie of Lundie, Thomas Scot of Hanyng, and Andrew Murray of Balvaird.

In the meantime the houses of the Earls of Murray, Rothesse, and the houses of divers gentlemen, were given in keeping to such as the Queen pleased, after that their children and servants had been cast out.

At the same time the Duke, the Earls of Glencairn and Argyle, the Lords Boyd and Uchiltrie, with the Laird of Cunninghamhead, and the rest, were charged to come and present themselves in Saint Andrews, before the King and Queen's Majesties, to answer to such things as should be laid to their charge, within six days, under the pain of rebellion: And the day being expired, and they not appearing, were denounced rebells, and put to the horn.

As the Queen remained in Saint Andrews, the inhabitants of Dundie, being sore afraid, because of some evil report made of them to the Queen, as if they had troubled the Queen, in seeking men of war, and suffered some to be raised in their town for the Lords; for there was nothing done in Dundie, but it was revealed to the Queen; especially that the Minister[1100] had received a letter from the Lords, and delivered the same to the Brethren, perswading them to assist the Lords; which being granted by the Minister, the Queen remitted it [for trial.] After great travell and supplication made by some Noblemen, at length, the King and Queen being in the town, they agreed for two thousand marks, five or six of the principall left out, with some others, that were put to their shift. After the King and Queen had remained two nights in the town of Dundie, they came to Saint Andrews;[1101] and soon after they came over Forth, and so to Edinburgh. During this time the Master of Maxwell wrote to the King and Queen, making offers for, and in the name of the Lords.

[1100] William Christison was minister of Dundee.

[1101] On the 13th and 14th September. The Queen returned to Edinburgh on the 19th, not by the way of St. Andrews, as here stated, but by Perth, Dunfermline, and the Queensferry. (Chalmers's Life of Mary, vol. i. p. 219.)

The next day after the King and Queen's coming to Edinburgh, there was a Proclamation made at the Market Cross: And because the same is very notable, I thought good to insert it here word by word, albeit it be somewhat long.

"HENRY and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of Scots; To all and sundry, our Lieges and Subjects whom it may concern, and to whose knowledge these letters shall come, greeting.

[Sidenote: Note how this agrees with our times.]

[Sidenote: Let this be conferred with our times.]

[Sidenote: Note diligently.]

"Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised up against us, by certain rebels and their assistants, the authors thereof, (to blind the eyes of the simple people,) have given them to understand, that the quarrell they have in hand is only Religion, thinking with that cloke to cover their ungodly designs, and so, under that plausible argument, to draw after them a large train of ignorant persons, easy to be seduced. Now, for the preservation of our good subjects, whose case were to be pitied, if they blindly should suffer themselves to be induced and trapped in so dangerous a snare, it hath pleased the goodness of God, by the utterance of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their hearts, albeit to all persons of clear judgment the same was evident enough before: For what other thing[1102] might move the principal raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so unnaturally, upon whom We had bestowed so many benefits; but that the great honour We did them, they being thereof unworthy, made them misknow themselves; and their ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless they retain in their hands us and our whole Realme, to be led, used, and disposed at their pleasure. But this could not the multitude have perceived, if God, (for disclosing their hypocrisy,) had not compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern; for now by letters, sent from themselves to us, which make plain profession, that the establishing of Religion will not content them, but We must be forced to govern by Councell, such as it shall please them to appoint us; a thing so farre beyond all measure, that We think the only mention of so unreasonable a demand is sufficient to make their nearest kinsfolks their most mortall enemies, and all men to run on them without further scruple, that are zealous to have their native country to remain still in the state of a kingdom: For what other thing is this, but to dissolve the whole policie; and, (in a manner,) to invert the very order of nature, to make the Prince obey, and subjects command. The like was never demanded by [of] any of our most noble progenitors heretofore, yea, not of Governors and Regents; but the Prince, and such as have filled their place, chose their Councell of such as they thought most fit for the purpose. When We ourselves were of less age, and at our first returning into this our Realme, We had free choice of our Councell at our pleasure, and now when We are at our full maturity, shall We be brought back to the state of pupills, and be put under tutory? So long as some of them bore the whole sway with us, this matter was never called in question; but now when they cannot be longer permitted to do and undoe all at their pleasure, they will put a bridle into our mouthes, and give us a Councell chosen after their fantasie. This is the quarrell of Religion they made you beleeve they had in hand: This is the quarrell for which they would have you hazard your lands, lives, and goods, in the company of a certain number of rebels against your naturall Prince. To speak in good language, they would be Kings themselves, or at the least leaving to us the bare name and title, and take to themselves the credit and whole administration of the kingdome.

"We have thought good to make publication hereof, to shew, that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived under pretence of Religion, to follow them, who prefering their particular advancement to the publike tranquilitie, and having no care of you, in respect of themselves, would (if you would hearken to their voice) draw you after them, to your utter destruction. Assuring you, that you have heretofore good experience of our clemency, and under our wings enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods, and lived at liberty of your conscience, so may you be in full assurance of the like hereafter, and have us alwayes your good and loving Princes, to so many as shall continue your selves in due obedience, and do the office of faithfull and naturall subjects.

"Given under our Signet at Saint Andrews, the tenth of December [September], and of our Reigns the first and twentie three years, 1565."

[1102] In both edit. 1614, the following words, (which occur twenty-one lines lower down,) viz., "is this, but to dissolve the whole policy, and in a manner to invert the very order," are here inserted, inclosed within brackets, and printed in italic type, rendering the whole passage unintelligible.

Now, the Lords desired, next the establishing of Religion, that the Queens Majesty, in all the affairs of the Realme and Commonwealth, should use the counsell and advice of the Nobility, and ancient blood of the same; whereas in the mean time the councell of David, and Francisco, the Italians,[1103] with Fowler the Englishman, and Master James Balfour, parson of Flisk, was preferred before all others, save only the Earle of Athole, who was thought to be a man of grosse jugement, but neverthelesse in all things given to please the Queen. It was now finally come to this point, that instead of law, justice, and equity, only will ruled in all things.

[1103] Of these Italians the one was David Riccio, the other was Seinzeour Francis de Bisso, or Busso, whose name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts as receiving a pension of £100 paid half-yearly from Whitsunday 1561. In the Register of Signatures in the Office of the Comptroller, 28th May 1562, Queen Mary mentions that "the Seigneour Francisque has done long service unto the Quene our Mother," and directs that he receive "gude and thankfull payment of his wages of Master Household," since the day of the Queen Regent's death, which was the 11th June 1560. Immediately after whose death, he had received £120. (Treasurer's Accounts.) In the same Register, last September 1563, we find that "Seigneour Francis de Busso, Knycht of the Order of Sanct James of the Sword, one of our Maisters of Household," was appointed by the Queen "Superintendant and Ourseare Generall of her Hienes biggingis, reparationis, warkis, policies, &c.," with a salary of £300.--"John Francisco de Busso knycht," died in April 1576. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

There was thorow all the countrie set out a Proclamation in the King and Queen's names, commanding all persons to come and meet them at Sterlin, the first day of October following, with twenty dayes provision, under pain of life, lands, and goods. It was uncertain whether their Majesties intended to passe from Sterlin or not, and I beleeve the principall men knew not well at that time; for a report was, that by reason the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen were kept fortified and victualled at the Duke's command, that they would passe to siege the said houses, and give them some shot of a canon: others said, they would passe towards my Lord of Argile, who had his people alwayes armed, whereof his neighbours were afraid, especially the inhabitants of Athole and Lenox; but at length it was concluded that they should passe to Dumfries, as shall be declared.

During this time there were propositions made continually to the King and Queen by the Lords, desiring alwayes their Majesties most humbly to receive them into their hands. Their Articles tended continually to these two heads, viz., To abolish the Masse, root out Idolatry, and establish the true Religion: And that they and the affaires of the Realm should be governed by the advice and counsell of the true Nobility of the same; offering themselves, and their cause, to be tried by the lawes of the countrey. Yet nothing could be accepted nor taken in good part, albeit the Master of Maxwell laboured by all means to redresse the matter, who also entertained the Lords most honourably in Dumfreis, for he had the goverment of all that country. But he himself incurred the Queen's wrath so, that he was summoned to present himself, and appear before the King and Queens Majesties, after the same form that the rest of the Lords were charged with; and also commanded to give over the house of Lochmaben, and the Castle, which he had in keeping for the Queen. And albeit he obeyed not, yet was he not put to the horn, as the rest. Nevertheless there was no man that doubted of his good will and partaking with the Lords, who in the mean time sent Robert Melvin to the Queen of England, and declared their state to her Majesty, desiring support.

Now, the chief care and solicitude that was in the Court, was, by what means they might come to have money; for notwithstanding this great preparation for war, and eminent appearance of trouble, yet were they destitute of the sinewes of war:[1104] Albeit the Treasurer, and now Comptroller,[1105] to wit, the Laird of Tillibardin, had disbursed many thousands; yet there was no appearance of payment of souldiers, nor scarcely how the King and Queen's houses and pompous trains should be upholden:[1106] there was about 600 horsemen, besides the guard and three ensignes of footmen. The charge of the whole would amount to £1000 sterling, every month; a thing surpassing the usuall manner of Scotland.

[1104] In place of 200 men which the town of Edinburgh were ordered to levy, as they voted on the 24th August the sum of £1000 Scottish money, an exemption in the Town's favour was passed on the 26th. (Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 26.)

[1105] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, was Treasurer, and William Murray of Tullibardine, Comptroller.

[1106] In the Treasurer's Accounts, 16th January 1564-5, the balance due on the previous year's accounts was £32,696, 16s. 1d.; and in June 1566, this sum was augmented to £42,937, 19s. 4d.

[Sidenote: So was the Citie of London, for warre against Scotland, vexed for the leavie money.]

At this time arrived the Earl of Bothwell,[1107] who was welcome, and graciously received by the Queen, and immediately placed in Councell, and made Lieutenant of the West and Middle Marches. Now as every one of the Burrows[1108] compounded to be exempted from this meeting; the Earl of Athole demanded of Edinburgh £200 sterling, but they refused to pay it; notwithstanding, October 27th, there was a certain number of the principall and rich persons of the town warned by a Macer to pass to the Palace of Hallyrudhouse to the King and Queen, who declared to them by their own mouth's speaking that they had use for money, and therefore knowing them to be honest men, and the inhabitants of the best citie in their countrey, they must needs charge them; and for security they should have other men bound for pledges, or any hand therefore. The sum that they desired was £1000 sterling, and no less. They being astonished, made no answer; but Parson Flisk standing by, said, that seeing the King and Queens Majesties desired them so civilly, in a thing most lawfull in their necessitie, they did shew themselves not honest to keep silence and give no answer to their Majesties, for that must needs be had of them which was required; and if they would not, they should be constrained by the laws, which they would not abide; for some of them had deserved hanging, (said he,) because they had lent large sums of money to the King and Queen's enemies and rebels; and therefore, they must shortly suffer great punishment.

[1107] Bothwell arrived from France on the 17th September 1565. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 83.)

[1108] In both editions 1644, misprinted, "Barons."

Soon after they were called in one by one, and demanded how much they would lend? Some made this excuse, and some that, by reason there were that offered to lend money; amongst whom there was one offered to lend £20. To him the Earle of Athole said, thou art worthy to be hanged that speakest of £20, seeing the Princes charge thee so easily. Finally, they were all imprisoned, and souldiers set over them, having their muskets ready charged, and their match lighted, even in the house with them, where they remained all that night, and the next day till night; and then being changed from one prison to another, there were six chosen out and sent in the night to the Castle of Edinburgh, convoyed with musketteers round about them, as if they had been murtherers or most vile persons. At length, (the third day,[1109]) by means of the Laird of Craigmiller, Provest, and some others, the summe was made more easie, to wit, a 1000 marks sterling, to be paid immediately, and to have the superioritie of Leith in pledge, (to wit,) upon condition of redemption.[1110] And besides the said sum of 1000 marks sterling, they paid £1000 sterling for the meeting at Dumfries. At the day appointed, for electing the officers, the Queen sent in a ticket, such as she would have them chuse for Provest, Bailiffs, and Councell, whereof there was a number of Papists, the rest not worthy. Of the number given in by the Queen, they named such as should rule for that year; notwithstanding, without free election, the Laird [of] Craigmiller remained Provest,[1111] who shewed himself most willing to set forward Religion, to punish vice, and to maintain the Commonwealth. All this time the Ministers cried out against the Masse, and such idolatry; for it was more advanced by the Queen then before.

[1109] They were summoned on the 27th, and on the 29th September, "the six" were taken to the Castle of Edinburgh. The agreement for the Superiority of Leith was made on the 6th October. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 84.)

[1110] This kind of compulsory assessment, terminating however in an advantageous bargain for the Town of Edinburgh, is partly confirmed by the Council Records. The Town's revenues being exhausted, the inhabitants contributed the sum of 10,000 marks Scotish money. This sum was advanced by way of loan by 381 persons, whose names, and the amount of their contributions, appear in the Records--the larger sums being furnished by twenty-five persons, "men of law;" and the Town of Edinburgh received a charter of the Superiority of Leith, dated 14th November 1565. In April following, the Queen having repented of this bargain, wrote to the Magistrates of Edinburgh to delay taking possession of the town of Leith; but this request it stated, "they obstinately ganestude." This Superiority has been retained for nearly three centuries, to the prejudice of the one, and with perhaps less advantage to the other than might have been anticipated. (Council Register, vol. iii. fol. 136; Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 27; Campbell's Hist. of Leith, p. 92.)

[1111] Douglas was discharged from the office of Provost on the 24th, (see page 498,) and Preston elected on the 25th August 1565. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81.) He was knighted, and Sir Symon Preston of Craigmillar continued as Provost of Edinburgh for four successive years, from 1565 to 1568.

The first day of October, met in Edinburgh the Superintendant of Lothian, with all the Ministers under his charge, according to their ordinary custom; for every Superintendant used to convene the whole Ministry, and there it was complained on, that they could get no payment of their stipends, not only about the city, but thorow the whole Realm. Therefore, after reasoning and consultation taken, they framed a Supplication, directed to the King and Queen, and immediately presented the same to their Majesties, by Master John Spottswood, Superintendant of Lothian, and Master David Lindsey, Minister of Leith: It contained in effect, that forasmuch as it had pleased the King and Queen's Majesties, (with advice of the Privy Councell,) to grant unto the Ministers of the Word their Stipends, to be taken of the Thirds of the Benefices, which Stipends are now detained from the said Ministers by reason of the troubles, and changing of the Comptroller, whereby they are not able to live; and therefore most humbly craved the King and Queen's Majesty to cause them to be paid. Their answer was, That they would cause order to be taken therein to their contentment.

Soon after the Lord Gordon came to Edinburgh, and left the most part of his people at Sterlin with his carriage; the King and Queen, for hope of his good service to be done, restored him to his father's place, to the Earldom of Huntley, the lands and heritage thereof.

October 8. the King and Queen marched forth of Edinburgh towards Dumfries, and as they passed from the Palace of Hallyrud-house, all men were warned with jack and spear. The first night they came to Sterlin, and the next to Craford. The day after, the Lairds of Drumlanrick and Lochinvar met the Queen, albeit they had been with the Lords familiar enough.

The Lords perceiving that all hope of reconciliation was past, they rode to Ednam [Annan], where they remained till the Queen came to Dumfries, and then they past to Carlile. Now the Master of Maxwell, who had entertained the Lords familiarly, and subscribed with them, and had spoken as highly against their enemies as any of themselves, and had received large money by that means, to wit, £1000, to raise a band or troup of horsemen; and that the same day the King and Queen came to Dumfries; the third day after their coming, he came to them, conveyed by the Earl Bothwell, with divers other Noblemen. At length the Earls of Athole and Huntley were sureties for him, and all things past remitted, upon condition that he should be a faithfull and obedient subject hereafter. The same day they made musters; the next day the army was dispersed, being about 18,000 men: the King and Queen past to Lochmaben, where the Master of Maxwell gave a banquet, and then forthwith marched to Tweddall, so to Peblis, and then to Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: Note diligently.]

[Sidenote: Note diligently Queen Elizabeth.]

[Sidenote: Here mark either deep dissimulation, or a great inconstancy.]

The best and chief part of the Nobility of this Realm, who also were the principal instruments of the Reformation of Religion, and therefore were called the Lords of the Congregation, in manner above rehearsed, were banished and chased into England: they were courteously received and entertained by the Earl of Bedford, Lieutenant, upon the Borders of England. Soon after the Earle of Murray took post towards London, leaving the rest of the Lords at Newcastle; every man supposed that the Earl of Murray should have been graciously received of the Queen of England, and that he should have gotten support according to his heart's desire; but far beyond his expectation, he could get no audience of the Queen of England: But by means of the French Ambassadour, called Monsieur De Four, his true friend, he obtained audience. The Queen, with a fair countenance, demanded, "How he, being a rebel to her Sister of Scotland, durst take the boldness upon him to come within her Realm?" These, and the like words got he, instead of the good and courteous entertainment expected. Finally, after private discourse, the Ambassadour being absent, she refused to give the Lords any support, denying plainly that ever she had promised any such thing as to support them, saying, "She never meant any such thing in that way;" albeit her greatest familiars knew the contrary. In the end, the Earl of Murray said to her, "Madam, whatsoever thing your Majesty meant in your heart, we are thereof ignorant; but thus much we know assuredly, that we had lately faithfull promises of aid and support by your Ambassadour, and familiar servants, in your name: and further, we have your own hand-writting, confirming the said promises." And afterward he took his leave, and came northward from London, towards Newcastle. After the Earl of Murray his departure from the Court, the Queen sent them some aid, and writ unto the Queen of Scotland in their favour: Whether [it was] she had promised it in private to the Earl of Murray, or whether she repented her of the harsh reception of the Earl of Murray.

At this time David Rizio, Italian, began to be higher exalted, insomuch as there was no matter or thing of importance done without his advice. And during this time, the faithfull within this Realm were in great fear, looking for nothing but great trouble and persecution to be shortly. Yet supplications and intercessions were made thorowout all the congregations, especially for such as were afflicted and banished, that it would please God to give them patience, comfort, and constancy; and this especially was done at Edinburgh, where John Knox used to call them that were banished, the best part of the Nobility, Chief members of the Congregation: Whereof the Courtiers being advertised, they took occasion to revile and bewray his sayings, alledging, He prayed for the rebels, and desired the people to pray for them likewise. The Laird of Lethington, chief Secretary, in presence of the King and Queen's Majesties and Councell, confessed that he heard the sermons, and said, There was nothing at that time spoken by the minister, whereat any man need to be offended: and further, declared plainly, That by the Scripture it was lawfull to pray for all men.

In the end of November, the Lords, with their complices, were summoned to appear the fourth day of February, for treason, and Loese-majestie: But in the mean time, such of the Nobility as had professed the evangell of Christ, and had communicate with the Brethren at the Lord's Table, were ever longer the more suspected by the Queen, who began to declare her self, in the months of November and December, to be maintainer of the Papists; for at her pleasure the Earls of Lennox, Athole, and Cassels, with divers others, without any dissimulation known, went to the Masse openly in her chappell: Yet, nevertheless, the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell went not to Masse, albeit they were in great favour with the Queen. As for the King, he past his time in hunting and hawking, and such other pleasures as were agreeable to his appetite, having in his company gentlemen willing to satisfy his will and affections.

About this time, in the beginning of[1112] [the year 1565-6,] as the Court remained at Edinburgh, the banished Lords, by all means possible, by writings and their friends, made suit and means to the King and Queen's Majesties, to be received into favour.

[1112] This date is left blank in both edit. 1644.

At this time the Abbot of Kylwinning came from Newcastle to Edinburgh, and after he had gotten audience of the King and Queen, with great difficulty he got pardon for the Duke and his friends and servants, upon this condition, that he should pass into France; which he did soon after.[1113]

[1113] Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, delivered up the Castles of Hamilton and Draffen, on the 20th January 1565-6. On the 28th of that month he departed from Edinburgh towards England, having obtained licence to pass to France and Flanders, and to remain for five years, with the intention of accompanying the Duke of Chattelherault. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 86.)

The five and twentieth of December convened in Edinburgh the Commissioners of the churches within this Realm, for the Generall Assemblie: There assisted to them the Earls of Morton and Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with some Barons and gentlemen. The principall things that were agreed and concluded, were, That forasmuch as the Masse, with such idolatry and Papisticall ceremonies, were still maintained expressly against the Act of Parliament, and the proclamations made at the Queen's arrivall; and that the Queen had promised that she would hear conference and disputation; that the Church therefore offered to prove by the Word of God, that the doctrine preached within this Realm was according to the Scriptures; and that the Masse, with all the Papisticall doctrine, was but the invention of men, and mere idolatry. Secondly, That by reason of the change of the Comptroller, who had put in new collectors, forbidding them to deliver any thing to the Ministry, and by these means the Ministry was like to decay and faill, contrary to the ordinance made in the yeer of God 1562, in favour and support of the Ministry.

During this time, as the Papists flocked to Edinburgh for making court, some of them that had been Friers, as black Abercrommy and Roger, presented supplication to the Queen's Majesty, desiring in effect, that they might be permitted to preach; which was easily granted. The noyse was further, that they offered disputation: For as the Court stood, they thought they had a great advantage already, by reason they knew the King to be of their Religion, as well as the Queen, with some part of the Nobility, who with the King after declared themselves openly: And especially the Queen was governed by the Earls of Lennox and Athole; but in matters most weighty and of greatest importance, by David Rizio, the Italian afore mentioned, who went under the name of the French Secretary; by whose means, all grave matters, of what weight soever, must pass; providing always, that his hands were anoynted. In the mean time he was a manifest enemy to the Evangell, and therefore a greater enemy to the banished Lords. And at this time, the principall Lords that waited at Court were divided in opinions; for the Earl of Morton, Chancellor, with the Earl of Marr, and Secretary Lethington, were on the one part; and the Earls of Huntley and Bothwell on the other part, so that a certain drynesse was amongst them; nevertheless, by means of the Earl of Athole, they were reconciled. Now, as there was preparation made by the Papists for Christmas, the Queen being then at Masse, the King came publikely, and bare company; and the Friers preached the days following, always using another stile then they had done seven years before, during which time they had not preached publikely: they were so little esteemed, that they continued not long in preaching.

[Sidenote: At the end of this Book you shall finde this.]

At the same time, convened in Edinburgh the Generall Assembly[1114] of the Ministers, and Commissioners of the Churches Reformed within this Realm: There assisted them of the Nobility, the Earls of Morton and Marr, the Lord Lindsay, and Secretary Lethington, with others. The chief things that were concluded in this Assembly, were, That for the avoyding of the plagues and scourges of God, which appeared to come upon the people for their sins and ingratitude, there should be proclaimed by the Ministers a Publike Fast,[1115] to be universally observed thorowout all the Reformed Churches; which manner of Fasting was soon after devised by John Knox, at the command of the Church, and put in print, wherefore needs not here to be recited in this place. What followed upon the said Fast, shall be plainly, God willing, declared. The second thing that was ordained in this Assembly, was, concerning the Ministers, who, for want of payment of their stipends, were like to perish, or else to leave their Ministry; wherefore it was found necessary, that Supplication should be made to the King and Queen's Majesties: And for the same purpose, a certain number of the most able men were elected to go to their Majesties aforesaid, to lament and bemoan their case; which persons had commission to propose some other things, as shall be declared.

[1114] The General Assembly met on the 25th December 1565. The first part of this paragraph is reprinted from the former page. It will be observed that various other repetitions occur in this Fifth Book.

[1115] On the 28th December, the Assembly, "with one voice, ordained Mr. Knox and Mr. Craig, ministers at Edinburgh, to sett doun the Forme of a Publick Fast, with the Exercises to be used in the same, and to cause Robert Lekprevik to print it." It was accordingly set forth in 1566, as "The Ordour and Doctrine of the Generall Faste," &c., and was usually printed along with the Psalm Books, which contained the Common Prayers; but it is not added to Buchanan's edition of Knox, as stated in the above marginal note. It will be included in a subsequent volume of the present series.

The names of them that past from the Church to the King and Queen's Majesties, were, Master John Spotswood, Superintendent of Lowthian; John Winrame, Superintendent of Fyfe; Master John Row, Minister of Perth; Master David Lindsay, Minister of Leith; who easily obtained audience of the King and Queen's Majesties: And after their reverence done, Master John Row, in name of the rest, opened the matter, lamenting and bewailing the miserable state of the poor Ministers, who by publike command had been reasonably satisfied three years or more, by virtue of the Act made with advice of the Honourable Privie Councell, for the taking up of the Thirds of the Benefices, which was especially made in their favours: Nevertheless the Laird of Tillibardin, new Comptroller, would answer them nothing; wherefore, they besought their Majesties for relief.

Secondly, Seeing that in all supplications made to the King and Queen's Majesties by the Church at all times, they desired most earnestly that all idolatry and superstition, and especially the Masse, should be rooted out and abolished quite out of this Realm; and that in the last Generall Assembly of the Church, by their Commissioners, they had most earnestly desired the same; and that their answer was then, that they knew no impediment in the Masse; therefore, the Assembly desired, That it might please their Highnesses to hear disputation, to the end that such as now pretend to preach in the Chappell Royall, and maintain such errours; the truth being tryed by disputation, that they might be known to be abusers, submitting themselves always to the word of God written in the Scriptures.

To this it was answered by the Queen, That she was always minded that the Ministers should be paid their stipends; and if there was any fault therein, the same came by some of their own sort, meaning the Comptroller Pittarow,[1116] who had the handling of the Thirds: Always by the advice of her Councell she should cause such order to be taken therein, that none should have occasion to complain. As to the second, She would not jeopard her Religion upon such as were there present; for she knew well enough that the Protestants were more learned.

[1116] Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller: see page 311, note 2.

The Ministers and Commissioners of Churches perceiving nothing but delay, and driving off time in the old manner, went home every one to their own churches, waiting upon the good providence of God, continually making supplication unto Almighty God, that it would please him of his mercy to remove the apparent plague. And in the mean time the Queen was busied with banquetting about with some of the Lords of the Session of Edinburgh, and after with all men of law, having continually in her company David Rizio, who sat at table near to her self, sometimes more privately then became a man of his condition, for his over-great familiarity was already suspected; and it was thought, that by his advice alone the Queen's sharpness and extremity towards the Lords was maintained.

In the end of January, arrived an Ambassadour from France, named Monsieur Rambullet,[1117] having with him about fourty horse in trayn, who came thorow England. He brought with him the Order of the Cockle from the King of France, to the King, who received the same at the Masse, in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-house. There assisted the Earls of Lenox, Athole, and Eglington, with diverse such other Papists as would please the Queen; who, three days after, caused the herald to convene in Councell, and reasoned what armes should be given to the King: some thought he should have the Armes of Scotland; some others said, Seeing it was not concluded in Parliament, that he should have the Crown Matrimoniall, he could have armes but only as Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Rosse, &c. The Queen bade give him only his due; whereby it was perceived her love waxed cold towards him. Finally, his armes were left blank; and the Queen caused put her own name before her husband's in all writs; and thereafter she caused to leave out his name wholly: And because formerly he had signed every thing of any moment, she caused to make a seal like the King's, and gave it to David Rizio, who made use of it by the Queen's command, alleadging, That the King being at his pastime, could not always be present.

[1117] The Ambassador from France to Scotland, Messire Jaques d'Augennes, Seigneur de Rembouillet, is mentioned in Queen Mary's letters, in February 1566. (Labanoff, vol. i. pp. 319, 327.) He arrived in Edinburgh, on Monday the 4th February 1565-6, having come through England with a train of thirty-six horse. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 87.) The object of his mission was to invest Henry Lord Darnley with the Order of St. Michael, commonly called the "Order of the Cockle;" the same honour having previously been conferred, at Windsor, on the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Leicester. On the 10th February, "at 12 hours befoir none, the Kingis Majestie, (Darnley,) accumpanyit with his Nobillis in Halyrud-hous, ressavit the Ordour of Knycht-heid of the Cockill fra the said Rambolat, Ambassatour foirsaid, with great magnificence." Various banquets were given to the Ambassador both in the Palace and Castle of Edinburgh; and he took his departures on the 14th of that month, returning through England. (ib. p. 87.)

About the same time, the Earle of Glencarne came from Barwicke to his own country. Soon after the Earle of Bothwell was married unto the Earle of Huntley his sister. The Queen desired that the marriage might be made in the Chappell at the Masse; which the Earle Bothwell would in no wise grant. Upon Sunday, the third day of March, began the fasting at Edinburgh. The seventh day of March, the Queen came from the Pallace of Hallirud-house to the Town, in wondrous gorgious apparell, albeit the number of Lords and train was not very great. In the mean time the King, accompanied with seven or eight horse, went to the Leith to pass his time there, for he was not like to get the Crown Matrimoniall.

In the Tolbooth was devised and named the heads of the Articles that were drawn against the banished Lords. Upon the morrow, and Saturday following, there was great reasoning concerning the Attainder: some alleadged, that the summons was not well libelled or dressed; others thought the matter of treason was not sufficiently proved; and indeed they were still seeking proof, for there was no other way but the Queen would have them all attainted, albeit the time was very short; the twelfth day of March should have been the day, which was the Tuesday following.

Now, the matter was stayed by a marvellous tragedy, for by the Lords, (upon the Saturday before, which was the ninth of March, about supper-time,) David Rizio the Italian, named the French Secretary, was slain in the gallery, below stairs, (the King staying in the room with the Queen, told her, that the designe was only to take order with that villain,) after that he had been taken violently from the Queen's presence, who requested most earnestly for the saving of his life: which act was done by the Earle of Morton, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord Lindsay, the Master of Ruthven, with divers other Gentlemen. They first purposed to have hanged him, and had provided cords for the same purpose; but the great haste which they had, moved them to dispatch him with whingers or daggers, wherewith they gave him three and fifty strokes. They sent away, and put forth all sich persons as they suspected.

The Earles Bothwell and Huntley hearing the noise and clamour, came suddenly to the Close, intending to have made work, if they had had a party strong enough; but the Earle Morton commanded them to pass to their chamber, or else they should do worse: At the which words they retyred immediately, and so past forth at a back window, they two alone, and with great fear came forth of the town to Edmistone, on foot, and from thence to Crichton.

This David Rizio was so foolish, that not only he had drawn unto him the managing of all affaires, the King set aside, but also his equipage and train did surpass the King's; and at the Parliament that was to be, he was ordained to be Chancellour; which made the Lords conspire against him: They made a bond to stand to the religion and liberties of the countrey, and to free themselves of the slavery of the villain David Rizio: The King and his father subscribed to the Bond,[1118] for they durst not trust the King's word without his signet.

[1118] On the 1st March 1565-6. (See Chalmers's Life of Queen Mary, vol. ii. p. 517.)

There was a French priest (called John Daniot) who advised David Rizio to make his fortune, and be gone, for the Scots would not suffer him long. His answer was, That the Scots would bragg but not fight. Then he advised him to beware of the bastard. To this he answered, That the bastard should never live in Scotland in his time; (he meant the Earl Murray,) but it happened that one George Dowglas, bastard son to the Earl of Angus, gave him the first stroke. The Queen, when she heard he was dead, left weeping, and declared she would study revenge, which she did.

Immediately it was noised in the town of Edinburgh, that there was murther committed within the King's Palace, wherefore the Provest caused to ring the common bell, or, Sonner le toksain, (as the French speaks,) and straightway past to the Palace, having about four or five hundred men in warlike manner; and as they stood in the utter court, the King called to the Provest, commanding him to pass home with his company, saying, The Queen and he were merry. But the Provest desired to hear the Queen speak her self; whereunto it was answered by the King, "Provest, know you not that I am King? I command you to pass home to your houses;" and immediately they retired.

The next day (which was the second Sunday of our Fast in Edinburgh) there was a proclamation made in the King's name, subscribed with his hand, That all Bishops, Abbots, and other Papists should avoid and depart the town; which proclamation was indeed observed, for they had "a flea in their hose." There were letters sent forth in the King's name, and subscribed with his hand, to the Provest and Bailiffs of Edinburgh, the Bailiffs of Leith and Canongate, commanding them to be ready in armour to assist the King and his company, and likewise other private writings directed to divers Lords and gentlemen, to come with all expedition. In the mean time, the Queen, being above measure enraged, offended, and troubled, as the issue of the matter declared, sometime railing upon the King, and sometime crying out at the windows, desired her servants to set her at libertie; for she was highly offended and troubled.

This same tenth of March, the Earl of Murray, with the rest of the Lords and Noblemen that were with him, having received the King's letter, (for after the Bond, above named, was subscribed, the King wrote unto the banished Lords to return into their countrey, being one of the articles of the said Bond,) came at night to the Abbey, being also convoyed by the Lord Hume, and a great company of the Borderers, to the number of 1000 horses. And first, after he had presented himself to the King, the Queen was informed of his sudden coming, and therefore sent unto him, commanding him to come to her; and he obeying, went to her, who, with a singular gravitie received him, after that he had made his purgation, and declared the over-great affection which he bore continually to her Majestie. The Earles of Athole, Cathnes, and Sutherland, departed out of the town, with the Bishops, upon the Munday, the third day after the slaughter of David Rizio. The Earls of Lenox, Murray, Morton, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven, Lindsay, Boyd, and Ochiltrie, sitting in Councell, desired the Queen, that forasmuch as the thing which was done could not be undone, that she would (for avoiding of greater inconveniences) forget the same, and take it as good service, seeing there were so many Noblemen restored. The Queen dissembling her displeasure and indignation, gave good words, nevertheless she desired, That all persons armed or otherwise, (being within the Palace at that time,) should remove, leaving the Palace void of all, saving only her domestick servants. The Lords being perswaded by the uxorious King, and the facile Earl of Murray, condescended to her desire, who finally, the next morning, two hours before day, past to Seaton, and then to Dumbar, having in her company the simple King, who was allured by her sugred words. From Dumbar immediately were sent pursuivants with letters thorowout the countrey; and especially letters to the Noblemen and Barons, commanding them to come to Dumbar, to assist the King and Queen within five days. In the mean time the Lords being informed of the [Queen's] sudden departure, they were astonished, and knew not what were best for them to do: But because it was the self-same day (to wit, the twelfth day of March) that they were summoned unto; therefore, having good opportunity, they past to the Tolbooth, which was richly hung with tapistry, and adorned, (but not for them,) and set themselves, making protestations, the Earl of Glencarne, and some others being present. The Earl of Argyle, who was written for by the King, came to Lithgow; and being informed of the matter, he remained there.

After this manner above specified, to wit, by the death of David Rizio, the Noblemen were relieved of their trouble, and restored to their places and rooms: And likewise the Church Reformed, and all that professed the Evangell within this Realm, after fasting and prayer, was delivered and freed from the apparent dangers which were like to have fallen upon them; for if the Parliament had taken effect, and proceeded, it was thought by all men of the best judgement, that the true Protestant Religion should have been wrackt, and Popery erected; and for the same purpose, there were certain woodden altars made, to the number of twelve, found ready in the Chappell of the Palace of Halyrud-House, which should have been erected in Saint Gyles his Church.

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