The Works of John Knox, Volume 2 (of 6) (part 1 of 4)

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THE WORKS OF JOHN KNOX

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY DAVID LAING, LL.D.

VOLUME SECOND.

EDINBURGH: JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE. MDCCCXCV.

WORKS OF JOHN KNOX.

THE WODROW SOCIETY,

INSTITUTED MAY 1841,

FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE WORKS OF THE FATHERS AND EARLY WRITERS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

AD SCOTOS TRANSEUNTIBUS PRIMUS OCCURRIT MAGNUS ILLE JOANNES CNOXUS, QUEM SI SCOTORUM IN VERO DEI CULTU INSTAURANDO, VELUT APOSTOLUM QUENDAM DIXERO, DIXISSE ME QUOD RES EST EXISTIMABO.

THEOD. BEZA.

Manufactured in the United States of America

ADVERTISEMENT.

THE present Volume completes THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND, and includes Book Fifth, which was published under Knox's name in 1644, but of which no manuscript copy has been discovered. Separate title pages are given, along with a Glossary and Index, as the History forms a distinct portion of the Reformer's Works; and these two volumes will probably be in the hands of many Members of the WODROW SOCIETY who may not be inclined to procure the remaining three, or more probably, four volumes of the series, in the event of some arrangement being made by which their publication, as proposed, shall ultimately be secured.

D. L.

EDINBURGH, May 1848.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE PROGRESSE OF TREW RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND.

[Sidenote: NOTA.--HEBBURN AGAINST THE ERLE OF ARRANE BEING INNOCENT.]

[Sidenote: THE DROWNYNG OF THE FRENCHE.]

AFTER this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh,[1] the furye and the raige of the Frenche increassed; for then durst neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus within that toune be seyn. The housses of the most honest men war gevin by the Quene to Frenchemen for a parte of thair reward. The Erle Bothwell, by sound of trumpett, proclaimed the Erle of Arrane traytour,[2] with other dispytefull wourdes: whiche all was done for the pleasure and by the suggestioun of the Quene Regent,[3] who then thought the battell was won without farther resistance. Great practising sche maid for obteaneing of the Castell of Edinburgh. The Frenche maid thair faggottis, with other preparationis, to assault the said Castell either by force, or ellis by treassone. But God wrought so potentlie with the Capitane, the Lord Erskin,[4] at that tyme, that neither the Quene by flatterye, nor the Frenche by treassoun prevailled. Advertisementis with all diligence past to the Duck of Gwise, who then was King of France (as concerneing power to command[5]), requiring him then to make expeditioun, yf he desyred the full conquest of Scotland. Who delayed no tyme, but with a new armye send away his brother, Marquis Dalbuf, and in his company the Martikis,[6] promissing, that he himself should follow. But the rychteouse God, who in mercy looketh upon the afflictioun of those that unfeanedlye sob unto him, fought for us by his awin out-stretched arme; for, upon one nycht, upon the coast of Holand, war drowned of thame aughttein ensenzeis, so that onlye rested the schip in the whiche war the two principallis foirsaid, with thair Ladyis; who, violentlie dreven back agane to Deape,[7] war compelled to confesse, That God fawght for the defence of Scotland.

[1] As related in vol. i. page 462, the Lords of the Congregation, after the unfortunate skirmish at Restalrig, on the 6th November 1559, retreated to Linlithgow that night, leaving their artillery on the streets of Edinburgh. See also Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 55, 271; and Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 554. Sadler describes the Protestants as retiring from Edinburgh, "bytuene one and two a clocke in the mornyng;" and adds, "And the Quene Dowager and her French be now in Edynburgh in gret tryumphe, the most parte of the substanciall men of the same being fled out of the towne, with their hole families."

[2] In a letter to Sadler, dated Stirling, 11th November 1559, Thomas Randall says, "Upon Thursdaye last (9th November) the Erle of Arraine received a cartell of defiance from the Erle of Bothwell, requyering of him the combate; the copie whereof, and aunswer to the same, I will bring with me." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 565.)

[3] The Earl of Bothwell had previously joined himself to the party of the Queen Regent. According to the Treasurer's Account, on the 29th October 1558, a messenger was sent with "clois writtingis of the Quene to the Erle Bothwell, Lieutennant." On the 12th January 1558-9, James Earl of Bothwell received £100, "be the Queen's precept, for keiping of the Castell of Armitage, from the 15th day of September to the 15th of Januar instant last bipast."

[4] John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar: see vol. i p. 416.

[5] That is, Francis the Second, the young King of France, was wholly governed by the Duke of Guyse, brother of the Queen Regent of Scotland.

[6] In MS. G, "Marquis D'Albufe, and his cumpanie the Maritickis." In the MS. of 1566, the name was originally written "Marquis D'Omall," but is corrected to "Dalbul," or "Dalbuf."--René de Loraine, Marquis of D'Albeuf, was the seventh son of Claude de Loraine, first Duke de Guyse. He was born in 1536, and died in 1566. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal., vol. iii. p. 492.) He was General of the French galleys.

[7] The town of Dieppe, in France.--On the 11th January 1559-60, Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Duke of Norfolk: "Our shipps have bene stayed with contrary wynds, and so be the French also;" and referring to what Knox has stated, it is added, "We be advertised that Martiges is dryven by wether into Denmark; and one thousand Frenchmen lost by tempest in Zeland; so as it shuld seme that God is pleased the French purposees should not so speedely be accomplished, as their meaning is."--(Burghley State Papers, by Haynes, p. 223.)

Frome England returned Robert Melven,[8] who past in cumpanye to London with the Secreatarie,[9] a lytill befoir Christenmesse,[10] and brought unto us certane Articles to be ansuered, as by the contract that after was made, more planely shall appeir. Whairupon the Nobilitie convened at Striveling, and returned ansuer with diligence. Whairof the Frenche advertisshed, thei marched to Lynlythqw, spoiled the Duckis house, and waisted his landis of Kynneill;[11] and thairefter came to Striveling,[12] whair thei remaned certane dayis: (the Duck, the Erles of Ergyle and Glencarne, with thair freindis, passed to Glaskow; the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, past to Sanctandrois; for charge was gevin to the haill Nobilitie, Protestantis, to keap thair awin bodyis, till that God should send thame farther supporte.) The Frenche took purpose first to assault Fyffe; for at it was thair great indignatioun. Thair purpose was, to have tacken and fortifyed the Toune and Abbay, with the Castell of Sanctandrois; and so thei cam to Culross, after to Dumfermeling, and then to Bruntyland, whair thei began to forte; but desisted thairfra, and marched to Kynghorne, upoun the occasioun as followeth.

[8] Robert Melville was the second son of Sir John Melville of Raith (whose death is recorded by Knox, vol. i. p. 284.)

[9] William Maitland of Lethington, younger, was appointed by the Queen Regent, Secretary of State, 4th December 1558. (Reg. Secr. Sigilli.) He had previously been employed in her affairs. In September 1555, the Treasurer paid to William Maitland, "be the Quenis grace precept, for his pensioun of this instant zeir," £150. On the 11th February 1557-8, when sent in embassy to London, he received from the Treasurer 600 crowns of the Sun, extending to £765; and on the 30th March 1558-9, he received a similar sum, when "passand of Edinburgh to London and France, on the Quenis grace affairis." He joined the Protestants in October 1559.

[10] Maitland was accompanied by Thomas Randall, under the assumed name of Barnabie, and they were expected at Newcastle on the 21st November. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 592.) Some of Maitland's letters at this time, also the "Instructions for the Lorde of Lidington, how to conceyve and directe the sute and complaynte of us the Nobles, Gentlemen, and Burgesses of Scotland, in this our distresse, to the Quenis Majestie of England," dated 24th November, are preserved by Sadler. (Ib. pp. 604, 628, 686, 716.)

[11] Kinneill House, in the parish of that name, now conjoined with Borrowstounness, is the property, and was occasionally used as the family residence of the Dukes of Hamilton.--The Treasurer, in October 1553, paid, "Be my Lord Gouernouris commande, to the masonis in Kynnele, in drinksyluer, at the laying of the ground-stane of the Palice of Kynnele." The house has a beautiful exposure on the south side of the Frith of Forth, near where the old Roman Wall terminated.

[12] In the MS. of 1566, and Vautr. edit., "Stirveling."--It may be remarked that several leaves of the MS. in this place form one of those quires or sets which appear to have been rewritten, about 1570, with very little attention to minute accuracy. Occasional corrections, chiefly in orthography, have therefore been made on the authority of the Glasgow MS., but few of such importance as to require special notice.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE OF SUDDERLANDE SCHOTE]

When certane knowledge came to the Erle of Arrane, and to Lord James, that the Frenche war departed from Striveling, thei departed also from Sanctandrois, and begane to assemble thair forces at Cowper, and send thair men of warr to Kinghorne;[13] unto whome thair resorted diverse of the coast syd, of mynd to resist rather at the begynnyng, than when thei had destroyed a parte of thair townes. But the Lordis had gevin ane expresse commandiment, that thei should hasard nothing whill that thei thameselfis war present. And for that purpose was send unto thame the Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferiour to few in stowtnes. In his cumpany was the Erle of Sudderland,[14] send from the Erle of Huntley, as he alledged, to conforte the Lordis in thair afflictioun; butt otheris whispered, that his principall commissioun was unto the Quene Regent. Howsoever it was, he was hurte in the arme by the schote of ane haquebute; for the men of warr, and the rascall multitude, perceaving certane boatis of Frenchemen landing, whiche cam from Leyth, purposed to stoppe thair landing; and so, nott considering the ennemeis that approched from Bruntyland, unadvisedlie thei russhed doune to the Petticurr, (so is that bray be-west Kynghorne[15] called,) and at the sea-coast began the skarmissing, butt never took head to the ennemye that approached by land, till that the horsemen charged thame upon thair backis, and the hole bandis cam directlie in thare faces; and so war thei compelled to geve backis, with the loss of sex or sevin of thair men, and with the takein of some, amangis whome war twa that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paule Lambert,[16] a Ducheman, and a Frenche boy, fervent in religioun, and cleane of lyef, whome, in despyte, thei hanged ower the steaple.[17] Thou shall revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed tyme! The caus that in so great a danger thair was so small a losse, nixt unto the mercyfull providence of God, was the suddane cuming of the Lord Ruthven; for evin as our men had gevin backis, he and his cumpany came to the head of the bray, and did not onlie stay the Frenche footemen, but also some of ours brack upoun thair horsemen, and so repulsed thame that thei did no farther hurte to oure footemen. In that rencontare was the Erle of Sudderland foirsaid schote in the arme, and was caryed back to Cowper. The Frenche took Kinghorne, whair they lay, and wasted the countrey about, alsweall Papistis as Protestantis; yea, even those that war confidderat with thame, suche as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto, Balwearry, and otheris,[18] ennemyes to God and traytouris to thair countrey. Of those (we say) thei spaired not the scheipe, the oxen, the kyne, and horse; and some say that thair wyffis and doughtaris gatt favouris of the Frenche soldiouris. And so did God recompense the Papistis in thair awin bosomes, for, besydis the defoulling of thair housses, as said is, tuo of thame resavit more damage then did all the gentilmen that professed the Evangell within Fyff, the Laird of Grange onlye excepted, whose [house][19] of the Grange the Frenche owerthrew by gun pouder.

[13] On the 8th of January 1559-60. (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 684.)

[14] John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. The Earl of Arran, and Lord James Stewart, in a letter to Sadler, dated Dysart, 19th January, make mention of the Earl of Huntly having sent "in commission to us, his cousen the Erle of Sutherland, to offer unto us adjunction in our common actioun in his name, and all his assistance; and, at the first skirmishe, hazarding himself too farre, was shott in the left arme, and hurt very evill; for which cause he is departed home, and shall cause the Erle Huntley performe his promesse." (Vol. i. p. 691.) "The Lorde of Southerland, sithens he was hurte, is becom a greate enemye of the Franches." (Letter to Sadler, 4th February 1559-60. Ib. p. 702.) His wound did not prove fatal, but he died from the effects of poison, in 1567, in the forty-second year of his age.

[15] In MS. G, "that Bey betuix Kinghorne."--The places here mentioned are all well known, stretching along the coast of Fife, on the north side of the Frith of Forth, to the west of Kirkaldy.

[16] In MS. 1566, "Paule Lambett."

[17] In MS. G, "over the stipell of Kinghorne."

[18] The persons here referred to, with other gentlemen of Fife, are afterwards noticed by Knox, as having been apprehended by the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart for the assistance they had rendered to the French. Seafield and Balmuto are in the parish of Kinghorn; Wemyss in the parish of that name; and Balweary in that of Abbotshall.

[19] Omitted in the MS.--The House of Grange is about a mile to the north-east of Kinghorn, and in that parish.

[Sidenote: THE CASTEIN DOUN OF THE HOUSE OF THE GRANGE.]

The Quene Regent, proude of this victorie, burst furth in hir blasphemous rayling, and said, "Whair is now Johne Knox his God? My God is now stronger than his, yea even in Fyff." Sche posted to hir freindis in France news[20] that thousandis of the heretickis war slaine, and the rest war fled; and thairfoir requyred, that some Nobleman of hir freindis wald cum and tak the glorie of that victorye. Upon that informatioun was the Martikkis, with tuo schippis, and sum Captanis and horse, directed to cum to Scotlande; but litill to thair awin advantage, as we sall after heare.

[20] In MS. 1566, "of new."

[Sidenote: JOAN. 6]

The Lordis of the Congregatioun, offended at the folisheness of the rascall multitude, called to thameselfis the men of warr, and remaned certane dayes at Cowper; unto whome repaired Johne Knox, and, in our greatest disperatioun, preached unto us a most comfortable sermon. His text was, "The danger in whiche the disciplis of Christ Jesus stude quhen thei wer in the mydest of the sea, and Jesus was upon the mountaine." His exhortatioun was, "That we sould not faint, but that we sould still row aganis these contrarius blastis, till that Jesus Christ sould come; for (said he,) I am as assuredlie persuaded that God sall delyver us frome the extreme trowbill, as that I am assured that this is the Evangell of Jesus Christ whiche I preche unto [you] this day. 'The fourth watche is nocht yet come;' abyde a lytill: the boit salbe saved, and Peter, whiche hes left the boit, sall not droune. I am assured, albeit I cannot assure[21] you, be reason of this present rage; God grant that ye may acknawlege his hand, after that your eyes hes seine his delyverance."

[21] In MS. G, "affirme."

In that sermon he comforted manye. And yit he offended the Erle of Arrane; for, in his discourse upoun the manifald assaultis that the Churche of God had sustained, he brocht for exampille the multitude of strangeris that persewed Jehosaphat after that he had reformed religioun. He entreted the fear of the pepill, yea, and of the King himself att the first; but after, he affirmed, that Jehosaphat was stout, and to declair his courage in his God, he conforted his pepile and his souldiouris; he come fourth in the mydest of thame; he spak lovinglie unto thame. He keipit not himself (said he) inclosed in his chalmer, but frequented the multitude, and rejoised thame with his presence and godlie comforte. These, and the lyik sentences, took the said Erle to be spoken in reproache of him, because he keipit himself more close and solitary then many men wald half wisshed.

After these thingis, determinatioun was tacken that the Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, with the men of warr, and sum company of horsemen, sould goe to Dyserte, and thair lye to wait upoun the Frenche, that they distroyed not the sea-cost, as thei intendit utterlie to have doun. The said Erle, and Lord James, did as thei war appointed, albeit thair company was very small; and yet thei did so valiantlie, that it passed all credabilitie:[22] for twentie and ane dayis thei lay in thair clothes; thair buttis never come of: thei had skarmissing almost everie day; yea, some dayis, from morne to evin.[23] The Frenche war foure thousand souldiouris,[24] besyde thair favoreris and factioun of the countrey. The Lordis war never togidder fyve hundreth horsmen, with a hundreth souldiouris; and yitt thai held the Frenche so busye, that for everie horse thai slew to the Congregatioun, thai lost foure Frenche souldiouris.

[22] Several joint letters written by the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart, between the end of November 1559, and February following, communicating intelligence of their proceedings in Fife, are preserved among Sir Ralph Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. pp. 620, et seqq.)

[23] In MS. 1566, "inevin."

[24] Bishop Lesley estimates their number at about 2000.--(Hist. p. 281.)

[Sidenote: THE SLAUCHTER OF A FRENCHE CAPITANE, WITH HIS BAND.]

Willyeaume Kirkaldie of Grange, the day efter that his housse was cassein doun, send in his defiance to Monsieur D'Osell, and unto the rest, declaring, that to that hour had he used the Frenche favourablie: He had saved thair lyves, when that he mycht have suffered thair throttis to have been cuttit; bot seing thai haid usit him with that rigor, let thame not luik for that favour in tymes to cum. And unto Monsieur D'Osell he said, "He knew that he wald not gett him in the skirmissing, becauis he knew he was bot a cowart; bot it mycht be that he sould quyte him a commoun ather in Scotland, or ellis in France." The said Willyeaume Kirkaldie, and the Maister off Lyndsay, eschaped mony dangeris. The Maister had his hors slaine under him: the said Willyeaume was almost betrayed in his hous at Hawyairdis.[25] But yet thei never seased, bot nycht and day thai waitted upon the Frenche. Thai laid thameselves in a secreit place, with sum gentilmen befoir the day, to await upoun the Frenche, quho usit commonlie to isch in companyis, to seik thair pray; and so cam fourth ane Capitane Battu,[26] with his hundreth, and begane to spoilzie; quhom the said Maister, now Lord of Lyndsay,[27] and the said Wilyeaume, suffered, without declaratioun of thameselfis, or of thair cumpany, till that thai had thame more than a myle fra Kinghorne, and then begane the horsmen to brek; whiche perceved, the Frenche altogither drew to a place callit Glenniss[28] House, and maid for debait: sum tuik the housse, and utheris deffended the close and yaird. The hasard appereth verry unliklie, for oure men had na thing bot speris, and war compellit to lycht upoun thair feit. The other war within dykis; and everie man had culverinis: the schote was feirfull to mony, and dyverse war hourt, amongis quhome war Robert Hamiltoun,[29] and David Kirkaldie, brother to the said Laird, quho both war supposed to have bein slaine. The said Laird perceving men to faynt, and begyne to recule, said, "Fy, lett us never leive efter this day, that we sall recule for Frenche schybaldis;" and so the Maister of Lyndsay and he burst in at the yett, and so utheris followed. The Maister struik with his speir at La Battu, and glansing upoun his harness, for feirceness stamered almost upoun his kneis. But recovering suddendlie, he fessned his speir, and bare the Capitaine bakward, who, becauis he wald not be takein, was slaine, and fyftie of his cumpanie with hym. Those that war into the house, with sum utheris, war saved, and [sent] to Dundye to be kept. This mischance to the Frenche men maid thame to be more circumspect in scatring abrod into the countrie; and so the poore creaturis gat sum releive. To fourness thame[30] of victuelis, was appointed Capitane Cullen,[31] with tuo schippis, quho traveled betuix the south schoire and Kinghorne, for that purpois. For his waiges he spoilzied Kinghorne, Kirkaldie, and so muche of Dyserte as he mycht. For remedy quhairof war appointit tuo schippis from Dundye: Andro Sandis, a stout and fervent man in the cause of religioun, was the principall. This same tyme arrived the Martekis,[32] quho, without delay, landit himself, his cofferis, and the principall gentilmen that were with him at Leith,[33] leiving the rest in the schippis till better oportunitie. But the said Andro, and his companioun, streicking saill and making as thai wald cast anker hard besyde thame, burded thame both, and carried thame to Dundye. In thame war gotten sum horse, and muche harness, with sum uther triffilis; but of money we hard nocht. Heareat the Frenche offended, avowed the distructioun of Sanctandrois and Dundye; and so, upoun a Mononday in the morning, the xxiij. day of Januare,[34] thai marchit frome Dyserte, and passed the water of Levein;[35] ever keaping the sea-cost, be reassoun of thaire schippis and victuallis, as said is. About tuelf houris thai espyed schippis, (quhiche war seine that morning by us that war upoun the land, but war not knawin.) Monsieur D'Osell affirmed thame to be Frenche schippis, and so the souldiouris triumphit, schot thair volie for salutatioun, and marchit fordward till Kincraige,[36] fearing no resistance.

[25] Or, Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool. It afterwards came into the possession of the Family of Skene.

[26] In Vautr. edit., &c., "Battu," and "Le Battu." Elsewhere he is called Labast, Labatt; by Pitscottie "Labattie."

[27] Patrick, Master of Lyndesay, succeeded to the title as sixth Lord Lyndesay of Byris, on the death of his father, in 1563.

[28] In Vautr. edit. "Glennish House." There is a place still named Gleniston, near Loch Gelly, a few miles from Kinghorn, which belonged in the 14th and 15th century, to Glen of Balmuto; the property, by marriage, afterwards came into the family of Boswell. There was also Glammis Tower, or Castle, an old stronghold which stood upon the rising ground that overlooks the town of Kinghorn. (New Stat. Account, Fife, p. 804.)

[29] This was probably Robert Hamilton whose name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts in the years 1561 and 1562, as Master of the Artillery.

[30] In MS. G, "to furneis the Frenche;" Vautr. edit. has, "to furnish them."

[31] The Queen Regent, in 1558, had made Captain James Cullen one of the keepers of the town of Perth. As noticed, in the following page, on the 24th January 1559-60, he and Captain Farny, "being in ane pink, were taken; and also ane uther schip callit the Hoy, quhilkis were to pas in Fyff, with munitioun to furneis the Frenche Campe." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 55, 272.) In January 1559-60, letters had been sent "to caus all maner of provision, sic as breid, drink, flesche, fische, and utheris necessaris, to follow the Frenche army in Fyffe." (Treasurer's Accounts.) Payments to Captain James Cullen, then in the Queen's service, occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, June and September 1566. His ultimate fate is recorded in the Diurnal of Occurrents, and in Richard Bannatyne's Memorials: having been taken prisoner in the Canongate on the 14th June 1571, he was tried at Leith, and beheaded on the 17th July, at the instigation, it is said, of the Earl of Morton.

[32] Count Stephen de Martigues. In a letter from Sir N. Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, 7th October 1559, in reference to the levying of troops to be sent from France to Scotland, he says, "for the transporting whereof, it is said, one Monsieur Martigues is appointed chief conducteur; who is a Gentleman of the Kingis chamber, of the state of a Conte, in good estimacioun, and heretier to the Duke de Temps: and there be ships already in order at Calais, and other parts upon this side." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 248.) In another letter, it is said, "The Marques D'Albeuf and Martigues are appointed to take shipping at Calice, the last of this monethe, November," (Ib. p. 257;) and letters of a subsequent date contain other allusions to their progress. See supra, page 4, note 3. In a letter to Cecil, written from Dover, 24th January 1559-60, Throkmorton, reports the information he had then received, "That Martigues hath been all this his missinge tyme in the North Isles of Orkeney; and that he is now salfflie arryved in Scotlande, with his viii enseignes of footemen, and well landed them all," with the exception of one of the ships which was driven away by the violence of the weather, before the men were put ashore, and was supposed to be lost. (Ib. p. 307.) He also mentions the capture, at night, of one of the ships, after all the stuff had been taken out of it. On the 22d February he informs the High Admiral of England, that the Marquis D'Elbeuf, "now soddenly, upon the newes of the late overthrow of fyve ensigns of their foote in Scotland, not far from Inskieth, and a good personage lost, (referring to La Battu,) which are lately brought hither, as I wrote to you before, he is now hastened away." (Ib. p. 333.) Bishop Lesley calls him "Monsieur Martigo, ane valyant and curageous Capitane," and says, that upon his arrival at Leith, in the month of November, "with ane thousand guid souldiouris, he was appointed crownell of the hoill Frenche army." (Hist. p. 280.)

[33] Martigues landed at Leith on the 11th January 1559-60, (Diurnal of Occurrents. pp. 55, 272.)

[34] Monday was the 22d of January.

[35] The Water of Leven is a small river which comes from the celebrated Loch of that name, in Kinross-shire, and flows into the sea at the town of Leven on the Frith of Forth.

[36] Kincraig is in the parish of Kilconquhar, and the headland under the name of Kincraig Hill, rises to the height of about 200 feet above the level of the sea, with a small bay between Earlsferry point.

But schorte efter, the Ingliche schippis mett with Capitain Culein, and seased him and his schippis,[37] quhiche maid thame a litill to muse. But suddentlie come Maister Alexander Wood, who had bein upoun the Admirall,[38] and assured Monsieur D'Osell, that thai wer Inglissmen, and that thai war the foir-ryderis of a gretter number that followed, who war send for the supporte of the Congregatioun. Thair mycht have bein seine the ryveing of a baird, and mycht have bein hard suche dispyte, as cruell men use to spew furth quhile as God[39] brydellis thair furie. Weariness and the nycht constrained thame to luge thair. Thai sowped skarslie,[40] becaus thair schippis war takein, in the quhilk was thair victuellis and ordinance, quhiche thai intendit to have placed in Sanctandrois. Thai thameselvis durst nocht stray abrod to seake; and the Laird of Weymmes cariage, whiche lykwyis was cumming with fournissing unto thame, was stayit. And thairfoir, bytymes in the mornyng, thai retired towardis Kinghorne, and maid more expeditioun in one day in returning, then thai did in two in marching fordward.

[37] See note 3, page 11.

[38] Mr. Winter, Vice-Admiral of the English fleet, which arrived at this time in the Frith of Forth, in the view of aiding the Protestants against the French auxiliaries. In the Appendix to Keith's History, (vol. i. p. 408,) are inserted the "Instructions given by the Queen's Majesty, to William Winter, Esq., Master of the Ordnance of her Majesty's Admiralty, sent at this present to the seas with fourteen armed ships to sail to Scotland," from a MS. in the Cottonian Library, written in the hand of Secretary Cecil, and dated 16th December 1559.

[39] In Vautr. edit. "when God."

[40] In Vautr. edit. "they supped scarsly." MS. G. reads, "they sleiped scarsly."

The storme, whiche had continuit neire the space of a moneth, brak in the verry tyme of thair reteiring, quhairby mony thocht thei sould have bein stayit, till that reasonabill cumpanie mycht have bein assemblit to have fouchtein thame; and for that purpois did Wilyeaume Kirkcaldy cut the Brig of Toullibody.[41] But the Frenche, expert aneuch in suche factis, tuik doun the roofe of a parish kirk, and maid a brig over the same watter,[42] called Dovane; and so thai eschapit, and come to Striveling, and syne to Leith. Yit in thair retourning thai lost dyverse; amongis quhome thair was one quhois miserable end we man rehers. As the Frenche spoilyied the countrye in thair retourning, one capitaine or soldiour, we cannot tell, bot he had a reid cloik and a gilt morrion,[43] entered upoun a poore woman, that dwelt in the Whytsyd, and began to spoyle. The poore woman offered unto him suche breid as sche had reddy prepared. But he, in no wayis thairwith content, wald have the meill and a lytill salt beiff whiche the poore woman had to susteine hir awin lyfe, and the lyves of hir poore chylderein; neather could tearis, nor [pitifull] wourdis,[44] mittigat the merciles man, but he wald have quhatsoever he mycht carie. The poore woman perceving him so bent, and that he stoupped doun in hir tub, for the taking foorth of suche stufe as was within it, first cowped up his heillis, so that his heid went doun; and thairefter, outher[45] by hirself, or if ony uther cumpanie come to help hir, but thair he endit his unhappie lyfe; God so punissing his crewell hairt, quho could nocht spair a misserable woman in that extremetie. "Let all suche soldiouris receve suche rewaird, O Lord, seing that thou art the revenger of the oppressed."

[41] The village of Tullibody, in the parish of Alloa, and county of Clackmannan. Tullibody House, the seat of Lord Abercromby, is situated near the banks of the Forth. The Church, which was partially demolished by the French in January 1559-60, is a building of great antiquity. In the course of the last century, it was new roofed and repaired, to serve as the burial-place of the family, and has occasionally been used as a preaching station. The destruction of the Church of Tullibody is mentioned in the several histories of the time. Although the French were enabled to "make ane sure passage, baith for horsemen and footemen," to cross the water, and came to Stirling on the 28th of that month, Pitscottie relates, that they had to remain "all that night in Fotherik Muire, without either meat or drink, and many of them were slaine or they could get the bridge prepaired."

[42] In MS. G, "the said water;" in Vautr. edit. "the same water." Evidently the Black Devon, a small river which rises in the western part of Fife, and falls into the Forth below the town of Clackmannan; and, therefore, to be distinguished from the Devon itself, which has its source on the northern declivity of the Ochil Hills, and after passing through Glen Devon, celebrated for its romantic scenery, falls into the Frith of Forth about two miles above Alloa.

[43] In MS. 1566, "morrow."

[44] Both MS. G, and Vautr. edit. have, "nor pitifull words."

[45] In MS. 1566, "houyer:" MS. G has "quhidder;" and Vautr. "whither."

* * * * *

And now, because that frome this tyme forward, frequent mentioun will be maid of the comfortable support that we, in oure greattest extremetie receved, by Goddis providence, frome oure nychtbouris of Ingland, we think it expedient simply to declair by quhat instrumentis that mater was first moved, and by quhat meanis it come to passe, that the Quene and Counsell of Ingland schew thameselves sa favorable unto us.

As Jhonne Knox had foirwairned us, by his letteris frome Geneva, of all dangeris that he foirsaw [to] ensew on our enterpryse; so quhen he come to Deip, myndfull of the same, and revolveing with himself quhat remedy God wald pleis to offere, he tuike the boldnes to wreit to Sir Williame Cycill, Secretarie of Ingland, with quhome the said Jhonne had bein befoire familiarlie acquented, intending thairby[46] to renew acquentence, and so to oppen farther of his mynd.[47] The tennour of his first Letter followis:--

"The Spreit of Jugement, Wisdome, and Sanctificatioun, I wishe unto you, by Jesus Chryst.

[46] In MS. 1566, "in sending."

[47] In Vautrollier's editions, and in the later MSS. (A., E., I., L 2, &c.) the whole of this paragraph is omitted, and also the following Letter from Knox to Cecil, written from Dieppe in April 1559. The free strain of the letter was not calculated to conciliate the favour of the English statesman; and we need not be surprised to find Cecil, in a letter dated "from the Court," on the last of October, saying to Sadler, "Of all others Knoxees name, if it be not Goodman's, is most odious here; and therefore I wish no mentioun of hym hither."--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 532.)

[Sidenote: Jhone Knox first letter to Sir Williame Cecyll.]

"As I have no plaisour with long wretting to trouble you, Rycht Honorable, quhois mynd I knaw to be occupyed with most grave maters,[48] so mynd I nott greattlie to lawboure by long preface to conciliat your favouris, quhilk I suppoise I have allreddy, (howsomer rumouris bruit the contrarie,) as it becummeth one member of Chrystis body to have of ane uther. The contentis, thairfoire, of these my presentis sal be absolved in tuo pointis. In the former, I purpois to discharge, in breve wordis, my conscience towardis you: and in the uther, somquhat must I speik in my awin defence, and in defence of that poore floke, of lait assembled in the most godlie Reformed Churche and citie of the warld, Geneva. To you, Sir, I say, that as frome God ye have receavit lyfe, wisdome, honoris, and this present estait, in the quhilk now ye stand, so aucht you whollie[49] to employ the same to the advancement of his glorie, who onlie is the author of lyef, the fountaine of wisdome, and quho most assuredlie doeth, and will honour and glorifie these, that, with sempill hairtis, do glorifie him; quhiche, allace, in tymes past ye have nott doun; bot bein overcum with comoun iniquitie, ye have followed the warld in the way of perditioun. For to the suppressing of Christis trew Evangell, to the erecting of idolatrie, and to the schedding of the blood of Goddis most deare childrein have you, by silence, consented and subscryvit. This youre most horrible defectioun frome the treuth knawin, and anis professed, hath God to this day mercifullie spared; yea, to manis judgement, he hath utterlie forgottin and pardoned the same. He hath not intreated you as he hath done utheris, (of lyke knawlege,) quhome in his anger, (bot yet most justlie, according to thair desertis,) he did schoirtlie stryk efter thair defectioun. But you (gyltie in the same offenses) he hath fostered and preserved, as it wer in his awin bosome, during the tyme of that most miserable thraldome of that professed ennemie of God, mischeivous Marie: and now hath he sett you at such liberty, as the furie of Goddis ennemeis can nott hurt you, except that willinglie aganis his honour, ye tak pleisour to conspyre with thame. As the benefeit quhiche ye hath received is greit, so most Goddis justice requyre of you a thankfull hairt; for seing that his mercie hath spared you, being trator to his Majestie; seing farder, that amanges youre ennemeis he hath preserved you; and, last, seing, although wourthie[50] of hell, he hath promoted you to honoris and dignitie,[51] of you must he requyre (becauis he is just) earnest repentence for your former defectioun, a hairt myndfull of his mercifull providence, and a will so reddy to advance his glorie, that evidentlie it may appeire, that in vaine ye have nott receved these graces of God; to performance quhairof, of necessitie it is, that carnall wisdome and wardly policie, (to the which both, ye are bruitted too muche inclyned,) gif place to Goddis simple and naked treuth. Verry love compellit me to say, that except the Spreit of God purge youre hairt frome that vennum, which your eis have seine to have bein distructioun till utheris, that ye sall nott lang escaip the rewaird of dissembleris. Call to mynd quhatt your earis heard proclamed in the chapell[52] of Sanct James, quhen this verse of the first Psalme was entreated, "Not so, O wicked, nott so; bot as the dust which the wind tossed," etc. And consider, that now ye travaill in the same way which then thai did occupy; plainlie to speak, now are ye in that estait and creddit, in the whiche ye sall ather confort the sorrowfull and afflicted for rychteousness saik, or ellis ye sall molest and oppugne the Spreit of God speaking in his messingeris. The confortares of the afflicted for godlines have promise of confort in thair greatest necessiteis; but the trubleris of Goddis servandis, (how contemned that ever[53]thai appeir befoire the warld,) are threatned to leive thair names in execratioun to the posteriteis following. The examples of the one and of the uther are nott onlye evident in Scriptures, bot also have bein laitlie manifested in England. And this is the conclusioun of that, whiche to youre self, I say, Except that in the cause of Chrystis Evangell ye be found semple, sincear, fervent, and unfeaned, ye sall taist of the same copp, whiche politick headis have drunkein in befoire you.

[48] In MS. 1566, "grevous matter."

[49] In MS. 1566, "holylie."

[50] In MS. 1566, &c., "that you, wourthie of."

[51] Sir William Cecil, the eminent statesman, had been Secretary of State in the reign of Edward VI. Under Queen Mary, he acted with so much caution, although known to be a Protestant, that he remained unmolested, professing, among other reasons, "that he thought himself bound to serve God first, and next the Queen; but if her service should put him out of God's service, he hoped her Majesty would give him leave to chuse an everlasting rather than a momentary service." From the strain of Knox's letter to him, it might be inferred he had complied more ostensibly with the Romish party; but immediately upon Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, Cecil became a Privy Councillor, and was reinstated in his office of Secretary. He was afterwards raised to the peerage as Lord Burghley, and was appointed Lord High Treasurer. He died in 1598.

[52] In MS. G, "what you hard proclamed in the chapell."--This probably refers to a discourse by Knox himself, in 1553, when preaching as one of the King's chaplains, before Edward the Sixth.

[53] In MS. 1566, "how contemp that iver."

[Sidenote: THE WARST IS NOTT YITT COME.]

"The uther poynt concerning my self, and that poore flocke now dispersed, and (as I heir say) rudelie intreated, is this: By dyverse messingeris I have requeisted suche previleges as Turkis comounlie do grant to men of everie natioun; to wit, that fredome sould be granted unto me peceablie to travell throucht England,[54] to the end that with greater expeditioun I mycht repair towardis my awin countrie, quhilk now beginneth to thrist for Chrystis treuth. This requeist I thocht sa reassonable, that almost I had entered the realme without licence demandit; and yeit I understand that it had bein so rejected, that the solistaris thairof did hardlie eschaip empresement.[55] And some of that flocke I heir to be so extremelie handled, that those that most cruellie have shed the blood of Goddis most deare childrein, find this day amangis you greattar favouris then thei do. Allace, this appereth muche to repugne to Christiane cheritie; for quhatsoevir hath bein my offence, this I feare nott to affirme in thair causses, that if ony whiche have suffered exyle in these most dolorus dayis of persecutioun, deserve prais and commendatioun, for peace, concorde, sober and quiet liveing, it is thei. And as for me, how criminall that ever I be in Goddis presence, for the multitude of my synnes; yet befoire his justice-seat I have a testimonie of guid conscience, that sence my first acquentance with England, willinglie I never offended persone within it, (except in oppin chayre to reprove that whiche God condemneth) can be judged offense. But I have, (say you,) wreittin a treassonable [booke] aganis the Regiment and Impyre of Women: If that be my offense, the poore flocke is innocent, (except suche as this day do fastest cry treasoun:) For, Sir, in Goddis presence I wreitt, with none in that cumpany did I consult befoire the finisheing of the same; and, thairfoire, in Chrystis name, I requyre that the blame may ly upoun me allone. The wreitting of that Booke I will nott deny, but to prove it treassonable I think it salbe hard. For, Sir, no more do I doubt of the treuth of my principall propositioun, then that I doubt that this was the voce of God whiche first did pronunce this penaltie aganis woman, "In doloure sall thou beare thy chyldrein." It is bruitted, that my Booke is or salbe writtin against. Yf so be, Sir, I greatlie feare that flattereris sall rather hurte nor mend the mater, which thei wald seame to mainteine; for, except that my error be plainlie schawin and confuted be better authoritie then by suche lawis as frome yeir to yeir may and do change, I dar nott promitt silence in so wechtie a besines, leist that in so doing, I sall appear to betray the verretie whiche is not subjected to the mutabilitie of tyme. And if ony think me ather ennemye to the Persone or yet to the Regiment of her quhome God hath now promoted, thei are utterlie deceived of me. For the miraculouse wark of God, conforting his afflicted by ane infirme veschell, I do acknawlege, and the power of his most potent hand (raiseing up quhome best pleiseit his mercie to suppresse such as fecht aganis his glorie) I will obey, albeit that boyth nature and Goddis most perfyt ordinance repugne to suche regiment. Moir plainlie to speik, yf Quene Elizabeth sall confesse, that the extraordinarie dispensatioun of Goddis great mercie macketh that lauchfull unto her, whiche boyth nature and Goddis law do deny to all women, then sall non in England be more willing to mainteine her lauchfull authoritie then I salbe: But yf (Goddis wonderouse werk sett asyd) scho ground (as God forbid) the justnes of her title upoun consuetude, lawis, or ordinances of men; then I am assured, that as suche foolishe presumpcioun doeth heyghlie offend Goddis supreame majesty, so do I greatlie feare that her ingratitude sall nocht lang lack punishement. And this in the name of the eternall God, and of his sone Jesus Chryst, (befoire quhome boyth you and I sall stand, to mak accomptes of all counsall we geve,) I requyre you to signifie unto Her Grace in my name; adding, that onlie humilitie and dejectioun of herself before God salbe the firmitie and stabilitie of her throne, quhilk I knaw sall be assulted mo wayis then one. Yf this ye conceill[56] frome Her Grace, I will mak it patent to the warld that thus far I have communicated with you, haveing also farther to speik, yf my weik judgement may be hearde. Allace, Sir, is my offense (althocht in that tyme, and in that mater, I had writtin ten bookis) so haineuse that I can nott have licence, by preacheing of Christ Jesus, to refreshe thoise thrustye saulles whiche long have laicked the watter of lyffe. No man will I presentlie accuse; butt I greatlie fear, that the leprouse have no plaisour to behald thair faces in the cleir glasse. Lett none[57] be affrayed that I requyre to frequent the Courte, ather yet of any continuance to remaine in England; but onlye thristis in passing furthe to my awin native countrie to communicat with you and sum uther, suche thingis as willinglie I list nott to committ to paper, neither yet to the knawledge and creddit of many; and then, in the Northe pairtes, to offer Goddis favouris to suche as I suppoise do murne for thair defectioun. And this I trust salbe no less profitable to Her Grace, and to all godlie within England, then it sould be pleiseing to me in the flesche.

[54] This desire of Knox, repeated so frequently in subsequent letters, to be allowed to visit England, was ungraciously refused, or allowed for many months to pass unnoticed. On the 9th of July, after Knox had reached Scotland, but still expressing the same anxious desire to see his brethren in the North of England, Cecil wrote to Sir Nicholas Throkmorton: "Knoxe desireth to come hyther: if he might come secretly, I wold allow it; otherwise not." On the 13th of June, Throkmorton, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, had mentioned that Knox's wife and his mother-in-law were then in Paris, intending to return through England, and that he had promised letters in their favour to Secretary Cecil; and he entreated her Majesty to overlook "his former faultes." On the 19th of July, after stating "of what importance the successe of thinges touching religion in Scotland is for us," Throkmorton strongly urges upon Cecil the expediency "that Knokes have liberty to repair into England, how short soever his abode be there." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 129, 155, 167.) From Cecil's own letter, on the 28th of July, (see page 34,) it appears that he had requested Knox to meet him at Stamford; but the course of events, as related at page 32, prevented his travelling beyond Berwick.

[55] In MS. G. "imprisonment."

[56] In the MS. of 1566, "thei counsall."

[57] In MS. G, "Lat no man."

"This is the thrid tyme that I have beggit licence to visite the hungrie and thristie amangs you, whiche, yf now be denyed, as befoire God I have a testimonie, that so muche I seik nott myself, as the advancement of Chrystis Evangell, and the conforte of suche as quhome I knaw afflicted; so sall the godlie understand that England, in refuseing me, refuseth a friend, how small that ever the power be. The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus muve youre hairte deaplie to consider youre dewtie unto God, and the estait of that Realme in whiche, by his appointement, ye now serve. From Deape, the [22d][58] of Aprile 1559.

(Sic subscribitur,) "Youris to command in godlines, "JHONE KNOX."

[58] This date is supplied from the original, in the Harl. MSS. (British Museum) No. 7004. In the MSS. of Knox's History, it is dated the 10th of April.

To this letter was no answer maid; for schorte thairefter the said Jhone Knox maid forduard to Scotland by sea, where he landed the thrid day of Maij;[59] and had suche successe as in the Secound Booke is declaired. The said Jhone being in Sanctandrois efter Cuper Mure,[60] entred in deipe discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangeris war evident, butt the supporte was nott easie to be seine. Efter many wordis, Jhone Knox burstit furth as followis: "Yff England wald foirsie thair awin comoditie, yea, yf thai did consider the danger quhairin thei thameselfis stand, thai wald nott suffer us to perishe in this quarrell; for France hath decreit no less the conquest of England then of Scotland." After long reassoning, it was concluded betuix thame two, that supporte sould be cravit of England; and for that purpois, the said Laird of Grange first wreit to Sir Harie Percie,[61] and efter raid frome Edinburgh and spak with him; to quhome he maid so plaine demonstratioun of the danger appeiring to England, that he tooke upoun him to wreit to the Secretarie Cycill; quho with expeditioun returned answer bak agane, geving him to understand, thatt oure interpryse altogitther myslyked nott the Counsall, albeit that thei desyrit farther resolutioun of the principall Lordis. Whiche thing understand, it was concluded by some[62] to wreitt unto him plainlie oure hoill purpois. The tennor of oure letter was this:--

[59] There is a slight discrepancy in the date of Knox's arrival in Scotland. Here it is the 3d of May 1559, but at page 318 of vol. i., the 2d of that month is the day specified.

[60] In June: see vol. i. p. 325.

[61] See infra, note 1, page 33.--Letters from Kirkaldy of Grange to Sir Henry Percy, between the 23d June and 1st July 1559, are preserved in the State Paper Office.

[62] The words, "by some," are omitted in MS. G.

THE FIRST LETTER TO [SIR] WILLYAUME CYCILL, FRA THE LORDIS OF THE CONGREGATIOUN.

[Sidenote: LETT THE ENNEMYE SAY, GIF THAIR HOPE BE NOTT FRUSTRAT.]

"THE contentis of a letter direct by you (rycht worschipfull) to Sir Harie Percie, was notifeid unto us by Mr. Kircaldie of Grange, this Sonday the [16th][63] of Julij, by the whiche we perceave, that the said Grange, of zeill and faithfull hairt whiche he bereth to the furtherance of this our great, and, befoire the warld, dangerous interpryse, hath travelled with you as with ane unfeaned favorer of Chrystis trew religioun, and of the libertie of our countrye, for knawlege of your myndis towardis us, incais that we be assaulted by ony forayne invasioun, or greater power then we be weill able to resist. Youre confortable answer to this questioun we have considered, to our joy and conforte, as also youre motiouns, and quhatt ye demand; to witt, What we, the Protestantis within this realme, do purpois? To quhatt end we meane to directe oure actiouns? How we will, and how we be[64] able to accompleis the same? What doubtis we have of ony adversare powar? And finallie, incais that supporte sould be send frome you, what maner of amytie mycht insew betuix these twa realmes? To the whiche in breve we answer, That oure hoille and only purpois (as knaweth God) is to advance the glorye of Chryst Jesus, the trew preaching of his evangell[65] within this realme; to remove superstitioun, and all kynd of idolatrie;[66] to brydeill to our poweris the furie of those that heirtofoir have cruellie sched the bloode of our bretherein; and, to our utermest, to meanteine the libertie of this oure countrye frome the tirranie and thraldome of strangeris, as God sall assist us. How we [sall] be able to accompleiss these premisses, is to us unknawin; onlye oure hoip is guid that He that hes begune this guid wark in us, and hathe, by his power, to this hour confounded the faces of our adversaries, will performe the same to his glorie, whiche chieflie we seik in this oure interpryse. Because we suppoise, that neither oure present danger, neither yett the weirlyke preparatioun whiche France maketh aganis us, be hyd frome you nor frome the Counsall, we omitt that pairt. As tuicheing the assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betuix these twa Realmes; as no earthlie [thing] of us is more desyred, so crave we of God to mak us instrumentis by whiche this unnaturall debaite, whiche long hath continued betuix us, may anis be composed, to the prais of Goddis name, and to the confort of the faithfull in boyth realmes. And gif youre wisdomes can foirsie and devyse the meanes and assurances, how the same may be brocht to passe; perswade youreselfis, not onlye of oure consent and assistance, but also of oure constancie, as men may promeise, to oure lyves end; yea, and farther, of a charge and commandement by us to be left to oure posteritie, that the amity betuix [us], in God contracted and begun, may be by thame kept inviolat for ever. And for the revolting frome you to France, whiche yee seeme to fear and suspect, at thair pleisour, we utterlie abhor that infidelitie; for now doeth the voyce[67] of God continualie sound in our earis, 'That suche as profaine the terrible and reverent name of God, sall nott eschaip veangence.' Oure confederacie, amitie, and leigue, sall nott be lyke the pactions maid by wardlie men for wardlie proffeit; but as we require it for Goddis caus, so will we incall his name for the observatioun of the same. Moirover, gif we sould laike any thing to temporall commoditie, yitt sould we never have occasioun to returne to thame; ffor we now perceave and feill the wecht of thair yoke, and intend (by Goddis grace) to cutt away suche instrumentis[68] as by quhome this realme wes befoire abused. Trew it is, that as yeit we have maid no mentioun of ony change in Authoritie, neither yeit were we myndit to [do] any suche thing, till extreme necessitie compelled us thairto: but seing it is now more than evident, that France, and the Quene Regent heir, with hir preistis, pretend to nothing bot the suppressing of Chrystis Evangell, the ruyne of us, and the subversioun of [this] poore realme; committing oure innocencie to God, and unto the judgment of all godlie and naturall men, we are determined to seik the nixt remedie, in whiche we hairtlie requyre youre counsaill and assistance. And this far we have interprysit, to mak you participant of oure purpois; becauis in the said letteris you requyred of the [said] Mr. Kirkcaldie sum farther assurance then his awin woord of wreitting, whiche we dout nott bot ye sall schoirtlie receave frome mo then frome us. We dar nott haistellie mak the whole assemblie, neither of noblis, neither of barronis, prevy in this cause, for dangeris that may insew by policie and craft of the adversaries; youre Wisdomes, we doubt not, will communicat these onlye, with suche as ye knaw favoraris of such ane godlie conjunctioun. It should much help in oure opinioun, gif the preacharis boyth in persuasioun and in publict prayeris, (as ouris do heire,) wald commend the same unto the peopill. And thus, efter oure humill commendatiounis to the Quenis Majestie, (quhois reigne we desyre to be prosperous and long, to the glorie of God, and conforte of his Churche,) we hairtlie committ you to the protectioun of the Omnipotent. Fra Edinburgh, the [19th][69] of Julij 1559."

[63] In Vautr. edit, "the 26th of Julie;" MS. G. has "the 25th." In the MS. 1566, it might either be 25 or 28. The original letter reads distinctly, "this Sounday, the 15 of Julij;" but the 3d Sunday of July fell on the 16th; and it has been seen, that such mistakes on the part of Knox are not unusual.

[64] Vautr. edit. has, "how we be able;" MS. G, "how we sall be able."

[65] In MS. G, "his holie evangell;" in Vautr. edit. "his gospell."

[66] In MS. G, "externall idolatrie."

[67] In MS. 1566, "wolce."

[68] In the original letter, the words, "the papisticall clergye," are added in the margin.

[69] In all the copies of Knox's History, this letter is dated the 17th of July; the original has the 19th.

With this oure letter,[70] Jhonne Knox wreat two, one to the said Secratarie, and ane uther to the Quenis Majestie hirself, in tennour as efter followis:

JHONE KNOX[71] SECOUND LETTER TO MR. CYCILL, FOR DELIVERANCE OF ANE UTHER TO THE QUEIN OF ENGLAND.

[70] The original of this letter, in the hand-writing of Knox, is preserved in the State Paper Office. It is signed by the Earls of Argyle and Glencairn, the Prior of St. Andrews, and Lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Ochiltree. The original draft of Cecil's answer, in the same collection, is dated 28th July 1559. (See Tytler's Hist. of Scotland, vol. vi. pp. 122, 124.)

[71] This second letter to Cecil, and the following one to Queen Elizabeth, are omitted in Vautrollier's edition and the later MSS. It is highly probable that these letters were purposely suppressed while that edition was at press, in order to avoid giving offence to Queen Elizabeth.--As already mentioned, the originals of several of Knox's Letters of this period, are still preserved, and copies of them will be inserted in a subsequent volume.

"WITH my humill commendatiounis. Pleise you, SIR, to delyver this other letter inclosit to the Quenis Grace. It containeth in few and in semple wourdis my confessioun, quhat I think of hir Authoritie, how it is just, and quhat may mak it odious in Goddis presence. I heir that thair is ane Confutatioun sett furth in prent aganis 'The First Blast.'[72] God grant that the wreitter have no more socht the favoris of this present estait, no less the glorie of God, and the stable commoditie of his countrey, then did he quho enterprysed in that 'Blast' to utter his conscience. When I sall have tyme, (whiche now is sumquhatt precious unto me,) to peruse that werk, I will communicat my judgement with you.

"The tyme is now, Sir, that all that either thrist Chryst Jesus to reigne in this yle, or yett the hairtes of the inhabitantes of the same to be joyned togidder in love unfained, aucht rather to studie how the same mycht be brocht to passe, then vanelie to travaill for the mantenance of that, quhairof we have allreddy seine the danger, and felt the smarte. Gif the most pairt of women be wicked, and suche as willinglie we wald nott reigne over us; and gif the most godlie, and suche as have rare graces be yett mortall, we aucht to tak heid, least in establissing one judged godlie and profitable to hir countrey, we mak ane entres and tytill to mony; off quhome not only sall the treuth be impugned, bot also sall the countrey be brocht in bondage. God give you, and utheris favoraris of your countrey, eyis to foirsee, and wisdome to avoyd the dangeris appeareing.

"By dyverse [letteris], I have requyred licence to have visited the North pairtis of England; but as yitt I have ressaved no favorabill answer.[73] The longer, Sir, that it be delayed, the less conforte sall the faithfull thair receive, the weaker sall the Quenis Grace be. Gif I war nott to hir Grace are unfeaned friend, I wald not instantlie begg suche libertie, whiche to me I knaw sall neither be profitable nor pleising in the flesche. The estait of thingis here comoun, I dout nott ye knaw. Some thingis I have, (as oft I have wreitten,) whiche gladlie I wald communicat, quhilk I mynd nott to committ unto paper and ynk: find, thairfoir, the meanis that I may speik suche one as ye will credit in all thingis. The grace of the Lord Jesus rest with you.

"I hairtlie beseik you to have my service humblie commended to the Quenis Grace; adding, that quhosoever maketh me odious to hir Grace, seiketh somequhatt besydis the glorie of God, and hir Grace's prosperitie; and thairfoir can nott be assured and unfayned freindis. From, &c."

[72] Alluding to the publication by John Aylmer, afterwards Bishop of London, which will be more particularly noticed in a subsequent volume, entitled, "An Harborowe for faithfull and trewe subjectes, against the late blowne Blaste concerninge the Government of Wemen." &c., Anno 1559. 4to.

[73] See supra, page 19, note 1.

The letter sent be the said Jhonne, to the Quenis Majestie of England, being inclosed in the foirsaid Mr. Cycillis letter.

"TO THE VERTEOUS AND GODLIE ELIZABETH, BY THE GRACE OF GOD QUEIN OF ENGLAND, &C., JHONNE KNOX DESYRETH THE PERPETUALL CONFORTE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.

"As youre Grace's displeisoure aganis me, most injustlie conceaved, hath bein, and is to my wretched hearte a burdene greavouse, and almost intollerable; so is the testimony of ane cleir conscience to me ane stay and uphald, that in disperatioun I synk nott, how vehement that ever the tentatiouns appeir. For, in Goddis presence, my conscience beareth me record, that maliciously, nor of purpoise, I never offended youre Grace, nor youre realme; and, thairfoir, howsoever I be judged of man, I am assured to be absolved of him quho only knaweth the secreitis of hairtis. I can not deny the wreiting of a booke aganis the usurped Authoritie, and injust Regement of Women;[74] neither [yit] am I myndit to retract or call back any principall point, or propositioun of the same, till treuth and verritie do farder appeir. But quhy, that either youre Grace, either yitt ony suche as unfeanedlie favore the libertie of England, be offendit at the authore of suche ane warke, I can perceave no just occasioun. For, first, my booke tueched nott youre Grace's persoune [in speciall,] neither yitt is it prejudiciall till any libertie of the realme, gif the tyme of my wretting be indifferentlie considdered. How could I be ennemy to youre Grace's persone, for delyverance quhairof I did more studie, and interpryse farther, then ony of these that now accuise me? And, as concerning youre Regiment, how could or can I invy that whiche most I have thristit, and for the quhilk (as oblivioun will suffer) I render thankis unfeandlie unto God? That is, 'That he hath pleised him, of his eternall goodness, to exalt your head, (which some tymes was in danger,) to the manifestatioun of his glorie, and extirpatioun of idolatrie.' And as for my offense, quhilk I have committed against England, either in wreitting that, or of any uther werk, I will nott refuise that moderat and indifferent man judge and discerne betwix me and those that accuise [me]: to witt, quhither of the parties do maist hurt to the libertie of England, I that affirme, 'That no woman may be exalted above any[75] realme, to mak the libertie of the same thrall to ane strange, proude, and cruell natioun;' or, they that approve quhatsoever plaeseth Princes for the tyme. Gif I war alsweill disposed to accuse, as some of thame (till thair awin schame) have declaired thame selfis, I no thing doubt, bot that in few wourdis I sould lett reassonable men understand, that some that this day lawlie crouche to your Grace, and laubor to mak me odiuss in your eyes, did, in your adversitie, neather schaw thame selfis faithfull freindis to your Grace, neather so loveing and carefull over thair awin native countrey, as thei wald be estemed. But omitting the accusatioun of utheris, for my awin purgatioun, and your Grace's satisfactioun, I say, that nothing in my booke contained, is, nor can be prejudiciall to your Grace's just regiment, providit that ye be nott found ungrate unto God: Ungrate ye sallbe provein in presence of his throne, (howsoever that flattereris justifie your factioun,) gif ye transferr the glorye of that honor, in quhilk ye now stand, to any uther thing, then to the dispensatioun of his mercie, which only maketh that lauchfull to your Grace, quhilk nature and law denyeth to all woman. Neither wald I that your Grace should feare that this your humiliatioun before [God] sould, in ony caise, infirme or weaken your Grace's just and lauchfull authoritie befoire men. Nay, Madame, such unfeaned confessioun of Goddis benifits receaved shalbe the establissement of the same, nott only to youre self, but also to youre seid and posteritie; whair, contrariwyse, a proude conceat and elevatioun of youre self, salbe the occasioun, that youre reigne salbe unstable, troublesome, and schorte. God is witnesse, that unfeanedlie I boyth love and reverence youre Grace; yea, I pray, that youre reigne may be long, prosperouse, and quyet; and that, for the quyetnes which Christis membres, befoire persecuted, have receaved under you.

"Bot yett, gif I should flatter youre Grace, I war no friend, bot ane deceavable traitor. And thairfoire of conscience, I am compelled to say, that neather the consent of people, the process of tyme, nor multitude of men, can establische a law which God sall approve; bot quhatsoever he approveth by his eternall wourd, that shalbe approved, and quhatsoever he condempneth salbe condempned, thocht all men in earth wald hasard the justificatioun of the same. And, thairfoire, Madame, the only way to reteane and kept those benefites of God, aboundantlie poured now of laitt dayis upoun you, and upoun youre realme, is unfeanedlie to rander unto God, to his mercie, and undeserved grace, the [whole] glorie of this youre exaltatioun. Forgett youre birth, and all tytill which thairupoun doeth hing; and considder deiplie, how for feir of your lyef, ye did declyne from God, and bow till idollatrie. Lett it not appeire ane small offence in your eyes, that ye have declyned from Christ Jesus in the day of his batteill. Neither yett wald I, that ye sould esteme that mercie to be vulgare and commoun which ye have received; to witt, that God hath covered your former offense, hathe preserved you quhen ye war most unthankfull; and in the end, hath exalted and raiseit you up, nott only from the dust, bot also from the portis of deith, to reule above his people, for the confort of his Kirk. It apperteneth to you, thairfoire, to ground the justice of your Authoritie, nott upoun that law, which from year to year doeth change, but upoun the eternall providence of Him, who, contrair to nature, and without your deserving, hath thus exalted your head. Gif thus, in Goddis presence, ye humill your self, as in my heart I glorifie God for that rest granted to his afflicted flocke within Ingland, under you a weik instrument; so will I with toung and penn justifie your Authoritie and Regiment, as the Holy Ghost hath justified[76] the same in Debora, that blissed mother in Israell. Bot gif the premisses (as God forbeid) neglected, ye sall begin to bragg of your birth, and to builde your Authoritie and Regiment upoun your awin law, flatter you quho so list, your felicitie salbe schorte. Interpreit my rude wordis in the best pairte, as written by him who is no ennemye to your Grace.

"By dyverse letteris I have requyred license to veseit your Realme, nott to seik my self, neither yett my awin ease nor commoditie; which, gif ye now refuise and deny, I most remit my caus to God; adding this for conclusioun, that commonlie it is seine, 'That such as refuise the counsaill of the faithfull, (appeir it never so scharpe,) ar compelled to follow the deceat of flattereris to thair awin perditioun.' The mychtie Spreit of the Lord Jesus move your hairt to understand quhat is said; give unto you the discretioun of spreittis, and so rewll you in all your actions and interpryses, that in you God may be glorified, his Kirk edified, and ye your self as ane lyvlie member of the same, may be an example of vertew and godlie lyffe till all utheris. So be it. Of Edinburgh, the [20th][77] day of Julij 1559."

[74] Referring to his "First Blast of the Trumpet," &c., published at Geneva, in 1558.

[75] In MS. G, "over any."

[76] In the MS. of 1566, "institued."

[77] MS. G. makes it the 28th; but the date of the original letter, as Mr. Tytler has noticed, is the 20th of July. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 122.)

* * * * *

These letters war directed by Alexander Quhytlaw,[78] a man that oft hath hazarded him self, and all that he had, for the cause of God, and for his freindis being in danger for the same cause.

[78] See a brief notice of Whytelaw, in vol. i. p. 393. Throkmorton, in a letter dated at Paris, 21st June 1559, says, "One Sanders Whitlo, a Scottishman, who was heretofore pensioner in England, in King Edward's tyme," and "being a very honest, sober, and godly man, and the most truely affectionat to England of any Scottishman I know here, hath been with me, and given me diverse advertisements of things which be trew;" and he recommends that he should receive the same pension he had enjoyed, after his lands in Scotland had been forfeited by the Earl of Huntley. (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i p. 137.) On the 28th June, he was the bearer of a letter from Throkmorton to Secretary Cecil.--(Ib. p. 147.) A postscript to the letter adds, "This bearer is greatly estemyd of John Knokes, and he doth also favour him above other: nevertheles, he is sory for his boke rashly writen."

Within a day or twa efter the departing of the said Alexander, thair come a lettre from Sir Harye Percye to Jhone Knox, requyring him to meitt him at Annyk,[79] the threid of August, for such effairis as he wald nott wreit, nor yitt communicat with any but with the said Jhone him self. While he was preparing him self for the journay, (for Secretary Cycill had appointed to have mett him at Stampfourd,)[80] the Frenche men furiouslie come furth of Dumbar, of purpose to have surprised the Lordis being in Edinburgh, as in the Secound Booke befoir is declared: Which stayit the journay of the said Jhonne, till that God had delyvered the innocentis from that great danger; and then was he, having in his company,[81] Maister Robert Hamyltoun,[82] minister of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lordis, with full commissioun and instructiouns to expone thair hole cause and estait quhairin thei stoode.

[79] In MS. G, "Anwich," the town of Alnwick, in the county of Northumberland, 84 miles from Newcastle.

[80] Stamford, an ancient borough town in the county of Lincoln. The Castle, of which scarcely any vestiges are now visible, was granted by Queen Elizabeth to Sir William Cecil.

[81] In Vautr. edit. "then was he hated of his companie."

[82] Mr. Robert Hamilton was educated at St. Andrews. As witness of a deed, dated 1558, he is styled Rector of Torrens.--(Lyon's St. Andrews, vol. ii. p. 262.) He afterwards became Minister of St. Andrews.

[Sidenote: SIR JAMES CROFTIS COUNSALE.]

Thair passage was from Petinweame,[83] by sea. Thei arryvit at Holy-Iland; and being advertissed that Sir Harye Percie was absent from [the North], thei addressed thame selfis to Sir James Croftis, then Capitane of Berwik, and Wardein of the East Marches of England. Thei schew unto him thair creddit and commissioun. He receaved thame gentlie, and comforted thame with his faithfull counsall, which was: "That thei sould travaill no farther,[84] neather yitt sould thei be seine in publict, and that for dyverse consideratiouns. First, The Quene Regent had her espyellis in England. Secoundarlie, The Quene and the Counsall that favored our actioun, wald that all thingis should be secreat so long as thei mycht. And last, (said he,) I think it nott expedient, that in such raritie of preachearis, ye two be ony long tyme absent from the Lordis. And thairfoire, (said he,) ye shall do best to committ to wreating your hoile mynd and creddit, and I shall promeise to you, upoun my honour, to haif answer at you, and at the Lordis againe, befoire that ye your selfis can be at Londoun. And quhaire that your letteris can nott expresse all thingis so fully as your presence could, I sall supplie the same, not only by my penne, but also by my awin presence, to suche as will informe the Counsall sufficientlie of all thingis."

[83] Pittenweem, a royal burgh and sea-port on the east-coast of Fife.

[84] As this portion of the History supplies a defect in the previous Book, where the application made by the Protestants for aid from England is scarcely alluded to; and as there is an apparent confusion in some of the dates, owing to the letters being partially or inaccurately copied, a few words of explanation may here be added. Knox's conversation with Kirkaldy of Grange, (see page 21,) took place at St. Andrews, after Cupar Muir, before the end of June 1559; and letters from Kirkaldy, to Cecil and Percy, on the 23d and 25th of that month, and on the 1st of July, are still preserved. Knox himself wrote to Cecil, on the 28th June. The result of their correspondence was, that Whytelaw, who had then returned from France, and having passed through England, had brought letters from Sir William Cecil, was sent back on the 20th of July, as the bearer of the letters from the Lords of the Congregation, and from Knox, to Cecil and Queen Elizabeth, which are printed in pages 22 to 30. After Whytelaw's departure, Knox received a letter from Sir Henry Percy, wishing that they should meet at Alnwick. His journey thither was delayed, in consequence of the Queen and the French troops having advanced from Dunbar, on Monday the 23d of July, and the Congregation having retired from Edinburgh on the 24th; but Knox, after a short delay, passed through Fife to Pittenweem, and crossed the Firth to Holy Island. Having acceded to the suggestions of Sir James Crofts, instead of proceeding farther, he remained at Berwick until Whytelaw came with Cecil's letter, on the 2d or 3d of August: (see page 35, note 1.)

The said Jhone and Maister Robert followed his counsall,[85] for it was faithfull, and proceidit of luif at that tyme. Thei taried with him verry secretly, within the Castell of Berwick, two dayis. In the which tyme, returned Alexander Quhytlaw foirsaid, with answer to the Lordis, and to Jhone Knox;[86] the tennour of whose letter was this:--

[85] The Articles and Instructions, written by Knox, and left with Crofts to be transmitted to the English Privy Council, are dated 31st July 1559. (See Tytler's History of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 128.)

[86] MS. G. makes it, "Maister Knox."

MAISTER CYCILLIS LETTER TO JHONE KNOX.

"MAISTER KNOX,

"Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus.[87]

[87] That is, "There is neither male nor female, for as saith Paul, they are all one in Christ Jesus. (Galat. iii. 28.) Blessed is the man who trusteth in the Lord; and the Lord will be his confidence."

"I have resavit your letteris, at the same tyme that I have thocht to have sein your self about Stampfurd. Quhat is now hitherto the caus of your [lett], I knaw nott. I forbeir to descend to the bottome of thingis, untill I may conferr with such one as ye ar; and, thairfoire, gif your chance shalbe heirefter to cum hither, I wishe you furnissed with good credite, and power to mak good resolutioun. Althocht my answer to the Lordis of Congregatioun be some quhat obscure, yitt upoun farther understanding ye sall find the matter plaine. I neid wishe to you[88] no more prudence then Goddis grace, quhairof God send you plentie. And so I end. From Oxford, the 28th of Julij 1559.

(Sic subscribitur,) Youris as ane member of the same body in Christ, "W. CECILL."[89]

[88] In MS. 1566, "need you writ."

[89] In MS. 1566, "M. Cecill;" and this mistake is followed in all the copies.

Albeit the said Jhone ressaved this letter at Berwyk, yett wald he answer no thing till that he had spokein the Lordis; quhome he fand in Striveling, and unto quhome he delyvered the answer send from the Counsall of England; (for Alexander Quhytlaw tuik seakness betwix Berwyk and Edinburgh, and was troubled be the Lord Seatoun, as in the formar booke is declaired.[90]) The answer send by Maister Cycill, was so generall, that many amanges us war dispaired of ony comforte to come from that countrey; and thairfoire war determined that thei wald requeast no farder. Jhone Knox laboured in the contraire;[91] but he could prevaill no farther, but that he should have licence and libertie to writt as he thocht best. And so tuik he upoun him to answer for all, in forme as follows:--

[90] Dr. M'Crie says, Knox, "at this time, prudently returned by sea to Fife:" the above statement, I think, clearly shows, he must have returned by land. He set out from Berwick, in company with Whytelaw, on the 3d of August, but the latter being detained on the road by sickness, Knox proceeded, without delay, and reached Stirling on or before the 6th of August, on which day he addressed letters to Sir James Crofts: see Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. pp. 127, 130. Soon afterwards, Whytelaw having recovered, and set out on his journey, along with William Knox, when between Preston and Edinburgh, they were pursued by Lord Seaton, and narrowly escaped: see vol. i. p. 393.

[91] The result of Knox's previous communications was very important, having led to the resolution of the English Council to support the Protestants in Scotland in their contest with the Queen Regent, but with so much secrecy as might not infringe the treaty of peace between the two kingdoms. For this purpose a commission was granted on the 8th of August to Sir Ralph Sadler, in conjunction with the Earl of Northumberland and Sir James Crofts, to reside at Berwick, ostensibly to settle some Border disputes, and to strengthen the fortifications of that city; and the sum of £3000 was placed at Sadler's disposal. A similar sum was paid to him on the 5th of October; and a third payment in November. It was part of this money that was sent to Scotland with Balnaves, and with Cockburn of Ormiston. (See Letter of Queen Elizabeth to Sadler, in Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters, 3d Series, vol. iii. p. 332.)--Sadler's Correspondence, extending from August 1559 to April 1560, (included in his "State Papers and Letters," Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to,) furnish copious and most important materials for illustrating the negotiations and proceedings at this time.

ANSWER TO MR. CYCILLIS LETTER.[92]

"Two causes impeded me, Richt Worschipfull, to visite you at any pairt of England. Formar, no significatioun of your mynd and plaisour was maid unto me, for only did Sir Harye Percye[93] will me to cum and speak him, which, convenientlie at that tyme I could nott do, be reasone that the Frenche men, (which was the Secound cause of my stay,) did then most furiouslie persew us, whill our company was dispersed; and then durst I nott be absent for dyverse inconvenientis. Neather did I think my presence greatlie necessarie with you, considdering that the mater, which I desyred maist, was opened and proponed. To the quhilk I wald have wished that a more plaine and especiall answer should have bein maid. For, albeit Mr. Quhitlaw, by his credite, Mr. Kirkcaldie, by his letter, and I, boyth by letteris, and by that which I had ressaved from Sir James Croftis, did persuade your goode mindis; yitt could not the Counsall be uthairwayis persuaded, but that this alteratioun in France had altered your former purpois. It is nott unknawin what favor we three do beare to England; and, thairfoir, I wishe, that rather your pen then our credite, or ony thing writtin to ony of us, should assuire the Lordis and otheris, of your goode myndis, (who ar bot now in nomber fyve hundreth). Onless that money be fournissed without delay to pay the soldiouris with, for thair servise bypast, and to reteane ane uther thousand footmen, with three hundreth horsmen, till some stay be had in this danger, these gentilmen will be compelled to leave the feildis. I am assured, as fleshe may be of fleshe, that some of thame will tak a verry harde lyve befoir that ever they compone eather with the Quene Regent, eather yitt with France; but this I dar nott promeise of all, onless in you they see a greatter fordwardness. To support us will appeir excessive, and to break promeisse with France, will appeir dangeruss. But the loss of expensses, in my opinioun, aucht nott to be esteamit from the first payment; neather yitt the danger from the first appearance. France is most fervent to conqueise us, and avoweth, that against us thei will spend thair Croune, (so did my awin earis heare Buttencourt brag[94]). But, most assuredlie I knaw, that onless by us thei thocht to mak ane enteress to you, that thei wald nott bye oure povertie at that price. Thei labour to corrupt some of oure great men by money, (and some of oure nomber ar poore, as befoire I wraitt, and can nott serve without supporte); some thei threattin; and against utheris thei have raised up ane partie in thair awin countrey. In this meane tyme, gif ye lye by as neutrallis, quhat wilbe the end, ye may easellie conjecture. And, thairfoire, Sir, in the bowellis of Christ Jesus, I requyre you to mak plaine answer; What the gentillmen heir may lippin to, and quhatt the Quenis Majestie will do, may without long delay be put in executioun. Rest in Christ Jesus. Off Sanct Johnstoun, the &c. day of, &c."[95]

[92] In MS. G. and Vautr. edit., "to Maister Cicillis writing."

[93] "Sir Henry Percy, second son of Sir Thomas Percy, who was executed in 1537, on account of Aske's rebellion, and brother of Thomas seventh Earl of Northumberland. Having remained attached to the Queen, and even taken arms against the insurgents, in the great northern rebellion, headed by his brother and Westmoreland, he escaped one great peril, and succeeded to the family titles and domains upon his brother's execution, in 1572. But having engaged in Lord Paget's enterprise for setting Queen Mary at liberty, and being imprisoned, he shot himself through the heart to prevent the attainder and forfeiture which must have attended a conviction for treason."--(Note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 409.)

[94] In Vautr. edit. this name occurs as two words, "Butteau Court;" in MS. G, "Buttincourt." The person referred to, the Sieur de Béthencourt, is already mentioned in a note to vol. i. p. 384. Sir N. Throkmorton, in his correspondence from Paris, notices that on "the 11th of this present, (i. e. the month of June) there arrived here in post out of Scotlande, one Butomcourt, a Frenchman, Maister d'hostel to the Quene Dowagier there, &c." (Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 130.) On the 21st June, he is called "Betoncourt, the Scotishe Quenis Master d'hostel," (ib. p. 141); again, on the 29th July, "Butomcourt, which I thinke passed through to England, had in charge to will the Quene Douagier of Scotland to conforme herself to the Scotts procedings in religion, and to dissemble with them; supposing that to be the best meane to worke theyr purposes." (Ib. p. 183.) And on the 8th August, he further says, there was "sent by Botuncourt, at his last dispetche, diverse blankes to the Quene Dowager, signed by the French King and Queen." (Ib. 193.) His arrival in Scotland, with these letters, is noticed by Knox: see vol. i. p. 384.

[95] This date is left blank in the various copies of Knox's History. But the above is neither a full or accurate copy of the letter, of which Mr. Tytler has given an extract from the original in the State Paper Office.--(Hist. vol. vi. pp. 136, 386.) It is dated not from St. Johnstone (or Perth,) but from "St. Andrews, 15th August 1559;" and will afterwards be given entire.

Answere with great expeditioun was returned to this letter, desyring some men of credite to be sent frome the Lordis to Berwyk,[96] for the receaving of money for the first supporte, with promeise, that gif the Lordis of the Congregatioun meant no utherwyse then befoire thei had writtin, and gif thei wald enter in league with honest conditionis, thei sould neather lack men nor money to thair just caus. Upoun this answer, was directed from the Lordis to Berwik, Maister Henrye Balnaves, a man [of] goode credit in boyth the realmes, who suddenlie returned with such a somme of money as served all the publict effaris till November nixt; when Jhonne Cokburne of Ormistoun send[97] for the second supporte, and receaving the same, unhappelie fell in to handis of the Erlle Bothwell, was wounded, tane, and spoilzed of a great somme.[98] Upoun whiche mischance followed all the rest of oure troubles befoire rehersed.

[96] In Sadler's State Papers, (vol. i. p. 401), there is a letter, dated 20th August 1559, addressed by Sir James Crofts to Knox, mentioning that Sadler and himself were desirous "to have som conference eyther with Mr. Henry Balnaves, or som other discrete and trusty man, for the better expedicion of this grete and weightie busyness, which you have in hande;" and suggesting, that he should come by sea to Holy Island, and afterwards to be conveyed in secret manner to Berwick. On the same day, Sadler and Crofts wrote to Cecil, representing that some aid should be granted, along with the sum of 2000 or 3000 crowns, to relieve the Protestant party in Scotland in their present necessities: see page 35, note 2.

[97] In MS. G, "being sent;" in Vautr. edit., "sent."

[98] The sum of £1000 sterling, on the last of October: see note in vol. i. p. 455.

In the Secound Booke preceading, we have declaired how Secretarye Lethingtoun[99] was directed to England: but one thing we have befoire past by. In that, oure greatest dejectioun, this ordour was tackin, That the Duike his Grace, the Erlle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and thair freindis, should remain togither at Glaskow, for conforte of the countrey, and for geving of answeris, as occasioun should requyre; and that the Erlle of Arrane, the Lord James, the Erlle of Rothess, the Maister of Lyndsay, and thair adherantes, should continew togither within Fyffe, for the same causses, that advertissementis mycht go frome the one to the other, as neid requyred. In the negotiatioun of the Secretary Lethingtoun with the Quene and Counsall of England, (in whiche he travailed with no less wisdome and faithfulnes then happy successe,) mony thingis occurred that requyred the resolutioun of the hole Lordis,[100] amanges which thair was one quhairof befoir no mentioun is maid.

[99] William Maitland, see supra, p. 4, note 2.

[100] In MS. 1566, "holye;" in MS. G. "haill."

Efter that the Quene and Counsall of England had concluded to send thair army into Scotland, for expelling of the Frenche, the Duke of Northfolk was sent to Berwyk,[101] with full instructionis, power, and commissioun, to do in all thingis concerning the present effaris of Scotland, as mycht the Quene and Counsellis in thair awin personis[102] do. Heirupoun the said Duke requyred sicke a pairt of the Lordis of Scotland, as had power and commissioun from the whole, to meet him at suche day and place as pleised thame to appoint. This advertissement came first to Glaskow, by the meanis of the Maister of Maxwell. Quhilk redd and considdered by the Lordis, conclusioun was takin, that thei wald meitt at Carleill;[103] and that was the procurement of the said Maister of Maxwell, for his ease. Heirupoune war letteris direct fra the Lordis, lyeing in Glaskow, to Lord James, requyring him, with all possible expeditioun, to repair towardis thame for the purpois foirsaid. Which letteris redd and advised upoun, commandment was gevin to Jhone Knox to mak the answer: For so it was appointed at the devisioun of the Lordis, that he should answer for the pairte of thoise that war in Fyffe; and Maister Henrye Balnaves for the pairte of thame that abaide at Glaskow. The said Jhone answered as followis:--

[101] The Queen's letter to Sadler, intimating the appointment of the Duke of Norfolk as Lord Lieutenant in the Northern Counties, is dated the last of December 1559. He arrived at Newcastle on the 6th or 7th of January. The whole of his correspondence with the Privy Council of England, while he exercised that office, has been printed in Haynes's Collection of Original State Papers, from the Cecil or Burghley Papers. (Lond. 1740, folio.) Sir Ralph Sadler has also preserved several other letters of a less public nature: see note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler, vol. i. p. 718.

[102] In MS. G, "thair awin proper persons."

[103] The town of Carlisle.

"TO THE LORD DUKE HIS GRACE, AND THE LORDIS AT GLASKOW.

"AFTER humill commendatioun of my service. Albeit I have writtin ofter then anes to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, what thingis have myslyked me in youre slaw proceideings, alsweill in supporting youre brethrein, quho many dayes have susteined extreame danger in these pairtes, as in making provisioun how the ennemye mycht have bein annoyed,[104] quho lay in few nomber nye to youre quarteris in Striveling; and in making lykewayis provisioun, how the expectatioun of your freindis, quho long have awaited for youre answer, mycht have bein satisfied;--Albeit, (I say,) that of thoise thingis I have befoire complained, yet of verry conscience, I am compelled to signifie unto youre Honoris, that onless of these, and other inormiteis, I sall espye some redress, I am assured that the end shalbe suche as godlie men shall murne, that ane good cause shall perishe for lack of wisdome and diligence. In my last letteris to Mr. Henrye Balnaves, I declared, that youre especiall freindis in England wounder that no gritter expeditioun is maid, the weycht of the mater being considdered. Gif the falt be in the Lord Duke, and his freindis, I wrait also, that the greatest loss should be his and thairs in the end. And now, I can nott cease, boyth to wonder and lament, that youre hoile Counsall was so destitute of wisdome and discretioun as to charge this poore man, the Priour,[105] to come to you to Glaskow, and thairefter to go to Carleill, for suche effearis as ar to be entreated. Was thair none amangis you, quho did foirsee quhat inconvenientis mycht insew his absence frome these partis? I cease to speake of the dangeris in the ennemy. Youre freindis have lyen in the Frith now xv. dayis bypast, (what was thair formar travaill is nott unknawin); thei have never receaved conforte of any man (him only excepted), more then thei had lyen upoun the coast of thair mortall ennemye. Do ye nott considder, that suche a companye sall neide conforte and provisioun from tyme to tyme? Remove him, and quho abydeth that cairfullie will travaill in that or any uther wechty materis in these pairtis? Did ye nott farther considder, that he had begune to meddle with the gentilmen[106] who had declaired thameselfis unfreindis heirtofoir; and also that ordour wald have bein taekin for suche as haif bein neutrall: now, be reassoun of his absence, the one shall escaip without admonitioun, and the other shalbe at thair formare libertie? I am assured that the ennemye sall nott sleip, neather in that nor in uther effairis, to undermynd you and your hoile caus; and especiallie to hurte this pairt of the countrey to revenge thair formare foly. Gif none of these formar causses should have moved you to have considered that such a journay (at suche a tyme,) wes nott meet for him, neather yit for thame that must accompany him; yit discreit men wald have considdered, that the men that have lyen in thair jackes, and travailled thair horse continuallie the space of a moneth, requyreth some longer rest, boyth to thame selfis, but especiallie to thair horsses, (befoire thei had bein charged to suche a journey,) then yitt they have had. The Priour may, for satisfactioun of your unreasonable myndis, interpryse the purposse; but I am assured, he shall nott be able to have sex honnest men in all Fyiff to accompany him: And how that eather standis with youre Honoris, or with his safetie, juge ye youre selfis. But yitt, wonder it is, that ye did nott considder, to quhatt paine and fascherie shall ye putt youre freindis of England, especiallie the Duke of Northfolke, and his Counsall, whome ye shall caus travaile the most wearesoum and fasschous gaitt that is in England. In my opinioun, quhosoever gaif you that counsall eather laicked rycht judgement in thingis to be done, or ellis had too much respect to his awin ease, and too small regaird to the travaill and danger of thair bretherein. A comoun cause requireth a comoun concurrance, and that everie man beare his burdein proportionablie. But prudent and indifferent men espy the contrair in this caus, especiallie of lait dayis; for the weakest ar maist greavouslie charged, and to quhome the mater maist belongeth, and to quhome justlie greatest burthein is dew, ar exempted in a manor boyth from travaill and expensses. To speik the mater plainlie, wyse men do wonder what my Lordis Dukis freindis do meane, that thei ar so slaike and backward in this caus: In uther actionis, thei have bein judged stout and fordward; and in this, whiche is the greatest that ever he or thei had in hand, thei appeir destitut bayth of grace and of courage. I am nott ignorant, that thei that are most inward of his counsall ar ennemyes to God, and thairfoire can nott bot be ennemyes to his cause. But wounder it is, that he and his uther freindis should nott considder, that the tinsale of this godlie interpryse, shalbe the routing of thame and thair posteritie frome this realme. Considdering, my Lordis, that by Goddis providence ye ar joyned with the Dukis Grace in this comoun cause, admonishe him plainlie of the danger to cum: will him to beware of the counsale of those that ar plainlie infected with superstitioun, with pryde, and with vennome of particulare proffeit; whiche gif he do not at your admonitioun, he shall smarte, befoir he beware: and gif ye cease to putt him in mynd of his deutie, it may be that, for youre silence, ye shall drynk some portioun of the plague with him. Tak my plaine speking, as proceeding from him that is nott youre ennemye, being also unceartaine when I shall have occasioun to writt heareafter. God, the Father of oure Lord Jesus Christ, assist you with the spreit of wisdome and fortitude, that to his glorie, and to youre Lordschipis and oure commoun conforte, ye may performe that thing, which godlie wes ones begun. Amen. From Sanctandrois, the vj. of Februare, in haist, 1559.[107]

(Sic subscribitur,) "Your Lordschipis to command in godliness, "J. K."

[104] In the MS. of 1566, "anoyned;" MS. G. has "anoyit."

[105] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews: see vol. i. p. 249, note 5.

[106] See notes to pages 7 and 43-4.

[107] That is 1559-60. In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. this letter is dated "the 6th of Februare in haist." In the former it is signed, "Your Grace's, &c.--JOHNE KNOX." The MS. 1566, makes it "the 5th of Februarie, in Christ."

Upoun the receatt of this letter, and consultatioun had thairapoun, new conclusioun was tackin: to witt, that thei wald viseit the said Duke of Northfolke at Berwyke,[108] quhair he was.

[108] Thomas Randall wrote to Sadler from Glasgow, on the 10th February 1559-60, mentioning that the Lords of the Congregation had come to that town to consult; and that Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Master of Maxwell, Wishart of Pittarrow, and Henry Balnaves, had been appointed by the whole Council to meet with the Duke of Norfolk at Berwick, on the 23d of that month. (State Papers, vol. i. p. 704.)

Thus far have we digressed fra the style of the Historie, to lett the posteritie that shall follow understand, by quhat instrumentis God wrocht the familiaritie and freindschipe, that after we fand in Ingland. Now we returne to oure formare Historie.

* * * * *

The pairtis of Fyiff sett at fredome frome the bondage of those bloodie wormes, solempned thankis war gevin, in Sanctandrois, unto God for his mychtie delyverance. Schorte after the Erlle of Arrane and Lord James, apprehended the Lardis of Wemes, Seafeald, Balgonye, and Durye,[109] and utheris, that assisted the Frenche; but thei war sett schoirtlie at fredome, upoun suche conditionis as thei mynded never to keape: for sick men have neather fayeth nor honnestie. Mr. James Balfoure,[110] who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the band of the Balfouris, eschaiped. The Ingliss schippis daylie multiplied, till that thei war able to keape the whole Firth: whairatt the Frenche and Quene Regent, enraged, begane to executt their tirranye upoun the pairtes of Lowthiane that lay neye to Edinburgh. Lett Mr. David Borthwick[111] witnesse quhat favoris[112] his wyffe and place of Adenstoun[113] fand of the Frenche, for all the service that he had maid to the Quene Regent.

[109] In MS. G, "Balgone, Durie;" in MS. 1566, "Bawgane, Druye."--Supra page 7, Knox alluding to the ravages committed by the French on the coast of Fife, in the beginning of 1560, says, they did not spare even their own friends, the Lairds of Senfield, Wemyss, Balmuto, and Balweary. In reference to the statement in the text, Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter dated 4th February 1559-60, says, "In Fife, all suche gentlemen as were of any power or creditt, that tooke ony parte with the Franches, as the Lorde of Wymes, the Lorde Bawerye, Syfeld, Bagonye, and other, have promised their fidelitie, and given pledgis never to stand against the Congregation. This hath bene the Lord James's action since the Franches cam their way." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 701.)

The persons mentioned by Knox, (using Lord for Laird,) I suppose, were, (1) Sir John Wemyss of Wemyss, the ancestor of Lord Wemyss; (2) George Moutray of Seafield, the ruins of whose castle or tower stands close upon the sea, to the west of Kinghorn; (3) Andrew or Robert Lundie or Lundin of Balgonie, in the parish of Markinch, a property that gives a second title of the Earl of Leven and Melville; and (4) David Durie of Durie, in the parish of Scoonie. This property was afterwards acquired by the father of the eminent lawyer, Sir John Gibson of Durie.

[110] Afterwards Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich: see notes, vol. i. pp. 202, 235.

[111] Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill was appointed Lord Advocate, and one of the Judges in the Court of Session, on 20th October 1573. He was educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs among the Determinants, in St. Leonard's College, in 1525. He probably spent some time on the Continent; and passed Advocate, 1st March 1549. He was twice married; Marion Blyth, his first wife, died 24th March 1570, (Register of Confirmed Testaments.) His second wife, Margaret Guthrie, having survived him, married Mr. John Lindesay, second son of Sir David Lindesay of Edzell, and Parson of Menmuir. According to Scot of Scotstarvet, Borthwick had acquired "many lands in Lothian and Fife, as Balnacreiff, Admiston, Balcarras, and others; but having infest his son, Sir James, therein in his own time, he rested never till he had sold all." Borthwick died in January 1581.

[112] In the MS. 1566, incorrectly written "Borwick," and "that favoris."

[113] In MS. G, "Audistoun." The property of Addiston is in the parish of Ratho. It now belongs to the Earl of Morton; but the old house, situated on an elevated terrace, was pulled down a few years ago.

In the middest of Februarie war directed to England, frome the Dukis Grace and the Congregatioun, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Maister of Maxweill, the Maister of Lyndsay, Maister Henrye Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow; who, with thair honnest cumpanyeis and commissioun, departed by sea, all, except the Maister of Maxwell, to Berwick, whair thair mett thame the Duke of Northfolke, lievetennent to the Quenis Majestie of England, and with him a great company of the gentillmen of the north, with some also of the south, having full power to contract with the nobillitie of Scotland, as that thei did, upoun suche conditionis as in the same Contract are specified. And becaus we have hard the malicious tounges of wicked men mak false reporte of that our fact, we have faithfullie and trewlie inserted in this oure Historie the said Contract, alsweill thatt whiche was maid at Leyth, during the seige, as that whiche first was maid at Berwick, that the memorie thereof may byde to our posteritie; to the end that thei may judge with indifference, whither that we have doun ony thing prejudiciall to our comoun wealth, or yitt contrarius unto that debtfull obedience whiche trew subjects aw to thair supperiouris whose authoritie aucht to deffend and mainteine the libertie and fredome of the Realmes committed to thair charge; and nott to oppress and betray the same to strangearis. The tennour of oure Contract followis:--

THE CONTRACT AT BERWICK.

"JAMES DUKE OF CHASTELARAULT, Erlle of Arrane, Lord Hamyltoun, second persone of the realme of Scotland, and appearand [air] to the Croune, the Counsalle, Nobilitie, and principall Estaittis of the same: To all and sindrie, whais knawlege thir presentis shall come, greitting. We have weill considerat, and be fullie persuaded in what danger, desolatioun, and miserie, the lang enmytie with the kingdome of Ingland, hath brocht oure Countrey heirtofoir: how wechtie and florishing it shall become, gif those two kingdomes, as thei be joyned in one Iland by creatioun of the warld, so may be knytt in a constant and assured friendschip: These considerationis, groundit upoun a most infallible treuth, aucht no less to have moved our progenitouris and foirfatheris then us: but the present danger hanging over oure heades, by the injust dealing of those of whome we have alwayis best deserved, hathe caused us to wey thame more earnestlie then thei did. The misbehaveour of the Frenche ministeris[114] heere hathe of laitt zeris beine so greatt; the oppressioun and crueltie of the soldiouris, the tyranny and ambitioun of thair supperiouris and rewlleris so greavouse to the people; the viollent subversioun of our libertie, and conqueast of the land, whair at thei have by maist craftie and subtile meanes continuallie preassit,[115] so intollerable to us all, that at last, when we could nott obteane the redresse by humill suitis and earnest supplicationis presented to the Quene Dowager, who bayth for deuties saik and place scho did occupy, aucht to have bene most cairfull of oure estait; we have bene by verry necessitie, constrained nott only to assay our awin forces, but also to imploir the Quenis Majestie of England aide and supporte, quhilk hir Majestie hes maist gentillie granted upoun certaine covenantes, specified in ane Treaty, past at Berwick, betuix the Duck of Northfolk his good Grace, Lievtennent for hir Majestie, on that ane pairte, and ceartaine our Commissioneris, on that uther parte: Whairof the tennour followeth:--

[114] In Vautr. edit., "Frenche monsters."

[115] In MS. 1566, "pressed."

"AT BERWICK, the twentie sevin day of Februare, the year of our Lord God J^m V^c fyftie and nyne yeris. It is appointed and finallie contracted betwix the noble and mychtie Prince, THOMAS DUKE OF NORTHFOLKE, Erlle Marschell of England, and lievtennent to the Quenis most excellent Majestie of the said realme, in the name and behalf of hir Hienes, on the one pairte, and the rycht honorable Lord James Stewart,[116] Patrik Lord Ruthven, Sir Jhone Maxweill of Terreglis knycht, William Maitland of Lethingtoun younger, Jhone Wischarte of Pittarrow, and Maister Henry Balnaves of Halhill, in the name and behalf of the noble and mychtie Prince, James Duke of Chasteaularault, second persone of the realme of Scotland, and the remanent Lordis[117] of his parte, joyned with him in this cause, for the mainteanance and defence of the ancient rychtes and liberteis of thair countrey, on the other parte, in Forme as heireafter followeth: That is to say, That the Quenis Majestie, having sufficientlie understanded, alsweill by information sent from the Nobilitie of Scotland, as by the [manifest] proceadings of the Frenche, that thei intend to conqueir the realme of Scotland, suppress the liberties thairof, and unite the same unto the Croune of France perpetuallie, contrarie to the Lawis of the same Realme, and to the pactis, aithes, and promisses of France; and being thairto most humblie and earnestlie requyred by the said Nobilitie, for and in name of the hole Realme, shall accept[118] the said Realme of Scotland, the said Duke of Chasteaularault being declared by Act of Parliament in Scotland to be heyre appearand to the Croun thairof, and the Nobilitie and Subjectis thairof, unto her Majesties protection and meantenance, onlie for preservatioun of the same in thair auld fredomes and liberties, and frome conquest during the tyme that the mariage shall continue betwix the Queen of Scottis and the Frenche King, and ane yeare efter: and for expelling out of the samin realme of suche as presentlie and appearandlie goeth about to practise the said conqueist; hir Majestie shall with all speid send unto Scotland a convenient aide of men of warr, on horse and foote, to joyne with the poware of Scottis men, with artelzearie, munitioun, and all uther instrumentes of warr meitt for the purpoise, alsweill by sea as by land, nott onlye to expell the present poware of Frenche within that realme, oppressing the same, bot also to stopp, als far as convenientlie may be, all greater forces of Frenche to enter thairin for the lyke purpose; and shall continue hir Majesties aide to the said realme, Nobilitie, and Subjectis of the same, unto the tyme the Frenche (being ennemyes to the said realme) be utterlie expelled hence; And shall never transact, compone, nor aggrie with the Frenche, nor conclude any leigue with thame, except the Scottis and the Frenche shalbe aggreit, that the Realme of Scotland may be left in dew fredome by the Frenche; Nor shall leave the maintenance of the said Nobilitie and Subjectis, quhairby thei mycht fall as ane pray unto thair ennemeis handis, alse lang as thei shall acknowlege their Soveraine Lady and Quene, and shall indure thameselfis to mainteine the libertie of thair country, and the estait of the Croun of Scotland: And if in caise any fortis or strenthis within the realme be wonne out of the handis of the Frenche at this present, or at any tyme heareafter, by hir Majesties aide, the same shalbe immediatlie demolished by the Scottis men, or delyvered to the said Duck and his partie foirsaid, at thair optioun and choise; neather shall the power of England fortifie within the ground of Scotland, being out of the boundis of England, but be the advyse of the said Duck, Nobilitie, and Estaites of Scotland.

[116] Knox's amanuensis here introduces, as a parenthetical explanation, "NOW ERLE OF MURAY," a clear proof of this portion of the MS. having been transcribed before 1570. These words, also copied in MS. G, are omitted in Vautr. edit.

[117] In Rymer, &c., "the remanent of the rest of the Lordis."

[118] In MS. 1566, "except."

"For the quhilkis causses, and in respect of hir Majesties most gentle clemencie and liberalle supporte, the said Duck, and all the Nobillitie, alsweill suche as be now joyned, as suche as shall heireafter joyne with him for defence of the libertie of that Realme, shall, to the utermaist of thair powar, aide and supporte hir Majestie's arme aganis the Frenche, and thair partaikaris, with horse men, and foote men, and with victuallis, by land and by sea, and with all maner of uther ayde to the best of thair powar, and so shall continue during the tyme that hir Majesties armye shall remaine in Scotland.

Item, Thei shalbe ennemyes to all such Scottis men and Frenche, as shall in anywyse shaw thame selfis ennemyes to the realme of Ingland, for the aiding and supporting the said Duck and Nobilitie, to the delyverie of the Realme of Scotland frome conqueist.

Item, Thei shall never assent nor permitt, that the Realme of Scotland shalbe conquered, or utherwyse knett to the Croun of France, then it is at this present only by mariage of the Quene thair Soveraine to the Frenche King, and by the lawes and liberties of the Realme, as it aucht to be.

Item, In caise the Frenche men shall, at any tyme heirafter, invaid, or caus to be invaded, the realme of England thei shall fournishe the nomber of twa thousand horsmen and twa thousand[119] footmen, at the least, or suche parte of ather of thame, at the choise of the Quenes Majestie of England; and shall conduct the same to pas frome the Bordaris of Scotland nixt Ingland, upon hir Majesties charges, to anie pairte upoune the realme of England, for the defence of the same. And in caise the invasioun be upon the northe partes of England, on the northe parte of the water of Tyne, towardis Scotland, or against Berwick, on the north syd of the water of Tweid, thei shall convent and gather thair haill forces upon thair awin charges, and shall joyne with the Ingliss poware, and shall contenew in goode and earnest prosecutioun of the quarrell of England, during the space of thretty dayis, or so muche langer as thei ware accustumed to tarye in the feildis for defence of Scotland, at the commandiment of thair Soverane, at any tyme bypast.

[119] In MS. 1566, "ane thousand;" MS. G. has "200 horsemen and 1000 foot."

And also, the Erlle of Argyle, Lord Justice of Scotland, being presentlie joyned with the said Duck, shall employe his force and good will, whair he shalbe requyred by the Quenes Majestie, to reduce the north pairtis of Ireland to the perfyte obedience of England, conforme to ane mutualle and reciproque contract, to be maid betwix hir Majesties lieutenent or depute of Ireland being for the tyme, and the said Erlle; quhairin shalbe conteaned what he shall do for his parte, and quhatt the said lieutennent, or depute, shall do for his supporte, in caise he shall have to do with James Mackonnell,[120] or ony utheris of the Iyles of Scotland, or realme of Ireland; for performance and sure keaping whairof, thei shall for thair pairte enter to the foirsaid Duck of Northfolk the plaiges presentlie named by him, befoire the entrie of hir Majesties armye in Scottis ground, to remaine in England for the space of six monethis, and to be exchanged upoun delyverance of new hostages, of lyke or als goode conditioun as the formare; or being the lauchfulle sones, bretheren, or heires of ony of the Erlles or Baronis of Parliament, that have, or hereinafter schaw thame selfis, and persist open ennemyes to the Frenche in this quarrell; and so forth, from sex monethis to sex monethis, or foure monethis to foure monethis, as shall best pleis the partie of Scotland; and the tyme of continuance of the hostages salbe during the marriage of the Quene of Scottis to the Frenche King, and ane yeare efter the dissolutioun of the said marriage, untill farder ordour may be had betwix boyth the realmes for peace and concorde.

[120] In the Cotton. MS., "Monneil." Sadler (State Papers, vol. i. pp. 431, 517) calls him, "James M^cDonell," and "Macconnell," and says, 8th Sept. 1559, that the Queen Regent had endeavoured to stir him, "and others of the Scottish Irishrie, against the Erle of Argyle," to prevent Argyle from rendering aid to his associates, the Lords of the Congregation.

In a Report on the state of the West Isles of Scotland drawn up by the Dean of Limerick, in 1595 or 1596, James M^cConnell is specially mentioned as having been "holden in great jealousie by the house of Argyle." It is further added, that "Anne Cambell, halfe syster to the aforesayde Erle, the wife to the Sherif of Bute, by whome she was hardlie entreated; ... by reason of her hard usadge jorneyinge towards Argeile, she was intercepted by the said James, and marryed; by whome she had five sonnes and a daughter." (Miscellany of the Maitland Club, vol. iv. p. 44.) As James Stewart, Sheriff of Bute, had lawful issue by a second marriage, he probably had obtained a divorce from his first wife.

And, farder more, the said Duck, and all the Nobilitie, being Erlles and Barronis of Parliament, joyned with him, shall subscryve and seall these Articles and comptis within the space of xx or threttie dayis, at the uttermost, nixt following the day of the delyverance of the said hostages; and shall also procure and persuad all utheris of the Nobilitie that shall joyne tharne selfis heirefter with the said Duck, for the causses above specified, lykwyis to subscryve and seall these articles at any tyme efter the space of twentie dayis efter thair conjunctioun, upoun requisitioun maid to thame on the partie of the Quenes Majestie of England.

And, finallie, the said Duck, and the Nobilitie joyned with him, certainlie perceaving, that the Quenis Majestie of England is thairunto moved onlie upoun respect of princelie honour and nychtbourehead, for the defence of the fredome of Scotland from conqueist, and not of any uther sinister intent, doeth by these presentis testifie and declair, that [neither] thai, nor any of thame, meane by this compt to wythdraw ony dew obedience to thair Soveraine Lady the Quene, nor in any lefull thing to withstand the Frenche King, hir husband and head, that during the marriage shall nott tend to the subversioun and oppressioun of the just and ancient liberties of the said kingdome of Scotland; for preservatioun whairof, boyth for thair Soveranis honour, and for the continuance of the kingdome in ancient estait, thei acknowlege thameselfis bound to spend thair guidis, landis, and lyves. And for performance of this present Contract for the part of England, the Quenes Majestie shall confirme the same, and all clauses thairinto contained, by hir letteris patentis, under the Great Seall of England, to be delyvered to the Nobilitie of Scotland, upon the entress of the pledges afoirsaid within the ground of England.

[In witnes wheirof, the Commissionaris for the Ducke of Chasteaularault and Nobilitie of Scotland befoir named, haif subscryved these presentis, and thereunto affixed their seales, the day, yeare, and place afoirsaidis:--

JAMES STEWART. PATRICK L. RUTHWEN. JOHNE MAXWELL. W. MAITLAND. JHONE WYSHART. HENRICUS BALNAVES.]

In witnes quhairof, the said Duck his Grace of Northfolke,[121] hath subscryved these presentis, and thairinto affixit his seall, the day, yeare, and place foirsaid. [THO. NORFFOLK.]

[121] Knox has here inserted the Articles of the Convention at Berwick, 27th February 1559-60, as confirmed by the Duke of Chattelherault, at Leith, 10th May 1560, "after the incoming of the English armies," (Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 578.) In this confirmation the signatures of the Scotish Commissioners to the Articles are omitted, as the copy it embodied was that exchanged with the said Commissioners, and attested by Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marischal of England, as Commissioner from Queen Elizabeth. The original Articles, with the signatures of the Scotish Commissioners, as given in the text above, along with the clause enclosed within brackets, are inserted in Rymer's Foedera, etc., vol. xv. p. 569; edit. 1740, vol. vi. par. iv. p. 95, under this title, "Conventiones Scotorum contra Reginam Unionem Franciæ et Scotiæ designantem, et pro Defensione contra Francos." A copy of these Articles, from a minute endorsed by Secretary Cecil, and printed among the Burghley State Papers, p. 253, omits the testing clause altogether. In the same volume, there is a letter from the Duke of Norfolk to the Privy Council, last of February, stating,--"that these three daies have we been in conference and consultation with the Lords of Scotland, upon this great and weighty matter." Copies of this Convention are also preserved among the Cotton. MSS. Calig. B. ix. fol. 34, and B. x, fol. 69. The Commission, dated 29th March 1560, added to one of these MSS., has thefollowing marginal note by Sir Robert Cotton:--"It seems by the Commission given by the Queen for confirmation of these Articles, dated in the month of March following, that this treaty was concluded before the Queen would openly profess herself a party, which is to be noted."

Whiche Contract we find honest, reassonable, and that our saidis Commissioneris thair hathe consideratlie respected to the comoun wealth of this realme, of us, and our posteritie; and thairfoire do ratifie, allow, confirme, and approve the same, with all clauses and articles thairin contained, by thir presentis.

In witnes heirof, to the same subscryved with our handis, our seallis of armes, in sick caises accustomed, are appended. At the camp foiranent Leyth, the tent day of May, the year of God J^m V^c and thriescoir yearis.

(Follow the Subscriptionis.[122])

[Sidenote: THE SUBSCRIPTIONIS.]

THE DUCK OF CHASTEAULARAULT. EARLE OF ARRANE. EARLE OF HUNTLIE. EARLE OF GLENCARNE. EARLE OF MORTOUN. EARLE OF ROTHESS. EARLE OF MOUNTEITH. LORD OGULVIE. LORD OCHILTRIE. LORD ROBERT STEWARTE. GAWIN HAMYLTOUN OF KILWYNING.[123] ERLE OF ARGYLE. LORD BORTHWICK. LORD JAMES STEWARTE. LORD OF SANCT JHONE. ALEXANDER GORDOUN. LORD JHONE OF ABERBROTHOK.[124] LORD BOYDE. LORD SOMMERVAILL. ABBOT OF KINLOSS. ABBOT OF CULROSS. JAMES STEWART OF SANCT COLMES INCHE.[125]

[122] These Subscriptions obviously exhibit the names and not the actual signatures of the Subscribers.

[123] Commendator of Kilwinning.

[124] Lord John Hamilton, Commendator of Aberbrothock.

[125] Commendator of the Monastery of Inchcohn, or St. Colme's Inch.

THE INSTRUCTIONIS GEVIN, SUBSCRYVIT TO THE SAID COMMISSIONARIS [THAT WENT TO BERWICK, AR THIR AS][126] FOLLOW:--

[126] The words enclosed in brackets, are supplied from MS. G.

AND for the first, Gif it shalbe askyt of yow be the said Duck of Northfolk his Grace, and otheris, [by] the Quenes Majesties appointment, appointed Commissionaris, gif our pledges be in reddines? Ye shall answer, that thei ar, and in Sanctandrois, the xxiiij of this instant, and shalbe reddy to delyver in hostages for securitie of our promisses, and part of contract, thei offering and macking securitie for thair part by the Quenes Majesties subscriptioun and great sealle, and delyvering the same unto you; provyding that thei chuse and mack thair electioun of the pledges as is convenient.

Secoundlie, Gif the saidis Commissionaris shall demand of yow, what interpryse the armye of England shall tak upoun hand at thair first incumminges? Ye shall answer, in generall the expulsioun of the Frenches soldiouris furth of this realme: and first and in specialle furth of the toun of Leyth, seing thair great forces ar thair.

3. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of yow, at what place our freindis and bretherin of England shalbe mett, and what day, what nomber, and what Nobill men in cumpany? Ye shall referr all those thingis to thair electioun and choise.

4. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of yow how the armyes shalbe fournissed with victuallis, and especiallie the horse men? Ye shall answer, that with thair advyses ane sufficient order shalbe tackin thairin.

5. Item, Gif it be requyred, how the munitioun shalbe carryed, and oxen furnissed to that effect? Ye shall answer, as we have gevin in commissioun to Lethingtoun, quhilk we ratifie.

6. Item, Gif it beis asked, wha shalbe Lievtennent to the armie of Scotland? Ye shall answer, my Lord Duckes Grace.

7. Item, Gif it shalbe inquyred, what nomber our haill armye extendis to? Ye shall answer, thai will, God-willing, be fyve thousand men.

8. Item, Gif it shalbe askit, what maner of way Leyth shalbe assaulted? Ye shall desyre all preparationis to be in reddenes, and the advyse to be taine after the placing of the armyes and view of the strenth schoirtlie.

9. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of the Castell of Edinburgh, gif thei will stand freindis or nott? Ye shall declair our diligence maid, and to be maid schoirtlie heirinto; but for the present can assure thame of nothing.

10. Item, Gif it beis askit, in caise the Castell be unfriend, whair the armye shalbe placed? Ye shall ansueir, for the first in Musselburgh and Tranent, and thei partis, till the battery, and all preparationis be in reddenes.

11. Item, In caise it beis inquyred of all bye-lyeris, and in speciall of my Lord Huntlie, in the North? Ye shall ansueir in generall, ane goode hope is had of the maist pairt thairof; and tuiching my Lord of Huntlie in speciale, ye shall schaw how he hes send writtingis to my Lord of Arrane, with ane servand in creddite, to assure him of his assistance; and for that caus hes desyred letteris of suspensioun of the Quene Dowageris commissioun, to be send to him, to be usit by him in thei partis, and utheris letteris to arreist the Clergies rentis and her's[127] boyth in thei partis, with proclamationis to cause all men to be in reddines to pass foruardis, for maintening of the religioun and expulsioun of strangeris. My Lord hes writtein to him, that he may come to him in proper persone, whairof the answer is nott returned as yitt.

[127] In MS. 1566, "hires;" MS. G, "hyres."

12. Item, Gif it shalbe askit, the place and maner of meiting of oure folkis, or of us and thame, in caise Striveling be kept? We referr the ansueir heirof to youre discretionis.

13. Item, Gif it shalbe askit that thair layed money shall have passage for thair viveris? Ye shall reasoun the commoditie and incommoditie thairof with the Counsale.[128]

[128] In Vautr. edit., "the Comishall."

14. Item, Gif it shalbe askit, what pioneris shalbe had? Ye shall answer, the nomber being expressed, and money be in reddenes to seld[129] thame, thei shall have sufficientlie.

[129] In. MS. G, "to pay;" in Vautr. edit. "to sell," and in both copies, "have sufficiencie," at the end of the sentence.

15. Item, Gif thei shall desyre that we declair our cause unto the Princes of Alamagne, and the King of Denmarke, desyring thair assistance? Ye shall answere, that we think the same good, and shall speedelie tak ordour thairwith.

16. Item, Gif it shalbe askit of yow to confirme for us, and in oure name, the thingis past and granted be oure formare Commissionare the young Laird of Lethingtoun? Ye shall in all poyntis for us, and in oure name, confirme the same, sa far as it shall mak either for the weill and conjunctioun of the twa realmes, or this present cause, or yitt for the securitie of oure pairt for fulfilling of the samein: and also, ye shall accept thair offeris, tending to the same fyne, and sic securitie on that parte, as ye may purchese, and especiallie sic as we heirtofoir exprimit. Gevin at Glaskow, the tent of Februar 1559.

Item, We gif and grantis you full power to augment, or diminische thir saidis heidis and Articles, as ye think the weall of the cause sall requyre in all pointis.

JOHNNE OF MENTEITH.[130] ANDRO OF ROTHESS. R. BOYD. WILLIAME MURRAY of Tullibardin. JOHNNE ERSKIN of Dun. JAMES HAMYLTOUN. ALEX^R. GORDOUN. AR^D. ERGYLE. GLENCARNE. VCHILTRE. JAMES HALIBURTOUN.

[130] The names of these Commissioners are mostly well known:--John Earl of Menteith, Andrew Earl of Rothes, Robert Lord Boyd, Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, John Erskine of Dun, James Hamilton Earl of Arran, Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, and Commendator of Inchaffray, Archibald Earl of Argyle, Alexander Earl of Glencairn, Andrew Lord Ochiltre, and James Halyburton, Provost of Dundee.

Schort efter this Contract, war oure pledgeis delyverit to Maister Winter, Admirall of the Navye, that came to Scotland, a man of great honestie, sua far as ever we could espy of him, quha war saiflie convoyit to New Castell. And sua the Ingliss army began to assembill towardis the Bordour; quhairof the Frensche and Quene Regent assurit, thay began to distroy quhat thay could in the tounis and cuntrey about; for the haill victuallis they careit to Leith; the mylnes thay brak; the scheip, oxin, and kyne, yea, the horse of poore lauboraris, thay maid all to serve thair tyrannye. And, fynallie, they left na thyng quhilk the verray ennemeis could have devisit, except that thay demolischit not gentilmenis housses, and brunt not the tonne of Edinburgh: in quhilk poynt, God brydillit thair furye, to lett his afflictit understand that he tuik cair for thame.

[Sidenote: The Crewell Fact of Martyckis.]

Befoir the cuming of the land armye, the Frensche past to Glasgu, and distroyit the cuntrey thair about. Quhat tyrannye the Martyckis[131] usit upone ane poore Scottis suldiour, it is feirfull to heir, and yitt his fact may not be omittit. Silver wald thay gif nane to the poore men, and sua war thay slow to depairt of the toun; for albeit the drum struik, the enseingze could not be gottin. Thair was ane poore craftis man, quha haid bocht for his victuallis are gray laif, and was eitting ane morsell of it, and was putting the rest of it in his bosome. The tyranne cam to him, and with the poore catyveis awin quhynger first straik him in the breist, and after cast it at him, and sua the poore man, stagring and falling, the mercyless tyranne ran him through with his rapper, and thairefter commandit him to be hingit ower the stair. Lord, thow wilt yitt luik, and recompense sick tyrrannye; how contemptable that ever the persoun was!

[131] See supra, page 12, note 1.

The secunde of Aprile, the yeir of God, J^m V^c and threscoir yeiris, the army be land enterit in Scotland, the conducting quhairof was commitit to the Lord Gray,[132] quha haid in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James Croftis, Sir Hary Peircey, Sir Francis Laike, with mony uthir capitaneis and gentilmen having charge, sum of futmen, sum of horsmen. The armye be land was esteimit to ten thowsand men. The Quene Regent past to the Castell of Edinburgh,[133] and sum utheris of hir factioun.[134] At Prestoun met thame the Duckes Grace, the Erle of Argyle, (Huntlie came not till that the seige was confirmit,) Lord James, the Erlles of Glencairne and Menteith, Lordis Ruthwen, Boyd, Ochiltre, with all the Protestantis gentilmen of the West Fyffe, Anguss, and Mearneis. Swa that for few dayis the armye was greit.

[132] William Lord Gray de Wilton, "a gallant warrior," who distinguished himself on several occasions, and who, in 1559, was appointed Warden of the Middle and Eastern Marches.

[133] In a letter to Sadler, Randall writes on the 25th January 1559-60,--"It is thought that the Quene Douagier shalbe received very shortlie into the Castell of Edinburgh, for any travaile that can be to the contrarie, with her onlie howsholde servaunts and gentlewoomen." Two months later, on the 28th March 1560, he says, "It hath been longe in doubte whether the Quene Douagier woolde either to the Castell of Edinburgh or to Lythe; it is saide, that it is now resolved, that it will to the Castell this daye."--(State Papers, vol. i. pp. 696, 712.) That the Queen had the purpose of entering the Castle at the time first specified, is evident from an incidental notice in the Treasurer's Accounts of his having paid £8 on the 26th January 1559-60, "to Maister Johne Balfour, for transporting of the Quenis Grace cofferis fra the Abbay of Halierudhous to the Castell of Edinburgh." On the same day, a messenger was sent "with clois writtingis of the Quenis Grace to Monsr. Dosell;" and two days later 17s. was paid "to ane boy passand of Edinburgh, with clois writtingis of the Quenis Grace to Monsr. Labroce, rynnand all the nycht." On the last of January, the Queen herself received the sum of £250. The actual date when the Queen passed from Holyrood House to the Castle, was the 1st of April. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 56, 274.)

[134] The chief persons who remained in the Castle of Edinburgh with the Queen Regent, were John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, William Earl Marischal, William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, Robert Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, Abraham Crichton, Provost of the Church of Douglass, and James Makgill, Clerk-Register.--(Lesley's History, p. 284; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 274; Holinshed's Chronicles, &c.)

Efter the deliberatioun of twa dayis had at Enneresk,[135] the haill camp marchit fordwart with ordinance, and all preparatioun necessar for the seige, and came to Restalrig upoun the Palme Sunday Evin.[136] The Frensche haid put thamselffis in battell array upoun the Linkis without Leith, and had send furth thair skyrmissaris; quha begynning befoir ten houris, contyneuit skyrmissing till efter foure houris at efter none, quhan thair was gevin upone thame ane charge be sum horsmen of Scotland, and sum of Yngland. Bot because the principall Capitane of the horsmen of Yngland was not present, the haill troupis durst not charge; and swa was not the owerthraw and slawchter of the Frensche sa greit as it anis appeirit to haif bene; for the greit battell was anis at the trote; bot quhen thay persevit that the greit force of the horsemen stuid still, and chargeit not, thay returnit and gaif sum rescourse to thair fallowis that fled; and swa thair fell onlie in that defait about three hundreth Frenschmen. God wald nocht gif the victorie swa suddanlie, leist that man sould glorye in his awin strenth. The small victorie that was gottin, putt baith the Yngliss and Scottis in ower greit securitie, as the ischew declairit. The Frensche inclosit within the toun, the Yngliss armye began to plant thair palyeanis[137] betwix Leith and Restalrig.[138] The ordinance of the toun, and especiallie that quhilk lay upoun Sanct Anthonies Stepill[139] did thame greit annoyance: aganist quhilk place war bent aucht cannounis, quhilkis schott sa continewallie, and sua just, that within few dayis, that Stepill was condemnit, and all the ordinance that was on it dismontit, quhilk maid the Ynglismen sum quhat mair negligent than it became guid men of war to have bene; for persaiving that the Frensche maid na persute without thair wallis, they tuik oppinioun that they wald never ishe mair, and that maid sum of the Capitanis for pastyme, go to the toun:[140] the soldiouris, for thair ease, did lay thair armour besyde thame, and, as men without daingear, fell to the dice and cairtis. And sua, upoun the Pasche Mononday,[141] at the verray hour of noon, the Frenche ischeit baith on horse and fute, and with greit violence, enterit in to the Yngliss trynscheis, slew and putt to flycht all that was fund thairin. The watche was negligentlie keipit, and so was the succourse slow, and lang in cuming; for the Frenche, befoir that any resistance was made unto thame, approcheit hard to the greit ordinance. Bot than the horsmen troupit togidder, and the futemen gat thameselffis in array, and sua repulsit the Frenche back agane to the toun. Bot the slauchter was greit: sum sayis it doubill exceidit that quhilk the Frenche resavit the fyrst day. And this was the frute of thair securitie and oures, quhilk efter was remeidit; for the Ynglismen maist wyslie considdering thame selfis not abill to beseige the toun round about, devysit to mak montis at dyverse quarteris of it, in the quhilk thay and thair ordinance lay in as gude strenth as thay did within the toun. The common soldiouris keipit the trynscheis, and had the said montis for thair saifgaird and refuge, in case of any greiter persute than thay war abill to sustene. The patience and stowt curage of the Englismen, hot principallie of the horsmen, is worthy of all prayse: for, quhair was it ever hard that aucht thousand (thay never exceidit that number that lay in camp) sould beseige four thousand of the maist despairit throt-cuttaris that were to be found in Europe, and lye sua neir unto thame in daylie skyrmissing, the space of thre monethis and mair. The horsmen nycht and day keipit watche, and did sa valiantlie behaif thameselffis, that the Frenche gatt na advantage fra that day back to the day of the assault, quhairof we shall schortlie heir.

[135] In MS. G, "Inneresk;" in Vautr. edit., "Enresk." The village of Inveresk may be said to form part of Musselburgh, and is situated on the east side of the River Esk, near its confluence with the Frith of Forth, about six miles from Edinburgh.

[136] Saturday, the 6th of April, was the eve of Palm Sunday.

[137] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "pavilliones."

[138] The village of Restalrig lies about a-mile to the south-east of Leith.

[139] The building thus converted by the French troops into a place of defence, was the Hospital or Preceptory of St. Anthony, founded by Robert Logan of Restalrig, in 1435. It stood near the Kirkgate Street, at the south-west corner of what is still called St. Anthony's Wynd; and is said to have been the only establishment in Scotland belonging to the Canons of St. Anthony. During the siege in May 1560, the building was probably nearly all demolished. On the 17th of that month, the English troops having raised earthen mounds for their great ordinance, "beganne to shoote at Sanct Anthonyes steeple in Leith, upon the which steeple the Frenche had monted som artillerie, which was very noisome to the campe; bot within a few hours after, the said steeple was broken and shott doune; likewise they shott doune some part of the east end of the kirk of Leith." (Historie of the Estate of Scotland, in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 84.) Another old authority states,--"Upon the 20th day [of April] the principell blokhous within Leith, callit St Anthonies Kirk, was dung doun with cannones, and also the High Street where the viveris (provisions) lay, and many uther houssis upon the east syd of the toun."--(Lindesay of Pitscottie's Chronicles.)

[140] MS. G. has "go upe to the toun of Edinburgh."

[141] Easter Monday fell on the 15th of April.

In this meanetyme was this uther Band made of all the Nobilitie, Barronis, and Gentilmen, professing Chryst Jesus in Scotland, and of dyveris utheris that joynit with us, for expelling of the Frenche army; amangis quham, the Erle of Huntlie was principall. The Band followis:--

[ANE CONTRACT OF THE LORDS AND BARONS, TO DEFEND THE LIBERTY OF THE EVANGELL OF CHRIST.][142]

[142] In the MS. copies of Knox, this Band of Association by the Lords and Barons of Scotland, for setting forward the Reformation, is simply entitled, "The Last Band at Leyth." It was printed "from the Original" at Hamilton Palace, by Bishop Burnet, in his History of the Reformation, vol. iii. p. 287. It was probably not very accurately transcribed, but some slight corrections from that work have been adopted. It was reprinted in the Appendix to Crawford's Officers of State, p. 444; and in Keith's History, vol. i. p. 273. In all these copies, as well as in Knox, the names of the Lords and Barons who subscribed the Band are omitted. A contemporary copy in the British Museum, among the Harleian MSS. (No. 289. fol. 70.) has enabled me to supply this important omission.

[Sidenote: NOTA.--HEIRUPONE CAME THE PERSUTE.][143]

[143] In Vautr. edit. "Now hereupon," &c.

AT EDINBURGH, the xxvij day of Aprile, the yeir of God ane thousand fyve hundreth threescoir yeiris: We, quhais namis ar underwrittin, haif promittit and oblist oure selffis faithfullie, in the presens of oure God, and be thir presentis promittis, that we altogidder in generall, and every ane of us in speciall, be him selff, with oure bodeis, guidis, freyndis, and all that we may do, sall sett fordwart the Reformatioun of Religioun, according to Goddes word; and procure, be all meanis possibill, that the treuth of Goddes word may haif free passage within this Realme, with due administratioun of the sacramentis, and all thingis depending upoun the said word: And siclik, deiplie weying with oure selfis the misbehavour of the Frenche Ministeris heir; the intollerabill oppressiouns commitit be the Frenche men of weir upon the poore subjectis of this Realme, by meyntenance of the Quene Dowager, under cullour and pretence of authoritie; the tyrannye of thair Capitanis and leadaris; and manifest danger of conqueist, in quhilk this countrey presentlie standis, be reasoun of dyverse fortificatiouns upoune the sea-coast; and uther novelties of lait attemptit be thame; promittis, that We sall, als weill every ane with uther, as altogidder, with the Quene of Englandis armie, presentlie cumit in for oure delyverance, effectuallie concur and joyne togidder, taiking anefald plane pairt,[144] for expulsioun of the said strangeris, oppressouris of oure libertie, furth of this Realme, and recovery of oure ancient fredomis and liberteis; to the end, that in tyme cuming, we may, under the obedience of the Kyng and Quene our Soveranis, be onlie rewllit be the lawis and customeis of the cuntrey, and borne men of the land: And that never ane of us sall haif pryvey intelligence be writting, message, or communicatioun with ony of oure saidis ennemeis or adversareis in this cause, bot be the advise of the rest (at least of fyve) of the Counsale. Attour, that we sall tender the commun cause, as gif it war the cause of everie ane of us in particular; and that the causses of everie ane of us now joinit togidder, being leifull and honest, sall be all oure causses in generall: And he that is ennemy to the causses foirsaid, sall be ennemy to us all: in sa far, that quhatsoever persone will planelie resist thir oure godlie interpryseis, and will not concur as ane guid and trew member of this Common weill, we sall fortifie the auctoritie of the Counsale, to reduce thame to thair dewitie. Lyke as we sall fortifie the auctoritie foirsaid of the Counsale, in all thyngis tending to the furtherance of the saidis causses: And gif ony particular debait, quarrell, or contraversie, sall arryse, for quhatsoever cause, bygane, present, or to cum, betwix ony of us, (as God forbid,) in that caise, we shall submit our selfis and oure saidis questionis, to the decisioun of the Counsale, or to arbitratouris to be namit[145] be thame. And providing alwayis, that this be not prejudiciall to the ordinarie jurisdictioun of Judgeis, but that men may persew thair actiouns by ordour of law civilie or criminallie, befor the Judges Ordinaris[146] gif thai please.

[144] In MS. G, "taking and hald plain parte;" Vautr. edit. has "take and holde ane playne parte." In Burnet, "taking one fold and plain part of the expulsion."

[145] In MS. G, "to be maid."

[146] In Knox these four words are omitted.

[In wytnes of the quhilk we have subscrivit this present Band with our hands, day, zeir, and place above wryttine.

JAMES. JAMES HAMMYLTON. HUNTLEY. AR^D. ARGILL. GLENCARN. ROTHES. MORTOUN. A. GORDOUN.

JAMES JOHNSON, Apparand of Elphistoun. PATRYK DOWGLASS. ROBERT CAMPBELL. ANDREW JHONSON. ROBYN CAR.

JAMES STEWART. JHON MONTEY^T. RUTHWEN. R. BOYD. OGYLWYE. VCHILTREE. JHON MAXVEL. PATRYK LYNDSAY. JHON MAISTER PHORBES. LORD SOMERWELL. JAMES HALYBURTOUN.

ALEX^R. DUNBAR of Cumnok. GRAYTLY. W^M. DOUGLAS of Whyttingeym. GEORGE HWME of Spott. JHON GORDON, of Finlatter. ALEX^R. SETON, Younger of Meldrum. HENRY GRAHAME, Youngar of Morphy. ALEX^R. GORDOUN of Abyrzelde. DRUMLAYNRYK. FAUNHAUS.[147] CRAYNSTON of that Ilk. WEDDERBURN. ALEX^R. HUME. JHONSON.

GEORGE NYSBYT, with my hand at the pen. CUNNYNGAYMHYD. LESLYE of Bowquhane. JHON INNES of that Ilk. ARTHUR PHORBES. W^M. LESLEY Youngar of Wardes. JHON WISHART. DRUMLOYGHIE.

CESFUIRD. HUNDHILL. MARK KAR.]

[147] I suspect some of these names may have been mistaken; such as "Graytly," and "Faunhaus," which an examination of the original might correct.

[Sidenote: THE DOCHTER WILL NOT TAK EXAMPILL BY THE MOTHER.]

[Sidenote: THE 20 OF MAIJ, ANNO 1566.][148]

[148] In all the other copies this marginal note forms part of the text. It is in the same hand with the MS.: see note 1, page 68.

This Contract and Band came not onlie to the eiris, bot alssua to the sycht of the Quene Dowager; quhairat sche stormit nott a little, and said, "The maledictioun of God I gif unto thame that counsaleit me to persecute the prechearis, and to refuise the petitiouns of the best pairt of the trew subjects of this realme. It was said to me, That the Yngliss army could not ly in Scotland ten dayis; bot now thay [have] lyin near ane moneth, and ar mair lyk to remane than the first day thay came." Thay that gaif sick informatioun to the Quene, spak as wardlie wyise men, and as thingis appeirit to have bene; for the cuntrey being almaist in all the partis thairof waistit, the victuallis nixt adjacent to Leith either brocht in to thair provisioun, or ellis destroyit; the mylnis and uther placeis, as befoir is said, being cassin doun, it appeirit that the camp could not have bene furnissit (except it haid bene by thair awin schippis, and as that could nocht have bene of ony lang continewance, sua sould it have bene nathing confortable:) Bot God confoundit all warldlie wisdome, and maid his awin benedictioun als evidentlie to appeir as gif in ane maner he had fed the army from above. For all kind of victuallis thair was mair aboundante, and of mair easie priceis, in the camp all the tyme that it lay, efter that aucht dayis war past, than either thay haid bene in Edinburgh any of the twa yeires of befoir, or yit hes bene in that toun to this day. The pepill of Scotland sa mekill abhorrit the tyrrannye of the Frenche, that thay wald have gevin the substance that thay had, to have bene ridd of that chargeable burding, quhilk oure synnis had provockit God to lay upoun us, in geving us in the handis of ane woman, quhom our Nobilitie in thair fulischnes sauld unto strangearis, and with hir the libertie of the Realme. "God, for his greit mercies saik, preserve us yitt from farther bondage, in the quhilk we ar lyke to fall, gif he provyde not remedy; for oure Nobilitie will yett remane blynd still, and will follow hir affectiouns, cum efter quhat sua may." Bot to returne to oure Historie.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE ASSAULT OF LEITH, THE 7 OF MAIJ 1560.]

The campe abounding in all necessarie provisioun, ordour was taikin for confirmatioun of the Seige;[149] and sa the trynches war drawin als neir the toun, as thay gudlie mycht. The greitt campe removit fra Restalrig to the west syde of the Watter of Leith; and sa war the cannounis plantit for the batterie, and did schute at the south-west wall. But be reassone all was eird, the brek[150] was nott maid sa greit upoun the day bot that it was sufficientlie repairit upoun the nycht. Quhairof the Inglismen begynning to weary, determinit to gyve the brusche and assault; as that thay did upoun the sevint day of Maij, beginning befoir the day-licht, and contineuing till it was neir sevin houris. And albeit that the Ingliss and Scottis, with greit slauchter of the suldiouris of baith, were repulsit, yitt was thair never ane scharpar assault gevin of so few handis; for thay exceidit not ane thousand men that assaultit the haill twa quarteris of the toun, and yitt thay dampnit the haill blok-housses; yea, thay anis pat the Frenche clene of thair wallis, and were upoun baith the west and eist blokhousses. Bot thay wantit baking; for thair ledderis wantit sax quarteris of the just hicht; and sua quhill the former wer compellit to fecht upoun the tope of [the] wall, thair fellowis could nott win to support thame, and sa war thay be multitude dung back agane, quhen it was anis thocht the Toune was win.

[149] In Holinshed's Chronicles is contained a minute account of the Siege of Leith, in May 1560. Thomas Church-yard, the English Poet, who was present among the troops commanded by Lord Gray de Wilton, published in "The First Part of Churchyarde's Chippes," (a kind of Poetical Miscellany,) "The Siege of Leith," written in stanzas of seven lines. It was first printed at London in 1565; again in 1575, and 1578. This poem referred to, is included in the volume of "Churchyard's Chips concerning Scotland," edited by George Chalmers, Lond. 1817, 8vo.

[150] In MS. G, "Bot be ressoun the wall was eirthe, the breiche," &c.; Vautr. edit. has, as in the text, "But by reason all was earth, the breache," &c.

Sir James Croftis[151] was blamit of mony for not doing his dewitie that day; for he was appoyntit, with ane sufficient nomber of the maist abill men, to haif assaultit the north-west quarter upoun the sey-syde, quhair, at an low-water (as at the tyme of the assault) [the passage] was easy:[152] bot neather he nor his approchit to thair quarter appoyntit. He had befoir, at thair first cuming in, spokin with the Quene Regent[153] at the foir blok-house of the Castell of Edinburgh. Quhidder sche had enchantit him we knew nott, but by suspitioun of that day, in the quhilk he desaivit the expectation of many, and, sa far as man could judge, was the caus of that greit repulse; for sum ascribit the schortnes of the ledderis to him: bot that omittit, quhilk mycht have proceidit of negligence, his absens frome the persute of his quarter, was the cause that sick Frenche as war appointit thair to defend, seing na persewar, came to the releif of thair fellowis, and sa the twa joyning togidder, with greit slauchter gaif the repulse to oure company. The Frenche menis harlotis, of quhom the maist pairt war Scottis hureis, did na less creweltie than did the souldiaris; for besydis that thay chargeit thair peceis, and ministrit unto thame uther weaponis, sum continewallie cast staneis, sum careit chymnayis of burnyng fyre, sum brocht tymmer and uther impedimentis of wecht, quhilk with great violence thay threw over the wall upoun oure men, bot especiallie quhen thay began to turne backis. Now, albeit in all this we acknawlege the secreit wark of God, quha by sick meanis wald beat doun alsweill the pryde of Ingland as of Scotland, yitt neather aucht the febilnes nor falsett of man to be excusit, neather yitt the cruelty of the adversareis be conceilit. The Quene Regent satt all the tyme of the assault (quhilk was baith terribill and lang) upon the foir-wall of the Castell of Edinburgh; and quhen sche perceivit the overthraw of us, and that the ensenyeis of the Frenche war agane displayit upoun the wallis, sche gaif ane gawfe of lauchter, and said, "Now will I go to the Messe, and prayse God for that quhilk my eyes have sene!" And sa was Freir Black[154] reddy for that purpose, quhom sche hir self a little of befoir had deprehendit with his harlott in the chapell: But huredome and idolatrye aggre weill togidder, and that oure Courte can witnesse this day, 16 Maij 1566.[155]

[151] As mentioned by Knox, supra, page 31, Sir James Crofts was captain of the Town and Castle of Berwick, and warden of East Marches. "He had," says Sir Walter Scott, "a good military reputation; having governed Ireland, and defended Haddington (in 1547) against the French and the Scotch. He was attainted by Queen Mary, but restored by Queen Elizabeth, and made Governor of Berwick; an office which he enjoyed at the date of these letters." (State Papers, vol. i. p. 387.) But Crofts, for his conduct at this time, was impeached by the Duke of Norfolk, and removed from his office as Governor, which was conferred on Lord Gray. He afterwards became Comptroller of the Household, and died in 1595.

[152] In MS. 1566, "of the assault it was easy."

[153] The interview of Crofts with the Queen Regent that Knox alludes to, took place on the 6th April 1560, during the skirmish at Restalrig. "In this meantyme (says Bishop Lesley) the Lord Gray, and Sir George Hawart, and Sir James Croftis to the Castell of Edinburgh, to speik with the Quein to this effect (viz. the cause of the coming of the army, &c.); quha had long conference with hir upoun the blok hous at the uter yeit of the saide Castell, the same day, during the tyme of the scarmishe," &c. (Hist. p. 283.) See also the Historie of the Estate of Scotland, in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 82.

[154] Some notices of this Frier Black will be given in the Appendix.

[155] This date, like that on the margin at page 65, is in the same hand with the MS., and serves to show that this portion of the volume was written or transcribed in May 1566. In MS. G. the date, by mistake, is May 1560.

[Sidenote: THE INUMANITIE OF THE MERCYLES FRENCHE.]

[Sidenote: THE QUENE REGENTIS CREWELL HART.]

The Frenche, prowd of the victorie, strypeit naikit all the slayne, and laid thair deid[156] carcassis befoir the hot sune alang thair wall, quhair thay sufferit thame to lye ma dayis nor ane: unto the quhilk, quhen the Quene Regent luikit, for myrth sche happit and said, "Yonder are the fairest tapestrie that ever I saw: I wald that the haill feyldis that is betwix this place and yon, war strowit with the same stuiffe." This fact was sene of all, and hir wordis war hard of sum, and mislykeit of many. Against the quhilk Johnne Knox spak oppinlie in pulpeit, and baldlie affirmeit, "That God sould reveange that contumelye done to his image, not onlie in the furiouse and godless souldiaris, bot evin in sick as rejoysit thairat." And the verray experience declairit, that he was nott deceavit; for within few dayis thair efter, (yea sum say that same day,) began hir bellie and lothsome leggis to swell, and sa continewit, till that God did execute his judgementis upoun hir, as efter we sall heir.

[156] In MS. G, "dead" is omitted.

The defait receavit, it was fully perswadit to the Queen Regent and hir factioun, that the Seige wald ryse, and that the Ingliss army wald depairt: and sua began the Papistis wondrouslie to brag; and yitt God did frustratt thair expectation; for the army concludit[157] to remane till new adverteisment came fra the Quene in Counsall.

[157] In MS. G, "determined."

[Sidenote: THE COMFORTABLE LETTER OF THE DUICK OF NORTHFOLK.]

The Duck of Northfolk, quha than lay at Berwick, commandit the Lord Gray to continew the seige, and promeisit "That he sould not laick men sa lang as ony war to be had betwix Trent and Tweid, for sa far was he lieutennent." He farther promeisit his awin presens, in caise he sould be requyreit; and for assurance thairof, he send his awin palzeounis,[158] sic as seldome befoir had bene sene in Scotland, with his officiaris and provisioun. And with expeditioun war send twa thousand fresche men, quhairby the campe, greitlie confortit, began to forgett the former disconfiture, and to sustene the daylie skyrmissing as thay did befoir; in the quhilk the Frenche, efter the day of the assault, did ever resaif the hurt and the repulse, as the slauchter of many that came to the cockill-raik[159] did witnesse. The greatest damage that ather Ingliss or Scottis receavit efter that day, was the slauchter of twa gentilmen, the ane Master of Househald to my Lord James, Robert Colvene of Cleysche,[160] ane man stowt, modest, and wise; quha was schot in the thigh with ane falcone or haquebute of crock, and depairtit the miserie of this lyfe within twa houris efter. The uther was Alexander Lockart, brother to the Laird of Barr,[161] quha raschelie discovering him selff in the trynschis, was schot in the heid, and immediatlie thairefter depairtit this lyff.

[158] In MS. G, "paviliounes;" in Vautr. edit., "pallions."

[159] In MS. G, "the Cole-raik;" Vautr. edit. follows the text.

[160] Robert Colville of Cleish, has already been mentioned, in a Note to vol. i. p. 348. The property of Cleish, in the parish of that name, Kinross-shire, had belonged to William Meldrum of Cleish and Binns, whom Sir David Lyndesay has celebrated in his well-known poem, "The History of Squyer Meldrum." There is every reason to believe that this Robert Colville was the person who detected the imposture of the pretended miracle of restoring sight to a blind person at Loretto.--See Row's History, Wodrow Society edition, pp. 449-455. He was Master of the Household to Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews.

[161] This was probably Alexander Lockhart, styled Burgess of Ayr, who was convicted for an unlawful convocation of the lieges within the borough of Ayr, 19th January 1539-40. He had a charter of the lands of Quhitstanes, in that County, in 1547. His brother, John Lockhart of Bar, is elsewhere mentioned by Knox.

Quhill the seige thus continewit, ane suddane fyre chanceit in Leith, quhilk devourit many housses and mekill victuall; and sa began God to fecht for us, as the Lord Erskin in plane wordis said to the Quene Regent: "Madam, (quod he,) I can se na mair, but seing that men may not expell injust possessouris furth of this land, God him self will do it; for yon fyre is nocht kindellit be man." Quhilk words offendit the Quene Regent not a littill; quhais seiknes daylie increassing, greit craft sche usit that Monsieur D'Osell mycht have bene permitit to have spokin with hir; belyke sche wald have biddin him fairweill (for auld familiaritie was greit); bot that denyit, sche wrait as it [had] bene to hir chyrurgian and apothecar, schawing hir seiknes, and requyreing sum droggis. The letter being presentit to the Lord Gray, he espyit the craft; for few lyneis being writtin above and sa mekill quhyte paper left, he said, "Drogis ar aboundand and freschear in Edinburgh than thay can be in Leith: thair lurkis heir sum uther misterie." And sa he began to try; and be halding the paper to the fyre, he persavit sum writting [to] appeir, and sa began he to reid. Bot quhat it was, na uther man can tell; for immediatelie he brunt the bill, and said to the messinger, "Albeit I have bene hir Secretary, yitt tell hir I sall keip hir counsall. But say to hir, Sik wairis will nocht sell till a new marcatt."

[Sidenote: THE DEATH OF THE QUENE REGENT.]

The answer receavit, sche was nathing content: and than travellit sche earnistlie that sche mycht speik with the Erlles Argyle, Glencairne, Merschell, and with the Lord James. Efter deliberatioun it was thocht expedient that they sould speik hir, bot nocht altogidder, leist that sum pairt of the Guysianis practise had lurkit under the cullour of [sik] freindscheip. Hir regrait was unto thame all, "That sche haid behavit hir self sa fulischlie, that sche had compellit thame to seik the support of otheris than of thair awin Soverane; and said, that sche soir repentit that ever it came to that extremitie. Bot sche was nocht the wyte, bot the wickit counsell of hir freyndis on the ane pairt, and the Erle of Huntley upoun the uther; for gif he had nocht bene, sche wald have fully aggreit with thame at thair communyng at Prestoun." Thay gave unto hir baith the counsale and the confort quhilk thai could in that extremitie, and willit her to send for sum godlie learnit man, of quhom sche mycht resaif instructioun; for these ignorant Papistis that war about hir, understude nathing of the mysterie of oure Redemptioun. Upoun thair motyve was Johnne Willock send for, with quhom sche talkit ane reassonabill space, and quha did planelie schaw unto hir, alsweill the vertew and strenth of the death of Jesus Christ, as the vanitie and abominatioun of that idole the Mess. Sche did oppinlie confesse "That thair was na salvatioun, bot in and by the death of Jesus Christ." Bot of the Mess we hard not hir confessioun. Sum said sche was annoyntit of the Papisticall maner, quhilk was ane sygne of small knawledge of the treuth, and of less repentance of hir former superstitioun. Yitt quhowsoever it was, Christ Jesus got na small victorie over sick an ennemy. For albeit before sche had avowit, that in dyspite of all Scotland, the preachearis of Jesus Christ sould ather die or be banischeid the realme; yitt was sche compellit not onlie to heir that Chryst Jesus was precheit, and all idolatrie oppinlie rebuikit, and in many placeis suppressit, bot alssua sche was constraineit to heir ane of the principall ministeris within the realme, and to approve the cheif heid of oure religioun, quhairin we dissent frome all Papistis and Papistrie. Schort thairefter sche fynischeit hir unhappy lyfe; unhappy, we say, to Scotland, fra the fyrst day sche enterit into it, unto the day sche depairtit this lyfe, quhilk was the nynt of June,[162] the zeir of God J^m V^c threscoir zeiris. "God, for his greit mercyis saik, red us frome the rest of the Guysiane blude. Amen, Amen." For of the tyrranie of the Guysiane blud in hir,[163] that for our unthankfulness now reignis above us, we have had sufficient experience. Bot of any vertew that ever was espyit in Kyng James the Fyft (quhais dochter sche is callit) to this houre we have never sene any sparkle to appeir.

[162] Instead of the 9th of June, the Queen Regent died on the 10th of that month. Her body, by her own desire, was transported to France, after an interval of several months; and towards the close of this Third Book, Knox takes occasion to notice the delay of her funerals.--See note on the passage referred to.

[163] Mary of Lorraine was the daughter of Claude, Duke of Guyse.--See vol. i. p. 61, note 6.

Upone the saxtene day of June, efter the death of the Quene Regent, came in Scotland[164] Monsieur Randan,[165] and with him the Bischop of Valance,[166] in commissioun fra France, to entreat of peace. Fra Ingland thair came Sir Williame Cicill,[167] chief Secretary, and Doctor Wottoun.[168] Thair negotiation was langsum; for baith Ingland and we feiring deceat, socht be all meanis that the contract sould be sure. And thay upoun the uther pairt, meanyng to gratifie sick as had send thame, (quha menit nathing bot mere falsett,) protractit tyme to the uttermost; yea, quhill thame of Leith war verray skairce of victualls, and thay of the Insche had perescheit, had not bene that by policy thay gatt ane schip with victuallis, and some munitioun, quhilk was upoun Mydsomer evin, quhairof thay maid no small tryumphe; quhilk alsua for ane seassone stayit the Appoyntment. Yitt in the end peace was concludit, in forme as follows:--

[164] The Articles agreed upon, at Berwick, 14th June 1560, are printed by Keith.

[165] Charles de la Rochefaucault, Seigneur de Randan. In the Latin treaty, he is designed "Dominus de Randan, Miles et Eques Auratus." In his passage through England, he had an interview with Queen Elizabeth, in May 1560. Throkmorton, in his letters 4th May, calls him "Monsieur de Randan, brother to the Comte Rochefaucault, and to the Abbot of Cormery," and says, "he is a faire spokesman, and a good courtesan, very well esteemed in this court, and of the faction of Guise." His journey was delayed for some days; and Cecil, on the 22d May, informs Throkmorton,--"Monsieur de Randan hath taken good leasure, and cam yesterdaye hyther to the Court, with the Embassador, and the Bishop of Vallence."--(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 432, 433, 449, 460.)

[166] Monsieur John de Monluc, Bishop of Valence. On the 13th May 1560, Henry Killegrew, at Cecil's desire, informed Throkmorton, "Yt was lang ere the Bishope of Valence cold have save condyt of the Lords of Scotland, to repaire into the Quyne Doujar, by cause they did mistrust the sufficiencye of his authoritie; bot yet at length yt was granted. So as he went and spak with the Quyne in the Castell of Edenburgh," &c.--(Forbes's State Papers, vol. i. p. 456.)

[167] See supra, p. 17, note 2.

[168] In the copies of Knox, "Wittoun." Dr. Nicholas Wotton, was Dean of Canterbury and York. "He was much employed (says Sir Walter Scott) in foreign negotiations, during the Reigns of Henry VIII. and his successor, and died in 1566, after having served in nine embasies to the several States of Europe."--(Note in Sadler, vol. i. p. 395.)

THE ARTICLES TRANSACTIT AND AGGREIT BE THE REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, JOHNE BISCHOP OF VALANCE, AND MONSIEUR RANDAN, DEPUTTIS TO THE KING AND QUENE OF SCOTLAND, UPOUN THE MATTERIS PRESENTIT TO THAME, BE WAY OF PETITIOUN, FOR THE PAIRT OF THE NOBILITIE AND PEPILL OF SCOTLAND.[169]

[169] The following Articles form only part of the last Convention or Treaty of Peace, which was signed at Edinburgh, on the 6th July 1560. It is printed at full length in Rymer's Foedera. See also Keith's History, vol. i. pp. 298-306. It has not, therefore, been thought necessary to supply the variations or omissions in this document.

In Rymer's collection there will likewise be found, (1.) The Commission from Francis and Mary, King and Queen of France and Scotland, appointing Commissioners for a Treaty of Amity and Peace with England, dated 12th May 1560. (2.) The Convention (also in French) for the demolition of the Fortifications at Leith, 5th July 1560. (3.) The Treaty or Convention (in Latin) alluded to, as signed at Edinburgh, on the 6th July. The last two are signed,

J. MONLUC E. DE VALENCE. RANDAN. W. CECIL. N. WOTTON.

(4.) Rymer also inserts the Ratification of this Treaty, by Queen Elizabeth, dated at Windsor, 20th September 1560.

In the first, Upoun the complaynt and petitioun of the said Nobilitie and pepill of this cuntrey, anent the number of men of weir sustenit be thair Majesties in thir pairtis in tyme of peace; It is humblie requeistit to the saidis Deputis, that thay wald provide oportune remedy thairupoun, to the solace and releif of the cuntrey. The saidis Deputis considerand the said desyre to be just, and conforme to reasone, concludit, concordit, and affirmit, That the Kyng and Quene sall procure na Frenche men of weir, nor na uther natioun to cum to thir pairtis in tyme cuming; bot gif strangearis wald pretend to enter in this realme with ane navy or army to occupy the same; in the quhilk caise provisioun sall be maid be thair Majesties, the judgement and counsale of the Estaitis of the realm be haid thairto: And that the Frenche men of weir, being now in the toun of Leith, sall be send to France the same tyme that the navy and army of Inglissmen and Scottismen has scaillit and depairtit baith be sey and land; the quhilk sall be done in the best maner may be, as at mair lenth consideratioun sall be had thairupone. As to the bandis of Scottismen of war being at the said place, thay sall be brokin, and the men of war licentiat[170] to depairt. Mairover, as to the fortis of Dumbar and Insche Keyth,[171] thair sall remane in thame ane hundreth and twenty Frenche men of weir[172] allanerlie, quhilkis sall be pairtit and distributit in thir twa placeis; and thair sall remane na ma in Dumbar bot threscoir men of war, sua it be not affirmit be the Capitaneis chosin to that effect be baith the pairteis, that for the keiping of the same ane greitar number is not neidfull; alssua to depairt quhen the Estaitis of the realme can fynd ane guid and sure remedy, upoun the expensses maid in the saidis placeis, to keip the same fra perell of invasioun, or deprivatioun thairof fra thame that wald pretend to occupy the samyn, thay sall schaw the same to thair Majesties alse haistilie as may be done: and in the menetyme, the number of the said men of war sall not be augmentit. And in lyk maner it sall nocht be lefull to the said men of war to do ony injureis to ony personis, or yitt to menteyne or defend ony Scottismen, of what qualitie so ever thay be of, againis the will and authoritie of the magistratis of the realme, nor to resaif thame in the saidis placeis that the minister of justice may not putt handis in thame; nor yitt sall intromett with tham any maner of way, with the quarrellis and discordis of the Lordis, or uthir particular men of this realme; bot thay thame selffis sall be obligit, in caise of ony quarrell to be punischitt efter the lawis and consuetude[173] of this Realm, and to answer for thame selffis befoir the Judgeis Ordinaris of the same. Last of all, that fra this furth[174] thay be not compellit to taik ony credeit, they sall be every moneth satisfeit of thair wageis; sua that twa Scottis Lordis chosin be the Counsale, may present it, at weappon-schawing and mustouris of the said men of weir; and alsua to viseit the saidis fortis to se gif the number of thame be eikit; and it sall not be lesum to the said men of war to tak ony victuallis for thair sustentatioun, to the munitioun of the saidis placeis, bot be payment of reddy money, numerat, and with the plesour of thame that delyveris the same to thame: And thairfoir, the saidis Lordis oblisses thame to gif thame sa mekill as is neidfull to thame, thay having to pay thairfoir.

[170] Vautr. edit. "licensed."

[171] Vautr. edit. makes it, "Dunbar, and in such that."

[172] In MS. G, "of weir" is omitted.

[173] In MS. 1566, it is "constitute;" in Vautr. edit. "constitutions."

[174] In Vautr. edit., "from henceforth;" in MS. G, "fra this tyme furth."

Item, Upoun the petitioun presentit to the saidis Lordis Deputis, anent the demolitioun of the fortificationis, the saidis Deputis consentit, concordit, and affirmit, That the fortificatioun of Leith sall be demolischit, and that twa, thre, or four capitaneis sall be chosin be baith of the pairteis, to visite the Castell of Dumbar; and gif it beis fundin be thame, that the reparatioun, amplificatioun, and fortifeing[175] maid thairof now efter the peace, greittar nomber of men to the keiping thairof is requyreit, the reparatioun and fortificatioun thairof sall be demolischeit, sua sone as may be done, and sall remane onlie untuicheit, that thing quhilk may mak the said Castell mair sure, and leist dainger fra invasioun; provyding nocht the less that na grettar nomber of men thairin be requyreit for keiping of the same. Mairover, in tymeis cuming the Kyng and Quene sall mak na ma new fortis within this realme, and sall nocht augment thame that ar ellis maid, nor sall repair thame that are demolischeit, without counsal and consent of the Estaites; nor yitt sall transport to uthir partis ony artailyerie, munitioun of war, powder, or victuallis, bot sa mekill as may gayne for keiping of the saidis placeis be the space of sax monethis or ane yeir.

[175] In MS. G, "fortificatioun."

Item, Anent the petitioun maid anent the debtis contractit be the Frenche men of weir in this countrey, the saidis [Deputis] concordit, That the Kyng and Quene sall cause restoir all that quhilk happinis to be fund gevin and grantit to the Kyngis Lieutennent and his Capitaneis, and uthiris Officiaris, for the nureisment, sustentatioun, and menteinance of the said Frensche men, or that quhilk beis fundin aucht be the lieutennent for service of his Majestie, that may appeir be writt, or confessioun of parteis.

Item, Upoun the petitioun maid anent the Conventioun of Estaitis of this Realme, the saidis Deputis consentit, concordit, &c., That the Estaites of the Realme may convene and hald Parliament, the twenty day[176] of the moneth of Julij nixt to cum; upone the quhilk day the Parliament sall be contyneuit, as use is, unto the fyrst day of the moneth of August following. Provyding alwayis, that befoir or thay begin to treat ony thyng in the said Parliament, all tumult of weir be dischargeit and ceise, that they that are present may be free without feir of men of weir or uthiris; and that in the menetyme ane messinger be send be the saidis Deputis to the Kyng and Quene, to certifie thame of thay thyngis aggreit, treatit, and concordit, requeisting thair Majesteis humbillie to be contentit with the samyn: And the said Conventioun sall be alse lauchfull in all respectis, as the samyn had bene ordanit and done be expres commandyment of thair Majesteis; providing that na mater be treatit thairintill befoir the said fyrst day of August.

[176] See note infra, page 84.

Item, Upoun the article presentit anent Weir and Peace, the saidis Deputis consentit, concordit, etc., That the Kyng and Quene neither mak peace nor weir in thir pairtis, bot be counsale, judgment, and consent of the Thre Estaitis, according to the ordinance and consuetudis of the countrey; and as was observit be thair predecessouris.

Item, Upoun the petitioun presentit to the saidis Deputis, anent the governament and regiment of the Policey, thay have consentit, etc., That twenty-four worthy men of this realme be chosin be the Three Estaitis, of the quhilkis the Kyng and the Quene sall chuse sevin, and the Estaitis sevintene; quhilkis in thair Majesteis absens sall tak ordour, and mak an ordinarie counsall for administratioun foirsaid, sua that na man, of quhatsoever qualitie he be, sall have the power to ordour ony thing to be done touching the saidis busynes, without the mediatioun, authorities, and consent of thame: sua that the saidis counsallaris sall convene togidder alse oft as thay may, but thay sall convene na less nor sax[177] togidder; And quhen ony mater of importance occurris, thay sall be all callit to counsale, and tak ordour be thame, or the maist pairt of thame, gif neid beis. And gif it happinis ony of the said sevin chosin be the Kyng and Quene to deceis, thair Majesties sall choise ane uthir furth of the said nomber of xxiv. in place of him that deceassit; and gif ony of the saidis xvii. chosin be the Estaitis deis, the remanent foirchosen be thame sall name are uther of the said nomber of twentie foure. Mairover, gif it beis thocht expedient be the saidis Estaitis, that uther twa be augmentit to the said nomber of twelf, than and in that caise, the Kyng and Quene sall choise ane, and the Estaitis ane uther. And sua was this Article aggreit under conditioun, that is to say, That the samyn be na prejudice in tyme cuming to the Kyng and Quene, and rychtis of the Croune: And the saidis Deputis offerrit thair laubouris to mak mediatioun to the Kyng and Quene, for menteining pensiouns and expensses of the said Counsellouris, and ordinar officiaris of the said counsall, to be providit of the rentis and proventis[178] of the Croun.

[177] In MS. G, "no les than twelf."

[178] In Vautr. edit., "rents and reuenewes."

Item, Upoun the petitioun maid to the saidis Deputis anent the Officiaris of this realme, thay consentit and concordit, &c., That in tyme cuming the King and Quene sall not depute ony stranger in the administratioun of the civile and criminall Justice; and in lykwyise in the office of Chancellarie, Keipar of Seall, Thesaurer, Compttrollar, and uther lyk officeis, and sall not use thame, but sall be content with thair awin subjectis borne in this realme. Mairover, it sall not be lefull to put the office of Thesaurarie, Comptrollarie, in the handis of any kirk man, or utheris quhilkis ar not abill to exercise the saidis officeis; the quhilkis Thesaurer and Compttrollar sall be providit of sufficient commissioun to use the saidis officeis. Bot it sall not be lefull to thame to dispone or sell wairdis of mariageis, or uther casualiteis, or any uther thyngis quhatsumever thay be perteinyng to thair officeis, without counsall or consent of the said Counsale, to that effect that the Counsale may know that all thyngis be done to the proffitt of the Kyng and Quene; and yitt thay will not bynd, or astrict the Kyng and Quene be this article, that thay may not gif quhen thay think expedient.

Item, Thay concordit, That in the first conventioun of the Estaitis of this Realme, thair sall be constitut, ordanit, and establischeit ane law of oblivioun, quhilk efterward sall be confirmit be the Kyng and Queneis Majesties; be the quhilk all rememberance of beiring of armour, and utheris thyngis quhilk it hes bene done, sall be eirdit and forgett,[179] fra the saxt day of the moneth of Marche, in the yeir of God J^m V^c fyftie aucht yeiris:[180] And be the samyn law, thay quhilkis hes contravenit the lawis of the realme, sall be exemit and fre of all payne contenit thairin, siclik as gif it never had bene contravenit; providing that the privilegis of the said law be not extendit to thame, quhilkis the Estaitis of the Realme sall judge[181] unworthie thairof.

[179] In MS. G, "sall be buryed, earthed, and forget;" in Vautr. edit., "shalbe buried and forgotten."

[180] That is, the year 1558-9.

[181] In MS. G, "sall think;" in Vautr. edit., "shall judge."

Item, It is aggreit and concludit, That in the said Conventioun or Parliament, the Estaitis of the Realme, as use is, and of the maner is requireit, sall be callit; in the quhilk all thay that hes usit to convene, and be present, may cum without all feir or force done, or to be done to thame be any persone, sua that the saidis sall oblisse thame, that quhair in tyme cuming ony seditioun, or conventioun of men of war sall happin to be, without command of the Counsall, being of the number of twelf, the realme and cuntrey sall repute the causseris thairof, and thame that conveneis as rebellis, and sall persew thame as siclyk, that thay may be punischeit be the lawis of the Realme, sua that the Kyng and Quene sall not be compellit in tyme cuming to send ony men of war, or strangeris in thir pairtis, for obtenying of dew obedience of thair subjectis.

Item, Thay offerit, concordit, and aggreit, That thair sall be generall peace and reconciliatioun amang all Lordis and subjectis of this Realme; so that thay that are callit of the Congregatioun, and thay quhilkis are not of the samyn, sall put na reproche to utheris of the thingis quhilk are done fra the said saxt day of Marche 1558 [-9.]

Item, Thay offerrit, concordit, and affirmit, That the King and Quene sall not persew, revenge, nor mak ony persecutioun of the thyngis that hes bene done, nor yitt sall thay suffer the samyn to be done be thair subjectis, Frenche men, bot sall have all thyngis in oblivioun, as the samyn had never bene done. And siclyk, the Lordis of this Realme of Scotland sall do of all busynes betwix thame and the Frenche men in thir pairtis. And gif, be sinister informatioun, or ony uther occasioun, thair Majesteis hes conceavit ony evill opinioun against thair subjectis, thay sall alluterlie forgett, and change the samyn; nor thay sall not depryve any of thame, nor denude any of thame, or of thair subjectis, of the officeis, beneficeis, or estaitis, quhilkis thay have bruikit in the said Realme befoir, be rassone of ony thyngis thay have middillit with, fra the said saxt day of Marche 1558 [-9.] And farther, sall mak na occasioun of deprivatioun, or deposing of thame be any uther cullour without caus; bot rather thay sall esteme and treit thame in tyme cuming as gude and obedient subjectis, providing that the saidis Lordis and uther subjectis, on thair pairtis, mak to thair Majesteis haill obedience, siclyk as utheris faithfull and naturall subjectis aucht to thair Soveraneis.

Item, It is concordit and aggreit, That it sall be lefull to nane of the Lordis of the Nobilitie of Scotland, or ony utheris, to mak convocatioun of men of weir, bot in the ordinarie causses approvit be the lawis and consuetude of the Realme; and that nane of thame sall cause ony men of weir, strangeris, to cum in thir pairtis, and mekill less sall attempt to do ony thyng against the Kyng and Quene, or aganeis the authoritie of the Counsall, and utheris Magistratis of the Realme; and thay quhilkis hes presentit the said petitioun sall be obleist thairunto. And in caise any of thame, or utheris, find occasioun to invaid, or tak armour aganist any man, as he pretendis, efter that he have communicatit the mater with the counsall of the Realme, he sall present his complaynt to thair Majesteis: and generallie, thay sall obliss thame, under the saidis paines, to do the thyngis quhilkis pertenis to guid and faithfull subjectis, for the quyetnes and tranquillitie of the Realme, and rychtis of thair Soveraneis.

Item, It is aggreit, &c., That gif ony Bischopis, Abbotis, or uther kyrk men sall playnt, or allege thame to have resavit any injureis, eyther in thair personeis or guidis, the playnt sall be sene and considderit be the Estaitis in the said Conventioun and Parliament; and thair sall be maid redress, as thay sall find according to reassone: And in the meinetyme, na man sall stopp thame, bot thay sall bruik thair guddis; nor sall do any skaith, injurie, or violence to thame: and gif ony dois contravene to this article, he sall be persewit be the Lordis as ane perturbar of ane guid communwelth.

Item, It is concordit, &c., That the saidis Lordis sall obliss thame to observe, and cause be observit, all and sindrie pointis and articleis aggreit in this Treateis: and gif it happinis that any of thame, or ony uther, wald contravene the same, the remanent Lordis and residew of the haill pepill, sall be ennemeis to him, and sall persew him till he be chaistisit and puneisit according to his demereitis.

Item, It is concordit, &c., That all the haill Realme may know that the Kyng and Quene ar not willing to keip any rememberance of the trubillis and differencis bygane; and sa far as concernis the Nobilitie and utheris subjectis of the Realme, that thair Majesteis desyris to treit thame humanelie, and to be favourabill to thame; the saidis Deputis hes promeist and concordit that the Duck of Chastellarault, and all uthiris Nobillmen of Scotland, sall be remittit, and put again in all thair guddis and beneficeis, quhilkis thay haid and joysit in France, that thay may bruik and joyse the same in the samyn maner as thay did of befoir thay differenceis, the said saxt day of Marche, and yeir foirsaid, evin as the saidis contraverseis had never chanceit. And alssua, that all capitulatiouns and articleis aggreit upoun in tymeis bigane, and speciallie thay that war appointit in the Kyng and Queneis contract, sall be observit and keipit, alsweill for the pairt or thair Majesteis as for the pairt of the Nobilitie and pepill of Scotland. And as concerning David, sone to the said Duck of Chastellarault,[182] now being in Boys de Vincent, libertie sall be grantit to him to returne to Scotland, and to do as he pleise.

[182] Lord David Hamilton, the third son of the Duke of Chatelherault: see note, vol. i. p. 383. He returned to Scotland in October 1560.

Mairover, quhen the saidis Deputis exponit, that sum tyme it mycht chance that the Kyng mycht mister of his greit gunis and artailyerie in France, the saidis Lordis having consideratioun thairof, concordit, That na uther artailyerie be translatit out of this Realme, bot thay quhilkis war send and brocht in fra the day and deceise of Francis, King of France,[183] of guid memorie to thir pairtis; and that all uther artailyerie and munitioun be reponit in placeis quhair thay war takin furth, and speciallie [those] that hes the armeis[184] of Scotland sall be put in the placeis quhair thay war takin furth of; and their sall be Nobill men of Scotland [appointed] thairfoir, and twa for the pairt of the Kingis Majestie is to be deput, to recognosce the samyn befoir the schipping thairof.

[183] Francis the First, died 31st March 1547.

[184] In MS. G, "and in speciall that have the armes."

And, mairover, that quhair for the pairt of the Nobilitie and pepill of Scotland, certane Articles concerning the Religioun[185] and uthiris pointis war presentit, quhilkis the saidis Deputis wald not tuyche, bot considering the wecht and importance of thame, remittit the samyn to be recognoscit and decidit be thair Majesties; the saidis Lordis and Nobilitie promeisit, that ane certane number of Nobill men sall be chosin in the nixt Convention and Parliament, to be sent to their Majesties, quhilkis sall expone to thair Hienes the thingis quhilkis sall be thocht neidfull for the estait of thair busyness, and for the foirmentionat and utheris articles and pointis undecidit with the saidis Deputis, to the effect that thay may knaw thair Majesties intention and benevolence upon the thingis quhilkis sall be exponit for the pairt of the country; the quhilkis alsua sall have with thame ane confirmatioun and ratificatioun be the Estaitis of the Realme of the Articleis quhilkis ar concordit and aggreit be the saidis Deputis, to quham alsua the same tyme, or of befoir, sall be gevin and delyverit ane lyk confirmatioun and ratificatioun maid be thair Majesties, sua being that the saidis Estaitis send thair ratificatioun foirsaid.

[185] In mentioning "the soum and effect" of this Treaty, in which, "as to the state of religions, the same was deferrit to ane new Treatie," Bishop Lesley subjoins the following explanation: "Heir is necessar to be rememberit, the caus quhy in this Treatye thair was nothing aggreit tueching Religione; becaus the Commissioners of Ingland wald haif wished the Congregatione of Scotland to haif ressavit the discipline and ceremonies conforme to the Order establishit laitly befoir in thair Parliament of Ingland, so that boith the Realmes micht haif ben uniforme in religione and ceremonies; bot the Ministers and Congregatione of Scotland, thinking thair awin profession eftir the order and discipline of Geneva, to be moir puir, as conteyning no uther ceremonies nor is expressely mentioned in the Scriptour, thairfore wald not ressave or admitt any uther; and the Commissioners for France walde not appreve nane of the twa; and thairfoir that mater was delayit."--(History, p. 292.)

[In witness whereof, &c.]

THE PROCLAMATIOUN OF THE THYNGIS ABOVE WRITTIN, MAID THE AUCHT DAY OF JULIJ, THE YEIR OF GOD J^M V^C THRESCOIR YEIRIS.

TO THE LOVING OF THE MAIST PUISSANT LORD, AND CONFORT OF ALL CHRISTIANIS: The maist puissant Prince and Princess, and maist Christiane Kyng and Quene Francis and Marie, be the grace of God Kyng and Quene of France and Scotland, and the maist puissant Princess Elizabeth, be the samyn grace Quene of Ingland, Ireland, &c.: It is concordit, and reconciliatioun of peace and amitie maid, quhilk is to be observit inviolablie amangis thame, thair subjects, realmes, and countreys: Forsamekle in name of the said Prince and Princesses, it is commandit and straitlie chargeit, to all maner of personis under thair obedience, or being in thair service, fra this furth,[186] to desist fra all hostilitie, baith by sey and land, and to keip ane good peace the ane with the uther; and with charge to the brekaris under their greit parrell, &c.

[186] In MS. G, "from this tyme furth;" in Vautr. edit., "from henceforth." In the Diurnal of Occurrents, "fra this day furth, to desist and ceis fra all."

[Sidenote: THE PROFFITT THAT LEYTH GAT OF THAIR PROMESIT LIBERTIE.]

Thir thingis transactit, and the peace proclamit, as said is, suddane provisioun was maid for the transporting of the Frensche to France, of whom the maist pairt were put into the Ingliss schippis, quha alsua careit with thame the haill spulzie of Leith; and that was the secund benefite quhilk thay resavit of thair lait promeisit libertie, the end quhairof is not yitt cum. The Ingliss army be land depairtit the sextene day of Julij, the yeir of God J^m V^c threscoir yeiris. The maist pairt of oure Nobilitie, Protestantis, honorabillie convoyit thame (as in verray deid thay had weill deservit): Bot the Lord James wald nocht leave the Lord Gray, with the uther nobill men of Ingland, till that thay enterit in Berwick. Efter quhaise returnyng, the Counsall began to luik, alsweill upoun the effairis of the commonwelth, as upoun the matteris that mycht concerne the stabilitie of Religioun.

* * * * *

As befoir we have heard, the Parliament [was] concludit to begyn the xx. [10th] of July, and to be contynewit to the first of August nixt;[187] and thairfoir the Lordis maid the greater expeditioun, that all thyngis mycht be put in convenient ordour. Bot befoir all thyngis the Preachouris exhortit thame, (for than in Edinburgh war the maist pairt of the cheif Ministeris of the Realme) to be thankfull unto God, and nixt to provyde, that the ministeris mycht be distributeit as the necessitie of the countrey requyreit. Ane day was statute, quhen the haill Nobilitie, and the greitest pairt of the Congregatioun assembillit in Sanct Geilis Kirk in Edinburgh, quhair, efter the sermond maid for that purpoise, publick thankis war gevin unto God for his mercifull deliverance, in forme as followis:--

[187] The Treaty of Peace thus concluded and signed, peace was proclaimed, as above, on the 8th of July; and Parliament was assembled on the 10th of that month, to adjourn, as had been determined, until the first of August. The 10th of July occurs also in the Acts printed immediately after the Confession; but both here, and at page 76, Knox specifies the 20th of that month. The solemn public thanksgiving held in St. Giles's Church, on the 19th July, was undoubtedly conducted by Knox himself, although he withholds his own name, in the above narrative.

THANKIS GEVING FOR OUR DELYVERANCE, WITH PRAYERIS.

O Eternall and Everlasting God, Father of oure Lord Jesus Chryst, quha hes nocht onlie commandit us to pray, and promeisit to heir us, but alsua willis us to magnifie thy mercies, and to glorifie thy name quhen thou schawis thy self pitiefull and favorabill unto us, especiallie quhen thow delyveris us frome disperatt daingearis: ffor sa did thy servantis Abraham, David, Jehosaphatt, and Ezekias; yea, the haill pepill of Israell omittit nott the same, quhen thow by thy mychtie hand did confound thair ennemeis, and deliver thame frome feir and daingear of death intentit. We aucht not, nor can not forgett, O Lord, in how miserabill estait stude this poore countrey, and we the just inhabitants of the same, not many dayis past, quhen idolatrie was menteynit, quhen creuell straingearis did impyre, quhen virgennis war deflorit, matronis corruptit, mennis wyfeis violentlie and vylanouslie oppressit, the blud of innocentis sched without mercie; and finallie, quhen the unjust commandementis of proud tyrannis war obeyit as ane law. Out of thir miseries, O Lord, could nather our witt, policey, nor strength delyver us; yea did schaw unto us how vayne was the help of man, quhair thy blessing gevis not victorie. In thir our anguischeis, O Lord, we suitit[188] unto thee, we cryit for thy help, and we reclameit[189] thy name, as thy trubillit flock, persecutit for thy treuth saik. Mercifullie hes thow hard us, O Lord, mercifullie, we say, becaus that neither in us, neither yitt in our confederatis was thair any caus quhy thou souldest have gevin unto us sa joyfull and suddane a delyverance: for neither of us bayth ceassit to do wickitlie, evin in the myddis of oure greitest trubillis. And yitt hes thow lukit upoun us sa pitifullie as that we haid gevin unto thee maist perfyte obedience, for thou hes disapoyntit the counsals of the crafty, thow hes brydillit the rage of the crewell; and thow hes of thy mercie sett this oure perisching Realme at ane reasonabill libertie. Oh, gif us hartis (thou, Lord, that onlie gifis all guid gyft,) with reverence and feir, to meditat thy wondrouse warkis lait wrocht in oure eyes. Let not the remembrance of the same unthankfullie to slip frome oure wavering myndis. We grant and acknawlege, O Lord, that quhat soever we haif resavit sall fall in oblivioun with us, and so turne to oure condempnatioun, unless thou, by the power of thy Holie Spreit, keip and reteyne us in recent and perpetuall memorie of the same. We beseik thee thairfoir, O Father of mercyis, that as of thy undeservit grace thow hes partlie removit our darknes, suppressit idolatrie, and taikin frome above oure heidis the devouring sword of mercyless strangearis, that sa it wald pleise thee to proceid with us in this thy grace begune. And albeit that in us thair is nathing that may move thy Majestie to schaw us thy favour, O yit for Christ Jesus, thy onlie weilbelovit Sonis saik, quhais name we beir, and quhais doctrin we profess, we beseik thee never to suffer us to foirsaik or deny this thy veritie quhilk now we professe. Bot seing that thou hes mercifullie heard us, and hes caussit thy veritie to triumphe in us, sa we crave of thee continewance unto the end, that thy godlie name may be glorifeit in us thy creaturis. And seing that nathing is mair odiouse in thy presence, O Lord, than is ungratitud and violatioun of ane aith and convenant maid in thy name; and seing that thou hes maid our confederatis of Ingland the instrumentis by quhom we are now sett at this libertie, to quhom we in thy name have promeisit mutuall fayth agane; lett us never fall to that unkyndnes,[190] O Lord, that ather we declair oure selfis unthankfull unto thame, or prophanaris of thy holie name. Confound thow the counsalls of thame that go about to brek that maist godlie liegue contractit in thy name, and reteyne thou us sa firmlie togidder by the power of thy Holie Spreit, that Sathan have never power to sett us agane at variance nor discord. Geve us thy grace to leif in that Christiane cheritie quhilk thy Sone, our Lord Jesus, hes sa earnestlie commandit to all the memberis of his body; that uther natiouns, provockit be our example, may sett asyde all ungodlie weir, contentioun, and stryff, and studie to leif in tranquilitie and peace, as it becumis the scheip of thy pasture, and the pepill that daylie luikis for our finall delyverance, by the cuming agane of oure Lord Jesus; to whom with Thee, and the Holie Spreit, be all honour, glorie, and prayse, now and ever. AMEN.

[188] In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "we sobbed."

[189] In MS. G, "proclaimed;" in Vautr. edit., "reclamed."

[190] In MS. G, "unthankfulness."

Heirefter war the Commissionaris of Bruchis, with sum of the Nobilitie and Barronis, appoyntit to see the equall distributioun of Ministeris, to change and transport as the maist pairt sould think expedient. And sua was Johne Knox appointit to Edinburgh; Christopher Gudman, (quha the maist pairt of the trubillis had remanit in Ayre,) was appointit to Sanctandrois: Adame Heryot to Abirdene; Maister Johnne Row to Sanct Johnestoun; Paull Meffen, (to quhom was no infamie than knawin,) to Jedburgh; Williame Crystesoun to Dundie; and David Fergusoun to Dumfermling, and Maister David Lyndsay to Leith. Thair war nominat for Superintendantis, Maister Johnne Spottiswod for Lowtheane; Maister Johnne Wynrame for Fyff; Maister Johnne Willok for Glasgow; the Laird of Dun for Anguss and Mearnis; Maister Johnne Carswall for Ergyle and the Iles.[191] Thir to be electit at the dayis appointit, unless that the countreyis quhairto thay war to be appointit could in the menetyme fynd out men mair abill and sufficient, or ellis schaw sick causses as mycht inhabill thame from that dignitie.

[191] The first appointment of Ministers and Superintendents to the chief towns and districts in Scotland, was made about the 20th of July 1560, or previously to the meeting of Parliament.

The Parliament[192] approaching, dew adverteisment was maid, be the Counsall, to all sick as by law and ancient custome had or mycht clame to have vote thairin. The assembillie was great, nochtwithstanding that sum, alsweill of thame that be callit Spirituall as Temporall Lordis, contemptuouslie did absent thame selffis: And yit the cheif pillaris of the Papisticall Kirk gave thair presence, sick as the Bischoppis of Sanctandrois,[193] Dumblane,[194] and Dunkell,[195] with otheris of the inferiour sort, besydeis thame that had renunceit Papistrie, and oppinlie professit Jesus Chryst with us; sick as the Bischop of Galloway,[196] the Abbotis of Lendorse,[197] Culroiss,[198] Sanct Colmeis Insche,[199] Newbottill,[200] Halyrudhouse,[201] the Priour of Sanctandrois,[202] Coldinghame,[203] and Sanct-Marie Ile,[204] the Suppriour of Sanctandrois,[205] and dyverse otheris quham we observit not.

[192] In the Diurnal of Occurrents, it is stated, that "Upon the first day of August, the Parliament tuke begyning, and few or na Lordis came to the samyn, quhill the aucht day of the samyn moneth," (pp. 61, 278.) The names of the persons present at this memorable Parliament are preserved among the Cecil Papers, (MS. Cotton. Calig. ix. fol. 144.) Although printed both in the Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 525, and in Keith's History, I shall insert the list in the Appendix.

[193] John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews.

[194] William Chisholm, Bishop of Dunblane, who succeeded his brother of the half-blood in 1527, and who survived till 1564. His nephew William Chisholm, was constituted his coadjutor and future successor in the See, by a brief from Pope Pius IV. dated 4 Non. Junij 1561. (Keith's Catal. p. 180).

[195] Robert Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld, who had previously been Provost of St. Giles's Church, Edinburgh.

[196] Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, and Bishop of Galloway: see a subsequent note.

[197] Probably John Lesley: see Abbots of Lindores, in the Appendix to this volume.

[198] William Colville, Commendator of Culross: see Appendix.

[199] James Stewart, of the family of Beath, Commendator of Inch-Colm, or St. Colme. He was afterwards knighted, and raised to the peerage.

[200] Mark Ker, Commendator of Newbattle, ancestor of the Earls of Lothian.

[201] Lord Robert Stewart, a natural son of King James the Fifth, Commendator of Holyrood House, afterwards titular Bishop of Caithness and Earl of Orkney: see a subsequent note.

[202] Lord James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews, and afterwards Earl of Murray, and Regent of Scotland.

[203] Lord John Stewart, another natural son of King James the Fifth, was Prior of Coldingham. In Book Fourth, Knox mentions his death at Inverness.

[204] Robert Richardson, Prior of St. Mary's Isle, Kirkcudbright: see note to vol. i. p. 372. It is a mistake, however, in saying that he died in 1571; as will afterwards be explained.

[205] John Wynrame, Prior of Portmoak, and Sub-prior of St. Andrews: see vol i. p. 150; and a subsequent note in the present volume.

[Sidenote: WILLIAM MAITLAND'S MOCKAGE OF GOD]

At the samyn tyme of Parliament, Johne Knox taught publicklie the propheit Haggeus. The doctrin was proper for the tyme; in applicatioun quhairof he was so speciall and so vehement, that sum (having greater respect to the warld than to Goddis glory,) feilling thair selffis prickit, said in mockage, "We mon now forget our selffis, and beir the barrow to buyld the housses of God."[206] God be mercifull to the speikar; for we feir that he shall have experience that the buylding of his awin house (the house of God being despisit) sall not be so prosperouse, and of sick firmitie, as we desyre it were. And albeit sum mockit, yitt utheris were godlie movit, quha did assembill thame selffis togidder to consult quhat thyngis were to be proponit to that present Parliament, and efter deliberatioun, was this subsequent Supplicatioun offerit:--

[206] William Maitland of Lethington, who made use of this expression, had been chosen Speaker in this Parliament and had "opened the proceedings in an oration, of which Randolph has given us the principal heads."--(Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 177.)

THE BARRONIS, GENTILMEN, BURGESSES, AND UTHERIS, TREW SUBJECTIS OF THIS REALME, PROFESSING THE LORD JESUS CHRYST WITHIN THE SAMYN: TO THE NOBILITIE AND ESTAITIS OF PARLIAMENT, PRESENTLIE ASSEMBLIT WITHIN THE SAID REALME, DESYRE GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE, FROME GOD THE FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRYST, WITH THE INCRESS OF HIS HOLY SPREIT:

PLEIS youre Honouris to reduce to remembrance, how dyverse and sundrie tymeis we (with sum of youre selffis) maist humbillie suitit at the feit of the lait Quene Regent fredome and libertie of conscience, with a godlie reformatioun of abuseis, quhilk by the malice of Sathane and negligence of men, are cropin in Religioun of God, and are menteynit by sick as tak upoun thame the name of Clergye. And albeit that oure godlie and maist reassonable suyte was then disdainfullie rejectit, quhairof na small trubillis have ensewit, as your Honouris weill knaw, yit seing that the same necessitie yit remaneis that then movit us, and, mairover, that God of his mercie has now put into your handis to tak sic ordour as God thairby may be glorifeit, this communwelth quietit, and the policie thairof establischeit: We can not cease to crave of youre handis the redress of sick enormiteis, as manifestlie are (and of lang tyme have bene) committit be the placehalderis of the Ministerie, and utheris of the Clergy within this Realm.

And First, Seing that God of his greit mercy by the lycht of his word, has manifestit to no small number of this Realme, that the doctrin of the Roman Kyrk, resaveit be the said Clergy, and menteynit throu thair tyrannie by fyre and sword, conteinit in the self many pestiferous errouris, quhilk can not but bring dampnatioun to the saullis of sick as thairwith sall be infectit; sick as are the doctrine of Transsubstantiatioun; of the Adoratioun of Chryst his body under the forme of breid, as thay term it; of the mereitis of Warkis, and Justificatioun that thay allege cumis thairby; togidder with the doctrin of the Papisticall Indulgencis, Purgatorie, Pilgrimage, and Praying to Sanctis depairtit; quhilk all either repugne to the plane Scripturis, or ellis have no ground of the doctrine of our Maister Jesus Christ, his Propheitis, nor Appostillis. We humbillie thairfoir crave of your Honouris, that sick doctrine and idolatrie as by Goddis word are condempnit, so may thay be abolischeit be Act of this present Parliament, and punischement appointit for the transgressouris.

Secundlie, Seing that the Sacramentis of Jesus Chryst are maist schamefullie abusit and prophanit by that Romane harlot and hir sworne vassallis; and alssua because that the treu disciplyne of the ancient Kirk is utterlie now amangis that sect extinguischeit: for quha within the Realme are mair corrupt of lyff and maneris than are thay that are callit the Clergye, living in huredome, adultery, defloring virgeinis, corrupting matronis, and doing all abominatioun, without feir of punischement; We humbillie thairfoir desyre youre Honouris to fynd remedy against the ane and the uther.

Thirdlie, Because that Man of Syn often maist falslie clames to him self the titillis of "The Vicare of Chryst; the successour of Peter; the heid of the Kirk; that he can not err; that all power is grantit unto him," &c., by the quhilk usurpit authoratie, he taikis upoun him the distributioun and possessioun of the haill patrimony of the Kirk, quhairby the trew Ministeris of the word of God lang tyme hes bene altogidder neglectit, the godlie learning dispysit, the sculeis not providit, and the poore not onlie defraudit of thair portioun, but alssua tyrannouslie oppressit; We lykwise heirof desyre remedy.

And least that your Honouris sould dowt of any of thir premisses, we offer oure selfis evidentlie to prove, that in all the [rabill of the] Clergye thair is not ane lauchfull minister, gif Godis word, the practise of the Apostillis, and thair awin ancient Lawis, sall judge of lauchfull electioun. We farther offer oure selfis to prove thame all thevis and murtheraris, yea, rebellis and tratouris to the lauchfull authoritie of Empriouris, Kyngis, and Prenceis; and thairfor unworthy to be sufferrit in any Reformeit Commonwealth. Quhow malitiouslie thay have murtherit oure brethren, for na uther cause, bot for that thay offerrit to us the licht of Godis word, your Honouris can not be ignorant; and in quhat hasard thair tyrranie hes brocht this haill Realme, the ages after will considder. Gif ye luik of thame any uther fruit in tymeis cuming, than ye have sene in thame quham we accuse, we ar assurit ye sall be desavit. Now hes God, beyond all expectatioun of man, maid youre selfis, quha sum tymeis war suppliantis with us for Reformatioun, jugeis, as it war, in the caus of God. At least he hes subdewit your ennemeis unto you, that by violence thay ar nocht abill to suppress the veritie, as heirtofoir thay haif done.

We thairfoir, in the bowellis of Jesus Chryst, crave of your Honouris, that ather thay be compellit to answer to our former accusationis, and to sick uthiris as we justlie have to lay to thair chargeis, or ellis that, all affectioun laid asyde, ye pronunce thame be censement of this Parliament sick, and cause thame to be sua reputit, as by us maist justlie thay ar accusit; especiallie, that thay be decernit unworthy of honour, authoritie, charge, or cure within the Kyrk of God, and sa from hencefurth never to joy vote[207] in Parliament. Quhilk gif ye do not, than in the feir of God, and by the assurance of his word, We foirwairne you, that as ye haif ane grevouse yock, and ane burding intollerabill upoun the kyrk of God within this Realme, so sall thay be thornis in youre eyes, and pryckis in your sydis, quhom efter, quhen ye wold, ye sall have no power to remove. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Chryst give yow upricht hartis, seiking his glory; and trew understanding quhat this day he quha delyverit yow fra bondage, baith spirituall and temporall, cravis of yow by his servandis: And youre Honouris Answer maist humbly we requyre.

[207] In Vautr. edit. "to enjoy voice."

This oure Supplicatioun being red in audience of the haill assembly, dyverse men war of dyverse jugementis; for als sone thair war that uprichtlie favourit the cause of God, sa war thair many that for warldlie respectis abhorrit ane perfect Reformatioun, (for how many within Scotland that have the name of Nobilitie, ar not injust possessouris of the patrimony of the Kyrk.) And yitt war the Barronis and Ministeris callit, and commandement gevin unto thame, to draw, in playne and severall heidis, the summe of that Doctrine, quhilk thay wald menteyne, and wald desyre that present Parliament to establische, as hailsome, trew, and onlie necessarie to be beleivit, and to be resavit within that Realme: Quhilk thay willinglie acceptit, and within foure dayis presentit this CONFESSIOUN as it followis, without alteratioun of any ane sentence:--

THE CONFESSIOUN OF FAITH PROFESSIT AND BELEVIT BE THE PROTESTANTIS WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND, PUBLISCHEIT BY THAME IN PARLIAMENT, AND BE THE ESTAITIS THAIROF RATIFEIT AND APPROVIT, AS HAILSOME AND SOUND DOCTRINE, GROUNDIT UPOUN THE INFALLABLE TREWTH OF GODIS WORD.

MATHEI 24.

AND THIS GLAID TYDINGIS OF THE KYNGDOME SALL BE PRECHEIT THROUGH THE HAILL WARLD, FOR A WITNES UNTO ALL NATIOUNS, AND THEN SALL THE END CUM.

(Title-page of the first printed edition.)

The Confessione of the fayht and doctrin beleued and professed by the Protestantes of the Realme of Scotland exhibited to the estates of the sam in parliament and by thare publict votes authorised as a doctrin grounded vpon the infallable wourd of God.

Matth. 24

And this glaid tydinges of the kingdom shalbe preached throught the hole world for a witness to all nations and then shall the end cum.

Imprinted at Edinburgh, be Robert Lekprewik.

Cum priuilegio.

1561.

THE PREFACE.

The Estaitis of Scotland, with the Inhabitants of the samyn, professing Chryst Jesus his Holy Evangell,[208] To thair naturall Cuntreymen, and to all utheris Realmeis and Natiouns, professing the samyn Lord Jesus with thame, wische grace, peace, and mercy from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Chryst, with the Spreit of rychteouse jugement, for Salutatioun.

[208] In Vautr. edit. &c., "Gospell."

LONG have we thristit,[209] deir Brethren, to haif notifeit unto the warld the summe of that doctrin quhilk we professe, and for the quhilk we haif sustenit infamy and daingear. Bot sik hes bene the rage of Sathan against us, and against Chryst Jesus his eternall veritie laitlie borne amangis us, that to this day na tyme hes bene grantit unto us to cleir our consciencis, as maist glaidlie we wald have done; for how we have bene tossit ane haill yeir past, the maist pairt of Europe (as we suppoise) dois understand. Bot seing that of the infinite gudnes of our God (quha never sufferris his afflictit to be utterlie confoundit) above expectatioun, we have obteinit sum rest and libertie, we could not bot sett furth this breve and playne Confessioun of sik doctrine as is proponit unto us, and as we beleif and professe, pairtlie for satisfactioun of oure Brethren, quhais hartis we dout not have bene and yitt ar woundit be the dispytefull railling of sik as yitt have not leirnit to speik weill; and pairtlie for stopping of the mouthis of impudent blasphemaris, quha baldlie condempne[210] that quhilk thay have neither hard nor yet understand. Not that we judge that the cankerit malice of sik is abill to be cured be this sempill Confessioun: Na, we knaw that the sweit, savour of the Evangell[211] is, and sall be death to the sonis of perditioun. Bot we haif cheif respect to our weak and infirme brethren, to quham we wald communicat the bottome of oure hartis, least that thay be trubillit or careit away be the diversiteis of rumouris quhilk Sathan sparsis contrar us,[212] to the defecting of this oure maist godlie interprise; Protesting, that gif any man will note in this oure Confessioun any article or sentence repugning to Godis holie word, that it wald pleis him of his gentilnes, and for Christiane cherities saik,[213] to admoneise us of the samyn in writt; and We of our honour and fidelitie do promeis[214] unto him satisfactioun fra the mouth of God, (that is, fra his holy Scriptures,) or ellis reformatioun of that quhilk he sall prove to be amyss. For God we taik to record in our conscienceis, that fra oure hartis we abhoir all sectis of heresye, and all techaris of erroneous doctrine; and that with all humylitie we embrace the puritie of Christis Evangell, quhilk is the onlie foode of our saullis; and thairfoir sua precious unto us, that we ar determinit to suffer the extremitie of warldlie daingear, rather than that we will suffer oure selvis to be defraudit of the same. For heirof we ar maist certainlie persuaidit, "That quhasoever denyis Chryst Jesus, or is eschameit of him, in presens of men, sall be denyit befoir the Father, and befoir his holie angellis." And thairfoir be the assistance of the mychtie Spreitt of the same, oure Lord Jesus, we firmlie purpoise to abyde to the end in the Confessioun of this oure Faith.[215]

[209] In the printed copies 1561, "thrusted;" and in the London edit. 1561, lines 5-6, of the title, "by their publicke voices authorised."--Some notices of the early editions of this Confession will be given in the Appendix to this volume.

[210] In the printed copies 1561, "dampne," and "damne."

[211] In Lond. edit. 1561, "Gospell."

[212] In Lond. edit. 1561, "spreads abrode against us."

[213] In Edinb. edit. 1561, "for Christes and cherites sake."

[214] In Lond. edit. 1561, several words are here omitted, and the passage reads: "repugnyng to God's holye worde, and do admonishe us of the same in writyng, we by God's grace do promesse," &c.

[215] In the printed copies 1561, "oure Faithe, as by articulis followeth."

OFF GOD.--CAP. I.[216]

[Sidenote: Deut. 6. Esai. 44.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 4. Mat. 28.]

[Sidenote: Gen. 1.]

[Sidenote: Esai.]

[Sidenote: Proverb. 16.]

WE confesse and acknawledge ane onlie God, to quhom onlie we must cleave, [quhom onlie we must serve,][217] quhom onlie we must wirschip, and in quhom onlie we must put our trust; quha is eternall, infinite, unmesurable, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invysible: ane in substance, and yit distinct in thre personis, the Father, the Sone, and the Holie Ghost: Be quhom we confesse and beleif all thyngis in hevin and in earth, alsweill visible as invisible, to haif bene creatit, to be reteanit in thair being, and to be rewllit and gydeit be his inscrutabill Providence, to sick end as his eternall wisdome, gudnes, and justice hes appointit thame, to the manifestatioun of his awin glorie.

[216] The numbers of the Chapters, and the marginal Scriptural references are not contained in any of the MS. copies of Knox's History. They are here supplied from the first edition of the Confession, printed by Lekprevik in 1561, compared with the Acts of Parliament of 1567, printed in 1568.

[217] These words, and such others as are inclosed within brackets, are omitted in the copies of Knox. By "the old printed copies," in the following notes to the Confession, is signified the editions printed in 1561, and the several editions of the Acts of Parliament 1567.

OFF THE CREATIOUN OF MAN.--CAP. II.

[Sidenote: Gen. 1. 2.]

[Sidenote: Gen. 3.]

We confesse and acknawledge this oure God to haif creatit Man, (to witt, our fyrst father Adam) of quhom also God formit the Woman to his awin image and similitude;[218] to quhom he gaif wisdome, lordschip, justice, fre-will, and cleir knawledge of him selff; sua that in the haill nature of man thair could be notit na imperfectioun: Frome quhilk honour and perfectioun man and woman did baith fall; the woman being desavit be the Serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the woman, baith conspyring against the Soverane Majestie of God, quha in expressit wordis of befoir had threatnit death, gif thay presumeit to eit of the forbiddin tree.

[218] The words, "of quhom also God formit the woman to his awin image and similitude," are omitted in the editions of the Confession 1561, and of the Acts of Parliament 1567: also in Adamson's Latin translation, 1572.

OFF ORIGINALL SYN.--CAP. III.

[Sidenote: Ephes. 3. Rom. 5. Joan. 3. Rom. 5. 8.]

By quhilk transgressioun, commonlie callit Originall Syn, was the image of God utterlie defaceit in man; and he and his posteritie of nature became ennemeis to God, slavis to Sathan, and servantis to syn; in samekill that death everlesting hes haid, and sall have power and dominioun over all that hes not bene, ar not, or sall not be regenerat frome above: quhilk regeneratioun is wrocht be the power of the Holy Ghost, wirking in the hartis of the elect of God ane assureit faith in the promeise of God, reveillit to us in his word; by quhilk faith thay apprehend[219] Chryst Jesus, with the graces and benefites promesit in him.

[219] In the old printed copies, "we apprehend."

OFF THE REVELATIOUN OF THE PROMEIS.--CAP. IV.

[Sidenote: Gen. 5. Gen. 12. 15. Esai. 7. 8.]

For this we constantlie beleif, that God, efter the feirfull and horribill defectioun of man frome his obedience, did seik Adam agane, call upoun him, rebuk his syn, convict him of the same, and in the end maid unto him a maist joyfull promeisse, to witt, "That the seid of the woman sould brek doun the serpentis heid;" that is, he sould destroy the warkis of the Devill. Quhilk promeis, as it was repeitit and maid mair cleir from tyme to tyme, sua was it embraceit with joy, and maist constantlie retenit[220] of all the faithfull, frome Adam to Noah, frome Noah to Abraham, from Abraham to David, and sua furth to the incarnatioun of Chryst Jesus: quha all (we mene the faithfull Fatheris under the law,) did se the joyfull dayis of Christ Jesus, and did rejoyse.

[220] In the old printed copies, "ressavit."

THE CONTINUANCE, INCREASE, AND PRESERVATIOUN OF THE KIRK.[221]--CAP. V.

[221] In the editions 1561, "Church."

[Sidenote: Ezech. 16.]

[Sidenote: Gen. 12. 13. Exod. 1. 2. Exod. 20.]

[Sidenote: Josu. 1. 2. 3. 1 Sam. 1. 23. 2 Reg. 17.]

[Sidenote: 2 Reg. 24. 25. Deut. 28. Jere. 39. Esdr. 1. Agg. 1, 2. Zach. 3.]

We maist constantlie beleif, that God preservit, instructit, multipleit, honourit, decoirit, and frome death callit to lyfe his Kirk in all aiges, fra Adam, till the cuming of Chryst Jesus in the flesche: for Abraham he callit frome his fatheris cuntrey, him he instructit, his seid he multipleit, the same he marvalouslie preservit, and mair marvelouslie delyverit frome the bondage [and tyranny] of Pharao; to thame he gaif his lawis, constitutiouns, and ceremoneis; thame he possessit in the land of Canaan; to thame efter Jugeis, and efter Saule he gaif David to be kyng, to quham he maid promeise, "That of the fruit of his loynis sould ane sitt for ever upoun his regall saitt." To this same pepill from tyme to tyme he send propheittis to reduce thame to the recht way of thair God, frome the quhilk often tymis thay declyneit by idolatrie. And albeit for thair stubburne contempt of justice, he was compellit to gif thame in the handis of thair ennemeis, as befoir was threatnit by the mouth of Moyses, in samekill that the halye citie[222] was destroyit, the tempill brynt with fyre, and the haill land left desolat the space of sevintie yeiris; yitt of mercy did he reduce thame agane to Jerusalem, quhair the citie and tempill war reedifeit, and they, against all temptatiounis and assaultis of Sathan, did abyde till the Messias came, according to the promeise.

[222] In the MSS. of Knox, "the haill citie."

OFF THE INCARNATIOUN OF CHRYST JESUS.--CAP. VI.

[Sidenote: Gal. 4.]

[Sidenote: Luc. 1, 2.]

[Sidenote: Esai.]

Quhan the fulnes of tyme came, God send his Sone, his Eternall Wisdome, the substance of his awin glory, in this warld, quha tuik the nature of manheid of the substance of ane woman, to witt, of ane Virgin, and that be the operatioun of the Holie Ghost: And sa was borne the just seid of David, the angell of the greit counsall of God; the verray Messias promesit, quham we acknawledge and confesse Emanuell; verray God and verray man, twa perfyte naturis unitit and joynit in ane persona. By quhilk oure confessioun we dampne[223] the damnabill and pestilent hereseyis of Arrius, Marcion, Eutiches, Nestorius, and sick utheris, as either deny[224] the eternitie of his Godheid, either the veratie of his human nature, either confound thame, either yit devyde thame.

[223] In the old printed copies, "condempne."

[224] In the old printed copies, "did deny;" and "or," instead of "either," in the two next lines.

QUHY IT BEHOVIT THE MEDIATOUR TO BE VERRAY GOD AND VERRAY MAN.--CAP. VII.

We acknawledge and confesse, that this maist wonderous conjunctioun betwix the Godheid and the Manheid in Chryst Jesus, did proceid frome the eternall and immutabill decree of God, quhence alssua oure salvatioun springis and dependis.[225]

[225] In the edition 1561, and MS. G, "whence also our salvation springeth, and dependeth;" in the Acts of Parliament 1567, "fra quhilk all our salvatioun springs and depends."

ELECTIOUN.--CAP. VIII.

[Sidenote: Eph. 1.]

[Sidenote: Heb. 2.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 10.]

[Sidenote: Joan 1.]

[Sidenote: Joan 20.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 53.]

For that samyn Eternall God, and Father, quha of mere mercy electit us in Chryst Jesus his Sone, befoir the fundatioun of the warld was laid, appoyntit him to be oure Heid, our Brother, our Pastoure, and greit Bishop of oure Saullis. Bot becaus that the enmitie betwix the justice of God and our synnes was sick, that no flesche by it self could or mycht have atteanit unto God, it behovit that the Sone of God sould discend unto us, and tak him selff ane body of oure body, flesche of oure flesche, and bane of oure baneis, and sua became[226] the perfyte Mediatour betwix God and man; giffing power to sa mony as beleif in him to be the sonis of God, as him selff dois witnesse--"I pas up to my Father and unto your Father, to my God and unto your God." By quhilk maist halie fraternitie, quhatsoever we have lost[227] in Adam is restoirit to us againe. And for this cause ar we not effrayit to call God our father, not samekill in that he hes creatit us,[228] (quhilk we have common with the reprobat,) as for that he hes gevin to us his onlie Sone to be our brother, and gevin unto us grace to [acknawledge and] embrace him for oure onlie Mediatour, as befoir is said. It behovit farther, the Messias and Redeemer to [be] verray God and verray Man, becaus he was to underly[229] the punishment dew for oure transgressiouns, and to present him selff in the presence of his Fatheris jugement, as in oure persone, to suffer for our transgressioun and inobedience, by death to ovircum him that was author of death. Bot becaus the onlie Godheid could not suffer death, neyther could the onlie Manheid ovircum the same; he joynit baith togidder in ane persone, that the imbecilitie of the ane sould suffer, and be subject to death, (quhilk we haid deservit,) and the infinite and invincible power of the uther, to wit, of the Godheid, sould tryumphe and purchese till us lyfe, libertie, and perpetuall victorie. And so we confess, and maist undowtedlie beleif.

[226] In the old printed copies, "become."

[227] In the Acts 1567, "have tint."

[228] In the editions 1561, "not so much because he hath created us."

[229] In the London edition 1561, "to beare upon him."

CHRYSTIS DEATH, PASSIOUN, BURYALL, &C.--CAP. IX.

[Sidenote: Heb. 12.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 53.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 21.]

[Sidenote: Gal. 3.]

[Sidenote: Heb. 10.]

That our Lord Jesus Chryst offerrit him self ane voluntarie sacrifice unto his Father for us; that he sufferrit contradictioun of synneris; that he was woundit and plaigit for our transgressiouns; that he being the clene and innocent Lamb of God, was dampnit in the presence of an earthlie juge, that we mycht be absolvit befoir the tribunall seat of our God; that he sufferit not onlie the creuell death of the croce (quhilk was accursit be the sentance of God,) bot alssua that he sufferrit for a seassone the wrath of his Father, whilk synnaris had deservit. Bot yitt we avow, that he remaneit the onlie and weilbelovit and blissit Sone of his Father, evin in the myddis of his anguysche and torment, quhilk he sufferrit in body and saull, to mak the full satisfactioun for the synnis of his pepill.[230] Efter the quhilk, we confesse and avow, that thair remaneis na uther sacrifice for synnis; quhilk gif any affirme, we nathing dowt to avow that thay are blasphemaris against Chrystis death, and the everlesting purgatioun and sattisfactioun purchessit till us by the same.

[230] In the old printed copies, "the people."

RESURRECTIOUN.--CAP. X.

[Sidenote: Act. 2. 3.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 6.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 28.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 27.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 20. 21.]

We undoutedlie beleif, that insamekill as it was impossibill that the dolouris of death sould reteane in bondage the Author of lyff, that our Lord Jesus Chryst crucifeit, deid, and buryit, quha discendit into hell, did raise agane for our justificatioun, and distroying [of] him who was [the] author of death, brocht lyfe agane to us that war subject to death and to the bondage of the same. We knaw that his resurrectioun was confirmit be the testimonye of his verray ennemeis; by the resurrectioun of the deid, quhais sepulturis did oppin, and thay did arise and apperit to many within the Citie of Jerusalem. It was alssua confirmit be the testimonie of [his] Angellis, and be the senses and jugementis of his Apostleis, and [of] utheris, quha had conversatioun, and did eit and drynk with him efter his resurrectioun.

ASCENSIOUN.--CAP. XI.

[Sidenote: Act. 1.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 28.]

[Sidenote: 1 Joan. 2.]

[Sidenote: 1 Tim. 2.]

[Sidenote: Psal. 110.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 20.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 66.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 7.]

[Sidenote: Collos. 1.]

[Sidenote: Heb. 9. 10.]

We nathing dowt, bot that the selff samyn body, quhilk was borne of the Virgine, was crucifeit, deid, and buried, and quhilk did ryse agane, did ascend into the heavinis for the accompleischment of all thingis; quhair, in oure names, and for our confort he hes resavit all power in hevin and in earth, quhair he sittis at the rycht hand of the Father inaugurat in his kingdome, advocat and onlie Mediatour for us; quhilk glorie, honour, and prerogatyve he allone amangis the brethren sall possesse, till that all his ennemyes be maid his futestule, as that we undoubtedlie beleif thay sall be in the finall jugement; to the execution quhairof we certainlie beleif that the same oure Lord Jesus sall visibillie returne as that he was sene to ascend: And than we firmlie belief, that the tyme of refresching and restitutioun of all thingis sall cum, in samekill that thay that from the begynning have sufferit violence, injurie, and wrang for rychteousnes saik, sall inherit that blissit immortalitie promesit from the begynning; bot contrariewyse, the stubburne, inobedient, cruell, oppressouris, filthy personeis, adulteraris, and all sortis of unfaithfull [men] sall be cast in the dungeoun of utter darknes, quhair thair worme sall not dye, neather yitt thair fyre [sall] be extinguischeit. The remembrance of the quhilk day, and of the jugement to be executit in the same, is not onlie to us ane brydill quhairby oure carnall lustis ar refranit; but alsso sick inestimabill confort, that neather may the threatning of wardlie princeis, neyther yitt the feir of temporall death and present daingear move us to renunce and forsaik that blissit societie, quhilk we the members have with oure Head and onlie Mediatour Christ Jesus, whome we confesse and avow to be the Messias promissed, the only Head of his Kirk, our just Lawgevar, oure onlie Hie Preast, Advocat, and Mediatour. In whiche honouris and offices, yf man or angell presume to intruse thame selfis, we utterlie detest and abhorre thame, as blasphemous to oure Soverane and Supreame Governour, Christ Jesus.

FAITH IN THE HOLY GHOST.--CAP. XII.

[Sidenote: Mat. 16.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 14. 15. 16.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 5.]

[Sidenote: 2 Corin. 3.]

This our Faith, and the assurance of the same, proceidis not frome flesche and blood, that is to say, frome no naturall poweris within us, but is the inspiratioun of the Holy Ghost: Whome we confesse God, equall with the Father and with the Sone; who sanctifieth us, and bringeth us in all veritie by his awin operatioun; without whome we should remane for ever enemyes to God, and ignorant of his Sone, Christ Jesus. For of nature we ar so dead, so blynd and so perverse, that neather can we feill when we ar pricked, see the lycht when it schynes, nor assent to the will of God when it is reveilled; onlie[231] the Spreit of the Lord Jesus quickinneth that which is dead, removeth[231] the darknes from our myndis, and boweth oure stubburne heartis to the obedience of his blessed will. And so as we confesse that God the Father created us when we war not; as his Sone, our Lord Jesus redeamit us when we war ennemyes to him: so also do we confesse that the Holy Ghost dois sanctifie and regenerat us, without all respect of any merite proceading from us, be it befoir, or be it after oure regeneratioun. To speak this one thing yit in more plane wordis, as we willinglie spoyle oureselves of all honour and glorie of oure awin creatioun and redemptioun; so do we also of oure regeneratioun and sanctificatioun: For of our selves we ar nott sufficient to think ane good thoght; but he who hes begune the good work in us, is onlie he that continueth us in the same, to the praise and glorie of his undeserved grace.

[231] In the old printed copies, "unless the Spirite, &c. quickin that;" and "remove the," &c.: "and bow."

THE CAUSE OF GOOD WORKIS.--CAP. XIII.[232]

[232] In the old printed copies, including the Acts of Parliament 1567, this Chapter is numbered 14, and the mistake is continued throughout, so that the last Chapter 25, is numbered 26.

[Sidenote: John. 15.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 2.]

[Sidenote: Gal. 5.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 8.]

[Sidenote: Joan 15.]

So that the caus of Good workis, we confess to be, nott our free will, but the Spreit of the Lord Jesus, who dwelling in oure heartis be trew faith, bringis furth sick good workis as God hath prepared for us to walk into: for this we most boldlie affirm, that blasphemy it is to say, that Christ Jesus abydis in the heartis of sick as in whome thair is na spreit of Sanctificatioun. And thairfoir we fear nott to affirme, that murtherraris, oppressouris, cruell persecutaris, adulteraris, whoremongaris, filthy personis, idolateris, drounkardis, theavis, and all workaris of iniquitie, have neather trew faith, neather any portioun of the spreat of Sanctificatioun, whiche proceadeth frome the Lord Jesus, so long as thei obstinatlie continew in thair wickednes. For how sone that ever the spreit of the Lord Jesus, (whiche Godis elect children resave by trew fayth,) takis possessioun in the heart of any man, so soon dois he regenerat and renew the same man; so that he begynnis to hate that whiche befoir he luffit, and begynnis to luif that whiche befoir he hated; and from thence cumis that continewall battell which is betwix the flesche and the spreit in Godis children; while the flesche and naturall man (according to the awin corruptioun) lustis for things pleasing and delectable unto the self, grudges in adversitie, is lyfted up in prosperitie, and at everie moment is prone and reddye to offend the Majestie of God. Bot the Spreit of God, whiche giveth witnessing till our spreit, that we ar the sones of God, makis us to resist the devill, to abhorr[233] fylthy pleasouris, to groane in Godis presence for deliverance from this boundage of corruptioun; and finally, so triumphe over syne that it reigne not in our mortall bodyes. This battell hes nott the carnall men, being destitut of Goddis Spreitt; but do follow and obey syn with greadynes, and without repentance, evin as the devill and thair corrupt lustis do prick thame. But the sonnes of God (as befoir is said) does feght against syn, do sobb and murne, when they perceave thame selfis tempted to iniquitie; and gif they fall, they ryse agane with earnest and unfeaned repentance. And these thingis they do nott by thair awin power, but the power of the Lord Jesus (without whome thai war able to do nothing) wyrketh in thame all that is good.[234]

[233] In the old printed copies, the words, "the devill, to abhorr," are omitted.

[234] In the editions 1561, and in the Acts 1567, the last seven words are omitted: the sentence runs thus, "but by the power of the Lord Jesus, without whom thai war hable to do nothing."

WHAT WORKIS AR REPUTED GOOD BEFOIR GOD.--CAP. XIV.[235]

[235] The marginal notes on this and the following Chapters, (with the exception of the Scripture references,) are not contained in Lekprevik's edition 1561: they are copied from the edition of the Confession, printed at London by R. Hall, 1561, small 8vo.

[Sidenote: Exod. 20. Deut. 4.]

[Sidenote: The Law.]

[Sidenote: The workes of the First Table.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 6.]

[Sidenote: The workes of the Second Table.]

[Sidenote: Ezek. 22. Jere. 22. Esai 50. 1 Thes. 4. Luc. 2.]

[Sidenote: Things contrari to the Firste and Second Table.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 13. Ezek. 22.]

[Sidenote: Esai. 29. Matt. 15.]

We confesse and acknawledge, that God hes gevin to man his holy law, in whiche not onlie ar forbiddin all sick workis whiche displease and offend his Godlye Majestie; but also ar commanded all sick as please him, and as he hath promised to rewarde. And these workis be of two sortis; the one ar done to the honour of God, the other to the proffit of our nychtbouris; and baith have the reveilled will of God for thair assurance. To have one God, to wirschepe and honour him; to call upoun him in all our trubles; to reverence his holy name; to hear his word; to beleve the same; to communicat with his holy sacraments;--ar the workis of the First Table. To honour father, mother, princes, reullaris, and superiour poweris; to love thame; to supporte thame, yea, to obey thair charges (not repugnyng to the commandiment of God); to save the lyves of innocents; to represse tyranny; to defend the oppressed; to keep our bodyes cleane and holy; to lyve in sobrietie and temperance; to deall justlie with all men, boyth in word and in deed; and, finallie, to represse all appetite of our nychtbouris hurte;--ar the good workis of the Second Table, whiche ar most pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those workis that are commanded by him self. The contrarie whairof is syn most odiouse, whiche always displeasses him, and provokes him to anger,--as, nott to call upoun him allone when we have nead; not till hear his word with reverence; to contempne and despyse it; to have or to wyrschipe idolles; to mainteane and defend idolatrie; lychtlie to esteame the reverent name of God; to prophane, abuse, or contempne the sacramentis of Christ Jesus; to disobey or resist any that God hes placed in authoritie, (while thei pas not ower the boundis of thair office); to murther, or to consent thairto, to bear hattrent, or to suffer innocent blood to be schedd geve we may ganestand[236] it; and, finallie, the transgressing of any other commandiment in the First or Secound Table, we confesse and affirme to be syn, by the which Goddis hote displeasour is kendilled[237] against the proude and unthankfull world. So that Good workis we affirme to be these onlie that ar done in faith, [and] at Goddis commandiment, who in his law hes expressed what be the thingis that please him: And Evill workis, we affirme, nott onlie those that ar expressedlie done against Goddis commandiment, but those also that, in materis of religioun and wirschipping of God, have no [uther] assurance butt the inventioun and opinioun of man, whiche God frome the begynning hes ever rejected; as by the prophete Esaias, and by our maister Christ Jesus, we ar taught in these wordis--"In vane do they wirschepe me, teiching the doctrine being preceptis of men."[238]

[236] In the old printed copies, "withstand."

[237] In the old printed copies, "Goddis hait and displesoure is kendlit."

[238] In the old printed copies, "the doctrines the preccptes of men."

THE PERFECTIOUN OF THE LAW AND IMPERFECTIOUN OF MAN.--CAP. XV.

[Sidenote: Rom. 7.]

[Sidenote: Psal. 19.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 5.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 10.]

[Sidenote: 1 Joan 12. Rom. 10. Gal. 3.]

[Sidenote: Deut. 26. Eph. 1. Rom. 4.]

[Sidenote: Luc. 17.

To put trust in our own workes, is damnable idolatrie.]

The Law of God, we confesse and acknawledge most just, most equall, most holy, and most perfite; commanding those thingis, whiche being wrocht in perfectioun, war able to geve lyfe, and [able] to bring man to eternall felicitie: But our nature is so corrupt, so weak, and imperfite, that we ar never able to fulfill the workis of the Law in perfectioun; yea, "Yf we say we have no syn, (evin after we ar regenerat,) we deceive our selfis, and the veritie of God is not into us." And thairfoir it behoved us to apprehend Christ Jesus, with his justice and satisfactioun, who is the end and accomplishment of the Law, to all that beleve, by whome we ar sett at this libertie, that the curse and maledictioun of God,[239] fall not upoun us, albeit that we fulfill not the same in all pointis. For God the Father beholding us in the body of his Sone Christ Jesus, accepteth oure imperfyte obedience as it ware perfite, and coverith our workis, whiche ar defyled with many spottis, with the justice of his Sone. We do not meane that we ar so set at libertie, that we awe no obedience to the Law, (for that befoir we have plainelie confessed); but this we affirme, that no man in earth, (Christ Jesus onlie excepted,) hath gevin, geveth, or shall geve in work, that obedience to the Law which the Law requyreth. But when we have done all thingis, we must fall doun and unfeanedlie confess, "That we ar unprofitable servandis." And thairfoir whosoever boast thame selves of the merittis of thair awin workis, or putt thair trust in the workis of supererogatioun, they boast thame selfis of that whiche is not, and putt thair trust in damnable idolatrie.

[239] In the MSS. of Knox, "maledictioun of the Law."

OF THE KIRK.[240]--CAP. XVI.

[240] Here and elsewhere, in the editions 1561, "Church" is uniformly substituted in place of "Kirk."

[Sidenote: Matth. 28.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 1.]

[Sidenote: Collos. 3.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 5.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 7.]

[Sidenote: Ephes. 2.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 5. 6.]

As we believe in one God, Father, Sone, and Holy Ghost, so do we most earnestlie beleave[241] that from the begynning thair hes bein, now is, and to the end of the warld shalbe a Churche; that is to say, a company and multitude of men chosin of God, who rychtlie worschip and embrace him, by trew fayth in Christ Jesus, who is the onlie Head of the same Kirk, whiche also is the body and spous of Christ Jesus; whiche Kirk is Catholik, that is, universall, becaus it conteanes the Elect of all aiges, [of] all realmes, nationis, and tounges, be thai of the Jewis, or be thai of the Gentiles, who have communioun and societie with God the Father, and with his Sone Christ Jesus, throcht the sanctificatioun of his Holy Spreit; and thairfoir it is called [the] communioun, not of prophane personis but of sanctis, who, as citizens of the heavinlie Jerusalem, have the fruitioun of the most inestimable benefitis, to witt, of ane God, ane Lord Jesus, ane faith, and of ane baptisme; out of the[242] whiche Kirk thair is neather lyfe, nor eternall felicitie. And thairfoir we utterlie abhorr the blasphemye of those that affirme, that men quhilk live according to equitie and justice, shall be saved, what religioun soever they have professed. For as without Christ Jesus thair is neather lyfe nor salvatioun, so shall thair nane be participant thairof but sik as the Father has gevin unto his Sone Christ Jesus, and those [that] in tyme come to him, avow his doctrine, and beleve into him, (we comprehend the children with the faythfull parentis). This Kirk is invisible, knowin onlie to God, who allone knoweth whome he hes chosin, and comprehendis alsweall (as said is) the Elect that be departed, (commounlie called the Kirk Triumphant), as those that yit leve and feght against syne and Sathan as shall leve hearefter.

[241] In the old printed copies, "constantlie believe."

[242] In the MSS. of Knox, "without the."

THE IMMORTALITIE OF THE SAULLIS.--CAP. XVII.

[Sidenote: Apoc. 14.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 7.]

[Sidenote: Luc. 16.]

[Sidenote: Apoc. 6.]

The Elect departed are in peace and rest from thair laubouris; not that thai sleap and come to ane certane oblivioun (as some fantastick headis[243] do affirme,) but that thai ar delivered from all fear, all torment, and all tentatioun, to whiche we and all Godis elect ar subject in this lyfe; and thairfoir do bear the name of the Kirk militant. As contrariewyse, the reprobat and unfaythfull departed, have anguishe, torment, and paine, that can nott be expressed; so that neather ar the ane nor the other in sick sleap that thai feill not joy or torment, as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the saxtene of Luke, his wordis to the theaf, and these wordis of the saullis crying under the altar, "O Lord, thou that arte rychteous and just, how longe shalt thow not revenge our blude upoun thame that dwell upoun the earth!" doeth playnlie testifie.

[243] In the old printed copies, "some fantastickis."

OF THE NOTIS BY WHICHE THE TRUE KIRK IS DISCEARNED FROM THE FALS, AND WHO SHALBE JUDGE OF THE DOCTRINE.--CAP. XVIII.

[Sidenote: Gen. 4. 21. 27.]

[Sidenote: Mat. 23.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 12.]

[Sidenote: Act. 5.]

[Sidenote: Notes of the Trew Church.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 1. 10.]

[Sidenote: Rom. 4.]

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 5.]

[Sidenote: Act. 16. 18.]

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 1.]

[Sidenote: Act. 20.]

[Sidenote: To whom the interpretation of the Scripture appertayne.]

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 11.]

Because that Sathan from the begyning hes lauboured to deck his pestilent Synagoge with the title of the Kirk of God, and hes inflambed the heartis of cruell murtheraris to persecute, truble, and molest the trew Kirk and members thairof, as Cain did Abell; Ismaell, Isaac; Esau, Jacob; and the whole preasthead of the Jewis, Jesus Christ him self, and his apostles after him; it is a thing most requisite, that the trew Kirk be discernit frome the filthy synagoge, be cleare and perfite nottis, least we being deceaved, resave and embrace to our awin condemnatioun the ane for the other. The nottis, signes, and assured tokenis whairby the immaculat spouse of Christ Jesus is knawin from that horrible harlote the Kirk malignant, we affirme ar neyther antiquitie, title usurped, lineall discente, place appointed, nor multitude of men approving ane errour; for Cain in aige and title was preferred to Abell and Seth. Jerusalem had prerogative above all places of the earth, whair also war the preastis lineally descended from Aaron; and greattare multitude[244] followed the Scribes, Pharaseis, and Preastis, then unfeanedlie beleaved and approved Christ Jesus and his doctrin; and yit (as we suppoise) na man of sound judgment[245] will grant that any of the foirnamed war the Kirk of God. The Notis, thairfoir, of the trew Kirk of God we beleve, confesse, and avow to be, first, The trew preaching of the word of God; into the whiche God hes reveilled him self to us, as the writtingis of the Prophettis and Apostles do declair. Secoundlie, The rycht administratioun of the sacramentis of Christ Jesus, whiche mun be annexed to the worde and promisse of God, to seall and confirme the same in our hartis. Last[ly], Ecclesiasticall discipline uprychtlie ministred, as Godis word prescribed, whairby vice is repressed, and vertew nurished. Whairsoever then these former nottis ar sene, and of any tyme continew (be the number never so few above twa or thre) thair, but all dowbt, is the trew Kirk of Christ, who according to his promeise is in the myddis of thame: not that universal (of whiche we have befoir spokin) but particulare; sick as was in Corinthus, Galatia, Ephesus, and utheris places in whiche the ministerie was planted by Paule, and war of him self named the Kirkis of God. And sick kirkis, we, the Inhabitants of the Realme of Scotland, professouris of Christ Jesus, confesse us to have in our cities, townis, and places reformed; for the doctrine taught in our kirkis is conteaned in the writtin word of God, to witt, in the buikis of the Auld and New Testamentis. In these buikis we meane, whiche of the ancient have bene reputed canonicall, in the whiche we affirme that all thingis necessarie to be beleaved for the salvatioun of mankynd, is sufficientlie expressed; the interpretatioun whairof, we confess, neather apperteaneth to privat nor publict persone, neather yit to any kirk for any preheminence or prerogative, personall or locall, whiche one hes above another; butt apperteaneth to the Spreit of God, by the whiche also the Scripture was writtin. When contraversie then happinneth for the rycht understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for the reformatioun of any abuse within the Kirk of God, we aucht not sa mekle to look what men befoir us have said or done, as unto that whiche the Holy Ghost uniformelie speakis within the body of the Scriptures, and unto that whiche Christ Jesus him self did, and commanded to be done. For this is a thing universallie granted, that the Spreit of God, which is the Spirit of unitie, is in nothing contrarious unto himself. Yf then the interpretatioun, determinatioun, or sentence of any doctour, kirk, or counsall, repugne to the plane word of God writtin in any other place of [the] Scripture, it is a thing most certane, that thairis is nocht the trew understanding and meanyng of the Holy Ghost, supposing that Counsallis,[246] Realmes, and Nations have approved and receaved the same: For we dar nott receave and admitt any interpretatioun whiche directlie repugneth to any principall point of our fayth, [or] to any other plane text of Scripture, or yitt unto the rewll of charitie.

[244] In the old printed copies, "greater number."

[245] In the MSS. of Knox, "of holle judgment."

[246] In the old printed copies, "although that Counsellis."

THE AUTHORITIE OF THE SCRIPTURIS.--CAP. XIX.

[Sidenote: 1 Tim. 3.]

[Sidenote: Joan. 10.]

As we beleve and confesse the Scriptures of God sufficient to instruct and maik the man of God perfect, so do we affirme and avow the authoritie of the same to be of God, and neather to depend on men nor angellis. We affirme thairfoir that sick as alledge the Scripture to have na [uther] authoritie, but that whiche is receaved from the Kirk, to be blasphemous against God, and injuriouse to the trew Kirk, whiche alwayis heareth and obeyeth the voice of hir awin Spouse and pastour, but taketh nott upoun her to be maistres over the same.

OF GENERALL COUNSALLIS, OF THAIR POWER, AUTHORITIE, AND CAUSES OF THAIR CONVENTIOUN.--CAP. XX.

[Sidenote: How far the Counsells are to be allowed.]

[Sidenote: Wherein they are to be rejected.]

[Sidenote: 1 Tim. 4.]

[Sidenote: Why they were assembled.]

[Sidenote: Why Counsels were called.]

[Sidenote: Ceremonies ought to be changed when they foster superstition.]

As we do nott raschelie dampne that whiche godlie men, assembled togidder in Generall Counsallis, lauchfullie gathered, have approved[247] unto us; so without just examinatioun dar we not resave whatsoever is obtrused unto men, under the name of Generall Counsallis: for plane it is, that as they war men, so have some of thame manifestlie erred, and that in materis of great weght and importance. So far then as the Counsall proveth the determinatioun and commandiment that it geveth by the plane word of God, so far do we reverence and embrace the same. But yf men, under the name of a Counsall pretend to forge unto us new articles of our faith, or to maik constitutionis repugnyng to the word of God, then utterlie we mone refuise the same, as the doctrin of devillis which drawis our saullis from the voice of our onlie God, to follow the doctrines and constitutionis of men. The caus, then, why [that] Generall Counsallis convened, was neather to mak any perpetuall law (whiche God befoir had nott maid,) neather yitt to forge new articles of our beleve, neather to give the word of God authoritie, mekle less to make that to be his worde, or yitt the trew interpretatioun of the same, which was not befoir by his holy will expreassed in his worde. But the caus of Counsallis, (we meane of sick as merite the name of Counsallis,) was partlie for confutatioun of heresyes, and for geving publict confessioun of thair faith to the posteritie following; whiche baith they did by the authoritie of Goddis writtin worde, and nott by any opinioun or prerogative that they could nott err, be reassoun of thair Generall assemblie: And this we judge to have bene the cheaf caus of Generall Counsallis. The other was for good policie and ordour to be constitut and observed in the Kirk, in whiche (as in the house of God) it becumis all thingis to be done decentlie and into ordour. Not that we think that ane policie, and ane ordour in Ceremonies can be appointit for all aigis, tymes, and plaicis; for as ceremonies (sick as men hes devised) ar but temporall, so may and aucht they to be changed, when they rather foster superstitioun, then that they edifie the Kirk using the same.

[247] In the old printed copies, "have proponit."

OFF THE SACRAMENTIS.--CAP. XXI.

[Sidenote: The use of Sacraments.]

[Sidenote: Baptisme.]

[Sidenote: The Lordis Supper, perfythe and plainly described.]

As the Fatheris under the Law, besydis the veritie of the sacrifices, had two cheaf Sacramentis, to witt, Circumcisioun and the Passover, the despysaris and contemnaris whairof war not reputed for Godis people; so [do] we acknawledge and confesse that we now, in the tyme of the Evangell, have two[248] Sacramentis onlie, institutit be the Lord Jesus, and commanded to be used of all those that will be reputed members of his body, to witt, Baptisme and the Supper, or Table of the Lord Jesus, called The Communioun of his body and bloode. And these sacramentis (alsweill of the Auld as of the New Testament) war institut[248] of God, not onlie to maik ane visible difference betwixt his people, and those that war without his league; but also to exercise the faith of his children; and by participatioun of the same sacramentis, to seall in thair heartis the assurance of his promeis, and of that most blessed conjunctioun, unioun, and societie, whiche the Elect have with thair head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterlie dampne the vanitie of those that affirme Sacramentis to be nothing else but naked and bair signes. No, we assuredlie beleve, that by Baptisme we ar ingrafted in Christ Jesus to be maid partakaris of his justice, by the whiche our synes are covered and remitted; and also, that in the Supper, rychtlie used, Christ Jesus is so joyned with us, that he becumis the verray nurishement and foode of our saullis. Not that we ymagine any transsubstantiatioun of bread into Christis naturall body, and of wyne in his naturall bloode, (as the Papistis have perniciouslie taught and dampnablie beleved;) but this union and communioun whiche we have with the body and bloode of Christ Jesus in the rycht use of the sacraments, is wrocht by operatioun of the Holy Ghost, who by trew faith caryes us above all thingis that ar visible, carnall, and earthlie, and maikis us to feid upoun the body and bloode of Christ Jesus, whiche was ones brokin and schedd for us, whiche now is in the heavin, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us. And yit, notwithstanding the far distance of place, whiche is betwix his bodye now glorifeid in the heavin, and us now mortall in this earth, yit we most assuredlie beleve, that the bread which we break is the communioun of Christis body, and the cupp which we bliss, is the communion of his bloode. So that we confesse, and undowttedlye beleve, that the faithfull, in the rycht use of the Lordis Table, so do eatt the body, and drynk the bloode of the Lord Jesus, that he remaneth in thame and thai in him: yea, that thai ar so maid flesche of his flesche, and bone of his bones, that as the Eternall Godheid hath gevin to the flesche of Christ Jesus (whiche of the awin conditioun and nature was mortall and corruptible) lyfe and immortalitie, so doeth Christ Jesus his flesche and bloode eatten and drunken by us, give to us the same prerogatives: Whiche albeit we confesse, are neather gevin unto us at that onlie tyme, neather yit by the propir power and vertew of the Sacramentis onlie; yit we affirme, that the faithfull in the rycht use of the Lordis Table hes sick conjunctioun with Christ Jesus, as the naturall man can not comprehend: yea, and farther we affirme, that albeit the faithfull oppressed be negligence, and manlie infirmitie, doeth not proffeitt so mekill as thei wold att the verray instant actioun of the Supper, yit shall it after bring furth frute, as livelie seid sawin in good ground; for the Holy Spreit, whiche can never be devided frome the rycht institutioun of the Lord Jesus, will not frustrat the faythfull of the frute of that misticall actioun. But all this, we say, cumis by trew fayth, whiche apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who onlie maikis his Sacramentis effectuall unto us; and, thairfoir, whosoever sclandereth us, as that we affirmed or beleved Sacramentis to be onlie naiked and bair signes, do injurie unto us, and speak against a manifest treuth. But this liberallie and francklie we most confess, that we maik ane distinctioun betwix Christ Jesus, in his naturall substance,[249] and betwix the elementis in the Sacramentall signes; so that we will neather wirschip the signes in place of that which is signifeid by thame; neather yit do we dispyse and interprete thame as unprofitable and vane; but do use thame with all reverence, examyning our selfis diligentlie befoir that so we do, becaus we ar assured by the mouth of the Apostle, "That sick as eat of that bread, and drynk of that cupp, unworthelie, ar guyltie of the body and bloode[250] of the Lord Jesus."

[248] In the old printed copies, "two chief;" and "now instituted."

[249] In the old printed copies, "in his eternall substance."

[250] In the editions 1561, "and of the blood of Christ Jesus."

OFF THE RYCHT ADMINISTRATIOUN OF THE SACRAMENTIS.--CAP. XXII.

[Sidenote: Christians may not participate with the Papists in their Sacraments.]

[Sidenote: Women may not Baptise.]

[Sidenote: The Papists commit sacriledge.]

[Sidenote: Such as think not rightly of the Lords Supper receive it not worthely.]

That Sacramentis be rychtlie ministred, we judge twa thingis requisit: the one, That thei be ministred be lauchfull ministeris, whome we affirme to be onlie thei that ar appointed to the preaching of the worde, or into whose mouthis God hes putt some sermoun of exhortatioun, thei being men lauchfullie chosin thairto by some Kirk. The other, That thei be ministred in sic elementis, and in sic sorte as God hath appointed. Ellis we affirme, that thei cease to be rycht Sacramentis of Christ Jesus. And, thairfoir, it is, that we flye the societie with the Papisticall Kirk, in participatioun of thair Sacramentis; first, becaus thair ministeris ar no ministeris of Christ Jesus; yea, (whiche is more horrible) thei suffer wemen, whome the Holy Ghost will not suffer to teache in the congregatioun, to Baptise. And, secoundlie, Becaus thei have so adulterat, both the one sacrament and the other, with thair awin inventionis, that na pairte of Christis actioun abydeth in the originall puritie; for oyle, salt, spattle,[251] and siclyk in baptisme, are but menis inventionis; adoratioun, veneratioun, bearing throcht streittis and townes, and keaping of bread in boxes or buistis, are prophanatioun of Christis Sacramentis, and no use of the same: For Christ Jesus said, "Tak, eat, &c.; Do ye this in remembrance of me." By which wordis and charge he sanctifeid bread and wyne to be the sacrament of his body[252] and blude; to the end, that the one should be eatten, and that all should drink of the other; and not that thei should be keapt to be wirschiped and honoured as God, as the blynd Papistis have done heirtofoir, who also have committed sacriledge, stealling frome the people the one parte of the Sacrament, to witt, the blissed cupp. Moreover, that the Sacramentis be rychtlie used, it is requyred, that the end and caus why the Sacramentis war institut, be understand and observed, alsweall of the minister as of the receaveris; for yf the opinioun be changed in the receavare, the rycht use ceasseth; whiche is most evident by the rejectioun of the sacrifices, (as also yf the teachar teache[253] fals doctrin,) whiche war odiouse and abominable unto God (albeit thei war his awin ordinances,) becaus that wicked men use thame to ane other end than God hath ordeaned. The same affirme we of the sacramentis in the Papisticall Kirk, in whiche we affirme the haill actioun of the Lord Jesus to be adulterat, alsweill in the externall forme, as in the end and opinioun. What Christ Jesus did, and commanded to be done, is evident by the three Evangelistis [quho speak of the Sacrament,][254] and by Sanct Paule: What the preast does at his altare we neid not to rehearse. The end and caus of Christis institutioun, and why the self same should be used, is expressed in these wordis,--"Do this in remembrance of me. As oft as ye shall eatt off this bread and drynk of this cupp, ye shall schaw furth, (that is, extoll, preache, and magnifie,[255]) the Lordis death till he come." But to what end, and in what opinioun the preastis say thair masses, lett the wordis of the same, thair awin doctouris and writtingis witness, to witt, that thei, as mediatouris betwix Christ and his Kirk, do offerr unto God the Father ane sacrifice propitiatorie for the synnes of the quick and the dead. Which doctrine, as blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and macking derogatioun to the sufficiencie of his onlie sacrifice, ones offered for purgatioun of all those that shalbe sanctified, we utterlie abhorr, detest, and renunce.

[251] In some copies, "spittle."

[252] In some copies, "his holy body."

[253] In the old printed copies, "gif the teacher plainly teach, &c. befoir God."

[254] Supplied from MS. G; but the old printed copies also read, "by the Evangelistis, and by Sanct Paule;" omitting the word "three."

[255] In the old printed copies, "preach, magnifie, and prayse."

TO WHOME SACRAMENTIS APPERTEANE.--CAP. XXIII.

We Confesse and acknawledge that Baptisme apperteaneth alsweall to the infantis of the faithfull, as to those that be of age and discretioun. And so we dampne the errour of [the] Anabaptistes, who deny baptisme to apperteane to children, befoir that thei have faith and understanding. But the Supper of the Lord, we confesse to apperteane onlie to sick as[256] have bene of the houshold of faith, [and] can try and examyn thame selfis, asweill in thair faith, as in thair dewtie towardis thair nychtbouris. Such as eat [and drink] at that holy table without fayth, or being at dissentioun and divisioun with thare brethren, do eat unworthelye: and thairfoir it is, that in our Kirkis our Ministeris tackis publict and particulare examinatioun of the knowledge and conversatioun of suche as are to be admitted to the table of the Lord Jesus.

[256] In the old printed copies, "to sic onlie as be of the houshald."

OF THE CIVILE MAGISTRAT.--CAP. XXIV.

We Confesse and acknawledge impyres, kyngdomes, dominiounis, and cities to be distincted and ordaned by God: the powers and authorities in the same (be it of Emperouris in thair impyris, of Kingis in thair realmes, Dukis and Princes in thair dominiounis, or of otheris Magistratis in free cities,) to be Godis holy ordinance, ordeaned for manifestatioun of his awin glorie, and for the singulare proffeit and commodite of mankynd. So that whosoever goes about to tack away or to confound the haill state of civile policies, now lang establisched, we affirme the same men not onlie to be ennemyes to mankynd, but also wickedlie to feght against Godis expressed will. We farther Confesse and acknawledge, that sic personis as are placed in authoritie are to be loved, honoured, feared, and holdin in most reverent estimatioun; becaus [that] thei are the lieutennentis of God, in whose sessioun God him self doeth sitt and judge, (yea evin the Judges and Princes thame selfis,) to whome by God is gevin the sweard, to the praise and defence of good men, and to revenge and puniss all open malefactouris. Moreover, to Kingis, Princes, Reullaris, and Magistratis, we affirme that cheiflie and maist principallie the reformatioun[257] and purgatioun of the Religioun apperteanes; so that not onlie thei are appointed for civile policey, bot also for mantenance of the trew Religioun, and for suppressing of idolatrie and superstitioun whatsomever, as in David, Josaphat, Ezechias, Josias, and otheris, heychtlie commended for thair zeall in that caise, may be espyed. And thairfoir we confesse and avow, that sick as resist the Supreme power, (doing that thing which apperteanis to his charge,) do resist Goddis ordinance, and thairfoir can not be guyltless. And farther, we affirme, that whosoever deny unto thame thair aid, counsall, and conforte, while the Princes and Reullaris vigilantlie travaill in the executing[258] of thair office, that the same men deny thair help, supporte, and counsall to God, who by the presence of his lieutennent craveth it of thame.

[257] In the old printed copies, "conservatioun."

[258] In the old printed copies, "in executioun."

THE GIFTIS FRELIE GEVIN TO THE KIRK.--CAP. XXV.

Albeit that the word of God trewlie preached, [and] the Sacramentis rychtlie ministred, and discipline executed according to the word of God, be the certane and infallible signes of the trew Kirk; yit do we nott so meane, that everie[259] particulare persone joyned with sick ane cumpany, be ane elect member of Christ Jesus. For we acknawledge and confesse, that darnell, cokle, and chaff, may be sawin, grow, and in great abundance lye in the myddis of the wheat; that is, the reprobat may be joyned in the societie of the elect, and may externallie use with thame the benefites of the word and sacramentis; but sic being butt temporall professouris in mouth, but not in heart, do fall back and continew not to the end: and thairfoir haif thei no fruit of Christis death, resurrectioun, nor assentioun. But sick as with heart unfeanedlie beleve, and with mouth boldlie confesse the Lord Jesus, (as befoir we have said,) shall most assuredly resave these giftis; first, In this lyfe, remissoun of synnes, and that by faith onlie in Christis blude, insamekle, that albeit syne remane and continuallie abyd in these our mortall bodyes, yit it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and covered with Christis justice. Secondlie, In the generall judgement thair shalbe gevin to everie man and woman resurrectioun of the flesche; for the sea shall geve hir dead, the earth those that thairin be inclosed; yea, the Eternall, our God, shall stretche out his hand upoun the dust, and the dead shall aryse incorruptible, and that in the substance of the [self] same flesche that everie man now bearis, to resave, according to thair warkis, glorie or punishment: for sik as now delyte in vanitie, creueltye, filthynes, superstitioun, or idolatrie, shalbe adjudged to the fyre inextinguishable, in the whiche thei shalbe tormented for ever, alsweall in thair awin bodyes, as in thair saullis, whiche now thei give to serve the devill in all abominatioun. Butt sik as continew in weall doing to the end, boldlie professing the Lord Jesus, [we constantly beleve, that they sall receive glorie, honour, and immortalitie, to reigne for ever in life everlasting with Christ Jesus,][260] to whose glorifeid body all his Elect shalbe [made] lyke, when he shall appeir agane to judgement, and shall render up the kingdome to God his Father, who then shalbe, and ever shall remane all in all thingis, God blessed for evir: To whome, with the Sone, and with the Holy Ghost, be all honour and glorie, now and ever. AMEN.

[259] In the old printed copies, "the trew Kirk; we meane not that every."

[260] This clause, omitted by Knox's amanuensis, is not contained in Vautr. edit., or in the later MSS.

Aryse, O Lord, and lett thy ennemyes be confounded: Lett thame flye frome thy presence that hait thy godlie name: Give thy Servandis strenth to speak thy word in boldnes; and lett all Nationis atteane to[261] thy trew knowledge.

[261] In the old printed copies of the Confession, "cleif," "cleve," or "cleave to."

THIE ACTIS AND ARTICLES WAR RED[262] IN FACE OF PARLIAMENT, AND RATIFIED BE THE THRE ESTAITIS OF THIS REALME, AT EDINBURGH, THE SEVINTENE DAY OF AUGUST,[263] THE YEAR OF GOD J^M. V^C. AND THRESCOIR YEARIS.

[262] In the Acts 1560 and 1567, "ar red."

[263] In the MSS. of Knox, and in Vautrollier's edition, the erroneous date, 17th July, is given instead of the 17th August, as the day when the Confession of Faith was ratified by Parliament. The same mistake occurs in the rare edition of the Confession, printed at Edinburgh by John Scott, 1561, 4to.--See Herbert's Typographical Antiquities, vol. iii. p. 1817.

[Sidenote: THE ERLE MERSCHELLIS VOTE IN PARLIAMENT]

THIS oure CONFESSIOUN was publictlie red, first in audience of the Lordis of Articles, and after in audience of the haill Parliament; whair war present, not onlie suche as professed Christ Jesus, but also a great number of the adversaries of our religioun, suche as the foirnamed Bishoppis, and some others of the Temporall Estate, who war commanded in Goddis name to object, yf thei could, any thing against that doctrine. Some of our Ministeris war present, standing upoun thair feit, reddye to have ansuered, in caise any wald haif defended the Papistrie, and impugned oure affirmatives: but whill that no objectioun was maid, thair was a day appointed to voting in that and other headis. Oure Confessioun was redd, everie article by itself, over agane, as thei war wryttin in ordour, and the vottis of everie man war requyred accordinglie. Of the Temporall Estate onlie voted in the contrair, the Erle of Atholl,[264] the Lordis Somervaill[265] and Borthwik;[266] and yit for thair disassenting thei produced no bettir reassone, but, "We will beleve as oure fatheris beleved." The Bischoppis, (Papisticall, we meane,) spack nothing. The rest of the haill thre Estaittis, by thair publict votes, affirmed the doctrine; and many, the rather, becaus that the Bischoppis wold nor durst say nothing in the contrair; for this was the vote of the Erle Merschell,[267]--"It is long since I have had some favour unto the trewth, and since that I have had a suspitioun of the Papisticall religioun; but, I praise my God, this day hes fully resolved me in the one and the other. For seing that my Lordis Bischoppis, who for thair learing can, and for the zeall that thei should bear to the veritie, wold, as I suppose, ganesay any thing that directlie repugnes to the veritie of God; seing, I say, my Lordis Bischoppis heir present speakis nothing in the contrair of the doctrine proponed, I can nott but hold it to be the verie trewth of God, and the contrarie to be deceavable doctrine. And thairfoir, so far as in me lyeth, I approve the one and dampne the other: And do farther ask of God, that not onlie I, but also all my posteritie, may enjoy the comforte of the doctrin that this day our earis have hearde. And yitt more, I man vote, as it war by way of protestatioun, that yf any persones ecclesiasticall shall after this oppone thame selfis to this our Confessioun, that thei have no place nor credite, considdering that thei having long advisement, and full knawledge of this oure Confessioun, none is now found in lauchfull, free, and quyete Parliament to oppone thame selfis to that whiche we professe: And thairfoir, yf any of this gencratioun pretend to do it after this, I protest he be repute rather one that loveth his awin commoditie and the glorie of the world, than the trewth of God, and the salvatioun of menis saullis."

[264] John Stewart, fourth Earl of Atholl. He succeeded his father in 1542. He enjoyed the favour of Queen Mary, and promoted her marriage with Darnley. He afterwards joined in the Association, and signed the warrant for the Queen's custody in Loch-Leven. In 1577, he became Lord Chancellor of Scotland, and died 24th April 1579.

[265] James sixth Lord Somerville, succeeded to the title in 1550. From Sadler's Correspondence it appears he was in England in 1543, as a hostage for his father, who had been taken prisoner at Solway. (State Papers, vol. i. pp. 182, 348.) His name occurs as signing the Bond in April 1560: (see page 63.) It may be questioned, therefore, whether Knox is quite correct in the names of the persons whom he mentions as having openly opposed the Confession in Parliament. See in the Appendix an extract from Randolph the English envoy's letter to Sir William Cecil, on the 19th of August, in which he says, "of the Temporal Lords, the Earl of Cassillis, and the Earl of Caithness, said Noe; the rest of the Lords, with common consent, allowed the same." (Tytler's Hist. of Scotland, vol. vi. p. 184, note.) Lord Sommerville, who continued his adherence to the Queen's party, at the battle of Langsyde, in May 1568, was severely wounded; and he died in the month of December following.

[266] John fifth Lord Borthwick, in 1543, was served heir of his father, William fourth Lord Borthwick, (his elder brother, the Master of Borthwick, having died without issue.) He assisted the Queen Regent in her contests with the Lords of the Congregation, and died in 1565.

[267] William Keith, fourth Earl Marischall, who succeeded his grandfather in 1530. In 1541 he was appointed Extraordinary Lord of Session. See vol. i. p. 251. note 2. He died 7th October 1581, having spent many of his latter years in retirement, in his Castle of Dunnottar.

After the voting and ratificatioun of this oure Confessioun, by the haill body of the Parliament, thair war also pronunced two Actis, the one against the Masse and the abuse of the Sacramentis, and the other against the Supreamacye of the Pape;[268] the tenouris whairof followis:--

[268] The Acts referred to were renewed in the Parliament, held by the Regent Earl of Murray, in December 1567. There was likewise another Act annulling all former Acts made for the maintenance of Idolatry, or "contrary to the Confession of Fayth, published in this Parliament." It was only by such ratifications that any proceedings of the Parliament in 1560 were recorded. The Acts alluded to were republished in a separate form, along with some of a subsequent date, connected with Religion.--1st, in an edition "Imprintit at Edinburgh, be Johne Ros, Anno Do. 1580," 4to; and 2dly, at "Edinburgh, prentit be Robert Waldegrave," 1593, 4to.

THE ACT AGAINST THE MESSE.[269]

IN the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh, the tent of Julij, the year of God J^m fyve hundreth threscoir yearis, the said Parliament being continewed to the first of August nixt thairafter following, with continewatioun of dayis, upoun the twenty-four day of the said moneth of August, the Thre Estaitis then being present: The whiche day, forsamekle as Almychtie God be his maist trew and blessed worde, hes declaired the reverence and honour quhilk should be gevin to him: and, be his Sone Jesus Christ, has declaired the trew use of the Sacramentis, willing the same to be used according to his will and worde: Be the quhilk it is notour and perfitlie knawin that the Sacramentis of Baptisme and of the body and bloode of Jesus Christ, hes bene in all tymes bygane corrupted be the Papisticall Kirk, and be thair usurpit ministeris; and presentlie, notwithstanding the Reformatioun allreaddy maide according to Goddis worde, yit nottheless thair is some of the same Papis Kirk that stubburnelie perseveris in thair wicked idolatrie, sayand Messe, and Baptizand conforme to the Papis Kirk, prophanand thairthrow the Sacramentis foirsaidis, in quyett and secreatt places, regardand thairthrow nowther God nor his worde: Thairfoir it is statut and ordeaned in this present Parliament, that na maner of persone nor personis, in ony tyme cuming, administrat ony of the Sacramentis foirsaidis secreatlie, or ony other maner of way, but thei that ar admitted and havand power to that effect; nor say Messe, nor yit hear Messe, nor he present thairat, under the paine of confiscatioun of all thair goodis, [movabill and unmovabill,] and punisheing of thair bodyis at the discretioun of the Magistrattis, within whais jurisdiction sick personis happynnis to be apprehended, for the first fault; banisching of the Realme, for the secound fault; and justifieing to the dead, for the thrid falt: And ordainis all Schireffis, Stewartis, Bailleis, and thair deputtis, Provestis, and Bailleis of Burrowis, and otheris judges whatsumever, within this Realme, to taik diligent suyt and inquisitioun within thair boundis, whair ony sick usurped ministerie is used; Messe saying, or thei that beis present at the doing thairof, ratifeand and apprevand the samyn, and tack and apprehend thame, to the effect that the panis above wrettin may be execut upon thame.

Extractum de libro Parliamenti, per me, etc.

(Sic subscribitur,) JACOBUS M^CGILL.[270]

[269] The title in the Acts of Parliament 1567, is, "Anent the Messe abolischit, and punisching of all that heiris or sayis the samin.--Cap. v."

[270] Mr. James M^cGill, Clerk Register: see a subsequent note.

THE ACT FOR ABOLISHING THE JURISDICTIOUN OF THE PAPE.[271]

IN the Parliament haldin at Edinburgh, the tent day of Julij, the year of God J^m V^c lx yearis, and thairefter continewit to the first day of August nixt thairefter following, with continewatioun of dayes, upoun the xxiiij of the said moneth of August:[272] The thre Estaitis, then being present, understanding that the jurisdictioun and authoritie of the Bischope of Rome, callit the Pape, usit [with]in this Realme in tymes bypast, hes [not onlie bene contumelious to the Eternall God, but also] verry hurtsome and prejudiciall to our Soveranis authoritie, and commoun weall of this Realme: Thairfoir hes statut and ordainit, that the Bischope of Rome, [callit the Paip,] have na jurisdictioun nor authoritie [with]in this Realme in tymes cuming; and that nane of oure said Soveranis subjectis sute or desyre, in ony tyme heirefter, tytill or rycht, be the said Bischope of Rome or his sect, to ony thing within this Realme, under the panis of Barratrie; that is to say, proscriptioun, banishment, and never to bruik honour, office, nor dignitie within this Realme: And the contraveaneris heirof, to be callit befoir the Justice or his deputtis, or befoir the Lordis of the Sessioun, and punist thairfoir according to the lawis of this Realme: And the furnessaris of thame with fynance of money, and purchessaris of thair tytle of rycht, or manteaneris and defenderis of thame, sall incurr the samyn panis: And that na Bischope, nor uther Prelatt of this Realme, use ony jurisdictioun in tymes to cum, be the said Bischope of Rome's authoritie, under the paine foirsaid.

Extractum, etc.

[271] The title in the Acts of Parliament 1567, is, "Anent the abolissing of the Pape, and his usurpit authoritie.--Cap. iii."

[272] See note to the preceding Act, which was passed on the same day.

These and other thingis ordourlie done in lauchfull and free Parliament,[273] we direct to France, to our Soveranis, Sir James Sandelandis, Lord of Sanct Johne,[274] with the Actes of the said Parliament, that by thame thei mycht be ratifeid according to the promeisse of thair Heyghness Commissionaris maid to us, as by the Contract of Peace most evidentlie may appear. Bot how the said Lord of Sanct Johne was entreated we list nott reherse; but alwyis no Ratificatioun brought he unto us.[275] But that we litill regarded, or yit do regarde; for all that we did was rather to schaw our debtfull obedience, then to bege of thame any strenth to our Religioun, whiche from God hes full powar, and neideth nott the suffrage of man, but in so far as man hath neid to beleve it, yf that ever he shall have participatioun of the lyfe everlesting. But somewhat most we answer to suche as since hes whispered, that it was but a pretended Parliament and a privye conventioun, and no lauchfull Parliament. Thair reassonis ar, the King and Quene war in France; thair was neather sceptour, sweard, nor croune borne, &c., and some principall Lordis war absent. We answer, That we rather wishe the Papistis to be quyett, nor too curiouslie to travell in that head; for it may be, that whill thei think to hurte us, thei tack the Quene and hir authoritie a great blawe, and yitt amend thame selffis nothing. For in whose defalt, we pray yow, was the Quene absent frome this Realme? We think thei will not be so schameless as that thei will blame the Protestantis thairof. Her persone was absent, and [that] to no small greaff of our hartis. But war nott the Estaitis of hir Realme assembled in hir name? Yea, had thei nott hir full power and commissioun, yea, the commissioun and commandiment of hir head the King of France, to convocat that Parliament, and to do all thingis that may be done in lauchfull Parliament, evin as yf oure Soveranis had bene thair in proper personis? Yf thei will limitat the power of princes to the places onlie whair thair bodelye presence is, it will be thocht strange; for so not onlie shall Kingis be compellit to content thame with one Realme, but also with one citie; for the bodilie presence of Kingis can no more be in diverse cities in one instant, then that thei can be in diverse Realmes. Hitherto we haif understand, that whairsoever the Counsallouris of the King, with his power and commissioun, ar assembled to do any thing at his commandiment, that thair is the Kingis sufficient presence and authoritie, whairsoever his awin body be leving at fredome and libertie. Which, yf the Papistis deny, we will find faultis with thame, and with the princes whome thei have abused, that more will annoy thame then anything that we can lose by the insufficiencie of that Parliament; whiche not the less we ar bold to affirme, to have bene more lauchfull, and more free then any Parliament that thei ar able to produce this hundreth year befoir it, or yitt any that hath ensewed since it was; for in it, the votes of men war free, and gevin of conscience: in otheris thei war bought or gevin at the devotioun of the prince. All thingis in it concluded ar able to abyde the tryall, and nott to be consumed at the prufe of the fyre. Off otheris the godly may justly call in dowbt thingis determined.

[273] As already mentioned, no record of the proceedings of this Parliament in August 1560, was included in any of the printed collections of the Public Statutes, until Mr. Thomson restored the three Acts, (see page 123, note 1,) along with the Confession of Faith, in his edition of Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. pp. 525-535. An abstract of the proceedings was furnished to Bishop Keith, by Father Innes, from Archbishop Beaton's MSS. in the Scots College, Paris: a copy of this abstract will be given in the Appendix, along with the extract of Randolph's letter, mentioned at page 121, note 2.

[274] James Sandilands, second son of Sir James Sandilands of Calder, (see vol. i. page 301,) became Preceptor of Torphichen, (ib. page 249,) and in virtue of this office, under the title of Lord St. John, he had a seat in Parliament. He was employed in several embassies; and with the rest of his family he joined the Reformers; this mission to France shews the estimation in which he was held. Having obtained a grant of the possessions of the Knights Templars and Hospitallers in Scotland in 1563, the same were erected into a Free Barony or a Temporal Lordship, in his favour, by Queen Mary, as Lord Torphichen; and he relinquished his former title of Lord St. John. See the copy of the Charter, dated 24th January 1563-4, with several interesting notices regarding the Templar Lands and Dignities, by Mr. Maidment, in the Spottiswoode Miscellany, (vol. ii. pp. 17-32,) Edinb. 1845, 8vo. James Lord Torphichen, died 29th November 1596, leaving no issue, and his estates and title devolved on his grand-nephew, James Sandilands of Calder.

[275] See note 1, page 131.

To the sweard and sceptour, nor yitt to the absence of some Lordis, we ansuere nothing; for oure adversaries know weall yneuche that the one is rather a pompe and gloriouse vane ceremonye, than a substantiall point of necessitie, requyred to a lauchfull Parliament; and the absence of some prejudges nott the poweris of the present, providing that dew advertisement be made unto thame. But now we returne to oure Historye.

THE Parliament dissolved, consultatioun was had, how the Kirk mycht be establissed in a good and godlie Policy, whiche by the Papistes was altogether defaced. Commissioun and charge was gevin to Mr. Johne Winram[276] Suppriour of Sanctandrois, Maister Johne Spottiswoode, Johne Willok, Mr. John Douglas Rectour of Sanctandrois, Maister Johne Row, and Johne Knox, to draw in a volume the Polecey and Disciplyn of the Kirk, as weill as thei had done the Doctrin; whiche thei did and presented to the Nobilitie, who did peruse it many dayis. Some approved it, and willed the samyn have bene sett furth be a law. Otheris, perceaving thair carnall libertie and worldlie commoditie somewhat to be impaired thairby grudged, insomuche that the name of the Book of Discipline became odious unto thame. Everie thing that repugned to thair corrupt affectionis, was termed in thair mockage, "devote imaginationis." The caus we have befoir declaired; some war licentious; some had greadelie gripped to the possessionis of the Kirk; and otheris thought that thei wald nott lack thair parte of Christis coat; yea, and that befoir that ever he was hanged, as by the Preachearis thei war oft rebuked. The cheaf great man that had professed Christ Jesus, and refuissed to subscrive the Book of Discipline, was the Lord Erskyn;[277] and no wonder, for besydis that he has a verray Jesabell to his wyffe, yf the poore, the schooles, and the ministerie of the Kirk had thair awin, his keching wald lack two parttis and more, of that whiche he injustlie now possesses. Assuredlye some of us have woundered how men that professe godlynes could of so long continewance hear the threatnyngis of God against theavis and against thair housses, and knowing thame selfis guyltie in suche thingis, as war openlie rebucked, and that thei never had remorse of conscience, neather yitt intended to restore any thingis of that, whiche long thei had stollen and reft. Thair was none within the Realme more unmercyfull to the poore Ministeris then war thei whiche had greatest rentis of the Churches. But in that we have perceaved the old proverbe to be trew, "Nothing can suffice a wreche;" and agane, "The bellie hes none earis." Yitt the same Book of Discipline was subscrived by a great parte of the Nobilitie: to witt, the Duckis Grace, the Erle of Arrane, the Erles Ergyle, Glencarne, Merschall, Menteth, Mortoun, Rothes, Lord James, now Erle of Murray; Lordis Yester, Boyd, Vchiltree; Maister of Maxwell,[278] Lord Lyndesay elder, and the Maister now Lord;[279] Baronis Drumlanryg, Lochinwar, Garleise, Bargany; Mr. Alexander Gordoun Byschop of Galloway, Alexander Campbell Deane of Murray, with a great number mo, subscrived and approved the said Book of Discipline,[280] in the Tolbuyth of Edinburgh, the twenty-sevin day of Januare, the year of God J^m V^c threscoir yearis, by thair approbatioun, in these wordis:--

[276] In Knox's MS. 1566, the names of Winram and Douglas are added on the margin, apparently in his own hand; in the text being simply styled, "the Suppriour," &c., and "the Rectour," &c., "the," being afterwards deleted. In Vautr. edit., and the later MSS., the names are introduced into the text. The transcriber of MS. G, has, however, omitted the name of "John Willok," as one of the compilers of the Book of Discipline.

[277] This charge of avarice was made against John Lord Erskine, afterwards Earl of Mar, and Regent of Scotland; who had married Annabella Murray, eldest daughter of Sir William Murray of Tullibardine, and Catherine, daughter of Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy.

[278] In MS. G, "Maister of Maxwell, thairefter Lord Herise." Sir John Maxwell, in virtue of his marriage with the eldest daughter and co-heiress of William third Lord Herries, assumed that title in 1567.

[279] John fifth Lord Lindesay of Byres, died in 1563, and was succeeded by his eldest son Patrick, Master of Lindesay.

[280] Upon comparing this list of names with the signatures attached to the Book of Discipline, it will be seen that Knox's amanuensis has unfortunately copied them only in part, as the names of the Earls of Marischal, Monteith, and Morton, and a few others here specified, are not given. See the end of Book Third, in the present volume.

"WE quhilk have subscrivit thir presentis, havand advised with the Articles herein specified, and as is above mentionat, from the begyning of this Book, thinkis the samyn goode, and conforme to Goddis word in all poyntis, conforme to the notes and additionis thairto eikked; and promittis to sett the same fordwarte at the uttermost of oure poweris, providing that the Bischoppis, Abbottis, Priouris, and utheris Prelattis and beneficed men, quhilkis ellis have adjoyned thameselfis to us, bruik the revenues of thair benefices during thair lyfetymes, thei susteanyng and upholding the Ministerie and Ministeris, as is heirin specified, for preaching of the worde, and ministring of the sacramentis."

What be the contentis of the haill Book, and how that this promeise was illuded frome tyme to tyme, we will after hear.

* * * * *

Schort after the said Parliament, war send from the counsall Ambassadouris to England, the Erles Mortoun and Glencarne, togidder with William Maitland of Lethingtoun youngare. The cheaf poynt of thair commissioun was earnestlie to crave the constant assistance of the Quenis Majestie of England, against all forane invasioun, and to propone the Earle of Arrane (who then was in no small estimatioun with us) to the Quene of England in mariage.[281]

[281] In the Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 605, "The Commission of the Estates to move Queene Elizabeth of England to tak the Erle of Arran to hir husband," in August 1560, is inserted, with the signatures, from the original, preserved among the Hamilton archives. This Commission authorized "that honorable personis be sent in ambassat fra and on behalf of the Estates." The ambassadors, the Earls of Morton and Glencairn, and Maitland of Lethington, set out from Edinburgh, accompanied with fifty-four horse, on the 11th or 12th October 1560. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 62.) They returned on the 3d of January 1560-61. (Ib. pp. 63, 281.)

That same tyme was the Castell of Sempill[282] besieged and tane, because the Lord thairof disobeyed the lawes and ordinances of the Counsall in many thingis, and especiallie in that, that he wold manteane the idolatrie of the Messe, and also that he besett the way to the Erle of Arrane, with a great gathering, as he was ryding with his accustumed companye.

[282] "My Lord Duke and the Earl of Arrane, his son, on the 24th September 1560, departit to cast doun my Lord Sempills hous;" and on the 14th October, "the Castell of Sempill was tane be my Lord Duke." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 62, 63.)

Castle Semple is in the parish of Lochwinnoch, and county of Renfrew, and stood at the northern end of the lake called Lochwinnoch, from which the parish derived its name: it was demolished in the year 1735, and replaced by a modern mansion.

The Papistis war proude, for thei looked for ane new armye from France at the nixt spring, and thairof was thair no small appearance, yf God had not otherwyse provided. For France utterlie refused the confirmatioun of the peace contracted at Leyth, wald ratifie no parte of oure Parliament, dismissed the Lord of Sanct Johne without any resolute ansure,[283] begane to gather new bandis of throte-cuttaris, and to maik great preparatioun for schippes. Thei farther send befoir thame certane practisaris (amonges whome the Lord Seatoun,[284] who had departed with the Frenche out of Leyth was one) to rouse up new trubles within this Realme. And all this came partlie of the malice of the house of Gwise, who had avowed to revenge the displeasour of thair sister, boyth upoun England and Scotland, and partlie by instigatioun of proud Beatoun, falslie called Bischope of Glasgu, of Dury, Abbot of Dumfermeling, Saulles Seatoun,[285] and Mr. John Sinklar, Dene of Restarick,[286] with suche utheris of the Frenche factioun,[287] who had openlie spokin, that thei had refused all portioun of Scotland, onless that it war under the government of a Frenche man. "Recompense thame, O Lord, as thou knowest maist expedient for thy awin glorie, and for the perpetuall schame of all tratouris to thair commoun-wealth."

[283] The journey of Lord St. John seems to have been delayed for nearly a month after the dissolution of Parliament. Robert Melville, who was to have accompanied him, addressed a letter to the Lady Cecill, on the 21st September, in which he says, "quhilk journay is alterit, and thought mare expedient that my Lord of Senjhone pass in France, quhaire I daire not go at this tyme. Seeing my Lord is desirous to offer his service untoyour Ladyship," &c. (Haynes's State Papers, p. 362.)--"Upoun the xxiij day of September, the zeir of God 1560 zeiris, James Lord of Sanctjohne was directit as ambassadour, and departit to France, throw the Realme of Ingland, to obtane eonfirmatioun of the Quenis grace of this Realme, and hir Spouse, upoun the Actis maid of the Parliament foirsaid." (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 62, 280.) The same authority states, that on the 19th December, "James Lord Sanctjohne come furth of France to Edinburgh, and obtenit little or nathing of his errands expeid." (ib. p. 281.)

[284] George sixth Lord Seaton, was one of the Commissioners sent to France in 1558, at the marriage of Queen Mary. On the Queen's return to Scotland, he was appointed Master of the Household, and remained attached to her in all her misfortunes.

[285] So in the different MSS.; but it may be suggested, whether the name is not a mistake for the Abbot of Sauls Seat, (Sedes Avimarum,) in Wigtonshire.

[286] In MS. G, "Restalrig."--Sinclair's name is added on the margin of MS. 1566.

[287] The persons of the French faction here named, have been previously mentioned by Knox, viz. James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (vol. i. p. 252, note 2,) who survived till the year 1603; George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline, (vol. i. p. 183, note 2); and John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, (vol. i. p. 265, note 2,) became Bishop of Brechin in 1563. See infra, p. 141. Beaton and Seaton arrived at Paris on the 3d of August. (Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 176.)

[Sidenote: THE DEATH OF THE YONG KING OF FRANCE, HUSBAND TO OUR JESABELL.]

The certane knowledge of all these thingis came to our earis, whairat many war effrayed; for diverse suspected that England wald nott be so fordwarde in tymes to cum, considering that thair formar expensses war so great. The principall conforte remaned with the preacheouris; for thei assured us in Goddis name, that God should performe in all perfectioun that worke in our handis, the begyning whairof he had so mychtelie mainteaned, becaus it was not ouris, but his awin; and thairfoir exhorted us that we should constantlie proceid to reforme all abuses, and to plant the ministerie of the Churche, as by Goddis word we mycht justifie it, and then committ the successe of all to our God, in whose power the dispositioun of kingdomes standis. And so we begane to do, for troubles appearing, maid us give ear to the admonitionis of Goddis servandis. And whill that we had skarslie begune agane to implore the helpe of our God, and to schaw some signes of our obedience unto his messingeris, and holy worde, lo! the potent hand of God from above send unto us a wonderfull and most joyfull deliverance: For unhappy Francis, husband to our Soverane, suddandlie perissheth of a rottin ear. But becaus the death of that child was nott onlie the cause of joy to us in Scotland, but also by it war the faythfull in France delivered, as it ware, from the present death, we think expedient to entreat the same somewhat more largelie.

[Sidenote: CORRECTED BE MR. GEORGE.][288]

[288] There can be little doubt that by "Mr. George," we are to understand Mr. GEORGE BUCHANAN. He was in France at the time of the King's death, and it is highly probable he may not only have furnished Knox with the information contained in this paragraph, but also have supplied him with the translation of the Latin verses on page 136. The style of this version corresponds so much with the prose writings and the few letters of Buchanan written in his native tongue, as to warrant this ascription: but in either case, whether translated by Buchanan or Knox, these lines may be esteemed a literary curiosity. Buchanan returned to Scotland about the same time with Mary Queen of Scots, in the summer or autumn of 1561.

These cruell and conjured ennemyes of God, and of all godlynes, the Duck of Gwyse, the Cardinall of Lorane, and thair factioun, who then at thair awin appetite plaide the tyrantis in France, had determined the destructioun[289] of all that professed the trew knowledge of Jesus Christ within that Realme. What tyranny laite befoir thei had used at Amboyse, the historie of France doth witness. Now, in Orleance, in the moneth of November, conveyned the King, unhappie Francis, the Quene oure Soverane, and the Quene Mother, the Duck of Gweise, with all his factioun, the King of Navar, and the Prince his brother.[290] So that great was the confluence of the Nobilitie; but greater was the assemblie of the murtheraris; for thair was nott a hangman in all France whiche was nott thair. The preasonis ware full of the trew servandis of God: the King of Navar and the Prince war constitut preasonaris. The Schereff of Orleance, a man fearing God, was tackin, and so war many otheris of the toune. Breiflie, thair was none that professed God or godlyness within that toune, that looked nott for the extreamitie; for the walles and yettis war nycht and day keapt with tha garnysonis of the Gwysianes: miserable men war dalie browght in to suffer judgement, but none was suffered to departe furth butt at the devotioun of the tyrantis. And so thei proceided till the tent or twelft[291] of December, when that thei thowght tyme to putt thair bloody counsall in executioun, and for that purpoise conclusioun was tackin that the King should departe of the toune, and lye at a certane place; whiche was done to this intent, that thair should no suyte be maid to the King for the saiftie of any manis lyfe, whome thei thowght worthy of death. And so was the Kingis house in Orleance broken up, his beddis, cofferis, and tapistree sent away; his awin buttis putt on, he sitting at the Messe, immediatlie thairafter to have departed, and so thair tyrannie to have begune,--when all thingis, we say, war into this readdyness to sched the bloode of innocentis, the Eternall, our God, who ever watches for the preservatioun of his awin, begane to work, and suddandlie did put his awin werk in executioun. For as the said King satt at Messe, he was suddandlie strikkin with ane aposthume, in that deaf eare that never wald hear the treuth of God; and so was he caryed to ane void house, layd upoun a palliase unto suche tyme as a cannabie was sett up unto him; whair he lay till the fyftene day of December, in the year of God J^m V^c threscoir yearis,[292] when his glorie perished, and the pryde of the stubburne heart evanished in smok. And so was the snare brokin, the tyrantis disappoynted of thair crueltye; those that war appointed to death rased, as it war out of thair graves; and we, who by our foolischnes had maid our selves slaves to strangearis, war restored agane to freedome and libertie of a free Realme.

[289] The account here given is not exaggerated, as the French Protestants were subjected to fearful persecutions, and the number of persons brought to the stake on account of religion, from time to time, would scarcely be credited, unless for the undeniable testimony of contemporary writers. The sudden death of Francis the Second, had undoubtedly the effect of preventing some intended atrocities against the Reformed party in France.

[290] A blank space of about two lines left here in MS. 1566, as if to insert some additional names.

[291] See next page, note 2.

[292] The date here assigned for the death of the French monarch, is incorrect. He died on the 5th, not the 15th of December 1560, (although Mezeray, the French historian, says it was on the 4th of that month,) after a short reign of sixteen months and twenty-four days, in the 17th year of his age.

"Oh! that we had heartis deaplie to considder what ar thy wonderouse workis, O Lord, that we mycht praise Thee in the myddest of this most obstinat and wicked generatioun, and leave the memoriall of the same to oure posterities, whiche, allace, we fear, shall forget thy inestimable benefites." The godlie in France, upoun this suddane death, sett furth in these verses ane admonitioun to Kingis:--

AD HUJUS TEMPORIS MONARCHAS PROTREPTICON CARMEN.[293]

Consiliis Christum oppugnans et fraudibus, ingens Regum ille terror Carolus: Ipsis ridiculis pueris, furiosus, et excors, Totus repente corruit. Tuque Henrice, malis dum consultoribus utens, Sitis piorum sanguinem: Ipse tuo vecors, inopina, cæde peremptus Terram imbuisti sanguine. Henrici deinceps, sectans vestigia patris Franciscus infoelix puer, Clamantem Christum surda dum negligit aure, Aure putrefacta corruit. Versuti, fatui, surdi, hæc spectacula, Reges, Vos sapere vel mori jubent.

[293] The writer of these verses is unknown. They occur in an anonymous work, containing much curious and important matter relating to the state of Religion in France, entitled, "Commentaires de l'Estat de la Religion et Republique soubs les Rois Henry et Francois seconds, et Charles neufieme. (1556-1561.)--M.D.LXV." 8vo. foll. 262. The above "Vers Latins faicts sur la mort du Roy Francois," are thus introduced at fol. 100:

"Non long temps apres furent divulguez quelques vers Latins faicts sur la mort dudict Roy Francois, du Roy Henry son pere, et de l'Empereur Charles cinquieme, qui m'ont semblé estre dignes de memoire, et d'estre conservez a la posterité: lesquels pourtant i'ay voulu icy adiouster, la superscription estant telle qu'il s'ensuit ey apres.

"AD HVIVS TEMPORIS προτρεπτικον Monarchas προτρεπτικον Carmen.

Consiliis Christum oppugnans," &c.

There is a similar work entitled, "Commentariorum de Statu Religionis et Reipublicæ in Regno Franciæ, Pars I-V." by Joannes Serranus, a learned divine. The author of the "Commentaires," was Peter de la Place, an eminent lawyer, whom Henry the Second had appointed King's Advocate and President of the Court of Aids, in Paris. In 1560, he openly avowed himself a Protestant, which obliged him to leave Paris, and in the troubles that followed, his library and effects were pillaged or destroyed; and he himself eventually became one of the victims in the atrocious massacre of the Protestants on the eve of St. Bartholomew, 25th August 1572.

THE MEANYNG WHAIROF IS, THAT CHARLES--

KYNGE CHARLES that tyrane terrible, Withstanding Christ with witt and craft, As mocking stock most miserable, Endit at ones ragine and daft.[294] Then Henrie through evill cumpany, Thristing the blood of godlie men, With his awin blood, schedd suddantlie, Was maid to wait the end ye ken.[295] Last, Francis, that unhappie child, His Father's footsteps following plane, To Christ crying, deafe eares did yeild, Ane rotten eare then was his baine. O craftie, deif, and foolische Kyngs, These fearfull judgments gone befoir you, Biddeth you be wyser in your reignes, Or schamefull death will sone devoir you.

[294] The Emperor Charles the Fifth, and King of Spain. After having abdicated his throne to his son Philip the Second, in October 1555, he took up his retreat in the convent of St. Just, in the Province of Estramadura, in Spain. The change from an active life, and his mortified ambition, led to acts of fantastic devotion, which betrayed a weakness of understanding. He died 21st September 1558.

[295] Henry the Second, King of France. His death, on the 10th July 1559, is previously mentioned by Knox: see vol. i. p. 371.

The death of this King maid great alteratioun in Fraunce, England, and Scotland. France was erected in some esperance, that the tyranny of the Gwysianis should no longar ring above thame, becaus that God at unwares had brokin the staff whairupoun thei leaned. But, allace, thei war deceaved: for the simplicitie of some was so abused, that, against the lawes of the Realme, to the Quene Mother was committed regiment: which lifted up asweill the Duck of Gwyse, as the cruell Cardinall for a seassone.

The Quene of England and the Counsall, remitted our Ambassadouris with answer, "That sche wald nott marye hastelye, and, thairfoir, willed the Counsall of Scotland, and the Erle of Arrane, foirsaid, nott to depend upoun any hope thairof."[296] What motives she had, we omitt.

[296] This projected alliance with Elizabeth was the chief object, as mentioned at page 130, for which the Parliament had sent ambassadors to the Court of England. This scheme being thus frustrated, the death of Francis the Second suggested a similar alliance with Queen Mary.

The pryde of the Papists of Scotland begane to be abated, and some that ever had schawin thame selfis ennemyes unto us, begane to think, and planelie to speak, (amanges whom the auld Schiref of Ayr[297] was one,) that thei perceaved God to feght for us. The Erle of Arrane him self did more patientlie abyd the repulse of the Quene of England, becaus that he was nott altogitther without hope that the Quene of Scotland bare unto him some favour. And so he wrait unto her, and send for credite a ryng, whiche the said Quene our Soverane knew well yneuch. The letter and ring war baith presented to the Quene, and of her receaved. Answer was returned to the said Erle, after the whiche he maid no farther persuyte in that mater: and yitt, not the less, he bare it heavelie in harte,[298] and more heavelie then many wold have wissed.

[297] Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon, heritable Sheriff of the county of Ayr, had succeeded his father, Sir Hugh, in the year 1508. He survived till February 1561-2. His son and successor, Sir Matthew Campbell, was a zealous and decided supporter of the Reformation.

[298] The disappointment that attended his overtures of marriage with Queen Mary, seems to have preyed on the Earl of Arran's spirits, and before long to have unfitted him for all public employment.

* * * * *

The certaintie of the death foirsaid was signified unto us both by sea and land. By sea receaved Johnne Knox (who then had great intelligence both with the churches,[299] and some of the Courte of France) letteris, that the King was mortallye seak, and could nott weall eschap the death. Which letteris receaved, that same day at afternoon, he passed to the Duckis Grace, to his awin ludging at the Kirk of Feild,[300] [with] whome he fand the Lord James in conference togitther, (the Erle of Arrane was in Jedburgh,) to whome he opened such newis as he had receaved, and willed thame to be of good conforte; for, said he, the advertissare never hes yitt abused me: it is the same gentilman that first gave us knawledge of the slauchter of Hary King of France; and shew unto thame the letter, but wold nott expresse the manis name. Whill thei war reassonying in diverse purposes; and he upoun the one parte conforting thame, and thei upoun the other parte conforting him, (for he was in no small heaviness be reassone of the late death of his dear bedfellow, Marjorie Bowis,)[301] whill (we say) thei three war familiarlie commonyng togetther, thair came a messinger from the Lord Grey,[302] furth of Berwick, with letteris, assuring him of the death of the King of France. Which devulgat and noysed abrode, a generall Conventioun of the haill Nobilitie was appointed to be holdin at Edinburgh the fyvetene[303] day of Januare following, in the whiche the Booke of Discipline was perused newlie oure agane, for some pretended ignorance, be reassone thei had not heard it.

[299] In MS. G, "the Kyrk."

[300] The Kirk of Field was the name usually given to the Collegiate Church of St. Mary in the Fields, Edinburgh. It stood on the site of the College; and was the scene, as related in Book Fifth, of Darnley's Murder in 1566.

[301] In MS. G, she is erroneously named "Marie Bowes;" her death took place towards the end of December 1560.

[302] Lord Grey de Wilton: see supra, p. 65.

[303] In MS. G, "the fyft day." The 5th was a Sunday; the 15th Wednesday.

[Sidenote: AND AFTER WAS MADE BYSCHOPE OF ROSS.]

In that assemblie was Maister Alexander Andersone, sub-principall of Abirdene,[304] a man more subtill and craftye then ather learned or godlie, called, who refused to dispute in his fayth, abusing a place of Tertulliane to cloik his ignorance. It was ansuered unto him, That Tertulliane should nott prejudge the authoritie of the Holy Ghost, who, by the mouth of Peter, commandis us to geve reassone for our faith to everie one that requires the same of us. It was farther answered, That we neather required him neather yitt any man to dispute in any pointe concernyng our fayth, whiche was grounded upoun Godis word, and fully expressed within his holy Scriptures; for all that we belevit without contraversie. But we required of him, as of the rest of Papistis, that thei wald suffer thair doctrin, constitutionis, and ceremonies to come to tryall; and principallie, that the Messe, and the opinioun thairof by thame taught unto the people, mycht be laid to the squair-reull of Goddis worde, and unto the rycht institutioun of Jesus Christ, that thei mycht understand whither that thair Preacheris offended or nott, in that, that thei affirmed, "The actioun of the Messe to be expressedlye repugnyng unto the last Supper of the Lord Jesus; the sayar of it to committ horrible blasphemye, in usurping upoun him the office of Christ; the hearars to committ damnable idolatrie, and the opinioun of it conceaved to be derogatioun, and as it war, disanulling of Christis death." Whill that the said Maister Alexander denyed that the preast took upoun him Christis office, to offer for syne, as was alledged, a Messe book was produced, and in the begyning of the Canon war these wordis redd: Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam ego indignus peccator offero tibi vivo Deo et vero, pro peccatis meis, pro peccatis totius Ecclesiæ vivorum et mortuorum, &c.[305] "Now, (said the reasonare,) yf to offer for the synnes of the haill Kirk was nott the office of Christ Jesus, yea, that office that to him onlie mycht, and may apparteane, lett the Scripture judge. And yf a vyle knave, whome ye call the preast, proudlie tackis the same upoun him, lett your awin hook witnesse." The said Maister Alexander ansuered, "Christ offered the propitiatorie, and that could nane do but he; but we offer the remembrance." Whairto it was ansuered, "We praise God, that ye have denyed a sacrifice propitiatorie to be in the Masse; and yet we offer to prove, that in mo then a hundreth places of your Papisticall Doctouris, this propositioun is affirmed, 'The Messe is a sacrifice propitiatorie.' But, to the secound parte, whair ye allege that ye offer Christ in remembrance, we ask, first, Unto whome do ye offer him? and nixt, By what authoritie are ye assured of weall-doing? In God the Father, thair fallis no oblivioun: and yf ye will yitt schift and say, That ye offer it nott as God war forgetfull, but as willing to apply Christis merittis to his Churche; we demand of you, What power and commandiment ye have so to do? We know that our Maister, Christ Jesus, commanded his Apostles to do that whiche he did 'in remembrance of him;' but plane it is, that Christ took bread, gave thankis, braik bread, and gave it to his disciples, saying, 'Tak ye, eat ye; this is my body whiche is broken for you. Do this in remembrance of me,' &c. Here we fynd a commandiment to tak, to eat, to tak and to drink; but to offer Christis body eather for remembrance or applicatioun, we fynd not: and thairfoir, we say, to tack upoun you ane office which is nott gevin unto you, is injust usurpatioun, and no lauchfull power." The said Maister Alexander being more then astonished, wold have schifted; but then the Lordis willed him to ansuer directlie. Whairto he ansured, "That he was better seane in philosophie, then in theologie." Then was commanded Maister Johne Leslie, (who then was Parsone of Une, and now Lord Abbote of Londoris,)[306] to ansuer to the formare argument: and he with grait gravitie begane to answer, "Yf our Maister have nothing to say to it, I have nothing; for I knaw nothing but the Cannoun Law: and the greatest reassone that ever I could fynd thair, is Nolumus and Volumus." And yitt we understand that now he is the onlie patrone of the Messe. But it is no mervall, for he understoode that he is a Preastis gett; and thairfoir we should nott wonder albeit that the auld trowane verse be trew, Patrem sequitur sua proles. The Nobilitie hearing that neather the one nor the other wold ansure directlie, said, "We have bene miserable deceaved heirtofoir; for yf the Messe may not obteane remissioun of synnes to the quick and to the dead, whairfoir war all the Abacyes so richelie doted with oure temporall landis?"

[304] Mr. Alexander Anderson, parson of Methlik, and vicar of Kinkell, was appointed Principal of King's College, Aberdeen, in the year 1530. The General Assembly having appointed a visitation of the College in 1568, Anderson, with the Sub-Principal, and three of the Regents or Professors, were summoned "as very obstinate Papists," and having refused to subscribe the Confession of Faith, and the Acts 1560, and 1567, they were deposed by order of the Lord Regent and Council, the sentence being pronounced by John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns, 30th June 1569. (Calderwood's Hist. vol. ii. p. 491; Booke of the Kirk, vol. i. pp. 141-143.)

Bishop Lesley, who was personally concerned in the disputation mentioned by Knox, says, the Lords of the Congregation, (in the winter of 1560,) "Causit summone sindrie of the best learnit men out of all the partes of the Realme to cum to Edinburgh, to gif reasone of thair faith and professione of thair religeoune. Amangis the quhilkis thair was causit to compeir furth of the Universitie of Aberdene, Mr. John Leslye, Official of Aberdene, licentiat in boith the lawis, Mr. Alexander Anderson Principal of the College, Professor of Theologie, and sindrie utheris." He adds, that after "very sharpe and hard disputations," with Knox, Willock, and Goodman, "nothing was concludit, for everie ane of thame remanit constant in thair awin professione." (Hist. p. 293.)

[305] That is, "Holy Trinity, accept this oblation, which I, an unworthy sinner, present to thee the living and true God for my own sins, and for the sins of the whole Church of the quick and the dead," &c.

[306] A short notice of Lesley, Bishop of Ross, will be given in the Appendix, under the head of Abbots of Lundores. But here it may be mentioned, that the words in the margin, "AND AFTER WAS MADE BYSCHOPE OF ROSS," are written in a different hand, (most likely by Knox himself,) and clearly posterior to the rest of the page. By attending therefore to the dates of Lesley's successive appointments, this serves to fix the period when this portion of the History was written to the earlier part of the year 1566.

[Sidenote: THE LYEING DEANE OF RESTALRIG CALLED SYNCLARE.][307]

[307] This marginal note occurs in no other copy; and the words "now to affirme," were evidently written during Sinclair's life; and along with the similar mention of the Dean of Restalrig, in the Author's emphatic terms, "as a perfect hypocrite," (vol. i. p. 265,) it corroborates the supposition that the greater portion of this MS. must have been written in the year 1566. It will be seen from the footnotes on the passage referred to, that Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, was promoted to the See of Brechin in 1563, and became President of the Court of Session, 13th November 1565. He died at Edinburgh, 9th April 1566.

Thus much we thocht good to insert here, becaus that some Papistis ar nott eschamed now to affirme, That thei with thair reassonis could never be hearde; but that all that we did, we did by fyn force; when that the haill Realme knawis, that we ever requyred thame to speak thair judgmentis freelie, not onlie promissing unto thame protectioun and defense, but also that we should subscrive with thame, yf thei by Goddis Scriptures could confute us, and by the same word establisse thair assertionis. "But who can correct the leasingis of such as in all thingis schaw thame selves the sones of the Father of all lyes. Preserve us, Lord, from that perverst and malitious generatioun. AMEN."

* * * * *

AT this same Assemblie was the Lord James appoynted to go to France to the Quene oure Soverane;[308] and a Parliament was appointed to begyn the twenty of Maij nixt following; for at that tyme was the returne of the said Lord James looked for. And so was that Conventioun dissolved without any other thing of importance concluded. The said Lord James prepared him for his jornay; (for albeit he past in the publict effairis, he susteaned the charge of his awin expensses; and yit thair never past fra this Realme in the cumpanye of one man so many, and so honest, throwght England to France.) Befoir he departed, he was foirwarned asweill of the danger in France, as of the Quenis craft, (not that we then suspected her nature, but that we understoode the malice of hir freindis:) he was planelie premonisshed, that yf ever he condiscended that sche should have Messe publictlie or privatlie within the Realme of Scotland, that then betrayed he the caus of God, and exponed the religioun evin to the uttermoist danger that he could do. That sche should have Messe publictlie, he affirmed that he should never consent: but to have it secreatlie in hir chalmer, who could stopp hir? The danger was schawin; and so he departed.

[308] Lord James Stewart was appointed to repair to Queen Mary, by the Convention, 15th January 1560-1. Chalmers is undoubtedly correct when he says, he had no authority, to persuade the Queen to return to Scotland. (Life of Queen Mary, vol. iii. p. 141.) But Lord James, as we are informed by Randolph, was in no hurry to depart "till he see what will be done at the ensuing Parliament." (Ib.) In a letter to Cecil, 7th February 1560-1, he desires a passport, "being ordered by the Nobility and Council, to our Sovereign, for declaration of our duty and devotion to her Highness." (Ib.) He left Edinburgh, on his way to France, 18th March, passing through England, where he was well entertained, and reached the town of Diziers, where Queen Mary was residing, on the 15th April 1561. (Bishop Lesley's History, p. 294.)

* * * * *

The Electioun of the Superintendentis heirefter followed in this maner:[309]--

[309] In the MS. 1566, of Knox's History, several blank pages occur after these words; but the deficiency, consisting of the "Forme and Order of the Election of Superintendents," &c., (ending at page 150 of the present volume,) has been supplied from the Glasgow MS., collated with a copy annexed to "The Ordour of Excommunication," &c., subjoined to an edition of the Psalms and Prayers, printed at Edinburgh, by Robert Charteris, 1596. It is also included in the "Collection of Confessions of Faith," &c., vol. ii. p. 625, Edinb. 1722. The Editor says, he has printed it according to an edition by Robert Lekprevik 1569; and that "it differs little from the ordinary copies that are printed with the old Psalms, but in the manner of spelling of words."

The Editor of the Collection of Confessions, thus mentions the Order of Election of Elders and Deacons: "It is uncertain when this was written; but it is in the Manuscript copy of Knox's History, which is in the College Library of Glasgow, and is printed at Edinburgh, with other publick papers, by Robert Lekprevik, Anno 1569, according to which this edition is printed. It is approved by the General Assembly, April 1582, Sess. 12, in these words,--'Concerning ane General Ordor of Admission to the Office of Eldaris, referris it to the Ordor usit at Edinburgh, quhilk we approve.'"

The Admonition or prayer at the end, (see page 154,) in its reference to the King and Regent, apparently fixes the date to the year 1568.

. . . . . .

THE FORME AND ORDOUR OF THE ELECTIOUN OF THE SUPERINTENDENTS, QUHILK MAY SERVE ALSO IN ELECTIOUN OF ALL UTHER MINISTERS. AT EDINBURGHE THE 9TH OF MERCHE 1560[310] YEIRIS, JOHNE KNOX BEING MINISTER.[311]

[310] That is, 9th March 1560-1.

[311] In some copies, "Moderator."

FIRST was made a Sermone, in the quhilk thir Heids war intreated. First, The necessity of Ministers and Superintendents. 2. The crymes and vyces that micht unable thame [of the ministrie]. 3. The vertues required in thame. And last, Quhidder sick as by publict consent of the Kyrk wer callit to sick Office, micht refuis the same.

The Sermone finisched, it was declared be the same Minister, (maker thareof,) that the Lords of Secrete Councell had given charge and power to the Kirkis of Lauthiane, to chuse MR. JOHNE SPOTTISWODE[312] Superintendent; and that sufficient warning was made be publict edict to the Kirks of Edinburghe, Linlythgow, Striveling, Tranent, Hadingtoun, and Dunbar; as also to Earles, Lords, Barones, Gentilmen, and uthers, having, or quho micht clame to have voite in Electioun, to be present that day, at that same hour; And, tharefore, inquisitioun was made, Quho wer present, and quho wer absent.

[312] Mr. John Spottiswood was born about the year 1510, and was educated at Glasgow. His name occurs in the University records, as incorporated in 1534, being designed "Servus domini Rectoris." In 1536 he had taken his degree as Master of Arts. He is said to have been in England from 1538 to 1543, and to have returned with the Earl of Glencairn. In 1548 he was presented to the Vicarage of Calder. Having early joined the Reformers, he was nominated as Superintendent of Lothian in July 1560, and was admitted, agreeably to the above form, 9th March 1561, without resigning his charge as minister of Calder. (Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 367.) He may, with much more truth, be said to have "continued in this holy function, with the approbation of all good men, till his death," than to "have exercised fully the power, and discharged faithfully the office of a Bishop, though under another style;" (Life prefixed to Spottiswood's History, Lond. 1655, folio.) The office of Superintendent was merely temporary; and he himself displayed no assumption of authority over his brethren in the ministry, nor aspired after Episcopal dignity. He died 5th December 1585. His eldest son, who became his successor as Minister of Calder, was ultimately Archbishop of St. Andrews, and Lord Chancellor of Scotland.

Efter was called the said Mr. Johne, quho answering; the Minister demanded, Gif ony man knew ony cryme or offence to the said Mr. Johne, that mycht unabill him to be called to that office? And this he demanded thryis. Secundlie, Questioun was moved to the haill multitude, If thair was ony uther quhome they wald put in Electioun with the said Mr. Johne. The pepill wer asked, If they wald have the said Mr. Johne Superintendent? If they wald honour and obey him as Christis Minister? and comfort and assist him in every thing perteining to his Charge? They Answerit.--We will; and we do promeis unto him sick obedience as becumethe the scheip to give unto thair Pastour, sa lang as he remains faythfull in his office.

The Answers of the Pepill, and thair consents receaved, thir Questiouns wer proponit unto him that was to be elected.

Questioun.--Seing that ye hear the thrist and desyre of this people, do ye not think yourself bound in conscience befoir God to support thame that so earnestly call for your comfort, and for the fruit of your labours?

Answer.--If anie thing wer in me abill to satisfie thair desyir, I acknowledge myself bound to obey God calling by thame.

Questioun.--Do ye seik to be promoted to this Office and charge, for ony respect of warldly commoditie, riches or glory?

Answer.--God knawes the contrarie.

Questioun.--Beleve ye not that the doctrine of the Propheits and Apostles, conteined in the buiks of the Auld and New Testaments, is the onely trew and most absolute foundatioun of the universall Kirk of Christ Jesus, insamekill that in the same Scriptures ar conteined all things necessary to be beleved for the salvatioun of Mankind?

Answer.--I verely beleve the same, and do abhorre and utterly refuis all Doctrine alleged necessary to Salvatioun, that is not expressedly conteined in the same.

Questioun.--Is not Christ Jesus Man of Man, according to the flesche, to wit, the Sone of David, the Seid of Abrahame, conceaved by the Holy Ghost, borne of the Virgin Marie his mother, the onely Head and Mediatour of his Kirk?

Answer.--He is, and without him thair is nouther salvatioun to man, nor lyfe to angell.

Questioun.--Is not the same Lord Jesus, [the] onely trew God, the Eternall Sone of the Eternall Father, in quhome all that sall be saved wer elected befoir the foundatioun of the world was layd?

Answer.--I confes and acknawlege him in the unitie of his Godheid, to be God above all thingis, blessit for evir.

Questioun.--Sall not they quhome God in his eternall councell hes electit, be callit to the knawlege of his Sone, our Lord Jesus? And sall not they, quho of purpoise are elected in this lyfe, be justified? And is not justificatioun and free remissioun of sinnes obtained in this lyfe by free grace? Sall not this glorie of the sonnes of God follow in the generall resurrectioun, quhen the Sone of God sall appeir in his glorious majesty?

Answer.--I acknawlege this to be the doctrine of the Apostles, and the most singular comfort of God's childrein.

Questioun.--Will ye not contein yourself in all doctrine within the boundes of this foundatioun? Will ye not study to promote the same, alsweill by your lyfe as by your doctrine? Will ye not, according to the graces and utterance that God sall grant unto yow, profes, instructe, and mantene the purity of the doctrine, conteined in the sacred Word of God? And, to the uttermost of your power, will ye not ganestand and convince the gaynsayers and teichers of mennis inventiouns?

Answer.--That I do promeis in the presence of God, and of his congregatioun heir assembled.

Questioun.--Knaw ye not, that the excellency of this office, to the quhilk God hes called yow, requires that your conversatioun and behaviour be sick, as that ye may be irreprehensible; yea, even in the eyis of the ungodly?

Answer.--I unfaynedly acknawlege, and humilly desyre the Kirk of God to pray with me, that my lyfe be not scandalous to the glorious Evangell of Jesus Christ.

Questioun.--Becaus ye are a man compassed with infirmities, will ye not charitably, and with lawlines of spirit, receave admonitioun of your Brethrein? And if ye sall happin to slyde, or offend in ony point, will ye not be subject to the Discipline of the Kirk, as the rest of your Brethrein?

The Answer of the Superintendent, or Minister to be elected.--I acknawlege myself to be a man subject to infirmity, and ane that hes neid of correctioun and admonitioun; and tharefoir I maist willingly submit and subject my self to the hailsume disciplin of the Kirk; yea, to the discipline of the same Kirk by the quhilk I ame now called to this office and chairge; and heir in God's presens and youris do promeis obedience to all admonitiones, secretly or publickly gevin; unto the quhilk, if I be found inobedient, I confes myself most worthie to be ejected not onely from this honour, bot also frome the society of the Faythfull, in cais of my stubburnnes: For the vocatioun of God to bear charge within his Kirk, makethe not men tyrantes, nor lordis, but appoynteth thame Servandis, Watchemen, and Pastoris of the Flock.

This ended, Questioun man be asked agane of the Multitude.

Questioun.--Require ye ony farther of this your Superintendent?

If no man answer, let the Minister proceid. Will ye not acknawlege this your Brother, for the Minister of Christ Jesus? Will ye not reverence the word of God that proceids fra his mouthe? Will ye not receave of him the sermone of exhortatioun with patience, not refuising the hailsome medicine of your saules, althocht it be bitter and unpleising to the flesche? Will ye not finally, mantene and comforte him in his ministry, against all sick as wickedly wald rebell against God and his holy ordinance?

The Peple answereth.--We will, as we will answer to the Lord Jesus, quho hes commandit his Ministeris to be had in reverence, as his ambassadours, and as men that cairfully watche for the salvatioun of our saullis.

Let the Nobility also be urged with this.--Ye have heard the dewty and professioun of this your Brother, by your consentis appointit to this charge; as also the dewty and obedience, quhilk God requireth of us towards him heir in his ministry: Bot becaus that neyther of bothe are abill to performe ony thing without the especiall grace of our God in Christ Jesus, quho hes promeised to be with us present, even to the consummatioun of the world; with unfayned hairtis, let us crave of him his benedictioun and assistance in this work begun to his glory, and for the comfort of his Kirk.

THE PRAYER.

O LORD, to quhome all power is gevin in heavin and in eirthe, thow that art the Eternall Sone of the Eternall Father, quho hes not onely so luifit thy Kirk, that for the redemptioun and purgatioun of the same, thow hes humilled thyself to the deyth of the Croce; and thareupoun hes sched thy most innocent bluid, to prepair to thyself a Spous without spott; bot also, to retein this thy most excellent benefite in memory, hes appointed in thy Kirk, Teichears, Pastores, and Apostles, to instruct, comfort, and admonische the same: Luk upoun us mercifully, O Lord, thow that onely art King, Teicher, and Hie Priest to thy awin flock; and send unto this our Brother, quhome in thy name we have chairged with the cheif cair of thy Kirk, within the boundis of Louthiane, sick portioun of thy Holy Spreit, as thareby he may rychtly devyde thy word to the instructioun of thy flocke, and to the confutatioun of pernitious erroures, and damnable superstitiones. Give unto him, gude Lord, a mouthe and wisdome, quhareby the enemies of thy truthe may be confounded, the wolfis expellit, and driven from thy fauld, thy scheip may be fed in the wholsum pastures of thy most holy word, the blind and ignorant may be illuminated with thy trew knawlege: Finally, That the dregis of superstitioun and idolatry quhilk yit restis within this Realme, being purged and removed, we may all not only have occasioun to glorifie thee our onely Lord and Saviour, but also dayly to grow in godlines and obedience of thy most holy will, to the destructioun of the body of synne, and to the restitutioun of that image to the quhilk we wer anes created, and to the quhilk, efter our fall and defectioun, we ar renewed by participatioun of thy Holy Spirit, quhilk by trew fayth in thee, we do profes as the blissit of thy Father, of quhome the perpetuall incres of thy graces we crave, as by thee our Lord and King, and onely Bischope, we are taucht to pray, saying, "Our Father that art in hevin, &c."

* * * * *

The prayer ended, the rest of the Ministers, if ony be, and Elders of that Kirk present, in signe of thair consents, sall tak the elected by the hand, and then the cheif Minister sall gif the benedictioun, as follows:--

GOD, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, quho hes comanded his Evangell to be preiched, to the comfort of his Elect, and hes called thee to the office of a Watchman over his peple, multiply his graces with thee, illuminat thee with his Holy Spirit, comfort and strenthen thee in all vertewe, governe and guyde thy ministry, to the prayse of his holy Name, to the propagatioun of Christis kingdome, to the comforte of his Kirk, and finally, to the plain dischairge and assurance of thy awin conscience in the day of the Lord Jesus; to quhome, with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, prayse, and glory, now and ever. So be it.

THE LAST EXHORTATIOUN TO THE ELECTED.

Take heid to thy self, and unto the Flock comitted to thy chairge; feid the same cairfully, not as it wer of compulsioun, bot of very love, quhilk thow bearest to the Lord Jesus. Walk in simplicity and purenes of lyfe, as it becumethe the trew servand and ambassadour of the Lord Jesus. Usurpe not dominioun nor tyrranicall impyre over thy brethrein. Be not discouraged in adversity, bot lay befoir thyself the example of Propheits, Apostles, and of the Lord Jesus, quho in thair ministry susteaned contradictioun, contempt, persecutioun and deyth. Feir not to rebuik the warld of sinne, justice, and jugement. If ony thing succeid prosperously in thy vocatioun, be not puft upe with pryde; nether yit flatter thy self as that the gude succes proceided from thy vertew, industry, or cair: Bot let ever that sentence of the Apostle remane in thy hairt; "Quhat hes thou, quhilk thou hes not receavit? If thou hes receivit, quhy gloriest thou?" Comfort the afflicted, support the puir, and exhort utheris to support thame. Be not solist for things of this lyfe, bot be fervent in prayer to God for incress of his Holy Spirit. And finally, behave thyself in this holy vocatioun, with sick sobriety, as God may be glorified in thy ministry: And so sall thow schortly obtein the victory, and shall receave the crown promeised, quhen the Lord Jesus sall appeir in his glory, quhois Omnipotent Spirit assist thee and us unto the end. AMEN.

Then sing the 23d Psalme.

THE ORDOUR OF THE ELECTIOUN OF ELDERIS AND DEACONIS IN THE PRIVIE KIRK OF EDINBURGH, IN THE BEGYNNING, QUHEN AS YET THAIR WAS NO PUBLICT FACE OF A KIRK, NOR OPEN ASSEMBLIES, BOT SECREIT AND PRIVIE CONVENTIOUNIS IN HOUSES, OR IN THE FEILDS.[313]

[313] As stated at page 143, the following Order of the Election of Elders and Deacons is not contained in the MS. 1566, or in Vautrollier's edition; but, has been supplied from MS. G.

BEFOIR that thare wes ony publict face of a trew Religioun within this Realme, it pleised God of his grit mercie, to illuminat the hairts of mony privat persones, so that they did perceave and understand the abusses that wer in the Papisticall Kirk, and thareupoun withdrew thameselfis from participatioun of thare idolatrie. And becaus the Spirit of God will never suffer his awne to be idle and voyde of all religioun, men began to exercise thameselfis in reading of the Scriptures secreitly within thair awne houses; and varietie of persones culd not be keipt in gud obedience and honest fame, without Oversiers, Elders, and Deacones: And so begane that small flocke to put thameselfis in sick ordour, as if Christ Jesus had planely triumphed in the middes of thame by the power of his Evangell. And thay did elect sum to occupie the supreame place of exhortatioun and reading, som to be Elderis and helperis unto thame, for the oversight of the flocke: And some to be Deacones for the collectioun of almes to be distributed to the poore of thair awne bodie. Of this small begyning is that Ordour, quhilk now God of his grit mercie hes gevin unto us publictlie within this Realme. Of the principalls of thame that wer knowne to be men of gude conversatioun and honest fame in the privy Kirk, wer chosen Elders and Deacones to reull with the Minister in the publike Kirk; quhilk burdene thay patiently susteaned a yeir and mair: And then, becaus they could not (without neglecting of thair awen private houses) langer wait upoun the publict charge, they desyred that they micht be releaved, and that uthers micht be burdeined in thair roume: Quhilk was thocht a petitioun ressonabill of the haill Kirk. And tharefore it was granted unto thame, that thay sould nominat and gif up in electioun sick personages as thay in thair consciences thocht maist apte and abill to serve in that charge; provyding that they sould nominate double moe personis then war sufficient to serve in that charge, to the end that the haill Congregatioun micht have thair free vote in thair Electioun.

And this Ordour hes bene ever observed sen that tyme in the Kirk of Edinburgh; that is, that the auld Sessioun befor thair departure, nominat twenty-four in Electioun for Elders, of quhom twelve ar to be chosen, and thirty-two for Deacounes, of quhome sixteen ar to be elected; quhilk persones ar publictly proclaimed in the audience of the haill Kirk, upoun a Sonday befoir none, efter sermone; with admonitioun to the Kirk, that if ony man knaw ony notorious cryme or caus that micht unabill ony of these persones to enter in sick vocatioun, that they sould notifie the same unto the Sessioun the next Thursday: Or if ony knaw any persones mair abill for that charge, they sould notifie the same unto the Sessioun, to the end that na man eyther present or absent (being ane of the Kirk) suld complayne that he was spoyled of his liberty in electioun.

The Sonday following befoir none, in the end of the Sermone, the hole Communicants ar commandit to be present efternone, to gif thair votes, as they will answer befoir God, to sick as they esteme most abill to beir the charge of the Kirk with the ministers. The votes of all being receaved, the scroles of all ar delyvered to any of the ministers, quho keips the same secreit fra the sicht of all men till the next Thursday; and then in the Sessioun he produces thame, that the voites may be counted, quhare the moniest voites, without respect of persones, have the first place in the Eldership, and so proceiding till the number of twelve be compleit; so that if a puir man exceid the riche man in votes, he preceids him in place; and it is called the first, secound, and thrid Elder, even as the votes answereth. And this same is observed in the electioun of Deaconis.

The Fryday efter the jugement is tane quhat persones ar elected for Elders and Deacones to serve for that yeir; the minister efter his sermone, reids the same names publictly, and gives commandment openly, that sick persones be present the next Sonday at sermone befoir none, in the place to be appointed for thame, to accept of that charge that God by plurality of votes had layd upoun thame. Quho being conveined, the Minister efter sermone reids the names publictly, the absents (if ony be) ar noted, and these quho ar present ar admonisched to consider the dignity of that vocatioun, quhareunto God hes called thame; the dewty that they aucht to the pepill; the danger that lyes upoun thame, if they be found negligent in thair vocatioun: And finally, the dewty of the people towards the persons elected. Quhilk being done, this Prayer is red:--

THE PRAYER IN THE ELECTIOUN OF THE ELDERIS.

O Eternall and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, quho, of thy infinite gudeness and mercy, hes chosin to thy self a Kirk of the lost seid of Adame, quhilk thow hes ever reulled by the inspiratioun of thy Holie Spirit; and yet not the less, hes always usit the ministry of men, alswell in preiching of thy word, and administratioun of thy sacraments, as in gyding of thy flock, and provyding for the puir within the same, as in the Law, Propheits, and in thy glorious Evangell we have witnesses: Quhilk ordour, O Lord, thow of thy mercie hes now restoired unto us agane efter that the publict face of the Kirk hes bene deformed by the tyrany of that Romane Antichrist. Grant unto us, O hevinly Father, hairts thankfull for the benefites quhilks we have receaved, and give unto these our brethrein, elected unto thir charges within thy Kirk, sick abundance of thy Holie Spirit, that they may be found vigilant and faythfull in that vocatioun, quharunto thow of thy mercy hes callit thame. And albeit, O Lord, these small begynings ar contemned of the proude world, yet, O Lord, do thow for thy awne mercies sake, bless the same in sick sorte that thy godlie name may be glorified, superstitioun and idolatry may be ruited out, and vertue may be planted, not onely in this generatioun, bot also in the posterity to cum. AMEN. Grant us this, mercifull Father, for Christ Jesus thy Sones saik, in quhose name we call unto thee, as he hes taucht us, saying, Our Father, &c.

* * * * *

And so efter the rehersall of the beleif, efter the quhilk sall be sung this portioun of the 103 Psalme, ver. 19. The hevins hie ar maid the seat,[314] and so forth to the end of that Psalme. Efter the quhilk sall this schort Admonitioun be given to the elected:--

[314] That is, according to the old version of the Psalms, by Sternhold and others, which continued in public use in Scotland until the year 1650. The earliest edition is that printed at Edinburgh by Robert Lekprevik, 1565, along with the Common Prayers and Calvin's Catechism: See notices and extracts in the Appendix to Baillie's Letters and Journals.

Magnifie God, quho hes of his mercy callit yow to ruill within his Kirk: Be thankfull in your vocatioun: Schaw yourselfis zealous to promote verity: Feir not the faces of the wicked, bot rebuik thair wickitnes: Be mercifull to the puir, and support thame to the uttermost of your power; and so sall ye receave the benedictioun of God, present and everlasting. God save the Kingis Majestie, and gif unto him the Spirit of sanctificatioun in his young age: Blesse his Regent, and sick as assist him in upricht counsaill, and eyther fruitfully convert, or suddanely confound the enemies of trew religioun, and of this afflicted Comoun-welthe. AMEN.

As the servandis of God uprychtlie travellit to haif vice punissit and verteu plantit, so did the Devill ever steir up some in the contrair of baith. Thair was a law maid aganis fornicatouris and adulteraris,[315] that the ane and the uther suld be cartit throcht the townis, and so banissit, till that thair repentance wes offerit and receavit. And albeit this wes nott the severitie of Goddis law, especiallie aganis adulteraris, yet wes it a greit brydill to malefactouris; quhairat the wickit did wonderouslie storme. It chancit that ane Sandersoun, a fleschour, wes deprehendit to haif put away his lauchfull wyffe, (under cullour that he was lauchfullie partit efter the maner of the Papisticall religioun,) and haid takin to him ane uther in [his] housse. The complaynt and sclander proponit to the Kirk, and tryall takin that he wes nott maryit with the secund woman, nather that he wes able to prove that he wes devorcit by any ordour of law from the first, he wes committit in the handis of the Magistratis, quha, according to the lawis, commandit him to be cartit. Bot the raschall multitude, enflambit be some ungodlie craftismen, maid insurrectioun, brake the carte, boistit the officiaris, and tuke away the malefactour. This wes the begyning of farther evillis, as we will efter heir.

[315] There were several Acts against immorality passed about this time, in Parliament, and in the Civil as well as Ecclesiastical Courts. One of these Acts of the Town Council of Edinburgh, when about to be enforced against a delinquent in the person of John Sanderson, Deacon of the Fleshers, led to the tumult to which Knox refers. On the 22d November 1560, "The quhilk day the Baillies and Counsale being convenit in the Over Counsale House of the Tolbuith of this bur^t. Comperit William Harlay, dekin of the Hammarmen, and certane uthir craftismen, and desyrit the decreit and sentence gevin aganis Jhone Sandersone, dekin of the Fleschouris, decernying him to be cartit throuch the town, and thairafter banischit the samyn, for his manifest adulterie committit with Margaret Lyell, to be continewit quhill the morne: Quhilk the Provost, Baillies, and Counsale foresaid grantit, and thairupoun the said William askis instruments."

On the following day the Council having adhered to their resolution that the sentence against Sanderson should be carried into effect; this was so much resented by the craftsmen of the town as a dishonour, that they assembled in a tumultuous manner, broke up the prison, and set him at liberty. The Magistrates having immediately complained to the Lords of the Secret Council, several persons connected with this tumult, were apprehended and imprisoned in the Castle of Edinburgh. There are several entries in the Town Council Records on this subject: see the account given in Maitland's History of Edinburgh, p. 20.

[Sidenote: AMBASSADOUR FRA FRANCE, AND HIS DEMANDIS.]

In the meantyme, quhill Lord James (we say) wes in France, thair came ane Ambassadour frome France,[316] subornit, na doubt, with all craft that mycht truble the Estait of the Religioun. His demandis wes 1. That the league betwix us and Ingland suld be broken: 2. That the ancient league betwix France and Scotland suld be renewit: And, 3. That the Bischops and Kirkmen suld be reponit in thair formair places, and be sufferit to intromet with thair levingis. The Counsall delayit answer to the Parliament appoyntit in May. In the meantyme the Papistis of Scotland practisit with him. The Erlis of Huntlie, Atholl, Bothwell, and utheris, intendit to haiff takin Edinburgh befoir the said Parliament. The haill Bischoppis assemblit, and held counsall in Striveling. Some quhispering thair wes, that the Duke and the Bischop of Sanctandrois were too familiare; and some feared that the auctoritie of the Quene suld haif bene usurpit, be ressone of her absence, and that the Duke wes secound persone, for thairat haid some of his preissit immediatlie efter the death of the King of France. The Protestantis thairof advertised, preventit thame, and came to Edinburgh. The Erle of Arrane stude constant with his brethrene. Thair war some that cairfullie and panefullie travellit that nathing prejudiciall to the Quenis auctoritie, suld be done in absence of the Lord James; to quhom the Quene hes recompensit evill for gude service. Maister James Makgill,[317] in that poynt did baith stoutlie and treulie; for Johne Knox and he war than fallin in familiaritie, in quhilk thay yet contineu, 20 Octobris 1567,[318] be ressone that the said Maister James haid embrasit the Religioun, and professit it publiclie.

[316] The Ambassador here spoken of was Mons. de Noailles, Master of Requests, who had formerly been Ambassador in England. (Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. i. p. 157.) He arrived on the 11th of March, and returned on the 7th of June 1561. (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 64, 282-3.)

[317] Mr. James Makgill or M'Gill, eldest son of Sir James Makgill, Provost of Edinburgh.

He was educated at St. Andrews, having been incorporated in St. Leonard's College in 1532. He probably took his Master's degree, and completed his studies at some foreign University. On the 1st March 1549-50, he was admitted an Advocate. On the 25th June 1554, he was advanced to be Clerk-Register; and continued to be employed in various public affairs. He joined the Reformers, but on account of his concern in the murder of David Riccio, 9th March 1566, he fled from Edinburgh, and his situation as Clerk-Register was conferred upon Sir James Balfour. Upon a vacancy, in December 1567, after the accession of the Regent Murray to power, Makgill was restored, and he continued in office till 1577. He died in 1579. (Senators of the College of Justice, p. 99.)

[318] This date occurs in the text; and the set or quire in this place was no doubt transcribed about that time.

[Sidenote: SOME SAYIS HIS NAME IS KYLLONE]

The Papistis and Bischoppis, dissapoyntit of thair principall purpose and interpryse did yet mak broillie for trouble; for the raschall multitude war stirred up to mak a Robene Hude,[319] quhilk enormitie wes of mony yeiris left and dampnit by statute and act of Parliament. Yit wald thay nott be forbiddin, bot wald disobey and truble the Towne, especiallie upone the nycht. Quhairat the Baillies offendit, tuke fra thame some swerdis and an enseynze, quhilk wes occasioun that thay that same nycht maid a mutinye, keippit the portis of the towne, and intendit to have persewit some men within thair awin housses; bot that, upoun the restitutioun of thair swerdis and enseynze, wes stayit. Bot yit thay ceassit nott to molest, alsweill the inhabitantes of Edinburgh as diverse countrey men, taking frome thame money, and threitnyng some with farder injureis. Quhairwith the Magistratis of the towne, heychtlie offendit, tuke mair diligent heid to suche as resortit to the towne, and so apprehendit ane of the principall of that misordour, namit Gillone,[320] a cordinare, quhome thai put to ane assisse; [and being convicted, for he could not be absolved,][321] (for he wes the cheif man that spoillit Johnne Mowbray of ten crownis of the Sone,) thai thocht to have execute jugement upone him, and so erected a jebbete beneath the Croce. But, quhidder it came by pactioun with the Provest and some uther, or by instigatioun of the Craftismen, quha ever haif bene bent too muche to mayntene suche vanitie and ryotousnes, we fullie knaw nott, but suddandlie thair did ryse a tumult; the Tolbuyth wes brokin up, and not onlie the said Gillone, quho befoir wes dampnit, wes violentlie takin furth, bot also all uther malefactouris wer set at fredome; the jebbete wes pullit downe, and dispitfullie brokin; and thairefter, as the Provest and some of the Counsall assemblit to the Clerkis[322] chalmer for consultatioun, the haill rascall [multitude] bandit togidder, with some knawin unhonest[323] craftismen, and intendit invasioun of the said chalmer. Quhilk perceavit, the Provest, and such as wer in his cumpany, past to the Tolbuyth, suspecting nothing that thai wald haif bene sa enragit that thai wald mak new persute, efter that thai had obtenit thair intent: Bot thai wer suddandlie deceavit, for from the Castelhill thai come with violence, and with stanis, gunnis, and such uther weaponis as thei had, began to assault the said Tolbuyth, ran at the dure of it, quhilk that parte by stanis cast from above, and partlie by a pystoll schott by Robert Norwell, quhilk hurt ane Twedy, thai wer repulsit [fra the door]; bot yit ceassit not thai to cast and schute in at the wyndowis, threitnyng deith to all that war within. And in verray deid the malice of the craftismen, quho wer suspectit to be the occasioun of that tumult, bare na gude will to dyvers of thame that wes with the Provost.

[319] During the festivities of the month of May, the games of Robin Hood were attended with so much disorderly license, that they were ordered to be suppressed by an Act of the Scotish Parliament in 1555. It is not easy, however, to abolish long continued customs; and complaints to the General Assembly for their continued observance were made until the close of the 16th century. Of the tumult that took place in Edinburgh, on the 21st of June 1561, a very minute and interesting account is preserved in the Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 283-4.

Several persons were brought to trial on account of these riots. On the 20th July 1561, Robert Hannay, smith, and nine others were tried, as art and part in choosing George Durye in the month of April last, and calling him Lord of Inobedience, and for rioting on Sunday the 12th May. (See Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 409.) And James Fraser, sadler, and five others, were tried on the 8th of August, on account of the riots in the month of July. (Ib. p. 410.)

[320] In MS. G, "Kyllone:" Vautr. edit. makes the name "Balon." In the Diurnal of Occurrents, he is called James Killone and Kellone, at p. 65, but James Gilloun and Gillone, at p. 283.

[321] The words enclosed in brackets, omitted in MS. 1566, are supplied from MS. G.

[322] Alexander Guthrie, city clerk.

[323] In MS. G, "and honest."

The argumentis that the Craftis wer the caus of that uproire, besydis thair first misordour that thai haid usit befoir, in tackin Sandersoun from the exectioun of punishment, are twa. The formar, Archibald Dewar, Patrik Schange, with uther five deaconis [of the craftis] come to Johnne Knox, and willit him to solist the Provest and the towne to delay the executioun: quho did answer, "That he haid sa oft solistit in thair favouris, that his awin conscience accusit him, that thai usit his labouris for na uther end, bot to be a patrone to thair impietie." For he haid befoir maid intercessioun for William Harlaw, James Frissall, and utheris, that wer convict of the formare tumult. Thai proudlie said, "That gif it was not stayit, bayth he and the Baillies suld repent it." Quhairto he answerit, "He wald not hurt his conscience for ony feir of man." And sa thai departit; and the tumult (as said is) immediatlie thairefter did aryse. The secund argument is, the tumult continewit fra twa at efter none till efter aucht at nycht. The Craftismen wer requyrit to assemble them selfis togidder for deliverance of thair Provest [and Baillies]; bot thai past to thair foure houris penny, and in thair jesting said, "Thai will be Magistratis allone, latt thame reule the multitude allone." And sa, contrair to the ayth that thai haid maid, thai denyit thair assistance, counsall, and conforte to thair Provest and Baillies; quhilk ar argumentis verray probable, that the said tumult raise by thair procurement. The end heirof was, that the Provest[324] and Baillies wer compellit to gif thair handwrittis, that thai suld never perseu ony of thame that war of that tumult, for ony cryme that wes done in that behalf. And this wes proclamet at the Croce efter nyne houris at nycht; and sa that truble quyetted. Bot the Nobilitie avowit, that thai suld not spare it; and sa a greit nomber of that factioun war absent frome the towne, till the arryvall of the Quene. The haill multitude wer haldin excomunicat, and war admittit to no participatioun of the sacramentis, unto suche tyme as thai satisfied the Magistratis, and maid humble sute unto the Kirk.

[324] Archibald Douglas of Kilspindie, filled the office of Provost of Edinburgh in the year 1561. By a special mandate from Queen Mary, dated 21st August 1562, Douglas was again chosen Provost of the City. (Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 24.)

* * * * *

[Sidenote: OF THE QUENE REGENTIS BURIALL.]

Off the deith of the Quene Regent, we haif befoir spokin,[325] but of hir buriall wes nothing herd; and it may appeir that suche matteris are unworthy of remembrance. Bot and gif all thingis salbe rychtlie weyit, we sall perceave Goddis just jugementis, how secreit that ever thai be. Befoir, we herd[326] the barbarous inhumanitie that wes usit at Leyth by the Frenche, quha exponed the naked carcasis of the slane, as it war in a spectacle, dispiting God. We herd, that this Quene Regent rejosit at the sycht; bot hir joy was suddandlie turned in sorrow, as we haif herd. The questioun wes moved of hir buriall. The Precheouris boldlie ganestude, that ony superstitious rytes suld be usit within that Realme, quhilk God of his mercy had begun to purge. And sa conclusioun wes takin, that hir buriall suld be deferred till farther advisement; and sa scho wes lappit in a cope of leid, and keipit in the Castell, fra the nynt of Junij,[327] unto the nyntene of October, quhen scho by pynouris wes caryed to a schip, and sa caryed to France. Quhat pompe wes usit thair, we nather herd nor yit regard. Bot in it we se, that scho that delited that utheris lay without buryall, gat it nether sa sone, as scho hir self (gif scho haid bene on the counsall in hir lyff) wald have requyred it, nather yit sa honorable in this realme, as sometymes scho lukit for. It may chance be a prognostication that the Guisians blude can nocht haif lang rest within this Realme.

[325] See supra, page 71.

[326] Ib. page 68.

[327] The 10th of July is the day usually assigned for the Queen Regent's death: others say the morning of the 11th: See notices of the Queen's death and funerals in the Appendix to the present volume.

[Sidenote: NOTA.]

The Papistis, a little befoir the Parliament, resorted in diverse bandis to the towne, and began to brag, as that thai wald haif defaced the Protestantes. Quhilk thing perceaved, the brethrein assemblit togidder, and yeid[328] in such cumpanyes, and that in peciable maner, that the Bischoppis and thair bandis forsuyk the calsay. The brethrene understanding quhat the Papistis meant, convenit in counsall in the Tolbuyth of Edinburght, the xxvij of May, the yeir of God J^m V^c thre scoir and ane yeir; and efter consultatioun, concludit, that ane humble Supplicatioun suld be presentit unto the Lordis of Secreit Counsall, and unto the haill assemblie, that then wes convenit, in the quhilk suld thir subsequent heidis be required, and a law to pas thairupoun.

[328] In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "and went."

* * * * *

First, That Idolatrie, and all monumentis thairof, suld be suppressit throwout the haill realme; that the sayaris, heiraris, mayntenaris, and usaris of the Messe, suld be punischit according to the Act of Parliament, as said is.

2. That speciall and certane provisioun be maid for the sustentatioun of the Superintendentes, Ministeris, Exhorters, and Readers. That Superintendentes and Ministeris suld be planted quhair nane war. That punyschment suld be appointed for suche as dissobeyid or contemned the Superintendentes in thair functioun.

3. That punischment may be appoynted for the abusaris of the sacramentis, and for the contempnaris of the same.

4. That na letteris of the Sessioun be gevin to answer or pay to ony persoun thair teyndis, without especiall provisioun, that the parrochinaris retene sa mekle in thair awin handis, as is appoynted to the ministrey; and that all suche as ar ellis gevin be called in, and dischargit; and lykewise that na Schireffis gif preceptis to that effect.

5. That nather the Lordis of Sessioun, nor ony uther Jugis, proceid upone suche preceptis or warnyngis, past at the instance of thame that of lait haif obtenit fewis of vicaragis, and personagis,[329] manses, and kirkyardis; and that sex aikkeris (gif so muche thairbe) of the gleib, be alwayis reserved to the minister, according to the appointment of the Buke of Disciplyne; and that everie minister may haif letteris thairupoun.

[329] In MSS. 1566, G, &c., and Vautr. edit. "personis."

6. That na letteris of the Sessioun, nor [any] utheris tak place, quhill the stipendis contened in the Buke of Disciplyne, for sustentatioun of the ministeris, be first consignat in the handis, at the leist, of the principallis of the parochinaris.

7. That punischement be appoyntit aganis sik as purchess, bringis hame, or executis within this Realme, the Paipis Bullis.

* * * * *

The tennour of the Supplicatioun wes this:--

PLEIS your Honouris, and the wisdomes of suche as ar heir presentlie convenit with yow in Counsall, to understand, that by mony argumentis we perceave quhat the pestilent generatioun of that Romane Antichrist within this Realme pretendis; to wit, that thai wald of new erect thair idolatrie, tak upone thame to impyre abufe our conscience, and so to command us, the trew subjectis of this Realme, and suche as God of his mercy hes (under our Soverane) subjected unto us, in all thingis to obey thair appetitis. Honestie cravis, and conscience movis us, to mak the verray secreittis of oure hertis patent to youre Honouris in that behalf; quhilk is this, "That befoir that ever thai tyrantis and dumb doggis impyre abufe us, and abufe suche as God hes subjected unto us, that we the Barronis and Gentilmen professing Christ Jesus within this Realme, ar fullie determined to hasard lyffe, and quhatsoever we haif received of our God in temporall thingis." Most humblie thairfoir beseiking your Honouris, that suche ordour may be takin, that we haif nott occasioun to tak agane the swerd of just defence into oure handis, quhilk we haif willinglie (efter that God hes gevin victorie, bayth to your Honouris and us) resignit ovir in your handis; to the end, that Goddis Evangell may be publiklie within this Realme preached; the trew Ministeris thairof resonabillie sustened; Idolatrie suppressed, and the committaris thairof punissit, according to the lawes of God and man. In doing whairof, your Honouris sall find us, nott onlie obedient unto yow in all thingis lauchfull, but also reddy at all tymes to bring under ordour and obedience, suche as wald rebell aganis your just authoritie, quhilk, in absence of our Soverane, we acknawlege to be in your handis. Beseiking your Honouris, with uprycht jugement and indifferencie, to luyk upone thir oure few Articles, and, by thir oure brethrein, to signifie unto us suche answer agane, as may declair your Honouris worthy of that place, quhairunto God (efter some dangeris sustened) in his mercy hes called yow. And lett thir ennemeis of God assure thameselfis, that gif your Honouris put nocht ordour unto thame, that we sall schortlie tak suche ordour, that thai salbe nather abill to do quhat thai list, nather yit to leif upone the sweit of the browis of suche as ar na debteris unto thame. Lett your Honouris conceave na thing of us, bot all humble obedience in God. Bott let the Papistis be yitt anys agane assured that thair pryid and idolatrie we will not suffer.

(Directed fra the Assemblie of the Kirk, the 28th[330] of Maij 1561, and send by thir brethrein,[331] the Maister of Lindesay, the Laird of Lochinvar,[332] the Laird of Pharnyhirst, the Laird of Quhittingham, Thomas Menzies Provest of Abirdene, and George Lowell burges of Dundee.)

[330] In MSS. 1566, G, &c. "the 18." Vautr. edit. gives the correct date, "28th:" see next page, note 4.

[331] The persons who formed this deputation from the General Assembly to the Lords of Secret Council, were, (1.) Patrick Master of Lindesay, who succeeded to the title of Lord Lindsay of Byres, on his father's death in 1563; (2.) John Gordon of Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire; (3.) Andrew Ker of Farnihurst, in Roxburghshire, ancestor to the Earls of Lothian; (4.) William Douglas of Whittingham, in East Lothian, a grandson of James second Earl of Morton, and afterwards one of the Senators of the College of Justice; (5.) Thomas Menzies of Pitfoddellis, who was Provost of Aberdeen, from 1547 to 1576, without interruption; and, (6.) George Lovell, burgess of Dundee, whose name has already occurred in Knox.

[332] In MS. 1566, "the Lard of Low^clewen."

Upone the quhilk requeist and Articles, the Lordis of Counsall foirsaid maid ane act and ordinance answering to everie heid of the foirsaid Articles,[333] and commandit letteris to be answerit thairupon, quhilk diverse ministeris raysit, as in the buykis of Secreit Counsall is yit to be found. And thus gat Sathan the secund fall, efter that he haid begun to truble the estait of the religioun, ones establissit by law. His first assault wes by the raschall multitude, opponying thame selfis to the punischement of vice: The secound wes, by the Bischoppis and thair bandis, in quhilk he thocht uterly to haif triumphit; and yit he in the end prospered wer[334] then ye haif herd.

[333] According to the "Booke of the Universall Kirk of Scotland," containing the Acts and Proceedings of the Assembly, the meeting was held on the 26th of May; and the persons above-named were appointed on the 28th to present the Supplication and Articles "tuitching the Suppressioun of Idolatrie." The result of the application is thus recorded:--

"Upoun the whilk Supplicatioun, Articles and sute thairof was grantit, and followit be the Lords of Secreit Counsell, and Act and Ordinance thairupon, with letters therupon, answering to every head of the said Articles and Supplicatioun, at length specified in the Act of Secreit Counsell made therupon; whilk is to be had in the hands of John Johnstone, scrybe therof, and letters and publicatioun past therupon."

[334] In MS. G, &c. "prosperit worse."

For in this meyntyme, returnit fra France the Lord James,[335] quha, besyid his greit expensis, and the lose of ane box quhairin wes his secreit poise, eschapit a desparit danger in Pareise: for, his returning from our Soverane (quha then lay with the Cardinall of Lorane at Reims) understood[336] of the Papistis at Pareise, thai haid conspired some tresonable act aganis him; for thai intendit ather to besett his hous by nycht, or ellis to have assaulted him and his company as thai walkit upoun the streittis. Quhairof the said Lord James advertist by the Ryngrave,[337] by ressone of auld familiaritie quhilk wes betwix thame in Scotland, he tuke purpoise suddenlie and in gude ordour to depart from Pareise; as that he did, the secund day efter that he arrived thair. And yit culd he not depart sa secreitlie, bot that the Papistis haid thair prevy ambusches; for upone the Pont of Change[338] thai haid prepared ane processioun, quhilk met the said Lord and his cumpany evin in the teith; and knawing that thai wald not do the accustumat reverence unto thame and thair idolis, thai thocht thairupone to haif picked a quarrell; and sa as ane part passed by, without moving of hatt to ony thing that wes thair, thai haid suborned some to crye "Hugenottis," and to cast stanis. Bot God disapoynted thair interpryse; for the said Ryngraife, with other gentilmen, being with the Lord James, rebuykit the fulische multitude, and over raid some of the formaist; and sa the rest war dispersit; and he and his cumpany saiflie eschapit, and come with expeditioun to Edinburgh, quhill that yit the Lordis and assemblie wer togither, to the greit comfort of many godlie hertis, and to na litile astonischement of the wicked: for, fra the Quene oure Soverane he brocht letteris to the Lordis, praying thame to intertenye quyetnes, and to suffer na thing to be attemptit aganis the Contract of peace quhilk wes maid at Leyth, till her awin hame-cuming, and to suffer the religioun publictlie establissit to go fordward, &c. Quhairupone the saidis Lordis gaif answer to the Frenche Ambassadour, a negatyve to everie ane of his petitiouns.[339]

[335] Lord James Stewart (see page 142, note 3.) Queen Mary, in a letter to Throkmorton, dated at Nancy 22d April 1561, declares that Lord James who was then with her, had come without any special mission: "Quant à Lord James qui est devers moy, il y est venue pour son devoir, comme devers sa souveraine Dame, que je suis, sans charge ou commission qui concerne autre chose que son droit." She was anxious he should not return through England; and there can be no doubt, his conduct was too much influenced by the English Court. See the letters quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vi. pages 218 to 225. Lord James returned from France before the end of May 1561. The Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 283) has the 19th of May; but according to a letter quoted by Mr. Tytler, it appears that Lord James was in London on the 20th of that month, but had reached Edinburgh on the 3d of June. (History, vol. vi. p. 225.)

[336] In MS. 1566, "at Reins) understand."

[337] The Count Rheingrave had the command of the German troops which formed one of the divisions of the French forces sent to Scotland in 1548. He distinguished himself at the sieges of Haddington and Dundee. (Lesley's History, pp. 206, 207, 219, 223.) He returned to France in 1549, but it seems doubtful whether he again visited this country. He appears to have settled in France. John Philip Rheingrave, Count Palatine of the Rhine, before 1554, married an heiress, Jean de Genoüillac, the widow of Charles Seigneur de Crussol, Vicomte d'Uzés. (Anselme, Hist. Geneal. vol. iii. p. 768.) In December 1562, "the Rhyngrave lost fourscore of his horsemen," or, "reisters," when Harfleur was taken by the English. (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 119-120.)

[338] In MS. G, "upon the Change-brig;" Vautrollier's edition makes it, "upon the point of change." The place referred to was the principal bridge in Paris, across the river Seine, formerly known as the Grand Pont. It takes its name, Pont au Change, from the changeurs or money-brokers who resided there, so early as the 12th century; but the houses upon the bridge were finally removed in 1788, by order of Louis XVI.

[339] See supra, page 156.

And First, That France haid not deserved at thair handis, that ather thai or thair posteritie, suld enter with thame agane in ony league or confideracie, offensive or defensive, seying that sa tratrouslie and crewallie, thai haid persecuted thame, thair Realme and liberteis, under pretense of amitie and mariage.

Secundlie, That besydis thair conscience, thai culd not tak suche a warldlie scheme, as without offence committit, to breke the league, quhilk in Goddis name thai haid maid with thame, quhom he haid maid instrumentis to set Scotland at fredome from the tyranny of the Frenche, at the leist of the Guisians and thair factioun.

And last, That suche as thai callit Bischoppis and Kirkmen, thai knew nather for pastouris of the Kirk, nather yit for ony just possessouris of the patrimonye thairof; bot understude thame perfitlie to be wolves, theaves, murtheraris, and idill-belleis: And thairfoir, as Scotland haid forsakin the Pape and Papistrie, sa culd thai not be debttouris to his fore-sworne vassallis.

* * * * *

With thir answeris departit the said Ambassadour.[340] And the Lordis of Secreit Counsall maid ane act, that all places and monumentis of ydolatrie suld be destroyit.[341] And for that purpose wes directed to the West, the Erle of Arrane, having joyned with him the Erlis of Argyle and Glencarne, togidder with the Protestantes of the West: quha burnt Paislay,[342] (the Bischope [of Sanctandrois, quha was Abbot thareof,][343] narrowlie eschapit,) kest doun Failfurd,[344] Kilwynnyng,[345] and a part of Corsragwell.[346] The Lord James wes appointed to the North, quhair he maid sick reformatioun, as nathing contentit the Erie of Huntlie, and yet seemed he to approve all thingis. And thus God sa potentlie wrocht with us, sa lang as we dependit upone him, that all the warld mycht se his potent hand to mayntene us, and to feght aganis oure ennemeis; yea, most to confound thame, quhen that thay promest to thame selfis victory without resistance. "Oh! that we suld rychtlie considder the wonderouse werkis of the Lord oure God."

[340] Monsieur de Nouailles left Edinburgh on the 7th June 1561. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 64.)

[341] As Knox has enjoyed more than his full share of credit for destroying the ecclesiastical buildings of this country, I may be permitted to call the reader's attention to Dr. M'Crie's remarks on the "Alleged Excesses of the Reformers," in his notes to the Life of Knox, vol. ii. pages 450-456. But it might not be difficult to show that the actual devastations committed by the Reformers have been greatly exaggerated. The object they had in view was not to destroy the buildings, but to remove objects of idolatrous worship and superstition. It should also be remembered, that the revenues appropriated for keeping such buildings in repair, being diverted to other channels, these large and imposing edifices, more suited for the services of the Romish Church than the simpler forms of Presbyterian worship, were allowed to fall into utter ruin. When portions were restored to serve as parish churches, this was too often done but little in accordance with their original richly decorated style of architecture.

[342] The Monastery of Paisley, in the shire of Renfrew, was not wholly destroyed, as the nave of the church, with its aisles, remain very entire, and have continued to be used as the collegiate church of the Abbey Parish.

[343] The words inclosed within brackets, omitted in the MS. 1566, and in Vautr. edit., are supplied from MS. G.--In vol. i.p. 124, it is mentioned, that John Hamilton, who afterwards became Archbishop of St. Andrews, had obtained the Abbacy of Paisley in the year 1525. In 1544, he proposed to resign Paisley to his brother James, reserving to himself the whole fruits of the benefice, with a right to re-enter to it, should his brother predecease him. (Epist. Regum Scot. vol. ii. p. 212.) This arrangement probably was not confirmed; as the Abbot eventually resigned the Commendatorship to Lord Claud Hamilton, third son of James Duke of Chattelherault. This appears to have taken place in 1553, when Lord Claud was aged eleven years; the Archbishop still acting as Administrator in spiritual as well as temporal matters, till the Commendator had attained the age of twenty-three. In various deeds, so late as April 1565, the former continued to be styled "John, &c. Archbishop of Sanctandrois, Primat and Legat of the haill Realme of Scotland, and Abbot of the Abbay of Pasley." Lord Claud Hamilton was the ancestor of the Earls of Abercorn.

[344] Only some inconsiderable remains now exist of the Monastery of Failfurd, in the parish of Tarbolton, Ayrshire.

[345] Some portions of this stately building still exist, adjoining the Parish Church of Kilwinning.

[346] The Abbay of Crossraguel, in the parish of Kirkoswald, about two miles from Maybole, although in ruins, is preserved with great care, and is more entire than any other monastic building in the West of Scotland.

* * * * *

In the Treatye of Peace contracted at Leyth, thair war contened certane heidis that requyred the ratificatioun of baith the Quenis. The Quene of Ingland, according to hir promese, subscriptioun, and seill, without ony delay performit the same,[347] and sent it to oure Soverane by hir appoynted officiaris. Bot our Soverane (quhidder because hir awin craftie nature thairto moved hir, or that hir Uncles cheiff counsallouris sa wald, we knaw not) with mony delatouris frustrat the expectatioun of the Quene of Ingland; as by the copy of a Letter, sent from the Ambassadour of Ingland to his Soverane,[348] we may understand.

[347] The Treaty of Leith, as already noticed at pages 73-84, was ratified by Queen Elizabeth, 20th September 1560: The Ratification is printed in Rymer's Foedera.

[348] Sir Nicholas Throkmorton:--His correspondence, addressed to Queen Elizabeth and Secretary Cecil, whilst English ambassador at the Court of France, includes much curious and interesting matter relating to Scotland. See in particular Dr. Forbes's Collection of State Papers, Lond. 1740, 1741, 2 vols. folio: unfortunately the intermediate portion of his Collections, from May 1560 to July 1562, was never published. Throkmorton returned from France in 1564, and was afterwards sent on more than one occasion to Scotland. He was made Chamberlain of the Exchequer; and died in 1570.

At Pareis, the xxiij of Junij 1561.

"THE xviij of this present Junij, I send Sommer[349] to the Quene of Scottis for audience, quha appoyntit me to come to hir the same day efter denner; quhilk I did. To hir I did [remember] youre Majesteis hertlie recommendations, and declarit unto hir your Majesteis lyik glaidsomnes of hir recoverye of hir lait seikness, quhais want of helth, as it wes grevouse unto youre Majestie, so did yow congratulat and greitlie rejoise of the gude termes of helth scho wes presentlie in. After these offices, I put hir in remembrance agane quhat haid passed from the begynning, in the mater of youre Majesteis demand of hir ratificatioun, according to the proporte[350] of the said Treatie, alsweill by me at the first, as efterwart by my Lord of Bedfurd at his being heir, and alsua followed sensyne agane be me in audience, and by my letter to hir being in Lorane: adding heirto youre Majesteis farther commandiment; and recharge to me agane, presentlie to renew the same demand, as befoir haid bene done."

[349] "Mr. Somer," or Sommers, was a confidential agent or messenger employed by Cecil, in his correspondence with the English Ambassadors at the Court of France.

[350] In MS. 1566, "propertie."

[Sidenote: ANSURE.]

[Sidenote: CRAFTIE DEALLAR; THOU NEVER RESPECTED THEM FARTHER THEN THAI MYCHT SERVE TO THY CORRUPT AFFECTIONS.]

[Sidenote: THIS WES A SECREIT LARDON.]

[Sidenote: SCHO MENT SCHO WALD SEIK A SAIF CONDUCT.]

[Sidenote: * EVER QUHILL THAT SCHO MAY SCHAW HIR EVILL WILL][351]

[351] This marginal note forms part of the text in MS. G. It evidently is one of those remarks of the author which form a kind of running commentary by Knox on this communication. They are contained in Vautrollier's edition; but not in MS. G, with the exception of this marginal addition.

[Sidenote: GIF FRANCE WALD HAIF SUSTENIT THAM, THAI HAID NOT YIT DEPARTIT.]

[Sidenote: THE SECUND SECREIT LARDON.]

The said Quene maid answer: "Monsieur l'Ambassadour, I thank the Quene, my gude-sister, for this gentle visitatioun and congratulatioun of this my recoverye; and thocht I be not yit in perfite helth, yit I thank God I feill my self in verray gude[352] in the cuming to. And for ansuer to youre demand, (quod sche,) of my ratificatioun, I do remember all thai thingis that yow haif recited unto me; and I wald the Quene, my gude-sister, suld think that I do respect the resolute ansuer in this mater, and performyng thairof, untill suche tyme as I may have the advyses of the Noblis and Estaitis of my awin Realme, quhilk I trust sall not be lang a doing; for I intend to mak my voyage thither schortlie. And thocht this mater (quod scho) dois twiche me principallie, yit dois it also twiche the Noblis and Estaitis of my Realme too; and thairfoir it salbe meit, that I use thair advyses thairin. Heirtofoir, thai haif semed to be greved that I suld do ony thing without thame; and now thai wald be mair offendit gif I suld proceid in this mater of my self, without thair advyses. I do intend (quod scho) to send Monsieur Dosell[353] to the Quene youre Maistres, my gude-sister, quho sall declair that unto hir from me, that, I trust, sall satisfie hir; by quhom I will gif hir to understand of my jurnay into Scotland. I meyne to embarque at Calice. The King hes lent me certane galeis and schippis, to convoy me hame; and I intend to requyre of my gude-sister those favouris that princes usis to do in those cases. And thocht the termes quhairin we haif heirtofoir [been], hes bene some quhat hard,* yet, I trust that from hensfurth we sall accord togidder as cousignes and gude nychtbouris. I meyne (quod scho) to reteir all the Frenche men furth of Scotland, quho hes gevin jelose to the Quene, my gude-sister, and miscontentment to my subiectis; so as I will leve nathing undone to satisfie all parties, trusting the Quene, my gude-sister, will do the lyke, and that from hensfurth none of my disobedient subjectis (gif thair be ony suche) sall fynd ayd or supporte at hir handis."

[352] In Vautr. edit. "in very good health:" MS. G, (omitting the words, "I thank God,") is the same as the text.

[353] The Seigneur D'Oysel: See notes in vol. i. pp. 328 and 355. Lord Clinton, in a letter to the Earl of Sussex, 8th August 1560, mentions that D'Oysel and Martigues, having 3500 French soldiers in their company, had then landed at Calais, on their return from Scotland. Queen Mary had purposed sending him again to Scotland in the spring of 1561. From letters of the time we learn he was not expected to reach Greenwich before the 8th of July, and Cecil on the 25th of that month says, "Monser d'Oyzell came from the Scottish Quene, with request that the Quene his Mistress might have a salve conduct to pass alongst our sea coast, and hymself to pass into Scotland to provide for her coming. Many reasons moved us to myslike her passadge, but this only served us for answer," &c., namely, her refusal to ratify the Treaty of Peace. It is added, "Monser d'Oyzell was also gently required to returne with this answer." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 43, 62, 66.) Mr. Tytler has shown, that D'Oysel "was altogether unworthy of the trust reposed in him," by his secret communications both to the English Ambassador and Queen Elizabeth. (Hist. vol. vi. p. 228.)

[Sidenote: THE ARMYS OF INGLAND WER USURPIT.]

I answered, "That I was nocht desyrous to fall in the discours how those hard termes first beganne, nor by quhat meanys thai wer nurischit; becaus thairin I most charge some partie with injurie, and perrel offered to the Quene my maistres, quhilk wes the verray ground of those materis: Bot I wes weill assured thair culd be no better occasioun offered to put the formar unkyndnes in forgetfulnes, than by ratifyeing the Treatie of Peace, for that suld repay all injureis past. And Madame, (quod I,) quhair it plesis yow to suspend the Ratificatioun, untill yow haif the advyses of the Nobles and Estatis of youre Realme, the Quene my maistres dois nothing doubt of thair conformitie in this mater, becaus the Treatie wes maid by thair consentis."

[Sidenote: YOUR PAPISTIS AND OURIS HAIF PRACTISIT, AND STILL PRACTISIS DEVISIOUN.]

[Sidenote: SA THAT SCHO MYCHT HAIF INGLAND AND THE PAIPIS RELIGIOUN, I THINK SCHO LYET NOT.]

The Quene answered, "Yea, by some of thame, but not by all. It will appeir, quhen I cum amangis thame, quhidder thai be of the same mynd that yow say thai wer than of, [or no:] Bot of this I assure yow, Monsieur l'Ambassadour, (quod scho,) I, for my parte, am verray desyrouse to haif the perfite and the assured amitie of the Quene, my gude-sister, and will use all the meanis I can to geve hir occasioun to think that I meane it in deid."

I answered, "Madame, the Quene my maistres, yow may be assurit, will use the lyik towardis yow, to move yow to be of the same opinioun towardis hir."

[Sidenote: THE FEIR OF GOD IN THE HERT OF HELIAS WAS DISOBEDIENCE TO CURSIT JESABELL.]

"Than (said scho) I traist the Quene your maistres, will not support nor encurage none of my subjectis to continew in thair disobedience, nor to tak upone thame thingis that appertene not to subjectis."--[This we mon answer heir: It appertenis to subjectis to wirschip God as he hes commandit, and to suppres idolatrie, by quhomsoevir it be erected or mayntened.][354]

[354] The words enclosed within brackets are evidently added by Knox.

[Sidenote: GOD GEVIS HIS LAW ALSWEILL TO THE PRINCE AS TO THE SUBJECT.]

"Yow knaw, (quod scho,) thair is moche ado in my Realme about materis of religioun; and thocht thair be a greittar nomber of a contrarie religioun unto me then I wald thair war, yit thair is na ressone that subjectis suld gif a law to thair Soverane, and speciallie in materis of religioun, quhilk, I feare, (quod scho,) my subjectis sall tak in hand."--[Answer for the parte of Scotland: and gif sa thai haid done, thai haid eschapit Goddis indignatioun, quhilk hes bene felt, and still hingis over this Realme, for the idolatrie and other abominationis committit in the same, quhilk sall not ceise till that it be suppressit.][355]

[355] This is one of Knox's additions.

[Sidenote: THE CONSECRATIOUN OF THE CARDINALL WILL NOT SUFFER YOW.]

[Sidenote: THE THRID LARDON, ACCUSING INGLAND OF INCONSTANCIE IN RELIGIOUN.]

I answerit, "Madame, youre realme is in na uther caise at this day, than all uther realmes of Christiandome ar; the prufe quhairof you see verefied in this realme: and you see quhat grit difficultie it is to gif ordour in this mater, thocht the King and all his Counsall be verray desyrouse thairunto. Religioun is of the grittest force that may be. You haif bene lang out of your awin realme, so as the contrarie religioun to youris hes wone the upper hand, and the grittest parte of youre realme. Youre Mother wes a woman of greit experience, of deip dissimulatioun, and keipit that Realme in quyetness, till scho begane to constraine[356] menis consciences; and as you think it unmeit to be constranit by your subjectis, so it may lyk you to considder, the mater is also intollerabill to thame to be constraynit by you in materis of conscience; for the dewtie deu to God can not be gevin to ony uther without offence of his Majestie." "Quhy, (said scho,) God dois command subjectis to be obedient to thair Princes, and commandis Princes to reid his law, and governe thairby thame selfis and the peple committit to thair chargis." Answer, "Yea, Madame, (quod I,) in those thingis that be not aganis his commandimentis." "Weill, (quod scho,) I will be plane with you: the Religioun that I profess, I tak to be maist acceptable to God: and, in deid, neither do I knaw nor desire to knaw any uther. Constancie dois become all folkis weill; but none better than Princes, and suche as have reull over Realmes, and speciallie in materis of Religioun." [The Turk is als constant in his Alcoram, as the Paip and his sect ar in his constitutionis.][357] "I haif bene brocht up, (quod scho,) in this Religioun; and quho mycht creditt me in ony thing gif I suld schaw my self lycht in this case; and thocht I be young and nott weill learned, yitt haif I herd this mater oft disputed by my Uncle my Lord Cardinall, with some that thocht thai could say somquhat in the mater; and I fand thairin na grit ressone to change my opinioun." [Neather yitt did Caiaphas, quhen Christ Jesus did reassone in his presence: Bot quhat wes the Cardinall compelled to confesse at Poysie?][357]

[356] In MS. G, "to strayne."

[357] These words, enclosed, are remarks by Knox.

[Sidenote: BOT THE DEVILL WALD PUT ORDOUR TO HIM SELF.]

"Madame, (quod I,) gif you will juge weill in that mater, you mon be conversant in the Scriptures, quhilk ar the tuichstone to try the rycht from the wrang. Paradventure, you ar so partiallie affected to your Uncle's argument, that you culd not indifferentlie considder the uther partie. Yit this I assure you, Madame, (quod I,) your Uncle my Lord Cardinall, in conference with me about these materis, hes confessed, that thair be grit errouris and abuses come into the Kirk, and grit disordour in the Ministeris and Clargye; insomuche that he desyred and wisched that thair mycht be a reformatioun of the ane and of the uther." "I have oftyne tymes hard him say the lyik," (quod scho.) Than I said, "Weill, I trust God will inspyre all you that be Princes, that thair be some gude ordour tackin in this mater, so as thair may be one unitie in Religioun throcht all Christiandome."

[Sidenote: CHANGE IT NOT BEFOIR YOW HAVE IT; FOR DANSING AND HIR SISTER IS THE GROUND OF THAT QUHILK YIT YE HAIF PROFESSIT.]

"God grant, (quod scho,) bot for my parte, you may perceave I am none of those that will change my Religioun, everie yeir. And, as I tauld you in the begynnyng, I meyne to constrane none of my subjectis, bot wald wische that thai wer all as I am; and I trust thai suld haif na supporte to constrane me. I will send Monsieur Dosell, (quod scho,) to you befoir he go, to knaw quhether you will ony thing into Ingland. I pray you, so ordour yourself in this mater, betwix the Quene my gud sister and me, that thair may be perfite and sure amitie betwix us; for I knaw, (quod scho,) Ministeris may do muche gude and harme."

I tauld hir, "I wald faithfullie and treulie mak declaratioun, of all that scho haid said unto me, unto your Majestie; and trusted that scho wald so satisfie your Majestie by Monsieur Dosell in all thingis, as I suld heirefter have no moir occasionis to treatie with hir of ony thingis bot of the encrease of amitie." Scho said, "Thair suld be no want thairin on hir behalf."

"This is the effect of the Quene of Scotlandis answer to youre Majesteis demand of hir said Ratificatioun, and of my negotiatioun with hir at this tyme."

* * * * *

These advertisementis somewhat exasperated the Quene of Ingland, and nott altogither without cause; for the armys of Ingland wer befoir usurpit by oure Soverane, and by hir husband Francis; and Elizabeth, Quene of Ingland, wes of the Gwysians reputed litill better then a bastard. It was appointed that this titill suld be renuncit. Bot heirof haid oure proude and vane glorious Quene no plesour, and especiallie efter that hir husband was deid; for, thocht scho, the toluyke of Ingland[358] sall allure mony wowaris to me. The Gwysians and the Paipistis of baith the Realmes did not a litill animat hir in that persute; the effect quhairof will sonar appeir then the godlie of Ingland wald desyre: And yit is scho that now reigneth ovir thame, neather gude Protestant, nor yit resolute Papist: Lat the warld juge quhilk is the thrid.

[358] In Vautr. edit., "the shew of England."

Queyn Elizabeth,[359] we say, offendit with the former ansueris, wrait unto the Nobilitie and Estaittis of Scotland, in forme as followis:--

[359] The remark on Queen Elizabeth, in the preceding paragraph, "And yet is scho," &c., is omitted in Vautrollier's edition; and the words that follow, read, "Let the world judge whether Queen Elizabeth, we say," &c., as above.

THE QUENE OF INGLANDIS LETTER TO THE ESTAITTIS OF SCOTLAND.

[Sidenote: THE PEACE CONTRACTIT AT LEYTH.]

[Sidenote: PRINCES LITILL REGARD THAT.]

[Sidenote: I THINK THIS SENTENCE MANCK, BUT I WILL ALTER NO WORD.][360]

RYCHT trusty and rycht enteirlie belovit Cousingis, we greit yow. We doubt not, bot as oure menyng is, and hes bene alwayis sithence oure regne, in the sycht of Almichty God, streycht and direct towart the advancement of his honour and trewth in religioun, and consequentlie to procure peace and mayntene concord betwix baith thir Realmes of Ingland and Scotland; so also our outwarde actis have weill declared the same to the warld, and speciallie to yow, being oure nychtbouris, quho have taisted and proved in these oure friendschip and ernest gude will, mair then we think any of youre antecessouris have ever receaved from hence; yea, moir then a greit nomber of youre selfis culd weill houpe of us, all former examples being weill weyit and considered. And this we haif to rejoise of, and so may ye be glaid, that quhair, in the begynnyng of the trublis in that cuntrey, and of our succours ment for yow, the jelosie, or rather the malice of diverse, boith in that Realme and in uther cuntreis, wes suche, boith to deprave boith us in the yielding, and yow in requyring our aide, that we were noted to have meant the surprise of that Realme, by depryving of your Soverane the Quene of hir croune, and yow or the greittar parte of yow to haif intendit by our succour the lyik; and ather to prefer some other to the croune, or ellis to mak of that monarchie a commonweill: materis verray sclanderouse and false. Bot the end and determinatioun, yea, the haill course and process of the actioun on boith oure partis have manifested, boith to the sclanderaris, and to all utheris, that no thing wes more meant and prosecuted, then to establish youre Soverane the Quene, our cousigne and sister, in hir estait and crowne, the possessioun quhairof wes in the handis of strangearis. And althocht no wordis culd then weill satisfie the malitious, yit our deids do declair, that no uther thing wes soucht, but the restitutioun of that Realme to the auncient libertie, and, as it wer, to redeme it frome captivitie. Off these oure purposes and deidis, thair remanis, amongis uther argumentis, gude testimonye by a solempne treatie and accord, maid the last yeir at Edinburgh, by Commissionaris sent boith from us and from your Quene, with full auctoritie in wryting, under boith our handis, and the Greit Seills of boith oure Realmes, in suche maner as uther Princes, oure progenitouris, have alwayes used. By quhilk treatie and accord, eather of us have fullie accordit with uther, to keip gude peace and amitie betwix oure selfis, oure countreis, and subjectis. And in the same also ane gude accord is maid, nott onlie of certane quarrellis happened betwix us, bot also of some differences betwix the Ministeris of the lait Frenche King, your Soveranis husband, and yow the Estaittis of that Realme, for the alteratioun of lawis and customes of that countrey attemptit by thame. Upone quhilk accord thair maid and concludit, hes hitherto followit, as yow knaw, suyrtie to your Soveranis estait, quyetnes to your selfis, and a better peace betwix boyth Realmes, then ever wes herd of in any tyme past. Nevertheless, how it happeneth we knaw not, [--We can: for scho in hir consait thinkis hir self Quene of boyth,][361] that your Soverane eather not knawing in this parte hir awin felicitie, or ellis dangerouslie seduced by perverse counsall, quhairof we wald be most sorye; being of lait at sundry tymes requyred by us, according to hir Band remanying with us, signed with hir awin hand, and sealled with the Greit Seall of that Realme, and allowed by yow being the Estaittis of the same, to ratifie hir said Treatie, in like maner as we by wryting have done, and ar reddy to deliver[362] it to hir, [yet she] makketh suche delatorie answeris thairinto, as quhat we sall juge thairof, we perseave by hir answer, that it is meit to requyre of yow. For althocht scho hes alwayis answerit, since the deith of hir Husband, that in this mater scho wald first understand the myndis of certane of yow, befoir scho wald mak answer; and so having now of long tyme suspendit oure expectatioun, in the end, nochtwithstanding that scho hes haid conference boyth by messingeris, and by some of your selfis being with hir, yit scho still delayis it, alledgeing to oure Ambassadour in France (quho said that this Treatie wes maid by your consentis) it was not by consent of yow all; and so wald have us forbeir, unto scho sall returne in that hir countrey. And now seing that hir ansuer dependis, as it suld seme, by hir wordis, upone your opinionis, we can nott bot planelie latt yow all understand, that this maner of ansuer, without some moir frute, can nott long content us. We have meant weill to our sister your Quene in tyme of offence gevin to us by hir. We did planelie, without dissimulatioun, charge hir in hir awin dowbtfull estait: quhylest strangearis possessit hir Realme, we stayed it from danger. And now, having promissed to keip gude peace with hir, and you hir subjectis, we have hitherto observed it; and salbe sorye gif eather scho or yow sall geve us contrary cause. In a mater so profitable to boyth the Realmes, we think it strange that your Quene hes no better advise: and thairfoir we do requyre yow all, being the Estaittis of that Realme, upone quhom the burthen resteth, to considder this mater deiplie, and to mak us ansuer quhairunto we may trust. And gif yow sall think meit scho sall thus leif the peace imperfite, by breking of hir solempned promeis, contrary to the ordour of all princes, we salbe weill content to accept your ansuer, and salbe als cairless to see the peace kepit, as ye sall gif us cause; and doubt nott, by the grace of God, bot quhosoever of yow sall first inclyne thairto sall soonest repent. Yow must be content with oure plane writing. And, on the uther syid, gif yow continew all of one mynd to have the peace inviolablie keipit, and sall so by your advise procure the Quene to ratifie it, we also planelie promisse yow, that we will also continew oure gude dispositioun to keip the same in such gude termes as now it is: and in so doing, the honour of Almychty God sall be dewly soucht and promoted in boyth Realmes; the Quene your Soverane sall enjoy hir stait with suyrtie; and your selfis possesse that quhilk yow have with tranquillitie, to the encreas of your families and posterities quhilk by the frequent warris heirtofoir your ancestouris never haid long in one estaite.

To conclude, We requyre yow to advertise us of quhat mynd yow be, speciallie gif yow all continew in that mynd, that yow meane to have the peace betwix boith the Realmes perpetuallie keipit. And gif yow sall forbeir ony long tyme to advertise us, ye sall geve to us some occasioun of doubt, quhairof moir hurt may grow than gude.

From, &c.

[360] "Manck," or deficient; that is, "I think (says Knox) there is something deficient or wanting in this sentence, but I will not alter one word."

[361] Evidently a remark by Knox.

[362] In MS. G, "to declair."

These letteris receaved and perused, albeit the Estatis culd nott be convened, yit did the Counsall, and some utheris also in particulare, returne ansures with resonable diligence. The tennour of oure Letteris was this:--

PLEIS YOUR MAJESTIE,

That with jugement, we have advysed your Majesteis letteris; and albeit the haill Estaittis culd not suddandlie be assemblit, yit we thocht expedient to signifie somquhat of oure myndis unto your Majestie. Far be it frome us, that eather we tak upone us, that infamye befoir the warld, or grudge of conscience befoir oure God, that we suld lychtlie esteme the observatioun of that peace laitlie contractit betwix these two Realmes. By quhat motives oure Soverane delayeth the ratificatioun thairof, we can nott tell: but of us, (of us, we say, Madame, that have in Goddis presence protested fidelitie in oure promeisses,) hir Grace hes none. Your Majestie can not be ignorant, that in this Realme thair ar mony ennemeis; and, farther, that oure Soverane hes Counsalouris, quhois jugementis scho in all suche cases preferreth to ouris. Oure allegeance bindeth us, nott onlie reverentlie to speik and write of oure Soverane, but also so to juge and think: and yit your Majestie may be weill assured, that in us salbe noted no blame, gif that peace be nott ratifiet to your Majesteis contentment: for God is witness, that oure cheiff cair in this earth, nyxt the glorie of oure God, is, that constant peace may remane betwix these two Realmes; quhairof your Majestie and realme sall have suyre experience sa lang as oure counsall or votes may stay the contrarie. The benefite that we haif receaved is so recent, that we can nott suddandlie bury it in forgetfulnes. We wald desyre your Majestie rather to be perswaded of us, that we to oure powaris will studye to leave it in remembrance to oure posteritie. And thus, with lauchfull and humble commendatioun of oure service, we committ youre Majestie to the protectioun of the Omnipotent.

Of Edinburgh, the 16 of Julij 1561.

Thair war some utheris that answered some of the ministeris of Ingland somequhat more scharplie, and willed thame nott to accuse nor threatten sa scharplie, till that thai war able to convict suche as haid promised fidelitie of some evident cryme; quhilk, althocht thai war able to lay to the charge of some, yit respect wald be haid to suche as long haid declared thame selfis constant procureris of quyetnes and peace.

The suddane arryvall of the Quene maid grite alteratioun evin in the Counsall, as efter we will heir. In this meantyme, the Papistis by surmising, trublit quhat thai mycht: thair postis, letteris, and complaintis wer from day to day direct, some to the Paipe, some to the Cardinall of Lorane, and some to oure Quene. The principall of these curriouris war, Maister Stevin Wilsoun,[363] Maister Johnne Leslie, called Nolumus and Volumus,[364] Maister James Thorntoun,[365] and utheris, suche as leved, and still leve, by the trafique of that Romane harlott.

[363] Mr. Stephen Wilson, who probably held some preferment in the Romish Church, was an active partisan of Queen Mary. He had also been in the service of her mother, the Queen Regent. On the 11th February 1559-60, the Treasurer paid, "be the Quenis Grace speciale command to Maister Stevin Wilsone, passand of Edinburgh throuch Ingland, in the Quenis Grace effairis, in France," the sum of £80. Randolph, in a letter to Cecil, 7th February 1565-6, referring to a Band or Confederacy "to maintayne Papistrye throughout Christendome," but more especially directed against Queen Elizabeth and the Protestants in Scotland, which had been sent from France to be signed by the Queen of Scots; he says, it was "to be returned very shortlie, as I heare, by Mr. Steven Wilson, a fit minister for such devilish devices." Killegrew, in a letter to Lord Burghley, written from Edinburgh, 4th March 1573, says, "Stephen Wilson, that carried letters from the Erle of Argile into France, is returned, and taken by the Regentis commandment. To-morrow he shall be examined." (Wright's Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. pp. 220, 470.) His intercepted correspondence is also mentioned in Killegrew's letter, on the 9th March, quoted by Mr. Tytler, vol. vii. p. 340.

[364] See page 141, and foot-note to page 139.

[365] Mr. James Thornton became one of the dignified clergy, and enjoyed the parsonage of Alves, and the vicarage of Lanbryde, as Chantor of Murray. In 1559, he was at Rome employed with John Row, (who afterwards became the Protestant minister of Perth,) in transacting some ecclesiastical matters. In 1562, when the Rentals of the Benefices were given in to the Commissioners, he made several of the returns in the diocese of Murray. One of these was the Chantorie of Murray, rendered by "Maister James Thorntoun in name and behalf, and as procurar of his Eme (uncle) Maister John Thornetoun eldar, quha is in titell of the said Chantorie." Another was the parsonage of Adwy, given in by him, "in name and as procurar for his brother, Maister Johnne Thornetoun younger, possessor and titular of the samyn." He appears to have been an active and confidential agent of James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (who had retired to France, after the establishment of the Reformation,) in carrying on his negotiations with this country. Queen Mary addressed a letter to Queen Elizabeth, 27th May 1565, requesting a safe conduct "for Maister James Thorntoun, Secretair to the Archbishop of Glasgo, as Ambassatour in France." In 1566 he brought from France the Bond mentioned in the preceding note. It was about this time that he obtained, probably as his uncle's successor, the titular appointment of Chantor of Murray.

The Preachearis vehementlie exhorted us to establische THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE, by ane Act and publict Law; affirmyng, that and gif thay suffered thingis to hing in suspence, quhen God haid gevin unto thame sufficient power in thair handis, thai suld efter sobb for it, bot suld nott get it.

And now,[366] because that diverse tymes heirtofoir we haif maid mentioun of the said Buke, we have thocht expedient to insert the haill in this parte of oure HISTORIE,[367] to the end that the Posteriteis to come may juge alsweill quhat the warldlingis refused, as quhat Policie the godlie Ministeris requyred; that thai (gif God grant unto thame occasioun and libertie) may eather establishe a more perfite, or ellis imitat that quhilk avaritiousnes wald nott suffer this corrupt generatioun to approve.

[366] The whole of this concluding sentence, and the Book of Discipline itself, are omitted in the Glasgow MS. In such of the later MSS. of Knox as contain the Book of Discipline, it is literally copied from Calderwood's printed edition in 1621; in small 4to, pp. [xvi.] and 92.

[367] Archbishop Spotiswood, in his History of the Church of Scotland, (edit. 1655, pp. 152-174,) has also introduced a copy of the Book of Discipline, and assigns the following reason for doing so: "In the Convention kept at Edinburgh in January preceding [1560-1], a form of Church-policy was presented, and desired to be ratified. Because this will fall to be often mentioned, and serveth to the clearing of many questions which were afterward agitated in the Church; I thought meet word by word here to insert the same, that the Reader may see what were the grounds laid down at first for the Government of the Church, so we shall the better decerne of the changes that followed." (Hist. p. 152.)

Spotiswood does not state from what authority he has given it; but it is undeniable that he has curtailed various passages which will be pointed out in the Appendix, in the note on the Book of Discipline. At the conclusion he adds,--"This was the Policy desired to be ratified: It had been formed by JOHN KNOX, partly in imitation of the reformed Churches of Germany, partly of that he had seen in Geneva; whence he took that device of annuall Deacons for collecting and dispensing the Church rents, whereof in the sixth head he speaketh; I cannot say." (Ib. p. 174.)

It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the Second Book of Discipline, forming part of Calderwood's edition, was of a subsequent date, having been agreed upon in the General Assembly 1578, inserted in the Registers of the Assembly 1581, and recognised by Parliament in 1592.

THE PREFACE

TO THE BUKE OF DISCIPLINE.[368]

TO THE GREAT COUNSALL OF SCOTLAND NOW ADMITTED TO [THE] REGIMENT, BY THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, AND BY THE COMMOUN CONSENT OF THE ESTAITTIS THAIROF, YOUR HONOURIS HUMBLE SERVITOURIS AND MINISTERIS OF CHRIST JESUS WITHIN THE SAME, WISHE GRACE, MERCY, AND PEACE FROM GOD THE FATHER OF OURE LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUALL ENCREASE OF THE HOLYE SPIRITE.

[368] There is no separate title either in the MS. 1566, or in Vautrollier's edition, which contains the earlier portion of the BOOK OF DISCIPLINE. (See note 1, page 197.) The edition 1621, quoted in the foot-notes, was published anonymously by David Calderwood the historian, and was evidently printed in Holland. A copy of the title-page is herewith annexed. It was reprinted in the "Collection of Confessions of Faith," &c., with a separate title-page, dated 1721, but the volume ii. (pp. 515-608,) containing it, was not completed until 1722. The Editor says, "This edition is according to that which was printed in 1621," correcting typographical errors, and supplying "from other copies some words which probably have been omitted by the printer." It is to be regretted that he should not have specified what "other copies" he made use of. But one of these, no doubt, was Spotiswood's, referred to in note 2, page 181.

THE FIRST AND SECOND BOOKE OF DISCIPLINE

Together with some

ACTS OF THE GENERALL ASSEMBLIES,

Clearing and confirming the same: And

AN ACT OF PARLIAMENT.

EXOD. 25. 9.

According to all that I shew thee, after the paterne of the Tabernacle, and the paterne of all the instruments thereof, even so shall yee make it.

Printed Anno 1621.

FROME youre Honouris we receaved a charge, daittit at Edinburgh, xxix of Aprile, in the yeir of God J^M V^C thre scoir yeiris, requyring and commanding us, in the name of the Eternall God, as we will ansuer in his presence, to committ to writing, and in a Buke to deliver unto your Wisdomes oure jugementis tuiching the Reformatioun of Religioun, quhilk heirtofore in this Realme, (as in utheris,) hes bene utterlie corrupted. Upone the recept quhairof, sa mony of us as wer in this Toune, did convene, and in unitie of mynd do offer unto your Wisdomes these Headis subsequent for commoun ordour and uniformitie to be observed in this Realme, concernyng Doctryne, administratioun of Sacramentis, [election of Ministers, Provision for their sustentation,][369] Ecclesiasticall Discipline, and Policye of the Kirk:[370] Most humilie requyring your Honouris, that as ye luke for participatioun with Christ Jesus, that nather ye admitt ony thing quhilk Goddis plane word sall not approve, nather yit that ye sall reject suche ordinances as equitie, justice, and Goddis word do specifie: For as we will nott bynd your Wisdomes to oure jugementis, farther then we be able to prove the same by Goddis plane Scripturis; so must we most humblie crave of yow, evin as ye will ansuer in Goddis presence, (befoir quhom boyth ye and we must appeir to rander accomptis of all oure factis,) that ye repudiat na thing for pleasour nor[371] affectioun of men, quhilk ye be not abill to improve by Goddis writtin and revealled Word.

[369] Omitted in MS. 1566, but contained in Vautr. edit. and edit. 1621.

[370] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "Church" is used throughout the earlier portion of the Book of Discipline in place of "Kirk:" see note 2 to page 201.

[371] In edit. 1621, "pleasure and."

THE FIRST HEAD, OF DOCTRINE.[372]

[372] In edit. 1722, Chap. I.

SEEING that Christ Jesus is he quhom God the Father hes commandit onlie to be herd, and followed of his scheip, we urge it necessarie, that his Evangell[373] be trewlie and openlie preached in everie Kirk and Assemblie of this Realme; and that all doctrine repugnyng[374] to the same be utterlie suppressed[375] as damnabill to mannis salvatioun.

[373] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "Evangell" is always rendered "Gospell."

[374] In edit. 1621, "repugnant."

[375] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "repressed."

The Explicatioun of the First Head.

Least upone this our[376] generalitie ungodlie men tak occasioun to cavill, this we adde for explicatioun. By preching of the Evangell, we understand nott onlie the Scripturis of the New Testament, bot also of the Auld; to wit, the Law, Propheittis, and Histories, in quhilk Christ Jesus is no les conteaned in figure, then we have him now expressed in veritie: And, thairfoir, with the Appostill we affirme, that "All Scripture inspired of God is profitable to instruct, to reprove, and to exhorte." In quhilk buykis of Auld and New Testamentis we affirme, that all thingis necessarie for the instructioun of the Kirk, and to mak the man of God perfite, is conteaned and sufficientlie expressed.

[376] In edit. 1621, "Lest that upon," and omits "our."

By the contrarie Doctrine, we understand quhatsoever men, by Lawis, Counsallis, or Constitutionis have imposed upone the consciences of men, without the expressed commandiment of Goddis word; suche as be [the] vowis of chastitie, foirswering of marriage, bindyng of men and wemen to severall and disagysed apparrellis, to the superstitious observatioun of fasting dayis, difference of meit for conscience saik, prayer for the deid; and keping of holy dayis of certane Sanctis commandit by man, suche as be all those that the Papistis have invented, as the Feistis (as thai terme thame) of Appostillis, Martyres, Virgenis, of Christmess, Circumcisioun, Epiphany, Purification, and uther found[377] feistis of our Lady: Quhilk thingis, becaus in Goddis Scripturis thai nather have commandiment nor assurance, we juge thame utterlie to be abolischet from this Realme; affirmyng farther, that the obstinat mayntenaris and teachearis of suche abhominationis aucht not to eschaip the punyschement of the Civile Magistrat.

[377] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "other fonde" and "fond feastes."

THE SECOUND HEAD, OF SACRAMENTIS.[378]

[378] In edit. 1722, Chap. II.

[Sidenote: THE NOMBER OF SACRAMENTIS.]

TO Christ Jesus his holie Evangell trewlie preached, of necessitie it is, that his holie Sacramentis be annexit, and trewlie ministred, as seallis and visible confirmationis of the spirituall promisses contened in the wourd: And thai be two, to wit, Baptisme, and the Holie Supper of the Lord Jesus: quhilk ar then rychtlie ministred, quhen by a lauchfull Minister the pepill, befoir the administratioun of the same, ar planelie instructed, and put in mynd of Goddis free grace and mercy, offered unto the penitent in Christ Jesus; quhen Goddis promisses ar rehersit, the end and use of the Sacramentis declared,[379] and that in suche a toung as the pepill dois understand; quhen farther to thame is nothing added, from thame no thing diminissit, and in thair practise nathing changit besydis the institutioun of the Lord Jesus, and practise of his holie Apostles.

[379] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "preached and declared."

And albeit the Ordour of Geneva,[380] quhilk now is used in some of oure kirks, is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader, how that boyth these Sacramentis may be rychtlie ministred; yit for ane uniformitie to be keipit, we have thocht gude to adde this as superaboundand.

[380] See note infra, page 210.

In Baptisme, we acknawlege nothing to be used except the element of wattir onlie, (that the wourd and declaratioun of the promisses aucht to preceid we haif said befoir.) Quhairfoir, quhosoevir presumeth in baptisme to use oyle, salt, wax, spattill,[381] conjuratioun, or croceing, accuseth the perfyte institutioun of Christ Jesus of imperfectioun; for it wes void of all suche inventionis devysed by men: And suche as wald presume to alter Christis perfite ordinance yow aucht seveirlie to punische.

[381] In Vautr. edit, and edit. 1621, "spittle."

The Tabill of the Lord is then most rychtlie ministred, quhen it approacheth most ney to Christis awin actioun: But plane it is, that at that Supper, Christ Jesus sat with his discipillis, and thairfoir do we juge, that sitting at a table is most convenient to that holie actioun: that breid and wyne aucht to be thair; that thankis aucht to be gevin; distributioun of the same maid; and commandiment gevin that the breid suld be tackin and eittin; and that all suld likewise drink of the cowp of wyne, with declaratioun quhat boyth the one and the other is, we suppoise no godlie man will doubt. For as tuiching the dampnabill erroure of the Papistis, quho can[382] defraude the commoun pepill of the one parte of that holie Sacrament, to wit, of the coupe of the Lordis blude, we suppois thair errour to be so manifest, that it needeth no confutatioun; nather yit intend we to confute any thing in this oure simple confessioun; but to offer publict disputatioun to all that list oppung any thing affirmed by us.

[382] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "who dare."

That the Minister break the breid, and distribute the same to those that be nyxt unto him, commanding the rest, every one with reverence and sobrietie, to breake with other, we think it nyest to Christis actioun, and to the perfite practise [of the Apostles,] as we reid it in Sanct Paull. During the quhilk actioun, we think it necessarie, that some comfortable places of [the] Scripturis be red, quhilk may bring in mynd the deith of Christ Jesus, and the benefite of the same; for seing that in that actioun we aucht chieflie to remember the Lordis deith, we juge the Scripturis macking mentioun of the same most apt to stear up our dull myndis then, and at all tymes. Lett the discretioun of the ministeris appoint the places to be red as thai think gude. Quhat tymes we think most convenient for the administratioun of the one and of the other of these Sacramentis, salbe declared in the Policie of the Kirk.

THE THRID HEAD, TUICHING THE ABOLISSING OF IDOLATRIE.[383]

[383] In edit. 1722, Chap. III.

AS we require Christ Jesus to be trewlie preached, and his holie Sacramentis to be rychtlie ministerit; so can we not cease to requyre Idolatrie, with all monumentis and places of the same, as Abbayis, monkeries,[384] freireis, nunreis, chapellis, chantreis, cathedrall kirkis, channounreis, colledges, uthers then presentlie are paroche Kirkis or Sculis, to be utterlie suppressed in all boundis and places of this Realme (except onlie the Palacies, mansionis, and dwelling places adjacent thairto, with orchartis and yardis of the samyn): As also that Idolatrie may be removed from the presence of all personis of quhat estait or conditioun that ever thai be, within this Realme.

[384] In MS. 1566, "monkis, freiris."

For latt your Honouris be assuredlie persuaded, that quhair Idolatrie is mayntened or permitted quhair it may be suppressed, that thair sall Goddis wraith reigne, not onlie upone the blind and obstinat idolater, but also upone the negligent sufferaris [of the same;] especiallie gif God have armed thair handis with power to suppress suche abhominatioun.

By Idolatrie we understand, the Messe, Invocatioun of Sanctis, Adoratioun of Ymagis, and the keping and retenying of the same: and finallie all honoring of God, not conteaned in his holie Word.

THE FOURT HEAD, CONCERNYNG MINISTERIS AND THAIR LAUCHFULL ELECTIOUN.[385]

[385] In edit. 1722, Chap. IV.

IN a Kirk reformed or tending to reformatioun, none aucht [to] presume eather to preache, eather yit to minister the Sacramentis, till that ordourlie thai be callit to the same. Ordinarie vocatioun consisteth in Electioun, Examinatioun, and Admissioun. And becaus that Electioun of Ministeris in this cursed Papistrie hes altogither bene abused, we think expedient to intreat it moir largelie.

It apperteneth to the Pepill, and to everie severall Congregatioun, to Elect thair Minister: And in caise that thai be fundin negligent thairin the space of fourty dayis, the best reformed kirk, to wit, the churche of the Superintendent with his Counsall, may present unto thame a man quhom thai juge apt to feade the flock of Christ Jesus, who must be examinated alsweill in lyiff and maneris, as in doctryne and knawlege.

And that this may be done with moir exact diligence, the personis that ar to be examinated must be commanded to compeir[386] befoir men of soundest jugement, remanying in some principall towne nyxt adjacent unto thame; as thai that be in Fyffe, Anguss, Mernyss, or Straytherne, to present thame selfis in Sanctandrois; those that be in Lowthiane, Merse, or Teviotdaill, to Edinburgh; and likewise those that be in other countreis mon resorte to the best reformed citeis or townis, that is, to the citie[387] of the Superintendent; quhair first in the scoillis, or failling thairof in open assemblie, and befoir the congregatioun, thai most geve declaratioun of thair giftis, utterance, and knawlege, by interpreting some place of Scripture to be appointed be the ministerie. Quhilk being ended, the persone that is presented, or that offered him self to the administratioun of the kirk, must be examined by the ministeris and elderis of the kirk, and that opinlie and befoir all that list to hear, in all the cheif pointes that now lie in contraversie betwix us and the Papistis, Anabaptistis, Arrians, or other suche ennemies to the Christiane religioun. In quhilk gif he be found sound, abill to persuade by hailsome doctryne, and to convince the gaynsayaris, then must he be directed to the Kirk and Congregatioun quhair he suld serve, that thair, in oppin audience of his flock, in diverse publict sermonis, he may gif confession of his faith in the articles of Justificatioun, of the office of Christ Jesus, of the nomber, effect, and use of the Sacraments; and, finallie, of the hoill religioun, quhilk heirtofoir hath bene corrupted by the Papistis.

[386] In Vautr. ed., and ed. 1621, "appeire."

[387] In edit. 1621, "the best reformed citie and toune, that is, to the towne."

Gif his doctrine be found holesome, and able to instruct the simple, and if the Kirk justlye can reprehend nothing in his lyiff, doctryne, nor utterance, then we juge the Kirk, quhilk befoir wes destitute, unreasonabill if thai refuse him quhom the Kirk did offer; and that thai suld be compelled, by the censure of the Counsall and Kirk, to receive the persone appoynted and approvin by the jugement of the godlie and lerned; unless that the same Kirk have presented a man better or alsweill qualifeid to the examinatioun, befoir that this foirsaid tryell wes takin of the persone presented by the counsall of the hoile Kirk. As, for example, the Counsall of the Kirk presentis to any kirk a man to be thair minister, not knawing that thai ar utherwayis provided: in the meyntyme, the Kirk is provided of ane uther, sufficient in thair jugement for that charge, quhom thai present to the lerned Ministeris and next reformed Kirk to be examinated. In this case the presentatioun of the Pepill, to quhom he suld be appointed pastour, must be preferred to the presentatioun of the Counsall or greater Kirk; unless the persone presented by the inferiour Kirk be juged unabill for the regiment by the lerned. For altogither this is to be avoided, that any man be violentlie intrused[388] or thrust in upoun any Congregatioun. But this libertie with all cair must be reserved till everie severall Kirk, to have thair votis and suffragis in electioun of thair Ministeris. But violent intrusioun we call nott, quhen the Counsall of the Kirk, in the feare of God, and for the salvatioun of the pepill, offereth unto thame a sufficient man to instruct thame; quhom thai sall not be forced to admitt befoir just examinatioun, as befoir is said.

[388] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "intruded."

II. QUHAT MAY UNABLE ONY PERSOUN, THAT HE MAY NOTT BE ADMITTED TO THE MINISTERIE OF THE KIRK.

IT is to be observed that na persone, noted with publict infamye, or being unabill to edifie the Kirk by hailsome doctrine, or being knawin of corrupt jugement, be eather promoted to the regiment of the Kirk, or yit receaved[389] in Ecclesiasticall administratioun.

[389] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "or yet retained."

Explicatioun.

By publict Infamye we understand, nott the commoun synnes and offences quhilk any hes committit in tyme of blindnes, by fragilite; (gif of the same, by a better and more sober conversatioun, he hath declared him self verielie penitent;) but suche capitall crymes as the civile swerd aucht and may punishe with deith by the wourd of God. For besydis that the Apostill requyreth the lyif of Ministeris to be so irreprehensible, that thai have a gude testimonye from those that be without; we juge it a thing unseimlie and dangerouse, that he sall have publict authoritie, to preiche to utheris the lyiff everlasting, from quhom the civile Magistrat may tak the lyiff temporall for a cryrme publictlie committed: And gif ony object, That the Prince hes pardoned his offence, and that he hes publictlie repented, and so is not onlie his lyiff[390] in assurance, but also that he may be receaved to the Ministerie of the Kirk; we answer, That repentance dois nott tak away the temporall punishment of the law, neither doth the pardon of the Prince remove his infamye befoir man.

[390] In edit. 1621, "and so not only his life is."

That the lyiff and conversatioun of the persone presented, or to be elected, may be the more cleirlie knawin, publict Edictis must be[391] directed to all partis of this Realme, or at the leist to those partis quhair the persone hath bene most conversant: as quhair he wes nurischit in letteris, or quhair he contineuit from the yeiris of infancie and childhood war passed. Strait commandiment wald be gevin, that if any capital crymes wer committit by him, that thai suld be notified; as, gif he hath committit wilfull murther, adulterie, a commoun fornicatour, gif he war[392] a theiff, a druncard, a feychtar, brawlar, or contentious persone. These Edictis audit to be notified in the cheiff cities, with the lyik charge and commandiment, with declaratioun that suche as concealled his synnes knawin, did deceave and betray (so far as in them lay) the Kirk, quhilk is the spous of Jesus Christ, and did communicate with the synnes of that wicked man.

[391] In edit. 1621, "should be."

[392] In edit. 1621, the words transposed, "if he were a common fornicator." Vautr. edit., corresponds with the text.

III. ADMISSIOUN [OF MINISTERS.]

The admissioun of Ministeris to thair offices, must consist in consent of the pepill and Kirk quhairto thai salbe appointed, and in approbation of the learned Ministeris appointed for thair examinatioun.

We juge it expedient, that the admissioun of Ministeris be in opin audience; that some especiall Minister mak a sermon tuiching the deutie and office of Ministeris, tuiching thair maneris, conversatioun, and lyif; as also tuiching the obedience quhilk the Kirk aw[393] to thair Ministeris. Commandiment suld be gevin alsweill to the Minister as unto the peple, boyth being present, to witt, that he with all cairfull diligence attend upone the flock of Christ Jesus, over the quhilk he is appointed preacher:[394] that he [will] walk in the presence of God so synceirlie, that the graces of the Holie Spreit may be multiplyed into him; and in the presence of men so sobirlie and uprychtlie, that his lyiff may confirme, in the eyis of men, that quhilk by toung and wourd he persuaded unto utheris. The people wald be exhorted to reverence and honour thair Ministers chosin, as the servandis and ambassadouris of the Lord Jesus, obeying the commandiments quhilk thai pronunce from Goddis mouth and buyk,[395] evin as thai wald obey God him self; for quhosoevir heareth Christis Ministeris heareth him self, and quhosoevir rejecteth thame, [and] dispyseth thair ministerie and exhortatioun, rejecteth and dispyseth Christ Jesus.

[393] In Vautr. edit., and edit. 1621, "which the church oweth."

[394] In edit. 1621, "pastor."

[395] In edit. 1621, "they pronounce from God's word."

Other ceremonie then the publict approbatioun of the peple, and declaratioun of the cheiff minister, that the persone thair presented is appoynted to serve that Kirk, we can nott approve; for albeit the Apostillis used the impositioun of handis, yet seing the mirakle is ceassed, the using of the ceremonie we juge is nott necessarie.

The Minister elected or presented, examinated,[396] and, as said is, publictlie admitted, man neather leave the floke at his plesour, to the quhilk he hes promissit his fidelitie and lawbouris; neather yit may the floke reject nor change him at thair appetite, unless thai be abill to convict him of suche crymes as deserve depositioun; quhairof we sall after speik. We meane nott bot that the hole Kirk, or the most parte thairof, for just considerationis, may transfer a Minister frome one kirk to another; neather yit meane we, that men quho now do serve as it wer of benevolence may nott be appointed and elected to serve in other places; but onis being solemndlie elected and admitted, we can not approve that thai suld change at thair awin plesour.

[396] In edit. 1621, "examined."

We are not ignorant, that the raritie of godlie and learned men sall seme to some a just reassone quhy that so strait and scharpe examinatioun suld not be takin universallie; for so it sall appeir, that the most parte of [the] Kirkis sall haif no Minister at all: But let these men understand, that the lack of able men sall nott excuse us befoir God, gif by oure consent unable men be placed over the floke of Christ Jesus; as also that amangis the Gentilles, godlie, learned men war als rare[397] as thai be now amangis us, quhen the Apostill gave the same reul to try and examyne Ministeris, quhilk we now follow: And last, lat thame understand that it is alike to have no minister at all, and to have an idole in the place of a treu minister, yea and in some case, it is worse; for those that be utterlie destitute of ministeris wilbe diligent to search for them; but those that have a vane schaddow, do commonlie without farther cair content thame selfis with the same, and so remane thai continewallie deceaved, thinking that thai have a Minister, quhen in verray deid thai have none. For we can nott juge him a dispensatour of Goddis mysteries, that in no wyise can breke the breid of lyif to the faynting and hungrie saulis; neather juge we that the Sacramentis can be rychtlie ministred by him, in quhais mouth God hes put no sermon of exhortatioun.

[397] In edit. 1621, "and learned men were also rare."

The cheiffest remedy left till your Honouris and to us, in all this raritie of trew ministeris, is fervent prayer unto God, that it will pleis his mercye to thrust out faithfull warkmen in this his harvest;[398] and nyxt, that your Honouris, with consent of the Kirk, are bound by your authoritie to compell suche men as have giftis and graces able to edifie the Kirk of God, that thai bestow thame quhair greittest necessitie salbe knawin; for no man may be permittit to leve idill, or as thame self list, but must be appointed to travell quhair your Wisdomes and the Kirk sall think expedient.

[398] In edit. 1621, "to thurst forth faithfull workmen into this his harvest."

We can nott prescryve unto your Honouris certane reull how that ye sall distribute the ministeris and lerned men, quhom God hes alreddy send unto you. But heirof we ar assured, that it greitlie hindereth the progress of Christis Evangell within this poore Realme, that some altogither abstract thair lawbouris from the Kirk, and utheris remane togither[399] in one place, the most parte of thame being idill. And thairfoir of your Honouris we requyre in Goddis name, that by your auctoritie quhilk ye have of God, ye compell all men to quhom God hes gevin ony talent to persuade, by holsome doctrine, to bestow the same, gif thai be called be the Kirk to the advancement of Christis glorie, and to the conforte of his trublit flock; and that ye, with the consent of the Kirk, assigne unto your cheiffest workmen, not onlie townis to remane into, but also provinces, that be thair faithfull lawbouris kirkis may be erected, and ordour established, quhair none is now. And gif on this maner ye will use your power and auctoritie, cheiflie seiking Goddis glorie, and the conforte of your brethrein, we doubt not but God sall bliss you and your interprisses.

[399] In edit. 1621, "altogether."

IV. FOR READARIS.

To the Kirkis[400] quhair no ministeris can be haid presentlie, must be appointed the most apt men, that distinctlie can read the Commoune Prayeris[401] and the Scripturis, to exercise boyth thame selfis and the kirk, till thai growe to greattar perfectioun; and in process of tyme he that is but ane Readar may atteane to the further gree,[402] and by consent of the kirk and discreit ministeris, may be permittit to minister the sacramentis; but not befoir that he be able somequhat to persuade by holsome doctrine, besydis his reading, and be admitted to the ministerie, as before is said. Some we knaw that of long tyme have professed Christ Jesus, quhose honest conversatioun deserved praise of all godlie men, and quhose knawledge also mycht greatlie help the simple, and yit thai onlie content thame selfis with reading. These must be animated, and by gentle admonitioun incuraged, by some exhortatioun to conforte thair brethrein, and so thai may be admitted to administratioun of the sacramentis. But suche Readeris as neather have haid exercise, nor continuance in Christis trew religioun, must abstene from ministratioun of the sacramentis, till thai geve declaratioun and witnessing of thair honestie and farther knawlege.

[400] In edition 1621, "Kirk" and "kirkis," are uniformly "Church" and "churches," throughout a considerable portion of this book; but see note 2, page 201.

[401] That is, the Prayers that were usually printed with the Book of Common Order, and the Psalms in metre.

[402] In edit. 1621, "to a farther degree;" Vautr. edit. is the same as the text.

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* For The Lordis thinkis, That nane be admitted to preche,[403] but thai that ar qualifiet thairfoir, but rather be reteaned readaris; and sick as ar prechearis alreaddy, not fundin qualifiet thairfoir be the Superintendent, be placed to be readaris.

[403] The edit. 1621, takes no notice of this sentence having been added; and thus connects it with the preceding words, "honestie and further knowledge, that none be admitted to preach," &c. Vautr. edit. is nearly the same with the text.

THE FYFT HEID, CONCERNYING THE PROVISIOUN FOR THE MINISTERIS, AND FOR THE DISTRIBUTIOUN OF THE RENTIS AND POSSESSIONIS JUSTLIE APPERTENYNG TO THE KIRK.[404]

[404] In edit. 1722, Chap. V.

Seing that of our Maister Christ Jesus and his Apostle Paule, we have, "That the warkman is worthy of his reward," and that, "The mouth of the lawboring oxe aucht nott to be muzilled," of necessitie it is, that honest provisioun be maid for the Ministeris, quhilk we requyre to be suche, that thai haif neather occasioun of sollicitude, neather yit of insolencie and wantoness. And this provisioun must be maid not onlie for thair awin sustentatioun, during thair lyiffes, but also for thair wiffis and childrene efter thame. For we juge it a thing most contrariouse to reassone, godlines, and equitie, that the wedow and childrene of him, quho in[405] his lyiff did faithfullie serve[406] the Kirk of God, and for that caus did not cairfullie mak provisioun for his familie, suld, efter his deith, be left confortles of all provisioun.

[405] Vautrollier's suppressed edition breaks off at the foot of page 560, with these words, "the widow and the children of him who in." See vol. i. pp. xxxii. xxxix.-xlii.

[406] In edit. 1621, "serve in."

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* Provisioun for the Wyffis of Ministeris efter thair deceise, to be remittit to the discretioun of the Kirk.[407]

[407] This addition is in the margin of the MS. It is taken into the text in edit. 1621, without notice, and reads as follows: "be left comfortles of all provision; which provision for the wives," &c., "is to be," &c.

Difficill it is to appoint a severall stipend to everie Minister, be reassoun that the chargis and necessitie of all will not be licke; for some wilbe contenewaris in one place, some wilbe compellit to travell, and oft to change dwelling place, (gif thai sall have charge of diverse kirkis.) Amangis these, some wilbe burdened with wyiff and childrein, and one with mo then ane other; and some perchance wilbe single men: Gif equall stipendis suld be appointed to all those that in charge ar so inequall, eather suld the one suffer penurie, or ellis suld the uther have superfluitie and too muche.

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* We juge, thairfor, that everie Minister have sufficient quhairupoun to keip ane house, and be sustened honestlie in all thingis necessarie, alsweill for keiping of his house, as claithis, flesche, fische, buykis, [fewell,] and other thingis necessarie, [furth] of the rentis and thesaurie[408] of the kirk, [where he serveth,] at the discretioun of the congregatioun, conforme to the qualitie of the persone and necessitie of the tyme. Quhairin it is thocht [good] that everie Minister sall have at leist fourtie bollis meill, and twenty-six bollis malt, to find his house breid and drink; and mair, sa mekill[409] as the discretioun of the Kirk findis necessarie; besydes money for buying of uther provisioun to his house, and other necessaries, the modificatioun quhairof is referred to the jugement of the kirk, to be maid everie yeir at the chosing of the eldaris and deaconis of the kirk. Providing alwayis, that thair be advanced to everie minister sufficient provisioun for ane quarter of ane yeir befoir hand of all thingis.

[408] In MS. 1566, "the same;" in edit. 1621, "and treasurie."

[409] In edit. 1621, "and more so much."

To him[410] that travelleth from place to place, quhom we call Superintendentis, quho remane as it war a moneth or less in one place, for the establishing of the kirk, and for the same purpoise changeing to ane uther place, must farther[411] consideratioun be haid. And, thairfoir, to suche we think sax chalder beir, nyne chalder meill, thre chalder aittis for his horse, v^c markis[412] money, to be eikkit and pared at the discretioun of the Prince and Counsall of the Realme; to be payit to him yeirlie, in maner foirsaid.

[410] In edit. 1621, "But to him."

[411] In edit. 1621, the words "place," and "farther," are omitted.

[412] The edit. 1621, omits the words "for his horse;" and makes it "six hundreth merkes money."

The children of the Ministeris must have the liberties of the citeis next adjacent, quhair thair fatheris lawbored, frelie granted. Thai must[413] have the privileges in sculis, and bursis[414] in collegis; that is, that thai salbe susteaned at learnyng, gif thai be found apt therto; and failing thairof that thai be put to some handycraft, or exercised in some verteouse industrie, quhairby thai may be profitable membres in a commoun wealth.

[413] In MS. 1566, "must," is usually written "most."

[414] In edit. 1621, "bursissis."

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO]

* And the same we requyre for thair douchteris; to wit, that thai be verteouslie brocht up, and honestlie doted quhen thai come to maturitie of yeiris, at the discretioun of the Kirk.

And this in Goddis presence we witness, we requyre nott so muche for oure selfis, or for any that till us apperteneth, as that we do for the encrease of vertew and learnyng, and for the proffeit of the posteritie to come. It is nott to be supposed that all man[415] will dedicat him self and childrene so to God, and to serve his kirk, that thai luyke for no warldlie commoditie. But this cankered nature quhilk we beare, is provokit to follow vertew quhen it seith honour and profeit annexit to the same;[416] as, contrairlie, then is vertew of mony despised, quhen verteouse and godlie men leve without honour. And sorye wuld we be that povertie suld discourage men from studye, and from following the way of vertew, by the quhilk thai mycht edifie the kirk and flock of Christ Jesus.

[415] In edit. 1621, "any man."

[416] In edit. 1621, "when it seeth profite and honour thereto annexed; and."

Nothing have we spokin of the stipend of Readaris, becaus, gif thai can do nothing but reade, thai neather can be called nor jugit trew ministeris: And yit regard must be haid to thair lawbouris; but so that thai may be spurred fordwart to vertew, and nott by a stipend appointed for thair reading, to be reteaned still in that estait. To a Readare thairfor that is laitlie enterit, we think fourty markis, or mair or less, as the Parochenaris and Readaris can agree, sufficient: providing that he teiche the childrene of the parische, quhilk he must do, besydis the reading of the Commoun Prayeris,[417] and buykis of the New and Auld Testamentis. Gif frome Reading he begin to Exhorte[418] and explane the Scriptures, then aucht his stipend to be augmented; till finallie he come to the honour of a Minister: But and gif he be found unable efter two yeiris, then must he be removed from that office, and dischargit of all stipend, that another may be provin als lang. For this alwayis is to be avoyded, that none quho is jugit unabill to come at ony tyme to some reasonable knawlege, quhairby he may edifie the Kirk, sall perpetuallie be nurisshed[419] upone the charge of the kirk. Farther, it must be avoided, that no child or persone within aige, that is, within xxj yeir of aige, be admitted to the office of a Readare; but Readaris aucht to be endewed with gravitie, witt, and discretioun, lest be thair lychtness the Prayeris or Scripturis read be of less price and estimatioun. It is to be noted, that the Readaris be putt in by the Kirk, and admissioun of the Superintendent.

[417] See note 1, page 196.

[418] There were persons styled Exhorters, employed in the Church about this time: see next paragraph.

[419] In edit. 1621, "shall be perpetually sustained."

[Sidenote: NOTA]

The other sorte of Readaris, quho have long continewed in godliness, and have some gift of Exhortatioun, quho are in hope to atteane to the degree of a minister, and teche the childrene; we think ane hundreth markis, or mair[420] at the discretioun of the Kirk, may be appointed; so that difference, as said is, be betwix thame and the ministeris that openlie preche the Word, and minister the Sacramentis.

[420] In edit. 1621, "or mair or less."

Restis yit other two sortis of peple to be provided for, of that quhilk is called the patrimonye of the Kirk; to wit, the Poore, and Teachearis of the youtheid. Every severall Kirk must provide for the poore within the self; for fearful and horrible it is, that the poore, quhom nott onlie God the Father in his law, but Christ Jesus in his evangell, and the Holie Spreit speaking by Sanct Paule, hath so earnestlie commended to oure cayre, ar universallie so contempned and dispysed. We ar nott patronis for stubburne and idill beggaris, quho, rynning from place to place, mak a craft of thair beggyng, quhom the Civile Magistrat aucht to punyshe;[421] but for the wedow and fatherless, the aiged, impotent, or laymed, quho neather can nor may travell for thair sustentatioun, we say, that God commandeth his pepill to be cairfull; and thairfor, for suche, as also for personis of honestie fallin in[to] decay and penuritie,[422] audit suche provisioun[423] be maid, that [of] oure aboundance should thair indigence be releaved. How this most convenientlie and most easilie may be done in everie citie, and uthir partis of this Realme, God shall schaw you wisdome and the meanis, so that youre myndis be godlie thairto inclyned. All must not be suffered to beg that gladlie so wald do; neather yit most beggeris remane whare thei chuse;[424] but the stout and strong beggar must be compelled to wirk, and everie persoun that may nocht wirk, must be compelled to repair to the place whare he or scho was born, (unles of long continuance thai have remaned in one place,) and thair reassonable provisioun must be maid for thair sustentatioun, as the Churche shall appoint. The ordour nor soumes, in oure judgementis, can nott be particularlie appointed, unto suche tyme as the poore of everie citie, toun, or parrishe, be compelled to repair to the places whaire thei war borne, or of thair residences, whaire thair names and nomber must be tackin and put in roll; and then may the wisdome of the Kirk appoint stipendis accordinglye.

[421] The edit. 1722, supplies the words, "ought to [compell to work, or then] punish."

[422] In edit. 1621, "fallen into decay and poverty."

[423] In this place of the MS. 1566, a blank space occurs, at the conclusion of one of the re-written quires, with the catchword "such provi-," in connexion with the top of the next quire, which is written in a kind of official square hand, and was probably a portion of the copy laid before the Convention, in January 1561. Instead of "Kirk," it will be observed that the word "Church" is now employed; and curiously enough, in Calderwood's edition, 1621, this is reversed, and "Church," which had hitherto been used, gives place to "Kirk."

[424] In edit. 1621, "where they would."

I. OFF THE SUPERINTENDENTIS.[425]

[425] In edit. 1621, "The Head of the Superintendents." In edit. 1722, Chap. VI.

Becaus we have appointed ane largear stipend to these that shalbe Superintendentis then to the rest of the Ministeris, we have thocht goode to signifie unto your Honouris, suche reassonis as moved us to mak difference betwix preachearis at this tyme; as also how many Superintendentis we think necessarie, with thair boundis, office, [the manner of their] electioun, and causses that may deserve depositioun frome that charge.

We considder that yf the Ministeris whome God hath endewed with his [singular] graces amangis us, should be appointed to severall and certane placis, thair to mak thair continuall residence, that then the greatest part off this Realme should be destitute of all doctrine; whiche should not onlie be occasioun of greate murmure, but also should be dangerus to the salvatioun of manye. And thairfore we have thocht it a thing most expedient for this tyme, that frome the whole nomber of godlie and learned [men], now presentlie in this Realme, be selected twelf or ten, (for in sa mony Provincis have we divideit the hoill,) to whome charge and commandiment shalbe gevin[426] to plant and erect churches, to set ordour and appoint ministeris (as the formar Ordour prescribeth) to the contreis that sall be appointed to thair cayre whaire none ar now; and by these meannis [your] luff and common caire ower all the inhabitantis of this Realme (to quhome ye ar equall debttouris) shall evidentlie appeare; as also the simpill and ignorant (who perchance have never heard Christ Jesus trewlie preached) shall come to some knawlege, by the which manye that now be deid in superstitioun and ignorance shall atteane to some fealling of godlynes, by the whiche thei may be provocked to searche and seik farther knawledge of God, and his trew religioun and wirschipping. Whaire be the contrarie, yf thei shalbe neglected, thei shall not onlie grudge, but also thei shall seik the meanis whairby thei may continew in thair blindnes, or returne to thair accustumed idolatrie. And thairfore no thing desire we more earnistlie, then that Christ Jesus be universallie once preached throuchout this Realme; whiche shall not suddanlie be unles that by you, men be appointed and compelled faithfullie to travell in suche Provinces as to thame shall be assignit.

[426] In edit. 1621, "ten or twelve," &c., and "and should be given."

II. THE NAMES OF THE PLACIS OF RESIDENCE, AND SEVERALL DIOCESES OF THE SUPERINTENDENTIS.

Imprimis, the Superintendent of Orknay: whose Diocesye shalbe to the Ylis of Orknay, Sheitland, Caithnes,[427] and Straythnaver. His residence to be in the Toun of Kirkwall.

[427] In edit. 1621, "whose diocesse shall comprehend the Isles Orknay, Zetland, and Caithnes," &c.

2. The Superintendent of Ross; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Ross, Suthirland, Murray, with the North Ylis of the Sky, and the Lewis, with thair adjacentis. His residence to be in Channonrie of Ross.

3. The Superintendent of Ergile; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Argile, [Kyntyre,] Lorne, the South Ylis, Arrane [and] Bute, with thair adjacents, with Lochquhaber. His residence to be in [Argyle.]

4. The Superintendent of Abirdene; whose Diocesye is betwix Dee and Spay, conteanand the schirefdome of Abirdene and Bamff. His residence to be in Auld Abirdene.

5. The Superintendent of Brechin; whose Diocesye shalbe the hole schirefdomes of Mearnis and Anguss, and the Bray of Mar to Dee. His residence to be in Brechin.

6. The Superintendent of Sanctandrois; whose Diocesye shall comprehend the hoill schirefdome of Fyffe[428] and Fotheringhame, to Striveling; and the hoill schirefdome of Perth. His residence to be in Sanctandrois.

[428] In edit. 1621, part of this sentence is omitted: it reads "The Superintendent of Fiffe and Fotheringhame to Stirling."

7. The Superintendent of Edinburght; whose Diocesye shall comprehend the hoill schirefdomes of Lowthiane, and Striveling on the south syde of the Watter of Forth;[429] and thairto is added, by consent of the hoill Churche, Mersse, Lauderdaill, and Weddell. His residence to be in [Edinburgh.]

[429] See following note, page 204.

8. The Superintendent of Jedburgh; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Thevedaill, Tweddell, Liddisdaill,[430] with the Forrest of Ethrick. His residence to be [Jedburgh.]

[430] The words after "the Watter of Forth," in clause 7, are transferred to this clause, in edit. 1621: it reads, "whose Diocesse shall comprehend the whole Tivitdail, Tweedaill, Liddisdail, and thereto is added by consent of the whole Kirk, the Merse, Lawderdaill and Weddaill, with the Forrest of Ettrick."

9. The Superintendent of Glasgow; whose Diocesye shall comprehend Cliddisdale, Renfrew, Menteith, Levinax, Kyle, and Cunynghame. His residence to be in Glasgow.

10. The Superintendent of Dumfriese; whose Diocesye sall comprehend Galloway, Carrik, Niddisdaill, Annanderdaill, with the rest of the Daillis in the West. His residence to be in Drumfreise.

Those men must not be sufferred to leave as your idill Bischopis have done heirtofore; neather most thei remane whaire gladlie thei wald: But thei must be preachearis thame selves, and suche as may mak no long residence in ony one place, till thair Churches be[431] planted and provided of Ministers, or at the leist of Reidaris.

[431] In edit. 1621, "may not make long residence in anyplace till thair kirkis."

Charge must be gevin to thame that thei remane in no one place above twenty or threttye[432] dayis in thair visitatioun, till thei have passed throucht thair hoill boundis. Thei must thryise everie weake at the least preache; and when thei returne to thair principall town and residence, thei must be likewise exercisit in preacheing and in edificatioun of the Churche thaire; and yet thei must not be suffered to continew thair so long, as thei may seame to neglect thaire uthir Churches: but efter that thei have remaned in thair cheif toun thre or four monethis at most, thei shall be compelled (onles be seiknes onlie thei be reteaned,) to re-enter in visitatioun, in which thei shall not onlie preache, but also examyn the life, diligence, and behaviour of the Ministeris; as also the ordour of thaire Churches, [and] the maneris of the people. Thei must farther consider how the poore be provided: how the youth be instructed: thei must admonische whaire admonitioun neidith, dresse suche thingis as by goode counsall thei be able to appease: and, finalie, thei must note suche crymes as be haynouse, that by the censure of the Church the same may be corrected.

[432] The words "or threttye," (thirty,) omitted in edit. 1621.

Yf the Superintendent be fund negligent in any of these cheaf pointis of his office, and especiallie yf he be noted negligent in preacheing of the word, and in visitatioun of his Churches; or yf he be convict of ony of those crymis, which in the common Ministeris ar dampned, he must be deposit, without respect of his persoun or office.

III. OFF THE ELECTIOUN OF SUPERINTENDENTIS.

In this present necessitie, the nominatioun, examinatioun, and admissioun of Superintendentis, can not be so strait as we require, and as afterward it must be.

For this present, thairfore, we think sufficient that eather your Honouris, by your selves, nominat sa mony as may serve the fore-written provincis; or that ye gyff commissioun to suche men, as in whome ye suppoise the feir of God [to be] to do the same; and that the same men being called in your presence shalbe by you, and by suche as your Honouris please call unto you for consultatioun in that case, appointed to thair provinces. We think it expedient and necessarie, that als weill the gentilmen, as burgesses of everie diocese, be maid privie at the same tyme to the electioun of the Superintendent, alsweill to bring the Churche in sum practise of hir libertie, as to mak the pastor better favorit of the flocke whome thame selves have chosin. Yff your Honouris can not find for this present sa many able men as the necessitie requireth, then, in our judgementis, more profitable it is that those provincis vaik till God provide better, than that men unabill to edifie and governe the Churche be suddanlie placit in that charge. For experience hath taught us,[433] what pestilence hath bene engendred in the Church by men unabill to discharge thair offices.

[433] In edit. 1621, "hath teached us."

When, thairfore, after thre yeiris any Superintendent shall departe, or chance to be deposed, the cheaf town within that province, to wit, the Ministeris, Elders, and Deaconis, with the Magistrat and Counsall of the same town, shall nominat, and by publict edictis proclame, alsweill to the Superintendent, as to twa or thre provinces nixt adjacent, two or thre of the most learned and most godlie Ministeris within the hole realme, that frome amangis thame, one with publict consent may be electit and appointed to the office then vaiking: and this the cheaf Town shall be bound to do within the terme of twenty dayis. Whiche being expired and no man presented, then shall thre of the nixt adjacent provincis, with consent of thair Superintendentis, Ministeris, and Elderis, enter in into the rycht and priviledgeis of the cheaf town, and shall present everie one of thame one, or two yf thei list, to the cheaf town, to be examinated as the Ordour requireth. As also, it shalbe lauchfull for all the churches of the Diocesye to nominat within the same tyme suche personis as thei think worthye to stand in electioun; which man be put in edict.[434]

[434] In edit. 1621, "Electioun, who all must be put in an Edict."

After the nominationis be maid, publict edictis must be send, first warnyng all men that have any objectioun[435] againis the personis nominatit, or against ony ane of thame, to be present in the cheaf toun at day and place affixit, to object what thei can against the electioun of any one of thame. Threttye dayis we think sufficient to be assigned thairto; thretty dayis, we meane, after that the nominatioun be maid.

[435] In edit. 1621, "sent forth, warning all men that have any exception."

Whiche day of electioun being come, the hoill Ministeris of that Province, with thre or mo[436] of the Superintendentis nixt adjacent, or that sall thairto be named,[437] shall examyn not onlie the learnying, but also the maneris, prudence, and habilitie to governe the Churche, of all those that ar nominat; that he who shallbe fund most worthye, may be burdened with the charge. Yff the Ministeris of the whole Province should bring with them the voitis of those that war committit to thair caire, the electioun should be the more fre; bot alwayis, the voitis of all those that convene must be requirit.[438] The examinationis must be publictlie maid; those that stand in electioun must publictlie preache; and men must be chargeit in the name of God, to voit according to conscience, and not efter affectioun. Yf ony thing be objectit against any that stand[439] in electioun, the Superintendentis and Ministeris must considder whether the objectioun be maid of conscience or of malice, and thei must ansueir accordinglie. Other ceremonies then scharp examinatioun, approbatioun of the Ministeris and Superintendentis, with the publict consent of the Elderis and People, then present,[440] we can not allow.

[436] In edit. 1621, "with three or foure."

[437] In edit. 1621, "or that shall be thareto nominated."

[438] In edit. 1621, "the votes of them that convene should be required."

[439] In edit. 1621, "against him that standeth."

[440] Edit. 1621, omits "the present."

The Superintendent being electit, and appointed to his charge, must be subjected to the censur and correctioun of the Ministeris and Elderis, not onlie of his cheaf Toun, but also of the hoill Province over the whiche he is appointed oversear.

Yf his offencis[441] be knawin, and the Ministeris and Elderis of his Province[442] be negligent in correcting him, then the nixt one or two Superintendentis, with thair Ministeris and Elderis, may convene him, and the Ministeris and Elderis of his cheaf toun, (provideit that it be within his awin Province or cheaf toun,) and may accuse and correct alsweale the Superintendent in those thingis that ar worthy of correctioun, as the Ministeris and Elderis for thair negligence and ungodlie tollerance of his offencis.

[441] In edit, 1621, "his offence."

[442] In edit. 1621, "Elders of the Toun and Province."

Whatsoever cryme deserve correctioun or depositioun of any other minister, deserveth the samin in the Superintendent, without exceptioun of persoun.

After that the Churche he establischeit,[443] and thre yeiris be passed, we require that na man be callit to the office of a Superintendent, who hath not tuo yeiris at the leist gevin declaratioun of his faithfull lawbouris in the ministerie of some churche.[444]

[443] In edit. 1621, "Kirk is established."

[444] In edit. 1621, "in the ministrie of the same Kirk."

No Superintendent may be transferrit at the plesour or requeist of ony one Province; no, not without the consent of the whole counsall of the Churche, and that for grave causses and considderationis.

Off one thing, in the end, we must admonische your Honouris, to wit, that in appointing Superintendentis for this present, ye disappoint not your cheaf Tounis, and whair learning is exercised, of suche ministeris as more may proffit be residence in one place, than be continewall travell frome place to place: For if ye so do, the youth in those placis shall lacke the profound interpretatioun of the Scripturis; and so shall it be long before that your gardenis send furth many plantis; whair by the contrarie, yf one or tuo tounis be continewallie exercised as thei may, the Commoun-wealth shall schortlie taist of thair fruct,[445] to the confort of the godlie.

[445] In edit. 1621, "feast of their fruit."

FOR THE SCHOLLIS.[446]

[446] In edit. 1722, "Chap. VII. Of Schools [and Universities.]"

Seeing that the office and dewtie of the godlie Magistrat is nocht onlie to purge the Churche of God from all superstitioun, and to set it at libertie from bondage of tyrranis;[447] but also to provide, to the uttermost of his power, how it may abide in the same puritie to the posteriteis[448] following; we can not but frelie[449] communicat our judgementis with your Honouris in this behalf.

[447] In edit. 1621, "from tyranny and bondage."

[448] In edit. 1021, "in some purity in the posterity."

[449] In edit. 1621, "we can but freely."

I. THE NECESSITIE OF SCHOLLIS.[450]

[450] In the present edition, the sub-divisions have been numbered, I., II., &c. The Editor of the Collection of Confessions, in 1722, has not only numbered the chapters and sub-divisions, but also the paragraphs of each chapter.

Seing that God hath determined that his Churche heir in earth, shallbe tawght not be angellis but by men; and seing that men ar born ignorant of all godlynes; and seing, also, now God ceassith[451] to illuminat men miraculuslie, suddanlie changeing thame, as that he did his Apostlis and utheris in the Primitive Churche: off necessitie it is that your Honouris be most cairfull for the virtuous educatioun, and godlie upbringing of the youth of this Realme, yf eathir ye now thirst unfeanedlie [for] the advancement of Christis glorie, or yit desire the continewance of his benefits to the generatioun following. For as the youth must succeed till us, so aucht we to be cairfull that thei have the knawlege and eruditioun, to proffit and confort that whiche aucht to be most deare to us, to wit, the Churche and Spouse of the Lord Jesus.

[451] In edit. 1621, "ignorant of God and of all godliness, and seing also he ceasses."

Off necessitie thairfore we judge it, that everie severall Churche have a Scholmaister[452] appointed, suche a one as is able, at least, to teache Grammer and the Latine toung, yf the Toun be of any reputatioun. Yf it be Upaland, whaire the people convene to doctrine bot once in the weeke, then must eathir the Reidar or the Minister thair appointed, take cayre over the children and youth of the parische, to instruct them in thair first rudimentis, and especiallie in the Catechisme,[453] as we have it now translaited in the Booke of our Common Ordour, callit the Ordour of Geneva.[454] And farther, we think it expedient, that in everie notable toun, and especiallie in the toun of the Superintendent, [there] be erected a Colledge, in whiche the Artis, at least Logick and Rethorick, togidder with the Tongues, be read be sufficient Maisteris, for whome honest stipendis must be appointed: as also provisioun for those that be poore, and be nocht able by them selfis, nor by thair freindis, to be sustened at letteris, especiallie suche as come frome Landwart.

[452] In edit. 1621, "Kirk have one."

[453] That is, the translation of Calvin's Catechism: see subsequent note.

[454] It was so named from having been compiled for the use of the English congregation at Geneva, while Knox was minister there. It bears this title: "The Forme of Prayers and Ministration of the Sacraments, &c., used in the English Churche at Geneva," &c. From Knox's share in this book of Common Order, it will be included in a subsequent volume of his Works. Having been subsequently approved and received by the Church of Scotland, the Geneva edition of 1558 was reprinted at Edinburgh in 1562; and it continued with occasional alterations, to be prefixed to most editions of the old metrical version of the Psalms, printed in this country. The translation of Calvin's Catechism, first reprinted at Edinburgh in 1564, was also usually adjoined to the volume.

The frute and commoditie heirof shall suddanlie appeare. For, first, the youtheid and tender children sall be nurischit and brocht up in virtue, in presence of thair freindis; by whose good attendence many inconvenientis may be avoided, in the which the youth commonlie fallis, eathir by too muche[455] libertie, whiche thei have in strange and unknawin placis, whill thei can not rule them selfis; or ellis for lacke of gude attendence, and of suche necessiteis as thair tender aige requireth. Secoundarlie, The exercise of the children in everie Churche shall be great instructioun to the aigeit.[456]

[455] In edit. 1621, "over much."

[456] In edit. 1722, "to the aged and unlearned."

Last, The great Schollis callit Universiteis, shallbe repleanischit with those that be apt to learnyng; for this must be cairfullie provideit, that no fader, of what estait or conditioun that ever he be, use his children at his awin fantasie, especiallie in thair youth-heade; but all must be compelled to bring up thair children in learnyng and virtue.

The riche and potent may not be permitted to suffer thair children to spend thair youth in vane idilnes, as heirtofore thei have done. But thei must be exhorted, and by the censure of the Churche compelled to dedicat thair sones, by goode exercise,[457] to the proffit of the Churche and to the Common-wealth; and that thei must do of thair awin expensses, becaus thei ar able. The children of the poore must be supported and sustenit on the charge of the Churche, till tryell be tackin, whethir the spirit of docilitie be fund in them or not. Yf thei be fund apt to letteris and learnyng, then may thei not (we meane, neathir the sonis of the riche, nor yit the sonis of the poore,) be permittit to reject learnyng; but must be chargeit to continew thair studie, sa that the Commoun-wealthe may have some confort by them. And for this purpose must discreit, learned, and grave men be appointit to visit all Schollis for the tryell of thair exercise, proffit, and continewance; to wit, the Ministeris and Elderis, with the best learned in everie toun, shall everie quarter tak examinatioun[458] how the youth hath proffitted.

[457] In edit. 1722, "their sonnes, by training them up in good exercises."

[458] In edit. 1621, "the Minister and Elders, and the rest of learned men in every town, shall in every quarter make examination."

A certane tyme must be appointed to Reiding, and to learning of the Catechisme; ane certane tyme to the Grammar, and to the Latine toung; ane certane tyme to the Artis, Philosophie, and to the [other] Toungis; and a certane to that studie in which thei intend cheaflie to travell for the proffit of the Commoun-wealth. Whiche tyme being expired, we meane in everie course, the children must eathir proceid to farther knawledge, or ellis thei must be send to sum handie-craft, or to sum othir profitable exercise; provideit alwayis, that first thei have the forme of knawledge[459] of Christiane religioun, to wit, the knawledge of Goddis law and commandimentis; the use and office of the same; the cheaf articulis of our beleve; the richt forme to pray unto God; the nomber, use, and effect of the sacramentis; the trew knawledge of Christ Jesus, of his office and natures, and suche otheris,[460] as without the knawledge wheirof, neathir deservith [any] man to be named a Christiane,[461] neather aught ony to be admittit to the participatioun of the Lordis Tabill: And thairfore, these principallis aught and must be learned in the youth-heid.

[459] In MS. 1566, "have the formar knawledge;" in edit. 1621, "that they have further knawledge."

[460] In edit. 1621, "such other points."

[461] In edit. 1621, "neither any man deserves to be called a Christian."

II. THE TYMES APPOINTED TO EVERIE COURSE.

Two yearis we think more then sufficient to learne to read perfitelie, to answer to the Catechisme, and to have some entresse in the first rudimentis of Grammar; to the full accomplischement whairof, (we meane of the Grammar,) we think other thre or foure yearis at most, sufficient. To the Artis, to wit, Logick and Rethorick, and to the Greik toung, foure yeiris; and the rest, till the aige of twenty-foure yearis to be spent in that studye, whairin the learnar wald proffit the Churche or Commoun-wealth, be it in the Lawis, or Physick or Divinitie: Whiche tyme of twenty-foure yearis being spent in the schollis, the learnar most be removed to serve the Churche or Commoun-wealth, unless he be fund a necessarie Reidare in the same Colledge or Universitie. Yf God shall move your heartis to establische and execut this Ordour, and put these thingis in practise, your hole Realme, (we doubt nott,) within few yearis, shall serve the self of trew preacharis, and of uther officiaris necessarie for your Common-wealth.

III. THE ERECTIOUN OF UNIVERSITEIS.

The Grammar Schollis and of the Toungis being erectit as we have said, nixt we think it necessarie thair be three Universities in this whole Realme, establischeit in the Tounis accustumed.[462] The first in Sanctandrois,[463] the secound in Glasgow,[464] and the thrid in Abirdene.[465]

[462] In edit. 1621, "in three Townes."--It will be observed that this was in 1560; and that the University of Edinburgh was not founded till the year 1582; and Marischall College and University of Aberdeen till 1593.

[463] The University of St. Andrews, founded in the year 1411.

[464] The University of Glasgow, founded in 1450.

[465] The University and King's College of Aberdeen, founded in 1494.

And in the first Universitie and principall, whiche is SANCTANDROIS, thair be thre Colledgeis. And in the first Colledge, quhilk is the entre of the Universitie, thair be four classes or saigeis: the first, to the new Suppostis, shalbe onlie Dialectique; the nixt, onlie Mathematique;[466] the thrid, of Phisick onlie; the fourt of Medicine. And in the secound Colledge, twa classes or seigeis: the first, in[467] Morall Philosophie; the secound in[467] the Lawis. And in the thrid College, twa classes or seigeis: the first, in[467] the Toungis, to wit, Greek and Hebreu; the secound, in[467] Divinitie.

[466] In edit. 1621, "Dialecticæ," and "Mathematicæ."

[467] In edit. 1621, "of."

IV. OFF REIDARIS, AND OF THE GREIS, OFF TYME, AND STUDYE.[468]

[468] In edit. 1621, "Of Readers, and of the Degrees, and time of Study;" to this the edition 1722 adds, "and of Principals and Rector, and of Bursars."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST GRIE.]

[Sidenote: SECOND DEGRIE.]

Item, In the first College, and in the first classe, shallbe ane Reidar of Dealectique,[469] wha shall accomplische his course thairof in one yeare. In the Mathematique,[469] whiche is the secound classe, shalbe ane Reidar who shall compleit his course of Arithmetique,[469] Geometrie, Cosmographie, and Astrologie, in ane yeare. In the third classe, shalbe are Reidar of Naturall Philosophie, who shall compleit his course in a yeare. And wha efter thir thre yearis, by tryell and examinatioun, shall be fund sufficientlie instructit in thir aforesaid sciences, shall be Laureat and Graduat in Philosophie. In the fourt classe, shall be ane Reidar of Medicine, who shall compleit his course in five years: after the study of the whiche tyme, being by examinatioun fund sufficient, thei shall be graduat in Medicine.

[469] In edit. 1621, "Dialectica, Mathematica, Arithmetica." In that edition, throughout this chapter, most of these names of the branches of study are in like manner given in a Latin form.

[Sidenote: THIRD DEGRIE].

Item, In the Secound Colledge, in the first classe, one Reader onlie in the Ethicques, OEconomicques, and Politiques, who shall compleit his course in the space of one yeare. In the secound classe, shall be tuo Reidaris in the Municipall and Romane Lawis, who sall compleit thair coursses in four yeares; after the whiche tyme, being by examinatioun fund sufficient, thei shalbe graduat in the Lawis.

[Sidenote: FOURTH DEGRIE.]

Item, In the third Colledge, in the first classe, ane Reidar of the Hebreu, and ane uther of the Greek toung, wha sail compleit the grammeris thairof in half ane yeare,[470] and the remanent of the yeare, the Reidar of the Hebreu shall interpreit ane booke of Moses, the[471] Propheitis, or the Psalmes; sa that his course and classe shall continew ane yeare. The Reidar of the Greek shall interpreit some booke of Plato, togidder with some place of the New Testament. And in the secound classe, shalbe tuo Reideris in Divinitie, that ane in the New Testament, that uthir in the Auld, who sall compleit thair course in five yearis. After whiche tyme, who sall be fund by examinatioun sufficient shall be graduat in Divinitie.

[470] In edit. 1021, "in three moneths."

[471] In edit. 1722, "or of the."

Item, We think expedient that nane be admittit unto the first Colledge, and to be Suppostis of the Universitie, onles he have frome the Maister of the Schole, and the Minister of the toun whair he was instructed in the toungis, ane testimoniall of his learnyng, docilitie, aige, and parentage; and likewayis triall to be tane[472] be certan Examinatouris, deput be the Rectour and Principallis of the same, and yf he be fund sufficientlie instructit in Dialectick,[473] he shall incontinent, that same yeare, be promoted to the classe of Mathematicque.

[472] In edit. 1621, "triall be taken."

[473] In edit. 1621, "in the Dialectica."

Item, That nane be admittit to the classe of the Medicine bot he that shall have his testimoniall of his tyme weall spent in Dialecticque, Mathematique, and Phisicque, and of his docilitie in the last.

Item, That nane be admittit unto the classe of the Lawis, but he that shall have sufficient testimoniallis of his tyme weill spent in Dialecticque, Mathematique, Phisique, Ethick, OEconomiques, and Pollitiques, and of his docilitie in the last.

Item, That nane be admittit unto the classe and seige of Divines[474] bot he that shall have sufficient testimonialles of his tyme weill spent in Dialecticque, Mathematicque, Phisique, Ethique, OEconomique, Morall Philosophie,[475] and the Hebreu toung, and of his docilitie in the Morall Philosophie and the Hebreu toung. But neathir shall suche as will applye them to hear the Lawis, be compelled to heir Medicine; neathir suche as applye them to hear Divinitie be compellit to hear eathir Medicine or yit the Lawis.

[474] In edit. 1621, "Seage of Divinity."

[475] In edit. 1621, "and Politica."

[Sidenote: SECUND UNIVERSITIE.]

Item, In the Secound Universitie, whiche is GLASGU, shalbe twa Colledgeis alanerlie. In the first shalbe ane classe of Dialecticque, ane uther in Mathematicque, the thrid in Phisique, ordourit in all sortis as Sanctandrois.

Item, In the Secound Colledge, four classes; the first in Morall Philosophie, Ethiques, OEconomiques, and Pollitiques; the secound of the Municipale and Romane Lawis; the thrid of the Hebreu toung; the fourt in Divinitie: Which shall be ordourit in all sortis, conforme to it we have writtin in the ordour of the Universitie of Sanctandrois.[476]

[476] The Editor in 1722, says, "There is here no mention made of Medicine or Greek; but it is probable that a Professor of Greek was designed both for Glasgow and Aberdeen for the reason given in the remark on 25 § of this chapter:" (Note 2, page 219.)

[Sidenote: THIRD UNIVERSITIE.]

The Thrid Universitie of ABIRDENE shall be conforme to this Universitie of Glasgou, in all sortis.

Item, We think neidfull, that thair be chosin of the body of the Universitie to everie Colledge a man[477] of learnyng, discretioun, and diligence, who shall resave the haill rentis of the Colledge, and distribute the same according to the erectioun of the Colledge, and shall dalie hearkin the dyet comptis; adjoynyng to him oulklie ane of the Readeris or Regentis, above whome he shall [take] attendence upoun thair diligence, alsweill in thair reading, as exercitioun[478] of the youth in the mater taught; upoun the polecye and uphold of the place; and for punischement of crymes, shall hald ane oulklie[479] conventioun with the haill memberis of the Colledge. He shall be comptabile yearlie to the Superintendent, Rectour, and rest of the Principallis convened, about the first of November. His electioun shalbe in this sort: Thair shalbe thre of the maist sufficient men of the Universitie, (not Principallis alreaddie,) nominat by the memberis of the College, sworne to follow thair conscience, whais Principall is departed, and publictlie proponed throu the whole Universitie. Efter the whiche tyme eght dayis, the Superintendent, by him self or his speciall Procuratour, with the Rectour and rest of the Principallis, as are chaptour convened, shall conferme ane of the three thei think maist sufficient, being afore sworne to do the same with singill ee,[480] but respect to feid or favour.

[477] In edit. 1621, "a principal man;" in the edit, 1722, "a Principall, who must be a man of learning."

[478] In edit. 1621, "as exercising."

[479] In edit. 1621, "hold a weekly."

[480] In edit. 1621, "with a single eye."

Item, In everie Colledge, we think neidfull at the least ane Steward, ane Cooke, ane Gardnar, ane Portar, wha shall be subject to discipline of the Principale, as the rest.

Item, That everie Universitie have ane Beddale subject to serve at all tymes throuchout the whole Universitie, as the Rectour and Principallis shall command.

Item, That everie Universitie have ane Rectour chosin from yeare to yeare as shall follow. The Principallis being convened with the haill Regentis chaptourlie, shall be sworne, that everie man in his roume shall nominat suche one as his conscience shall testifie to be maist sufficient to beare suche charge and dignitie; and thre of them that shalbe oftest nominat shalbe put in edict publictlie, fiftene dayis afore Michaelmess; and then shall on Michaelmess Evin convene the hoill Principallis, Regentis, and Suppostis that ar graduat, or at the least studyit thair tyme in Ethiques, OEconomiques, and Pollitiques, and na utheris youngare; and everie natioun, first protestand in[481] Goddis presence to follow the sinceir ditement of thair consciences, shall nominat ane of the said thre; and he that hes monyest votis shall be confermit be the Superintendent and Principall, and his dewitie with ane exhortatioun proponed unto him: And this to be the 28 day of September; and thairefter aithis to be takin,[482] hinc inde, off his just and godlie governement, and of the remanentis lauchfull submissioun and obedience. He shall be propyned[483] to the Universitie at his entre, with ane new garment, bearing Insignia Magistratus; and be halden monethlie to visie everie Colledge,[484] and with his presence decore and examyn the lectionis and exercitioun thairof. His assessoris shalbe ane laweir and ane theolog, with whois advise he shall decide all questionis civill, betwix the memberis of the Universitie. Yf ony without the Universitie persew ane member thairof, or be persewit be ane member of the samin, he shall assist the Provest and Baillies in thei casses, or uthir judgeis competent, to see justice be ministred. In likewise, yf ony of the Universitie be criminallie persewit, he shall assist the Judgeis competent, and se that justice be ministred.

[481] In edit. 1621, "and everie one having first protested."

[482] In edit. 1621, "tryall to be taken."

[483] In MS. 1566, "proposed."

[484] The Editor in 1722, says, "Some copies have Insignia Magistratus being born before him, he shall visite every Colledge monethly." &c.

[Sidenote: SUMMA OF BURSARIS IN THE THRE UNIVERSITEIS.]

Item, We think it expedient, that in everie Colledge in everie Universitie, thair be twenty-four bursaris,[485] divided equalie in all the classes and seigeis, as is above exprimit: that is, in Sanctandrois, seventie-tua bursaris; in Glasgou, fourtye-eyght bursaris; in Abirdene, fourty-eyght; to be sustened onlie in meit upon the chargeis of the Colledge; and be admitted at the examinatioun of the Ministerie and chaptour of Principallis in the Universitie, alsweill in docilitie of the personis offerit, as of the habillitie of thair parentis to sustene thame thair selvis, and nocht to burding the Common-wealth with thame.

[485] In reckoning the number of Bursaries, it was proposed that the University of St. Andrews should consist of three Colleges; and Glasgow and Aberdeen of two each; thus making 72 for the former, and 48 for each of the latter.

V. OFF STIPENDIS AND EXPENSSES NECESSARIE.

Item, We think expedient, that the Universiteis be doted with temporall landis, with rentis and revenewis of the Bischopriks temporalitie, and of the Kirkis Collegiat, sa far as thair ordinarie chargeis shall require; and thairfore, that it wald please your Honouris, be advise of your Honouris Counsall and voit of Parliament, to do the samin. And to the effect the same may be schortlie expediat, we have recollected the soumes we think necessarie for the samin.

Imprimis, For the ordinarie Stipend of the Dialecticiane Reidar, the Mathematiciane, Phisitiane, and Morall Philosophie, we think sufficient ane hundreth pundis for everie ane of thame.

Item, For the Stipend of everie Reader in Medicine and Lawis, ane hundreth threttie thre pundis, vi s. viij d.

Item, To everie Reidar in Hebrew, Greik, and Divinitie, twa hundreth pundis.

Item, To everie Principall of a Colledge, ij lb.

Item, To everie Stewart, sextene pundis of fie.

Item, To everie Gardnar, to everie Cuke, and Portar, ilkane, ten markis.

Item, To the Burde of everie Bursar, without the Classes of Theologie and Medicine,[486] twenty pundis.

Item, [To every Bursar] in the Classe of Theologie, whiche will be onlie twelf personis in Sanctandrois, 24 lib.

Summa of yeirlie and ordinarie expensses in the Universitie of Sanctandrois, extendis to 3796 lib.

Summa of yearlie and ordinarie expensis of Glasgow,[487] 2922 lib.

Abirdene, alsmekill, 2922 lib. --------- Summa of the Ordinarie Chargis of the hoill, 9640 lib.

[486] In edit. 1621, the words, "and Medicine" are omitted.

[487] The Editor in 1722, remarks, "The ordinary expenses of Glasgow or Aberdeen extend only to 2722 Pounds and one Merk, so that probably it was designed that these two Universities should have had each of them a Professor of Greek, whose salary was to have been 200 Pounds."

Item, the Beddellis Stipend shalbe of everie entrant and suppost of the Universitie, ii. schillingis; off everie ane graduat in Philosophie, thre schillingis; off everie ane graduat in Medicine or Lawis, 4 schillingis; in Theologie, 5 schillingis; all Bursis being exceptit.

Item, We have thocht gude for building and uphald of the placis, ane general collect be maid; and that everie Erlis sone, at his entre to the Universitie, shall gif fourtye schillingis, and sicklike at everie graduatioun, 40 schillingis. Item, Everie Lordis sone sicklike at ilk tyme, 30 schillingis; ilk fre halding Baronis sone, twentye schillingis: everie Fewar and substantious Gentilmannis sone, ane mark. Item, Everie substantious Husband and Burges sone, at ilk tyme, ten schillingis: Item, Everie ane of the rest, (excepting[488] the Bursaris,) 5 schillingis at ilk tyme.

[488] In edit. 1621, "not excepting."

And that this be gathered in ane commoun box, put in keiping to the Principall of the Theologeanes, everie Principall havand ane key thairof, to be comptit ilk yeare anis, with the relictis of the Principallis to be layed into the samin, about the fivetene day of November, in presence of the Superintendent, Rectour, and the hoill Principallis; and, at thair hoill consent, or at the least the most part thairof, reservit and employit onlie upoun the building and uphalding of the placis, and repairing of the same, as ever necessitie shall require. And thairfore, the Rectour with his assistance shall be haldin to visite the placis ilk yeir anis, incontinent efter he be promoted, upoun the last of October, or thairby.

VI. OFF THE PRIVILEGE OF THE UNIVERSITIE.

Seing we desire that Innocencie shall defend us rather than Privelege, we think that ilk persoun of the Universitie shuld answeir before the Provest and Baillies of ilk town whaire the Universities ar, of all crymes whairof thai ar accusit, onlie that the Rectour be Assesour to thame in the saidis actionis. In civill materis yf the questioun be betwix memberis of the Universitie on ilk side, making thair residence and exercitioun thairin for the tyme, in that case the partie callit shall not be haldin to answer, but onlie before the Rectour and his Assesouris heirtofore expremit. In all uthir casses of civill persute, the generall reule of the Law to be observit, Actor sequatur forum rei, &c.

Item, That the Rectour and all inferiour memberis of the Universitie be exempted frome all taxationis, impostis, chargeis of weir, or ony othir charge that may onerat or abstract him or thame from the cair of thair office; suche as Tutorie, Curatorie, Deaconrie, or ony siclike, that ar establischeit, or heirefter shall be established in our Common-wealth; to the effect, that but trubill, that ane may wait upoun the upbringing of the youth in learnyng, that othir bestow his tyme onlie in that most necessarie exercitioune.

All othir thingis tuiching the bookes to be red in ilk classe, and all suche particular effaires, we refer to the discretioun of the Maisteris, Principallis, and Regentis, with thair weill advisit Counsallis; not doubting but yf God sall grant quietnes, and gif your Wisdomes grace to set fordward letteris in the sort prescribed, ye shall leave wisdome and learnyng to your posteritie, ane treasure more to be estemed nor ony earthlie treasure ye ar abill to provide[489] for thame; whiche, without wisdome, ar more abill to be thair ruyne and confusioun, than help or confort. And as this is most treu, so we leave it with the rest of the commoditeis to be weyit by your Honouris wisdome, and set fordwart by your authoritie to the most heigh advancement of this Common-wealth, committed to your charge.

[489] In edit. 1621, "to amasse."

THE SEXT HEID, OF THE RENTIS AND PATRIMONY OF THE KIRK.[490]

[490] In edit, 1722, Chap. VIII.

These twa sortis of men, that is to say, the Ministers[491] and the Pure, togidder with the Schollis, when ordour sall be takin thairanent, must be sustened upoun the chargeis of the Churche: And thairfore provisioun must be maid, how and of whome suche soumes must be lifted. But befoir we enter in this heid, we must crave of your Honouris, in the name of the Eternall God and of his Sone Christ Jesus, that ye have respect to your pure brethren, the lauboraris and manuraris of the ground; who by these creuell beastis the Papistis have bene so oppressit,[492] that thair life to thame have bene dolorus and bitter. Yf ye will have God author and approver of youre reformatioun, ye must nott follow thair futesteppis; but ye must have compassioun upoun your brethren, appointing thame to pay so reasonabill teyndis, that thei may feill[493] sum benefit of Christ Jesus, now precheit unto thame.

[491] In edit. 1722, "ministers of the Word."

[492] In edit. 1621, "have before been opprest."

[493] In edit. 1621, "may find."

With the greaf of our hertis we heare, that sum Gentilmen are now als creuell over thair tennentis as ever war the Papistis, requiring of thame whatsoever before thay payit to the Churche;[494] so that the Papisticale tirrannye shall onlie be changeit in the tirrannye of the lord or of the laird. We dar not flatter your Honouris, neathir yit is it proffitabill for you that so we do: if you permit suche creualtie[495] to be used, neather shall ye, who by your authoritie aucht to ganestand suche oppressioun, neathir thei that use the same, escheip Goddis hevy and feirfull judgementis. The Gentilmen, Baronis, Earlis, Lordis, and utheris, must be content to live upon thair just rentis, and suffer the Churche to be restorit to hir libertie, that, in hir restitutioun, the poore, who heirtofore by the creuall Papistis have bene spoilled and oppressit, may now resave sum confort and relaxatioun.

[494] In edit. 1621, "whatsoever they afore payed to the Kirk."

[495] In edit. 1621, "if we permit cruelty."

[Sidenote: * ADDITIO.]

* CONCLUDIT BE THE LORDIS:[496] That thir teyndis and uthairis exactionis, to be clene discharged, and never to be tackin in tyme cuming; as, the uppermost Claith, the Corps-present, the Clerk-maill, the Pasche offeringis, Teynd Aill, and all handlingis Upaland, can neathir be required nor resavit of godlie conscience.

[496] These words, "Concludit be the Lordis," are omitted in the later copies.

[Sidenote: ADDITIO.]

[Sidenote: THE LORDIS AGGREIS WITH THIS HEID OF THE RESAVING OF THE DEACONIS.][497]

[497] This addition is omitted in the later copies.

Neathir do we judge it to proceade frome justice, that one man sall possess the teyndis of ane uther; but we think it ane thing most reasonabill, that everie man have the use of his awin teyndis, provideit that he ansueir to the Deaconis and Thesauraris of the Churche, off that whiche justlie sall be appointit unto him. We require Deaconis and Thesauraris rathir to resave the rentis, nor the Ministeris them selvis; becaus that of the teyndis must not onlie the Ministeris be sustened, but also the Poore and Schollis. And thairfore we think it most expedient that commoun Thesauraris, to wit, the Deaconis, be appointed frome yeare to yeare, to resave the hoill rentis appertenyng to the Churche; and that commandiment be given, that na man be permitted eather to resave, eather yit to intromet with, any thing appertenyng to the sustentatioun of the personis foresaidis, but suche as by commoun consent of the Churche ar thairto appointed.

Yf any thinkis this prejudiciall to the tackis and assedationis of those that now possessis the teyndis, let them understand that ane injust possessioun is no possessioun before God; for those of whome thei receaved thair titill and presupposed richt, war and ar thevis[498] and murtheraris, and had no power so to alienat the patrimonye and commoun-gude of the Churche. And yit we ar not so extreme, but that we wische just recompence to be maid to suche as have debursed soumes of money to those injust possessouris (so that it hes not bene of lait dayis in prejudice of the Churche:) but suche as ar fund and knawin to be done of plane collusioun in no wise aucht to be mantened of you. And for that purpose, we think it most expedient that whosoever have assedatioun of teyndis or churches be openlie warnit to produce thair assedatioun and assurance, that cognitioun being tackin, the just tackisman may have ane just and reasonable recompence for the yearis that ar to ryn, the proffit of the yearis passed being considderit and deducted; and the injust and surmised may be servit accordinglie: So that the Churche, in the end, may recover hir libertie and fredome, and that onlie for releaf of the Poore.

[498] In edit. 1621, "presupposed right or warrant, were thevis."

Your Honouris may easilie understand, that we speake not now for our selvis, but in favouris of the Poore and[499] the lawboraris defraudit and oppressed by the Preastis, and by thair confederat pensionaris. For quhill that the Preistis Pensionare his idill bellye is delicatlie fed, the Poore, to whome a portioun of that appertenis, was pyned with hunger; and moirover the trew laboraris was compelled to pay that whiche [he] aught not: for the lauborar is nouthir dettar to the dum dog called the Bischop, neathir yit unto his hyred pensionare; but is debtour onlie unto the Churche: And the Churche is onlie bund to sustene and nourische off her chargeis, the personis before mentionat, to wit, the Ministeris of the word, the Poore, and the Teacharis of the youth.

[499] In the edit. 1621, the words "the poore and," are omitted.

[Sidenote: AGGREIT ALSUA BE THE LORDIS]

But now to returne to the formare Heade. The soumes abill to susteane thir forenamit personis, and to furnische all thingis appertenyng to the preservatioun of gude ordour and polecie within the Churche, must be lifted of the teyndis,[500] to wit, the teynd cheaf, teynd hay, teynd hempt, teynd lint, teynd fischeis, teynd calf, teynd fole, teynd lambe, teynd woll, teynd cheise, &c. And becaus that we knaw that the tythes reasonabillie tackin, as is before expressed, will not suffice to discharge the formar necessitie; we think that all thingis doted to Hospitalitie, all annualrentis, both in burgh and land, perteanyng to Preastis, Chanterie, Colledgeis, Chaplanryis, and to Freiris of all Ordouris, to the Sisteris of the Seanis,[501] and to all utheris of that Ordour, and suche utheris within this Realme, be receaved still to the use of the Churche or Churches within the tounis or parrischeis whaire thai war doted. Furthermore to the uphald[ing] of the Universiteis, and sustentatioun of the Superintendentis, the hoill revenew of the temporalitie of the Bischopis, Deanes, and Archdeanes landis, and all rentis of landis pertenyng to the Cathedrall Churcheis whatsoever. And farther, merchandis and riche craftismen in fre Burghis, who have no thing to do with the manuring of the ground, must mak sum provisioun in thair citeis, tounis, or dwelling placis, for to support the neid of the Churche.

[500] In the edit. 1621, "off the tenths; to wit, the tenth sheafe, hay, hemp, lint, fishes, tenth calfe, tenth lamb, tenth wooll, tenth folle, tenth cheese."

[501] The Sisters of the Sheens, Senys, or Sciennes, were Nuns of the Predicant Order of St. Dominick. Their Convent, consecrated to St. Katherine of Sienna, an erection of so late a date as 1517, was situated a short distance to the south of Edinburgh. The name of the Sciennes, still designates the locality. King James the Fifth, soon after his assuming the government, granted to the "Sisters of the Senys," an annual pension of £24; and from the Treasurer's Accounts, it appears that this sum was continued until 1558, to be paid by the Queen Regent, Mary of Guise. A volume printed for the Abbotsford Club, in 1841, entitled "Liber Conventus S. Katherine Senensis prope Edinburgum," includes the "Constitutiones Sororum," &c., along with the several Charters that could be recovered relating to this Convent.

[Sidenote: ADDITIO.]

To the Ministeris, and failzeing thairof the Reideris, must be restorit thair manses and thair gleibis; for ellis thei can not serve thair flock at all tymes as thair dewtie is. Yf any gleibe exceid sex aikeris of land, the rest to remane in the possessouris handis, quhill ordour be tackin thairin.

THE LORDIS CONDISCENDIS THAT THE MANSE AND YAIRDIS BE RESTORIT TO THE MINISTERIS: AND ALL THE LORDIS CONSENTIS THAT THE MINISTERIS HAVE SEX AIKERIS OF LANDIS, EXCEPT MERSCHEALL, MORTOUN, GLENCARNE, AND CASSILLIS, QUHAIR MANSSES AR OF GRET QUANTITIE.[502]

[502] This paragraph is added on the margin of the MS. 1566, and is omitted in all the editions. It affords a proof of the discussion that took place on some of the Heads in the Book of Discipline.

The receaveris and collectouris of these rentis and dewiteis must be the Deaconis or Thesauraris appointit from yeare to yeare in everie churche, and that by common consent and fre electioun of the churche. The Deaconis may distribute no part of that whiche is collected, but by commandiment of the Ministeris and Elderis; and thei may command no thing to be deliverit, but as the Churche before hath determined: to wit, the Deaconis shall of the first pay the soumes, either quarterlie, or frome half yeare to half yeare, to the Ministeris whiche the Kirk hath appointed. The same thei shall do to the Schoolmaisteris, Readeris, and Hospitalis, (gif any be,) alwayis receaving acquettances for thair discharge.

Yf any extraordinar soumes lie to be delivered, then must the Ministeris, Elderis, and Deaconis consult whethir the deliverance of thei soumes doeth stand with the common utilitie of the Churche or not; and yf thei do universalie aggree and condescend eathir upoun the affirmative or the negative, then becaus thei ar in credit and office for the yeare, thei may do as best seameth unto thame: But yf thair be contraversie amangis thame selfis, the whole Churche must be made privie; and efter that the mater be exponed, and the reasonis hearde; the judgement of the Churche with the Ministeris consent shall prevaill.

The Deaconis shall be bund and compelled to mak accomptis to the Ministeris and Elderis of that which thei have receaved, als oft as the Polecie shall appoint; and the Elderis whan thei ar changeit, (which must be everie yeare,) must clear thair comptis before suche auditouris as the Churche shall appoint: And both the Deaconis and Elderis being changeit, shall deliver to thame that shalbe now elected, all soumes of money, cornis, and other proffits resting in thair handis; the tickettis whairof must be delivered to the Superintendentis in thair visitatioun, and by thame to the gret Counsall of the Churche, that alsweill the aboundance as the indigence of everie churche may be evidentlie knawin, that a reasonable equalitie may be had throuchout the hoill Realme. Yf this ordour be preciselie keipit,[503] corruptioun can not suddanlie enter. For the frie and yearlie electioun of Deaconis and Elderis shall suffer none to usurpe a perpetuall dominioun[504] over the Churche; the knawledge of the rentall shall suffice[505] thame to receave no more then whairof thei shall be bund to mak accomptis; the deliverance of the money to the new officiaris shall not suffer privat men [to] use in thair private besynes, that whiche apperteyneth to the publict effaires of the Churche.

[503] In edit. 1621, "be perfectly kept."

[504] In edit. 1621, "domination."

[505] In edit. 1621, "shall suffer."

THE SEVINT HEID, OF ECCLESIASTICALL DISCIPLINE.[506]

[506] In edit. 1722, Chap. IX.

As that no Commoun-wealth can flurische or long indure without gude lawis, and scharp executioun of the same; so neathir can the Churche of God be brocht to puritie, neathir yit be retained in the same, without the ordour of Ecclesiasticall Discipline, whiche standis in reproving and correcting off these faltis, which the civill sweard doeth eather neglect, eather may not punische: Blasphemye, adulterie, murthour, perjurie, and uthir crymes capitall, worthie of death, aucht not properlie to fall under censure of the Churche; becaus all suche oppin transgressouris of Goddis lawis aucht to be tackin away be the civill swearde. But drunkynnes, excesse, (be it in apparell, or be it in eating and drinking,) fornicatioun, oppressioun of the poore by exactionis, deceaving of thame in buying or selling be wrang met or measure, wantoun wordis and licentious leving tending to sklander, do propirlie appertene to the Churche of God, to punische the same as Goddis word commandeth.

[Sidenote: CONSENTED ON BE THE COUNSALL.]

But becaus this accursit Papistrie hath brocht in suche confusioun in the warld, that neather was virtu richtlie praysit, neathir vice seveirlie punisched; the Churche of God is compelled to draw the swearde whiche of God scho have receaved, aganis suche oppin and manifest offendaris,[507] cursing and excommunicating all suche, alsweall those whome the civill swearde aucht to punische as the uthiris, frome all participatioun with hir in prayeris and sacramentis, till oppin repentence manifestlie appeare in thame. As the ordour of Excommunicatioun and proceiding to the same aucht to be grave and slow, so being onis pronunced aganist any persoun, off what estait and conditioun that ever thay be, it must be keipit with all severitie. For lawis maid and nocht keipit engendereth contempt of virtu, and bringis in confusioun and libertie to syn: And thairfore this ordour we think expedient to be observit before and efter excommunicatioun.

[507] In edit. 1621, "contemners."

First, yf the offence be secreit and knawin to few,[508] and rathir standis in suspitioun than in manifest probatioun, the offender aucht to be privatlie admonischeit to abstene frome all appearance of evill; whiche yf he promissis to do, and to declair him self sober, honest, and one that feareth God, and feareth to offend his brethren, than may the secreit admonitioun suffice for his correctioun. But gif he athir contempn the admonitioun, or efter promis maid, do schaw him self no more circumspect than he was before, than must the Minister admonische him; to whome yf he be fund inobedient, thei must proceid according to the reule of Christ, as efter sall be declairit.

[508] In edit. 1621, "or known to few men."

Gif the cryme be publict, and suche as is haynouse, as fornicatioun, drunkynnes, fechting, commoun sweiring, or execratioun, than aucht the offendar to be callit in the presence of the Minister, Elderis, and Deaconis, whair his syn and offence[509] aucht to be declared and aggredgeit, so that his conscience may feale how far he hath offended God, and what sklander he hath rasit in the Churche.[510] Yf signis of unfeinyeit repentence appeare into him, and gif he require to be admitted to publict repentence, the Ministerie may appoint unto him a day whan the hoill Churche convenith togidder, that in presence of all he may testifie the repentence whiche before thame he professed: Whiche yf he accept, and with reverence do, confessing his syn, and dampnyng the same,[511] and earnestlie desiring the Congregatioun to pray to God with him for mercy, and to accept him in thair societie, nochtwithstanding his formar offence: than the Churche may, and aught resave him as a penitent; for the Churche aught to be no more seveir than God declarith him self to be, who witnessith, that "In whatsoever hour ane synner unfeynedlie repenteth, and turnis from his wickit way, that he will nocht remember ane of his iniquiteis." And thairfore the Churche aught deligentlie to advert that it excommunicat not those whom God absolvith.

[509] In edit. 1621, "and trespass."

[510] In edit. 1621, "Kirk."

[511] In edit. 1621, "and with reverence confesse his sinne, doing the same."

Yf the offendar callit before the Ministerie be fund stuburne, hard-hertit, or one in whome no signe of repentence appeareth, than must he be demissed with ane exhortatioun to considder the dangerus estait in whiche he standis; assuring him, yf thei find into him no uthir tokin of amendment of lyfe, that thai will be compelled to seake a farther remedie. Yf he within ane certane space schaw his repentence to the Ministrie, thei must present him to the Churche as before is said.

But gif he continew in his impenitence, than must the Churche be admonisched[512] that suche crymes are committed amangis thame, whiche by the Ministerie hath bene reprehendit, and the personis provocked to repent; whairof becaus no signis appeareth unto thame, thei could not but signifie unto the Churche the crymes, but not the persoun, requiring thame earnistlie to call to God to move and tuiche the heartis of the offenderis, so that suddanlie and earnistlie thei may repent.

[512] In edit. 1621, "If he continue not in his repentance, then must the Kirk be advertised."

Yf the persoun maligne, than the nixt day of publict assemblie; the cryme and the persoun must be both notifyed unto the Churche, and thair judgement must be requirit, yf that suche crymes aught to be suffered unpunischeit amangis thame: Requeast also wald be maid to the most discreit and to the nearest freindis of the offendare to travell with him to bring him to knawledge of himself, and of his dangerus estait, with ane commandiment gevin to all man to call to God for the conversioun of the impenitent. Yf ane solempned and ane speciall prayer war maid and drawin for that purpose, the thing shuld be the more gravelie done.[513]

[513] This was afterwards done, in the Order of Excommunication and of Public Repentance.

The thrid Sunday, the Minister aught to require yf the unpenitent have declared ony signis of repentence to ony of the Ministerie; and yf he hath, then may the Minister appoint him to be examinated be the hoill Ministerie; eathir then instantlie, or at ane uther day affixed to the consistorie: and yf repentence appeare, alsweill of the cryme, as of his long contempt, then may he be presented to the Churche, and mak his confessioun, and to be accepted as before is said. But yf no man signifie his repentence, then aught he to be excommunicat; and by the mouth of the Minister, consent of the Ministerie, and commandiment of the Churche, must sick a contempnar be pronunced excommunicat from God, and from the societie of his Churche.

After whiche sentence may no persoun, (his wife and familie onlie excepted,) have ony kynde of conversatioun with him, be it in eiting and drinking, buying or selling, yea, in saluting or talking with him; except that it be at the commandiment or licence of the Ministerie for his conversioun; that he by suche meanis confoundit, seing him self abhorrit of the faythfull and godlie, may have occasioun to repent and be so savit. The sentence of his Excommunicatioun must be publischeit universalie throwhout the Realme, least that any man sould pretend ignorance.

His children begottin or borne efter that sentence and before his repentence, may nocht be admitted to baptisme, till eathir thei be of aige to require the samin, or ellis that the Moder, or sum of his especiall freinds, members of the Churche, offer and present the child, abhorring and dampnyng the iniquitie and obstinat contempt of the impenitent. Yf ony think it seveir,[514] that the child suld be punischeit for the iniquitie of the Fader; let thame understand that the sacramentis appertene onlie to the faithfull and to thair seade: But suche as stuburnlie contempt all godlie admonitioun, and obstinatlie remane in thair iniquitie, can nocht be accompted amangist the faithfull.

[514] In edit. 1621, "If any man should think it severe."

II. THE ORDOURE FOR PUBLICT OFFENDARIS.

[Sidenote: CONSENTED TO BE THE LORDIS.]

We have spokin no thing of those that commit horrible crymis, as murtheraris, man-slayaris, and adulteraris; for suche (as we have said) the Civill swearde aught to punische to death: But in case thei be permitted to leve, than must the Churche, as before is said, draw the swearde whiche of God scho hath receaved, halding thame as accursed evin in thair [very] fact. The offendar being first called, and ordour of the Churche used aganis him, in the same maner as the personis that for obstinat impenitence ar publictlie excommunicat: So that the obstinat impenitent efter the sentence of excommunicatioun, and the murtherar or adulterar stand in one case as concernying the judgement of [the Churche]; that is, neathir of both may be receaved in the fellowschip of the Churche to prayeris or sacramentis, (but to heiring of the word thei may,) till first thei offer thame selfis to the Ministerie, humblie requiring the Ministeris and Elderis to pray to God for thame; and alsua to be intercessouris to the Churche, that thei may be admitted to publict repentence, and so to the fruitioun of the benefitis of Christ Jesus, distributed to the memberis of his body.

Yf this requeist be humilie maid, then may not the Ministeris refuise to signifie the same unto the Churche, the nixt day of publict preaching,[515] the Minister geving exhortatioun to the Churche to pray to God to performe the work whiche he appearit to have begun, wirking in the heart of the offendare unfeyned repentence of his grevous cryme, and the sence[516] and fealing of his great mercy, by the operatioun of his Holie Spirit. Thairefter ane day aucht publictlie to be assignit unto him to gif oppin confessioun of his offence and contempt, and sa to mak ane publict satisfactioun to the Churche of God. Whiche day the offenderis must appeare in presence of the hoill Churche, and with his awin mouthe dampne his awin impietie, publictlie confessing the same; desiring God of his grace and mercy, and his congregatioun, that it will please thame to accept him in thair societie, as before is said. The Minister must examinat him diligentlie whethir he find a haitrent and displesour of his syn, alsweill of his cryme as of his contempt:[517] whiche yf he confesse, he must travell with him, to se what hope he hath of Goddis mercy.

[515] In MS. 1566, "publict praying."

[516] In edit. 1621, "cryme and offence."

[517] In edit. 1621, the words "cryme," and "contempt," are transposed.

And gif he find him reasonabillie instructed in the knawledge of Christ Jesus, in the virtu of his death; than may the Minister confort him by Goddis infallibill promisses, and demand of the Churche yf thei be content to resave that creature of God, whome Sathan before have drawin in his nettis, in the societie of thair body, seing that he declairis him self penitent. Whiche yf the Churche grant, as thai may not justlie deny the same, than aught the Minister in publict prayer to commend him to God, confesse the syn of that offendar, and of the whole[518] Churche, desiring mercy and grace for Christ Jesus saik. Whiche prayer being endit, the Minister aught to exhort the Churche to resave that penitent brothir in thair favouris, as thay require God to resave thame selfis, whan thay have offendit; and in signe of thair consent, the Elderis and cheaf men of the Churche sall tak the penitent by the hand, and one or two in name of the whole shall kiss and imbrace him with all reverence and gravitie, as a member of Christ Jesus.

[518] In edit. 1621, "before the whole."

Whiche being done, the Minister shall exhort the reconcilled[519] to tak diligent heid in tymes cuming, that Sathan trap him nocht in suche crymes, admonissing him that he will nocht cease to tempt and trye [by] all meanis possibill to bring him frome that obedience whiche he hath gevin to God, and to the ordinance of his Sone Christ Jesus. The exhortatioun being ended, the Minister aught to gif publict thankis unto God for the conversioun of that thair brothir, and for the benifittis quhilk we resave by Jesus Christ, praying for the increase and continewance of the same.

[519] In edit. 1621, "the received."

Yf the penitent, efter that he have offered him self to the Ministerie, or to the Churche, be fund ignorant in the principall pointis of oure religioun, and cheaflie in the article of Justificatioun, and of the office of Christ Jesus, than aucht he to be exactlie instructed before he be receaved: For ane mocking of God it is to receave thame in repentence, who knoweth not whairin standis thair remeid, whan thai repent thair syn.

III. PERSONIS SUBJECT TO DISCIPLINE.

[Sidenote: CONSENTED TO LIKEWISE]

To Discipline must all Estaitis within this Realme be subject, yf thay offend,[520] alsweil the Reullaris as thay that are reulit; yea and the Preachearis thame selfis, alsweill as the poorest within the Churche. And becaus the eye and mouth of the Churche aught to be most single and irreprehensibill, the life and conversatioun of the Ministers aucht most diligentlie to be tryed. Whairof we shall speake, efter that we have spokin of the electioun of Elderis and Deaconis, who must assist the Ministeris in all public effaires of the Churche, &c.[521]

[520] The words, "yf they offend," are omitted in edit. 1621.

[521] In edit. 1621, "of the Kirk."

THE EYGHT HEID, TUICHING THE ELECTIOUN OFF ELDERIS AND DEACONIS, &C.[522]

[522] In edit. 1722, Chap. X.

MEN of best knawledge in Goddis word, of cleanest life, men faithfull, and of most honest conversatioun that can be fund in the Churche, must be nominated to be in electioun; and the names of the same must[523] be publictlie red to the whole Kirk by the Minister, geving thame advertisement, that frome amongest these must be chosin Elderis and Deaconis. Yf anye of the nominated be noted with publict infamye, he aught to be repelled; for it is not seamlie that the servand of corruptioun shall have authoritie to judge in the Churche of God. Yf anye man knowis utheris of better qualiteis within the Churche then these that beis nominated, lat thame be put in electioun, that the Church may have the choise.

[523] In edit. 1621, "and their names."

[Sidenote: WHAT CHURCHES MAY BE JOYNED LAT THE POLECIE JUDGE.]

Yf churcheis[524] be of smaller nomber than that Seniouris and Deaconis can be chosin frome amangis thame, then may thay weill be joyned to the nixt adjacent Churche: For the pluralitie of churcheis, without ministeris and ordour, shall rathir hurt than edifie.

[524] In edit. 1621. "If the kirk."

The electioun of Elderis and Deaconis aught to be used everie yeare once, (whiche we judge to be most convenient the first day of August;) least that by long continuance of suche officiaris, men presume upoun the libertie of the Churche. It hurtis not that one man be reteaned in office mo yearis than one, so that he be appointed yearlie, by common and fre electioun; provideit alwayes, that the Deaconis, thesauraris, be not compelled to receave the office againe for the space of three yearis.

How the voitis and suffreigeis may be best receaved, so that everie man may gyf his vote frelie, everie severall Churche may tack such ordour as best seameth to thame.

The Elderis being elected, must be admonischeit of thair office, which is to assist the Minister in all publict effares of the Churche; to wit, in judgeing and decernyng[525] causses; in geving of admonitioun to the licentious lever; in having of respect to the manneris and conversatioun of all men within thair charge; for by the gravitie of the Seniouris aught the licht and unbridillit life of the licentious be corrected and bridillit.

[525] In edit. 1621, "to wit, in determining and judging."

Yea, the Seniouris aught to tak heyde to the life, manneris, deligence, and studye of thair Ministeris. Yf he be worthie of admonitioun, thei must admonische him; of correctioun, thei must correct him: And yf he be worthy of depositioun, thay with consent of the Churche and Superintendent may depose him, so that his cryme so deserve. Yf a Minister be licht in conversatioun, by his Elderis and Seniouris, he aught to be admonisched. Yf he be negligent in studie, or one that vaketh not upoun his charge and flocke, or one that proponeth not frutefull doctrine, he deservith scharpear admonitioun and correctioun. To the whiche yf he be fund stubburne and inobedient, than may the Seniouris of one Churche complaine to the Ministerie of the two nixt adjacent churcheis, whaire men of greater gravitie are; to whois admonitioun yf he be fund inobedient, he aught to be discharged frome his ministerie till his repentence appeare, and a place be vaking for him.

Yf any Minister be deprehendit in any notable cryme, as huredome, adulterie, murther, man-slauchter, perjurie, teaching of heresie, or ony such as deserve death, or [that] may be ane note of perpetuall infamye, he aught to be deposed for ever. By Heresie, we meane pernitius doctrine planelie taught, and obstinatlie defended, aganis the foundatioun and principallis of our faith: and such a cryme we juge to deserve perpetuall depositioun frome the ministrie; for most dangerus we know it to be, to commit the flock to ane man infected with the pestilence of heresye.

Some crymes deserve depositioun for ane tyme, and whill the persoun gyf declaratioun of gretar gravitie and honnestie: as yf a minister be deprehendit dronk, in brawling or fechting, ane oppin sklanderar, ane infamer of his nychtbour, factious and sawar of discord, be may be commandit to cease from his ministrie, till he declair the signis of repentence; upoun the whiche, the Churche sall abide him the space of twentye dayis or farther, as the Churche shall think expedient, before that thay proceed to ane new electioun.

Everie inferiour Churche shall by one of thair Seniouris and one of thair Deaconis, onis in the year, notifie unto the ministerie of the Superintendentis churche, the life, maneris, studye, and deligence of thair Ministeris, to the end that the discretioun of some may correct the lenitie of otheris.

Not onlie may the life and maneris of the Ministeris cum under censure and judgement of the Churche, bot also of thair wiffes, children, and familie; judgement must be tackin, that he neather live riotuslie, neathir yit avaritiuslie; yea, respect must be had how thay spend the stipend appointed to thair leving. Yf ane reasonabill stypend be appointed, and thay leve avariciuslie, thai must be admonisched to live so as thay resave; for as excesse and superfluitie is nocht tollerabill in ane minister, so is avarice and the cairfull sollicitude of money and geir[526] utterlie to be damned in Christis servandis, and especialie in those that are fed upoun the charge of the Church. We judge it unseamlie and not tollerabill that ministeris shall be burdeit in commoun aill-housses or tavernis.

[526] In ed. 1621, the words "and geir," omitted.

Neathir yit must ane Minister be permitted to frequent and commonlie hant the Court, onless it be for a time, when he is eathir send be the Churche, eathir yit called for by the Authoritie for his counsall and judgement. Neathir yit must he be one of the counsall in Civill effaires, be he never judgeit so apt for that purpose; but eathir must he cease frome the ministerie (whiche at his awin plesour he may not do,) or ellis from bearing charge in Civill effaires, onles it be to assist the Parliament yf he be[527] called.

[527] In MS. 1566, "if thay be."

The office of the Deaconis, as is before declared, is to receave the rentis, and gadder the almous of the Churche, to keip and distribute the same, as by the ministerie of the Kirk shall be appointed. Thay may also assist in judgement with the Ministeris and Elderis, and may be admitted to read in the assemblie yf thei be required, and be fund abill thairto.

The Elderis and Deaconis, with thair wiffeis and houshaldis must be under the same censure that is prescribit for the Ministeris: for thay must be cairfull over thair office; and seing that thay ar judgeis to the maneris of uthiris, thair awin conversatioun aught to be irreprehensible: Thay must be sober, humill, luifaris and interteinaris of concord and peace; and, finalie, thay aught to be the exempill of godlines till otheris. And yf the contrarie thairof appeare, thay must be admonisched by the Minister, or by some of thair brethren of the ministerie, yf the falt be secreit; and gif it be oppin and knawin, it must be rebucked before the ministerie, and the same ordour keipit against the Seniour or Deacon, that before is describit aganis the Minister.

We think it nott necessarie that ony publict stypend shall be appointed, eathir to the Elderis, or yit to the Deaconis, becaus thair travell contineuis bot for ane yeare; and alsua becaus that thay are not so occupyed with the effares of the Churche, but that reasonabillie thay may attend upoun thair domesticall besynes.

THE NNYT HEADE, CONCERNYNG THE POLECIE OF THE CHURCHE.[528]

[528] In edit. 1722, Chap. XI.

POLECIE we call ane exercise of the Churche[529] in suche thingis as may bring the rude and ignorant to knawledge, or ellis inflambe the learned to greater fervencie, or to reteane the Churche in gude ordour. And thairof thair be two sortis: the one utterlie necessarie; as that the word be treulie preched, the sacramentis richtlie ministrat, common prayeris publictlie maid; that the children and rude personis be instructed in the cheaf pointis of religioun, and that offences be corrected and punisched; these thingis, we say, be so necessarie, that without the same thair is no face of ane visible Kirk. The other is proffitable, bot not of mere necessitie; as, that Psalmes suld be sung; that certane placis of the Scripturis suld be red whan thair is no sermon; that this day or that day, few or many in the weeke, the churche suld assemble. Off these and suche utheris we can not se how ane certane ordour can be establisched. For in some churcheis the Psalmes may be convenientlie sung; in utheris, perchance, thay can not. Some churcheis may convene everie day; some thryise or twise in the weeke; some perchance bot onis. In these and such like must everie particular Churche, by thair awin consent, appoint thair awin Polecie.

[529] In edit. 1621, "Policie wee call an exercise of the Kirk."

In greit Tounis we think expedient that everie day thair be eathir Sermon, or ellis Common Prayeris, with some exercise of reiding the Scripturis. What day the publict Sermon is, we can neathir require or gretlie approve that the Commoun Prayeris be publictlie used, least that we shall eathir fostar the peple in superstitioun, wha come to the Prayeris as thay come to the Messe; or ellis give thame occasioun to think that those be no prayeris whiche ar maid before and efter Sermon.

In everie notable Toun, we require that one day besydis the Sunday, be appointed to the Sermone and Prayeris; whiche, during the tyme of Sermone, must be keipit fre frome all exercise of laubour, alsweill of the maister as of the servandis. In smaller tounis, as we have said, the commoun consent of the Churche must put ordour. But the Sunday must straitlie be keipit, both before and efter noon, in all tounis. Before noon, must the word be preached and sacramentis ministered, as also Mariage solempnissed, yf occasioun offer: After noon must the young children be publictlie examinated in thair Catechisme in audience of the pepill, in doing whairof the Minister must tak gret deligence, alsweill to cause the Pepill to understand the questionis proponed, as the ansueiris, and the doctrine that may be collected thairof. The ordour[530] and how much is appointed for everie Sunday, is alreaddy distinctit in oure buke of Common Ordour;[531] whiche Catechism is the most perfite that ever yit was used in the Churche. At efter noon also may Baptisme be ministered, whan occasioun is offered of great travell before noon. It is also to be observit, that prayeris be used at after noon upoun the Sunday, whair thair is neathir preching nor catechisme.

[530] The Editor in 1722, has given this sentence as follows:--"The Order to be kept in teaching the Catechism, and how much of it is appointed for every Sunday, is already distinguished in the Catechism printed with the Book of our Common Order."

[531] See note 2, page 210.

It apperteaneth to the Policie of the Churche to appoint the tymes whan the Sacramentis shall be ministered. Baptisme may be ministrat whensoever the word is preached; but we think it more expedient, that it be ministered upoun the Sunday, or upoun the day of prayeris, onlie after the sermon; partlie to remove this gross errour by the which many deceaved, think[532] that children be dampned yf thay die without Baptisme; and partlie to mak the people assist the administratioun of that sacrament with greater reverence than thei do.[533] For we do see the people begyn alreddie to wax weary be reasoun of the frequent repetitioun of those promisses.

[532] In edit. 1621, "many are deceived, thinking."

[533] In edit. 1621, "to make the people have greater reverence to the administration of the Sacraments then they have."

Foure tymes in the yeare we think sufficient to the administratioun of the Lordis Tabill, which we desire to be distincted, that the superstitioun of tymes may be avoided so far as may be. Your Honouris ar nocht ignorant how superstitiouslie the people ryn to that actioun at Pasche, evin as [if] the tyme gave virtue to the Sacrament; and how the rest of the hoill yeare thai ar cairles and negligent, as [if] that it apperteaneth not unto thame but at that tyme onlie. We think thairfore most expedient, that the first Sunday of Marche be appointed for one [time]; the first Sunday of Junij for ane uther; the first Sunday of September for the thrid; and the first Sunday of December for the fourt. We do not deny but that any severall churche, for reasonable causses, may change the tyme, and may minister ofter; but we study to suppresse[534] superstitioun. All Ministeris must be admonisched to be more cairfull to instruct the ignorant than readdie to satisfie[535] thair appetiteis, and more scharp in examinatioun then indulgent, in admitting to that great Mysterie[536] such as be ignorant of the use and virtu of the same: and thairfore we think that the administratioun of the Table aught never to be without that examinatioun pass before, especiallie of those whose knawledge is suspect. We think that none ar apt to be admitted to that Mysterie who can not formalie say the Lordis Prayer, the Articles of the Beleif, and declair the soume of the Law.[537]

[534] In edit. 1621, "minister oftner, but we studie to represse."

[535] In edit. 1621, "to serve."

[536] In edit. 1621, "thir great mysteries."

[537] The Editor, in 1722, supplies, at the end of this paragraph: "And understandeth not the use and virtue of this holy Sacrament."

Farthir, we think it a thing most expedient and necessarie, that everie Churche have a Bibill in Inglische, and that the people be commanded to convene to heir the plane reiding or interpretatioun of the Seripturis, as the Churche shall appoint; that be frequent reiding this gross ignorance, whiche in the cursit Papistrie hath overflowne all, may partlie be removit. We think it most expedient that the Seripturis be red in ordour, that is, that some one buke of the Auld and the New Testament be begun and ordourlie red to the end. And the same we judge of preching, whair the Minister for [the] maist part remaneth in one place: For this skipping and divagatioun frome place to place of the Scripture, be it in reiding, or be it in precheing, we judge not so proffitabill to edifie the Churche, as the continewall following of ane text.

Everie Maister of houshald must be commandit eathir to instruct, or ellis caus [to] be instructed, his children, servandis, and familie, in the principallis of the Christiane religioun; without the knawledge whairof aught none to be admitted to the Tabill of the Lord Jesus: for suche as be so dull and so ignorant, that thei can neathir try thame selfis, neathir yit know the dignitie and misterie of that actioun, can not eat and drink of that Tabill worthelie. And thairfore of necessitie we judge it, that everie yeare at least, publict examinatioun be had by the Ministeris and Elderis of the knawledge of everie persoun within the Churche; to wit, that everie maister and maistres of houshald cum thame selvis and thair familie so many as be cum to maturitie, before the Ministeris and Elderis, to gyf confessioun of thair faith, and to ansueir to such cheaf points of Religioun as the Ministeris shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the Articulis of thair Faith;[538] understand not, nor can not rehearse the Commandimentis of God; knaw not how to pray; neathir whairinto thair richtuousnes consistis, aught not to be admitted to the Lordis Tabill. And gif thay stuburnlie continew,[539] and suffer thair children and servandis to continew in wilfull ignorance, the discipline of the Churche must proceid against them unto excommunicatioun; and than must the mater be referred to the Civill Magistrat. For seing that the just levith be his awin faith, and that Christ Jesus justifieth be knawledge off him self, insufferable we judge it that men shall be permitted to leve and continew in ignorance as memberis of the Churche of God.[540]

[538] Nearly two lines in this place are omitted in the editions 1621 and 1722.

[539] In edit. 1621, "stubburnly contemne."

[540] In edit. 1621, "to live as members of the Kirk, and yet to continue in ignorance."

Moreover, men, wemen, and children wald be exhorted to exercise thame selvis in the Psalmes, that when the Churche convenith, and dois sing, thai may be the more abill togither with commoun heart and voice to prayse God.

In private housses we think it expedient, that the most grave and discreate persoun use the Commoun Prayeris at morne and at nycht, for the confort and instructioun of uthiris. For seing that we behald and se the hand of God now presentlie striking us with diverse plagues, we think it ane contempt of his judgementis, or ane provocatioun of his anger more to be kendillit against us, yf we be not movit to repentence of oure formar unthankfulnes, and to earnist invocatioun of His name, whois onlie power may, (and great mercy will,) yff we unfeynedlie convert unto him, remove from us these terribill plagues whiche now for our iniquiteis hing oure our headis. "Convert us, O Lord, and we shall be converted."

FOR PREACHEING,[541] AND INTERPRETING OFF SCRIPTURIS, &C.

[541] In edit. 1722, Chap. XII., and the title is, as in the edit. 1621, "For Prophecying, or Interpreting of the Scriptures."

[Sidenote: 1 Cor. 14:29]

To the end that the Churche of God may have a tryell of mennis knawledge, judgementis, gracis, and utterancis; and also, that suche as somewhat have proffited in Goddis worde, may from tyme to tyme grow to more full perfectioun to serve the Churche, as necessitie shall require: it is most expedient that in everie Toune, whaire Schollis and repair of learned Men ar, that thair be one certane day everie weake appointed [to] that Exercise, which Sanct Paull calleth prophecieing; the ordour whairof is expressed by him in these words: "Let two or thre propheitis speik; and lat the rest judge: But yf any thing be reveilled to him that sitteth by, lat the formar keip silence: [For] ye may, one by one, all prophecie, that all may learn, and all may receave consolatioun. And the Spreittis (that is, the judgementis) of the Propheitis, are subject to the propheitis." Off whiche wordis of the Apostle, it is evident that in Corinthus, whan the Churche did assemble[542] for that purpose, sum place of Scripture was red; upoun the whiche, first one gyf his judgement to the instructioun and consolatioun of the auditouris; after whome did one uthir eathir conferme what the formare had said, or did add what he had omitted, or did gentillie correct or explane more properlie whair the hoill veritie was not reveilled to the formar. And in case sum thingis war hid frome the one and frome the uthir, libertie was gevin to the thrid to speik his judgement for edificatioun of the Churche. Above the whiche nomber of three, (as appereth,) thay passed not, for avoiding of confusioun.

[542] In edit. 1621, "that is the Kirk of Corinth, when they did assemble."

These Exercisses, we say, ar thingis most necessarie for the Churche of God this day in Scotland; for thairby (as said is) shall the Churche have judgement and knawledge of the gracis, giftis, and utterances of everie man within thair awin body; the simple, and suche as have sumwhat proffited, shall be encurageit dalie to study and proceid in knawledge; the Churche shall be edifyed; (for this Exercise must be patent to suche as list to heir and learne,) and everie man shall have libertie to utter and declair his mynd and knawledge to the confort and edificatioun of the Churche.

But least that of a profitable Exercise mycht aryise[543] debate and strife, curiouse, peregryne and unprofitable questionis ar to be avoided. All interpretatioun disaggreing from the principallis of oure faith, repugnyng to cheritie, or that standis in plane contradictioun to ony uthir manifest place of Scripture, is to be rejected. The Interpretour in that exercise, may nocht tack to him self the libertie of ane publict Precheour, yea, althocht he be a Minister appointed; but he must bind him self to his text, that he enter not by disgressioun in explanyng commoun places. He may use no invective in that exercise onles it be with sobrietie in confuting heresyes. In exhortationis or admonitionis he must be schorte, that the tyme may be spent in oppenyng of the mynd of the Holy Ghost in that place; in following the fyle[544] and dependence of the text, and in observing suche notes as may instruct and edifie the auditour. For avoyding of contentioun, neathir may the interpretour, neathir yit any of the assemblie, move any questioun in oppen audience, whairto him self is not content[545] to geve resolutioun without reasoning with any other; but everie man ought to speik his awin judgement to the edificatioun of the Churche.

[543] In edit. 1621, "least of this profitable exercise there arise."

[544] In edit. 1621, "The sequele."

[545] In edit. 1621, "not able."

Yf any be noted with curiositie, or bringyng in any strange doctrine, he must be admonished by the Moderatouris, the Ministeris and Eldaris, immediatlie after that the interpretatioun is ended. The hoill memberis,[546] and nomber of thame that ar of the Assemblie, ought to convene togetther, whair examinatioun should be had, how the persones that did interprete did handle and convey the mater; thei thame selffis being removed till every man have gevin his censure; after the whiche, the persones being called, the faultes (yf any notable be found) ar noted, and the persone gentillie admonished. In that last Assemblie all questionis and dowtis, (yf any arryise,) should be resolved without contentioun.

[546] In edit. 1621, "The whole Ministeris;" the edition 1722, after these words, adds, "with a number."

The Ministeris of the Paroche churches to Landwarte, adjacent to everie cheaf toune, and the Readaris, gif thai have any gift of interpretatioun, within sex myles must assist and concur to those that prophecie within the townes; to the end that thei thame selves may eather learne, or ellis utheris may learne be thame. And moreover, men in whome ar supposed any giftis to be, which mycht edifie the Churche yf thei war weall apply ed, must be charged by the Ministeris and Eldaris to joyne thame selfis with that sessioun and cumpany of Interpretouris, to the end that the Churche may judge whether thei be able to serve to Goddis glorie, and to the proffeit of the Churche in the vocatioun of Ministeris or not. And yf any be found disobedient, and not willing to communicat the giftis and spirituall graces[547] of God with thair brethren, after sufficient admonitioun, discipline must procead against thame; provided that the Civile Magistrate concur with the judgement and electioun of the Churche. For no man may be permitted to leave[548] as best pleasseth him within the Churche of God; but everie man must be constrayned, by fraterall admonitioun and correctioun, to bestow his laubouris, when of the Churche thei ar required, to the edificatioun of otheris.

[547] In edit. 1621, "and speciall graces."

[548] In edit. 1621, "to live."

What day in the week is most convenient for that exercise, and what bookes of the Scripturis salbe most profitable to be red, we refer to the judgment of everie particulare Churche, we meane, to the wisdome of the Ministeris and Eldaris.

OF MARIAGE.[549]

[549] In edit. 1722, Chap. XIII.

Becaus that Mariage, the blessed ordinance of God, in this cursed Papistrie hath partlie bene contempned; and partlie hath bene so infirmed, that the personis conjoyned could never be assured of continewance,[550] yf the Bischoppis and Prelattis list to dissolve the same; we have thocht goode to schaw oure judgmentis how such confusioun in tymes cuming may be best avoyded.

[550] In edit. 1621, "assured in conscience."

And first publict inhibitioun must be maid, that na personis under the power and obedience of otheris; suche as sonnes and dochteris, [and] these that be under curatouris, neather men nor wemen, contract Mariage privelie and without knawledge [of their parents, tutors, or curators, under whose power they are for the time:][551] whiche yf thei do, the censure and discipline of the Churche to procead against thame. Yf the sone or dowghter, or other, have thair hearte tweiched with desyre of mariage, thei ar bound to geve that honour to the parentis that thei oppin unto thame thair affectioun, askyng of thame counsall[552] and assistance, how that motioun, which thei judge to be of God, may be performed. Yf the father, friend, or maister, ganestand thair requeast, and have na other caus then the commoun sorte of men have; to wit, lack of guidis, or because thei ar nott so hyght-borne as thai requyre; yit must not the pairteis whose heartis ar tweiched mak ony covenant till farther declaratioun be maid unto the Churche of God. And, thairfoir, efter thei have opened thair myndis to thair parentis, or suche otheris as have charge oure thame, thei must declair it also to the Ministrie, or to the Civile Magistrat, requyring thame to travaill with thair parentis for thair consent, whiche to do thei ar bound. And yf thei, to wit, the Magistrate or Ministeris, fynd no just caus why the mariage requyred may not be fulfilled, then efter sufficient admonitioun to the father, friend, maister, or superiour, that none of thame resist the work of God, the Ministerie or Magistrat may enter in the place of the parent, and by consenting to thair just requeastis may admit thame to mariage: for the work of God aught not to be hyndered by the corrupt affectionis of worldlie men. The work of God we call, when two heartis (without filthynes befoir committit) ar so joyned, that boyth requyre and ar content to live together in that holy band of Matrimonye.

[551] The words within brackets omitted in MS. 1566, are supplied from ed. 1621.

[552] In edit. 1621, "asking their counsell."

Yf any man commit fornicatioun with the woman whome he requyred in mariage, then do boyth lose this foirsaid benefite alsweall of the Churche as of the Magistrat; for neather of boyth aught to be intercessouris or advocattis for fylthie fornicatours. But the father, or neyrest friend, whose dowghter being a virgine is deflored, hath power by the law of God to compell the man that did that injurie to marie his dowghtter; or yf the father will not accept him be reassone of his offense, then may he requyre the dote[553] of his dowghter; whiche yf the offendar be nott able to pay, then aught the Civile Magistrat to punishe his body by some other punishement.

[553] In edit. 1621, "the dowrie."

And becaus that fornicatioun, huredome, and adulterye, ar synnes most commoun in this Realme, We requyre of your Honouris, in the name of the Eternall God, that severe punishement, according as God hath commanded, be executed against suche wicked offendaris;[554] for we doubt not but suche enorme crymes[555] oppenlie committed, provoketh the wrayth of God, as the Apostle speaketh, not onlie upoun the offendaris, but also upoun suche places as whair, without punishement, thei ar committed.

[554] In edit. 1621, "wicked contemners."

[555] In edit. 1621, "such enormities and crymes."

[Sidenote: AGGREIS TO THE HEAD OF MARIAGE.]

But to returne to oure formar purpose: Mariage owght not to be contracted amongis personis that have no electioun for lack of understanding; and thairfoir we affirm, that bairns and infantis can nocht lauchfullie be mareid in thair minor aige, to wit, the man within fourtene yeiris of aige, and the woman within twelf yearis, at the least. Whiche yf it chance any to have bene, and have keapt thair bodyis always separat, we can not judge thame bound to adhear as man and wyiff, by reassone of that promeis, which in Goddis presence was no promeise at all. But yf in the yearis of judgment thai have embrased the one the other, then be reassone of thair last consent, thai have ratifeid that which otheris did promeise for thame in thair youth-head.[556]

[556] In edit. 1722, after "in their youth-head," is added, "and are to be held as married persons."

In a Reformed Churche, Mariage ought nott to be secreatlie used, but in open face and publict audience of the Churche: And for avoyding of dangearis, expedient it is that the bannes be publictlie proclamed thre Sundayis, (onles the persones be [so] knawin, that no suspitioun of dangear may arise, and then may the bannes[557] be schortned at the discretioun of the Ministerie.) But in no wyse can we admitt Mariage to be used secreatlie, how honorable that ever the personis be. The Sunday befoir sermon we think most convenient[558] for mariage, and it to be used no day ellis without the consent of the hoill Ministerie.

[557] In edit. 1621, "may the time."

[558] In edit. 1621, "The Sunday before noon, we think most expedient."

Mariage once lauchfullie contracted, may not be dissolved at manis pleasour, as oure maister Christ Jesus doeth witnesse, onles adulterie be committed; which being sufficientlie proven in presence of the Civil Magistrat, the innocent (yf thei so requyre) ought to be pronunced frie, and the offendar aught to suffer the death as God hath commanded. Yf the Civile sweard foolischelie spair the lyeff of the offendar, yit may not the Churche be negligent in thair office, which is to excommunicat the wicked, and to repute thame as dead memberis, and to pronunce the innocent partie to be at freedome, be thei never so honourabile befoir the warld. Yf the lyfe be spared (as it ought not to be) to the offendaris, and gif the fructis of repentance of long tyme appeir in thame, and gif thai earnestlie desyre to be reconceilled with the Churche, we judge that thai may be receaved to participatioun of the Sacramentis, and of the other benefits of the Churche, (for we wold not that the Churche sould hold those excommunicat whom God absolved, that is, the Penitent.)

Yf any demand, whether that the offendar after reconciliatioun with the Churche, may not marye agane? We answer, That yf thai can not leve continent, and yf the necessitie be suche as that thai fear farther offence of God, we can not forbid thame to use the remeady ordayned of God. Yf the partie offended, may be reconcilled to the offendar, then we judge that in nowyse it shall be lauchfull to the offendar to mary any other, except the partie that befoir hath bene offended; and the solempnizatioun of the latter mariage must be in the open face of the Churche lyke as the formare, but without proclamatioun of banns.

This we do offer as the best Counsall that God geveth unto us in so doubtsome a case. But the most perfyte Reformatioun war, yf your Honouris wald give to God his honour and glorie, that ye wold prefer his expresse commandiment to your awin corrupt judgmentis, especially in punisheing of those crymes whiche he commandeth to be punished with death. For so should ye declair your selfis Godis treu and obedient officiaris, and your Commoun-wealth should be redd of innumerable trubles.

[Sidenote: NOTA]

We meane not, that synnes committed in our formar blyndnes, (whiche be almost buried in oblivioun,) salbe callit agane to examinatioun and judgment. But we requyre that the law may now and heirafter be so establisched and executed, that this ungodlie impunitie of synne have no place within this Realme. For in the fear of God we signifie unto your Honouris, that whosoever persuadeth unto you, that ye may pardone whair God commandeth death, deceaveth your saulles, and provokes you to offend Goddis Majestie.

OFF BURIALL.[559]

[559] In edit. 1722, Chap. XIV.

BURIALL in all aiges hath bene holden in estimatioun, to signifie that the same body that was committed to the earth should not utterlie perishe, but should ryse agane. And the same we wold have keapt within this Realme, provided that superstitioun, idolatrie, and whatsoever hath proceaded of a fals opinioun, and for advantage saik, may be avoyded; as singing of Messe, Placebo, and Dirige, and all other prayeris over or for the dead, are not onlie superfluous[560] and vane, but also ar idolatrie, and do repugne to the plane Scriptures of God. For, plane it is, that everie one that dyeth, departeth eather in the fayth of Christ Jesus, or ellis departeth in incredulitie: Plane it is, that thei that depart in the treu fayth of Christ Jesus, rest frome thair laubouris, and frome death [doe] go to lyef everlasting, as by oure Maister and by his Apostle we ar taught: But whosoever departe in unbeleve or in incredulitie, shall never see lyef, but the wrayth of God abydeth upoun him. And so, we say that Prayeris for the Dead ar not onlie superfluous[561] and vane, but do expreslie repugne to the manifest Scripturis and veritie thairof.

[560] In edit. 1621, "which are not only superstitious."

[561] In edit. 1621, "superstitious."

[Sidenote: REFERRES THIS ARTICLE TO THE JUDGMENT OF THE CHURCHE.]

For avoyding all inconvenientis,[562] we judge it best, that neather singing nor reading be at the Buryall: for albeit thingis song and red may admonishe some of the leving to prepair thame selfis for death, yit shall some superstitious and ignorant personis ever think,[563] that the workis synging or reading of the levying do and may proffat the dead. And thairfoir, we think most expedient that the Dead be convoyed to the place of buriall with some honest cumpany of the Churche, without eather singing or reading; yea, without all kynd of ceremony heirtofore used, uther than that the dead be committed to the grave, with suche gravitie and sobrietie, as those that be present may seame to fear the judgmentis of God, and to hate synne, whiche is the caus of death.

[562] In edit. 1621, "of all inconvencies."

[563] In edit. 1621, several words in this sentence, are omitted.

[Sidenote: [ADDITIO.][564]

[564] This addition is not contained in the edit. 1621, or any other copy.

AND YIT, NOCHTWITHSTANDING, WE ARE NOT SO PRECISE, BUT THAT WE AR CONTENT THAT PARTICULAR KIRKIS USE THAME IN THAT BEHALF, WYTH THE CONSENT OF THE MINISTERIE OF THE SAME, AS THEI WILL ANSWEIR TO GOD, AND ASSEMBLIE OF THE UNIVERSALL KIRK GATHERED WITHIN THE REALME.

We ar nott ignorant that some requyre ane Sermone at the Buriall, or ellis some places of Scripturis to be red, to put the leving in mynd that thei ar mortall, and that lykwyise thei must dye. Bot lett those men understand, that the sermonis whiche be daily maid, serve for that use; whiche yf men dispyse, the preaching of the[565] Funerall sermonis shall rather nureise superstitioun and a false opinioun, (as befoir is said,) then that thei shall bring suche persones to any godlie consideratioun of thair awin estaite. Attour, eather shall the Ministeris for the most parte be occupyed in preaching Funerall sermonis, or ellis thei shall have respect to personis, preaching at the buriall of the rich and honorabill, but keaping silence when the poore or dispysed departeth; and this with saif conscience can not the Ministeris do. For, seing that befoir God, thair is no respect of personis, and that thair ministerie apperteaneth to all alike, whatsoever thei do to the riche, in respect of thair ministerie, the same thei ar bound to do to the poorest under thair charge.

[565] In edit. 1621, the words, "preaching of the," are omitted.

In respect of diverse inconvenientis, we think it neather seamlie that the Churche appointed to Preaching and ministratioun of the Sacramentis shalbe maid a place of Buriall; but that some other secreat and convenient place, lying in the most free air, be appointed for that use; the whiche place aught to be weill walled and fensed about, and keaped for that use onlie.

FOR REPARATIOUN OF CHURCHES.[566]

[566] In edit. 1722, Chap. XV.

[Sidenote: AGGREIT ON.]

LEAST that the worde of God, and ministratioun of the Sacramentis, by unseamelynes of the place, come in contempt, of necessitie it is, that the Churches and places[567] whair the people aught publictlie to convene, be with expeditioun repaired in durres, wyndois, thak, and with suche preparationis within, as apperteaneth, alsweall to the majestie of the word[568] of God as unto the ease and commoditie of the people. And becaus we knaw the slouthfulnes of men in this behalf, and in all other whiche may not redound to thair privat commoditie; strait charge and commandiment must be gevin, that within a certane day the reparationis must be begune, and within another day, to be affixed by your Honouris, that thei be finished: penalteis and soumes of money must be injoyned, and without pardone taken from the contempnaris.

[567] In edit. 1621, "that the Kirk and place."

[568] In edit. 1621, the words, "of the word," are omitted.

The reparatioun would be according to the possibilitie and nomber of the Churche.[569] Everie Churche must have durres, cloise wyndoes of glass, thak or sclait able[570] to withhold raine, a bell to convocat the people together, a pulpite, a basyn for baptisme, and tables for the ministratioun of the Lordis Suppar. In greater churches, and whair the congregatioun is great in number, must reparatioun be maid within the Churche for the quiet and commodious receaving of the people. The expensses to be lyfted partlie of the people, and partlie of the teindis, at the consideratioun of the Ministerie.

[569] In edit. 1621, "according to the abilitie and number of kirks."

[570] In edit. 1621, "thack able to."

FOR PUNISHMENT OF THOSE THAT PROPHANE THE SACRAMENTIS AND DO CONTEMPT THE WORD OF GOD, AND DARE PRESUME TO MINISTER THAME, NOT BEING THAIRTO LAUCHFULLIE CALLED.[571]

[571] In edit. 1722, Chap. XVI.

As Sathan hath never ceassed frome the begyning to draw mankynd in one of two extremiteis, to wit, that men should eathir be so ravished with gazing upoun the visible creaturis, that forgetting the caus why thai war ordeyned,[572] thai attributed unto thame a vertew and power which God hath not granted unto thame; or ellis that men should sa contempne and dispyse Godis blessed ordinance and holy institutionis, as [if] that neathir in the rycht use of thame war thair any proffeit, neathir yit in thair prophanatioun war thair any danger. As this wyese, we say, Sathan hath blynded the most parte of mankynd from the begyning; so doubt we not, but that he will stryve to continew in his malice evin to the end. Oure eyis have seane, and presentlie do see the experience of the one and of the other. What was the opinioun of most parte of men, of the Sacrament of Christis bodie and bloode, during the darknes of superstitioun, is not unknawin, how it was gazed upoun, kneeled unto, borne in processioun, and finallie wirschipped and honored as Christ Jesus him selve. And so long as Sathan mycht thane reteane man in that damnable idolatrie, he was quyet, as one that possessed his kingdome of darknes peceablie. But since that it hath pleased the mercyis of God to reveill unto the unthankfull world the lyght of his wourd, the rycht use and administratioun of his sacramentis, he assayis man upoun the contrarie parte. For whair, (not lang ago,) men stude in suche admiratioun of that idoll in the Messe, that none durst presume to have said the Messe, but the foirsworne schavin sorte, the beastis marked men some dar now be so bald; as without all convocatioun, to minister, (as thai suppoise,) the treu sacramentis in open assemblies; and some idiottis, (yit more wickedlie and more imprudentlie,) dar counterfeit in thair housses that which the treu Ministeris do in the open congregatioun; thei presume, (we say,) to do it in housses without reverence, without word preached, and without Minister, other then of companioun to companioun.[573] This contempt proceideth, no doubt, from the malice and craft of that Serpent who first deceaved man, of purpoise to deface the glory of Christis evangell, and to bring his blessed sacramentis in a perpetuall contempt. And farther, your Honouris may clearlie see how proudlie and stubburnlie the most parte despyse the Evangell of Christ Jesus offered unto you; whome onles that scharplie and stoutlie ye resist, we meane alsweill the manifest dispysar as the prophanare of the sacramentis, ye shall fynd thame pernitious ennemyes or it be long. And thairfoir, in the name of the Eternall God, and of his Sone Christ Jesus, we require of your Honouris, that, without delay, strait Lawis be maid against the one and the other.

[572] In edit. 1621, "the cause wherefore they are ordained."

[573] The last six words are omitted in edit. 1621.

[Sidenote: OPTIMA COLLATIO.]

We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shalbe required of suche: But this we fear not to affirme, that the ane and the other deserve death; for yf he which doeth falsefye the the seall, subscriptioun, or coynzie of a king is adjudged worthy of death; what shall we think of him who planlie doeth falsefye the Seallis of Christ Jesus, Prince of the Kingis of the earth? Yf Darius pronunced, that a bauk[574] should be taken frome the house of that man, and he him self hinged upoun it, that durst attempt to hinder the re-edificatioun[575] of the materiall Temple, What shall we say of those that contempteouslie blaspheme God, and manifestlie hynder the [spirituall] Temple of God, which is the saullis and bodyis of the elect, to be purged by the treu preaching of Christ Jesus, from the superstitioun and damnable idolatrie in which thai have bene of long plunged and holdin captive? Yf ye, (as God forbid,) declair your selfis cairless ower the treu Religioun, God will not suffer your negligence unpunished. And thairfoir, moir earnestlie require we, that strait lawis may be maid against the stubburne contempnaris of Christ Jesus, and against such as dare presume to minister his Sacramentis, not ordourlie called to that office, least that whill thair be none found to ganestand impietie, the wrayth of God be kindilled against the hoill.

[574] In edit. 1621, "a balk."

[575] In edit. 1621, "the re-edifying."

The Papisticall Preastis have neather power nor authoritie to minister the Sacramentis of Christ Jesus; becaus that in thair mouth is not the sermon of exhortatioun. And thairfoir, to thame most strait inhibitioun be maid, notwithstanding any usurpatioun whiche thai have had in that behalf in the tyme of blyndnes:[576] It is neathir the clipping of thair crownes, the crossing[577] of thair fingaris, nor the blowing of the dum doggis, called the Bischopis, neathir yit the laying on of thair handis, that maketh thame treu Ministeris of Christ Jesus. But the Spreit of God inwardlie first moving the heartis to seke[578] Christis glorie and the proffeit of his Churche, and thaireftir the nominatioun of the People, the examinatioun of the learned, and publict admissioun, (as befoir is said,) maikis men lauchfull Ministeris of the wourd and sacramentis. We speak of ane ordinarie vocatioun, whare churches ar reformed, or at least tend to reformatioun,[579] and not of that which is extraordinarye, when God by him self, and by his only power, raseth up to the Ministerie such as best pleaseth his wisdome.

[576] The edit. 1722, here supplies, "not to presume upon the like hereafter, as likewise to all others who are not lawfully called to the holy Ministry."

[577] In edit. 1621, "the greasing."

[578] In edit. 1722, is here added, "to seek to enter in the holy Calling for Christis glorie."

[579] In edit. 1621, the words after "ordinarie vocation" are omitted: in the edit. 1722, their place is thus supplied, "in Kirks reformed."

THE CONCLUSIOUN.

THUS have we, in these few Headis, offered unto youre Honouris oure judgmentis, according as we war commanded, tueching the Reformatioun of thingis which heirtofoir have altogidder bene abused in this curssed Papistrie. We doubt not but some of oure Petitionis shall appear strange unto you at the first sight. But yf your Wisdomes deaplie considder, that we must ansuer not onlie unto men, but also befoir the throne of the Eternall God, and of his Sone Christ Jesus, for the counsall which we geve in this so grave a mater; your Honouris shall easilie considder, that more assured it is till us to fall in the displeasour of all men in earth, then to offend the Majestie of God, whose justice can not suffer flatteraris and deceitfull Counsalouris unpunished.

That we require the Churche to be set at suche libertie, that scho neathir be compelled to fead idill bellyes, neathir yit to susteane the tyrannye which heirtofoir by violence hath bene manteaned, we know will offend many. But yf we should keape silence heirof, we ar most assured to offend the just and rychteous God, who by the mouth of his Apostle hath pronunced this sentence:--"He that lauboreth nott, let him not eat." Yf we in this behalf, or in any other, requyre or ask any [other] thing, than by Goddis expressed commandiment, by equitie and good conscience ye ar bound to grant, lett it be noted, and after repudiat; but yf we require nothing which God requyreth not also, let your Honouris tack head, how ye ganestand the charge of him whose hand and punishment ye can not eschape.

Yf blynd affectioun rather lead you to have respect to the sustentatioun of those your carnall Freindis, who tyrannouslie have impyred above the poor flock of Christ Jesus, than that the zeall of Goddis glorie provock and move you to sett his oppressed Churche at fredome and libertie, we fear your scharpe and suddane punischmentis, and that the glorie and honour of this interpryse be reserved unto otheris.

And yitt shall this oure judgment abyd to the Generationis following for a monument and witness, how lovinglie God called you and this Realme[580] to repentance, what counsallouris God send unto you, and how ye [have] used the same. Yf obedientlie ye hear God now calling, we doubt not but he shall hear you in your greatest necessitie. But yf, following youre awin corrupt judgmentis, ye contempt his voice and vocatioun, we ar assured that your formare iniquitie, and present ingratitude, shall togither crave just punishment frome God, who can not long delay to execute his most just judgmentis, when, after many offenses and long blyndness, grace and mercy offered is contemptuouslie refused.

[580] In edit. 1621, "this nation."

God the Father of oure Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of his Holy Spreit, so illuminat your heartis, that ye may clearlie see what is pleasing and acceptable in his presence; so bow the same till his obedience, that ye may prefer his reveilled will to your awin affectionis; and so strengthen you by the spreit of fortitude, that boldlie ye may punishe vyce, and maintene virtue within this Realme, to the praise and glorie of his Holy name; to the conforte and assurance of your awin Consciences, and to the consolatioun and good example of the Posteriteis following. Amen. So be it.

BY YOUR HONOURIS MOST HUMBLE SERVITOURIS, ETC.

Frome Edinburgh, The 20 of Maij 1560.

ACT OF SECREIT COUNSALL, XXVII JANUARII, ANNO &C., LX^O.[581]

[581] That is, the 27th (in edit. 1621, the 17th) of January 1560-1; as the year did not begin at that time till the 25th of March.

WE, quhilkis hes subscryvit thir Presentis, haveand avysit with the Articles heirin specifeit, as is abone mentionat fra the begynning of this Book, thinkis the samin good, and conforme to Goddis Word in all pointis; conforme to the Notes and Additionis thairto eikit; and promittis to sett the samin fordwarte at the uttermost of oure poweris: Providing that the Bischoppis, Abbotis, Priouris, and otheris Prelattis and beneficit men, quhilkis ellis hes adjonit thame to us, bruik the reveneues of thair benefices during thair liftymes, thei susteanand and uphaldand the Ministerie and Ministeris, as is herein specifeit, for preaching of the Word, and ministering of the Sacramentis of God.

(Sic Subscribitur.)

JAMES.[582] JAMES HAMMYLTON.[583] AR^D. ERGYLL.[584] JAMES STEWART.[585] ROTHESS.[586] JAMES HALIBURTON.[587] R. BOYD.[588] ALEX^R. CAMPBELL, DENE OF MURRAY.[589] VILLIAM OF CULROS.[590] MAISTER ALEX^R. GORDOUN.[591] BARGANY YOUNGER.[592] ANDRO KER of Fawdonsyd.[593] T. SCOTT of Hanyng.[594] JOHNE LOKHART of Barr.[595] GEORGE CORRIE of Kelwod.[596] JOHNE SCHAW of Halie.[597] ANDRO HAMMYLTOUN of Lethame.[598] GLENCARN.[599] UCHILTRIE.[600] SANQUHAR.[601] SANCTJOHNS.[602] WILLIAM LORD HAY.[603] DRUMLANGRIKE.[604] CONYGHAMHEID.[605] JOHNE MAXWELL.[606] GEORGE FENTOUN of that Ilk.[607] LOCHINWARE.[608]

[582] James Duke of Chattelherault, Regent and Governor of Scotland, after the death of James the Fifth: see vol. i. pp. 95, 242. In edit. 1621, his name is omitted in the above list.

[583] James third Earl of Arran, and eldest son of the Duke of Chattelherault. Owing to his declared incapacity, at his father's death, in 1575, the family estates devolved upon Lord John Hamilton the second son; but the Earl survived till 1609.

[584] Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle, succeeded to the title in 1558. He at first adhered to the Queen Regent, but soon joined the Lords of the Congregation, and continued to act along with the Earl of Murray, until 1568, when he went over to the Queen's party, without materially aiding her cause. When the Earl of Morton was chosen Regent, the Earl of Argyle succeeded him as Lord Chancellor, 17th January 1573; but he did not long enjoy his honours, having died suddenly on the 12th September 1573, and not 1575 as stated in the Peerages and other works. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 337, and Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[585] Lord James Stewart, Commendator of St. Andrews and Pittenweem; afterwards Earl of Murray, and Regent of Scotland.

[586] Andrew fourth Earl of Rothes, succeeded on the death of his father, November 1558.

[587] In the MS. this name stands in a kind of intermediate column by itself. James Halyburton, sometimes styled Tutor of Pitcur. He was a person of great activity and influence, and filled the office of Provost of Dundee for the long period of thirty-three years. He died in 1588, aged seventy.

[588] Robert, fourth Lord Boyd, had a pension from England, and was concerned in most of the public affairs between 1560, and the Raid of Ruthven in 1582. He was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 24th October 1573. Although removed in 1578, he was subsequently restored, and died 3d January 1590, in the 72d year of his age. (Brunton & Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, p. 155.)

[589] Alexander Campbell, Dean of Murray, was the third son of Colin, third Earl of Argyle. In the edit. 1621, the name Dean of Murray has been separated from Alexander Campbell, as if two distinct persons. Alexander Dunbar, Sub-Chantor of Murray, was appointed a Lord of Session, 16th August 1560, as he appears in the Books of Sederunt, on the 26th June 1566, under the designation of Dean of Murray, we may presume that Campbell was then dead.

[590] William Colville, Commendator of Culross: see note in the Appendix to the present volume.

[591] Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, was second son of John, Master of Huntly, by Jane, natural daughter of King James the Fourth. He was Bishop of the Isles, in 1553, and Abbot of Inchaffray and Icolmkill; and was translated to the See of Galloway, after the death of Andrew Durie, in September 1558. He joined the Reformers, and still enjoyed his titles; but he was not allowed to exercise his functions as a bishop, nor was his petition acceded to, to be appointed visitor of the churches within his diocese of Galloway. He died 11th November 1575. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[592] Thomas Kennedy, o Bargany, (in the parish of Dailly, Ayrshire,) the son of Sir Thomas Kennedy. In 1540, he is styled "Apparent of Bargany;" and died in June 1564. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 26th April 1580.)

[593] Andrew, (frequently by mistake called Sir Andrew) Ker of Faldonsyde, in Selkirkshire. He was concerned in Riccio's murder, and was at the battle of Langsyde in 1568. He had from Parliament a ratification of the third part of the lands and barony of Bolton in 1581. He married, for his second wife, Margaret Stewart, daughter of Lord Ochiltree, and widow of John Knox. He died about the year 1598.

[594] Thomas Scott of Hayning, in Selkirkshire. A Charter of Confirmation, "quondam Thomæ Scott de Hanyng," of the lands of Eleistoun, in the shire of Roxburgh, dated 23d March 1575-6, shows that he was dead in 1576.

[595] John Lockhart of Bar, in the parish of Galston, Ayrshire. He died before 10th May 1575, when his son John Lockhart of Bar was served his heir. (Retours, Ayr, No. 13.)

[596] In the edit. 1621, this name is omitted. George Corrie of Kelwood was served heir of his father, Thomas Corrie of Kelwood, "qui obiit sub Majestatis vexillo in bello de Fausyde," 25th October 1547. (Retours, Ayr, No. 2.) He was alive in December 1580. (Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 89.)

[597] John Schaw of Haly, near Largs, in Ayrshire.

[598] Andrew Hamilton of Lethame, in Lanarkshire. He was Captain of the Castle of Dumbarton in 1546. He went to France on a mission in 1550, and had a charter under the Great Seal of the lands of Drumcross, in the county of Linlithgow in 1552. He was at the Raid of Stirling in 1571, and died before 1585. (Anderson's House of Hamilton, pp. 320, 469.)

[599] Alexander Earl of Glencairn: see vol. i. p. 72. He died in the year 1574. (Register of Confirmed Testaments.)

[600] Andrew, second Lord Stewart, of Ochiltree or Uchiltree, in Ayrshire. He succeeded to the title in 1548, and survived till near the close of the 16th century.

[601] Edward Lord Crichton of Sanquhar, ancestor of the Earls of Dumfries (now represented by the Marquis of Bute.) He died 23d May 1569, and was succeeded by "his son and air, Robert, now Lord Creichton," who was then a minor. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 8th March 1573-4.)

[602] Sir James Sandilands, Lord St. John, and afterwards Lord Torphichen: see vol. i. p. 301, vol. ii. p. 125.

[603] William fifth Lord Hay of Yester, was served heir of his father in 1559. He died in August 1576.

[604] Sir James Douglas of Drumlanrig, ancestor of the Marquesses of Queensberry, was Knighted by the Governor of Scotland in 1553, and appointed Warden of the West Marches. He died in 1578.

[605] William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in Ayrshire. He died in January 1575-6. (Register of Confirmed Testaments, 17th April 1577.)

[606] In edit. 1621, "James Maxwell." As John sixth Lord Maxwell was a minor at his father's death in 1552, and was not served heir till May 1569, it was no doubt Sir John Maxwell of Terreglis, (who became Lord Herries in 1567,) whose signature was attached to the Book of Discipline.

[607] George Fenton of Fenton was probably succeeded by "John Fenton of that Ilk," to whom the three daughters of Patrick Quhitlaw of Quhitlaw were served heirs-portioners of their grand-uncle (abavus), 30th March 1586. (Retours, Haddington, Nos. 399, 400, 401.)--In MS. 1566, the name is made "George Seton." As Lord Seaton was the head of the family, there could be no Seaton of that Ilk; and George fifth Lord Seaton never joined the Reformers.

[608] Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, in Kirkcudbrightshire, the ancestor of the Earls of Kenmure. In 1555, he was appointed Justiciary of the Lordship of Galloway. He survived till the year 1604. (Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. ii. p. 25.)

* * * * *

According to Knox, (see page 129,) who is followed by Calderwood, Petrie, Spotiswood, and other writers, in addition to the above Subscribers to the Book of Discipline, there were,

WILLIAM, EARL MARISCHALL. JOHN, EARL OF MENTEITH. JAMES, EARL OF MORTON, (afterwards Regent.) JOHN, LORD LINDESAY of the Byris. PATRICK MASTER OF LINDESAY. SIR ALEXANDER STEWART, Younger of Garlies, (who was slain at Stirling in September 1571.)

THE FOURT BOOK OF THE PROGRESSE AND CONTINUANCE OF TREU RELIGIOUN WITHIN SCOTLAND.

IN the former Bookis,[609] gentill Reidar, thou may clearlie see how potentlie God hath performed, in these our last and wicked dayis, alsweall as in the aiges that have passed befoir us, the promisses that is maid to the servandis of God, by the propheite Esais, in these wordis:--"Thei that waite upoun the Lord shall renewe thair strenth; thei sall lift up the wynges as the egles: thei shall runne, and not be wearie; thei shall walke, and not fainte." This promeise, we say, suche as Sathan hath not utterlie blyndit may see performed in us, the professouris of Christ Jesus, within this Realme of Scotland, with no les evidencye, than it was in any aige that ever have passed befoir us. For what was oure force? What was our nomber? Yea, what wisdome or warldlie pollicey was into us, to have brought to ane goode end so great ane interpryse? Oure verray enemyes can bear witnesse. And yit in how great puritie God did establisse amanges us his treu Religioun, alsweall in doctrine as in ceremonyes! To what confusion and fear war idolateris, adulteraris, and all publict transgressoris of Goddis commandimentis, within short tyme brought? The publict ordour of the Churche,[610] yet by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishmentis executed against malefactouris, can testifie unto the world. For as tueching the doctrine taught by our Ministeris, and as tueching the administratioun of Sacramentis used in our Churches, we ar bold to affirme, that thair is no realme this day upoun the face of the earth, that hath thame in grettar puritie;--yea, (we mone speak the treuth whomesoever we offend,) thair is none (no realme, we meane) that hath thame in the lyek puritie: For all otheris (how synceare that ever the doctrine be, that by some is taught,) reteane in thair churches, and the ministeris thairof, some footsteppis of Antichrist, and some[611] dreggis of Papistrie;[612] but we (all praise to God alone) have no thing within oure Churches that ever flowed frome that Man of synne: And this we acknowledge to be the strenth gevin unto us by God, because we esteamed nott our selves wyise in oure awin eyes, but understanding our hoill wisdome to be but meare foolishnes, befoir [the Lord] our God, layed it asyd, and followed onlie that whiche we fand approved by him self.

[609] In MS. L4, is this note at the top margin, "This Preface was not written by Mr. Knox untill the moneth of Maij 1566." This indeed we learn from Knox's own words, in the second following page. In the MS. 1566, the commencement of Book Fourth forms part of one of the re-written quires or sets.

[610] MS. G, has always "Kirk;" MSS. M, and L4, "Churche."

[611] In MS. G, "some" is omitted. In MS. L 4, "some degrees."

[612] In the margin of MS. G, "Witness the tippets and cornered cappes."

[Sidenote: THE FIRST PETITIOUN OF THE PROTESTANTIS OF SCOTLAND.]

In this poynt could never our enemyes caus us to fainte, for Our first Petitioun was, "That the reverent face of the primitive and apostolick Churche should be reduced agane to the eyes and knowledge of men."[613] And in that poynt, we say, our God hath strenthened us till that the work was finished, as the world may see. And as concerning the suppressing of vice, yea, and of the abolishing of all suche thingis as myght nureise impietie within the Realme, the actes and statutis of the principale Townes reformed will yitt testifie: For what adulterar, what fornicatour, what knawin messe-mongare, or pestilent Papist, durst have been seen in publict, within any reformed town within this Realme, befoir that the Quene arryved? And this victorie to his wourde, and terrour to all fylthie lyvaris, did oure God wirk by such as yit leave and remaine witnesses (whither thei will or not) of the foirsaid workis of our God. We say, our God suffered none of those whome he first called to the battell, to perishe or to fall, till that he maid thame victouris of thair ennemyes: For evin as God suffered none of those whome he called frome Egypt to perishe in the Red Sea, how fearfull that ever the danger appeared; so suffered he none of us to be oppressed, nor yit to be takkin from this lyeff, till that mo Pharaoes then one war drowned, and we set at fredome, without all dangear of our ennemyes; to lett boyth us and our posteritie understand, that suche as follow the conducting of God can not perishe, albeit that thei walked in the verray schaddo of death.

[613] See the Petitions referred to, in vol. i. pp. 306, 333, &c.

[Sidenote: THE CAUS OF THE TRUBILLIS OF THE KIRK WITHIN SCOTLAND FLOWED FROME THE COURTEIRS THAT SEEMED TO PROFESS THE EVANGELL.][614]

[614] MS. L 4, adds to this marginal note, the words, "and did it not,"

But frome whence (allace) cumeth this miserable dispersioun of Goddis people within this Realme, this day, Anno 1566, in Maij?[615] And what is the cause that now the just is compelled to keap silence? good men ar banished, murtheraris, and such as ar knowin unworthie of the commoun societie, (yf just lawis war put in deu executioun,) bear the hoill regiment and swynge within this Realme? We answere, Becaus that suddandlie the most parte of us declyned from the puritie of Goddis word, and began to follow the warld; and so agane to schaik handis with the Devill, and with idolatrie, as in this Fourte Booke we will hear.

For whill that Papistis war so confounded, that none within the Realme durst more avow the hearing or saying of Messe, then the theavis of Lyddesdaill durst avow thair stowth in presence of ane upryght judge, thair war Protestants found, that eschamed not at tables, and other open places, to ask, "Why may nott the Queyn have hir awin[616] Messe, and the forme of hir Religioun? What cane that hurte us or our Religioun?" And from these two, "Why" and "What," at lenthe sprange out this affirmative, "The Quenis Messe and hir Preastis will we manteine: this hand and this rapper sall feght in thair defence, etc."

[615] This "dispersioun of Goddis people," refers to what occurred shortly after the murder of David Riccio, when besides the persons who were implicated in that outrage, many others, like Knox himself, who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the Queen, were obliged to fly from Edinburgh for safety. As Knox was employed at this time, while residing in Kyle, in continuing his History, this may serve to explain, although not to justify, the very strong language which he frequently uses in mentioning Queen Mary, and the license of the courtiers.

[616] MS. G. omits "awin."

The inconvenientis war schawin, both by tongue and pen; but the advertissaris war judged to be men of unquyet spreatis. Thair credytt was defaced at the handis of suche as befoir war not eschamed to have used thair counsall, in materis of greattar importance then to have resisted the Messe. But then, my Lord, my Maister, may nott be thus used: he hes that honour to be the Quenis brother; and thairfoir we will that all men shall understand that he man tender her as his sister; and whosoever will counsall him to displease her, or the least that apperteanes unto hir, shall not find him thair freind; yea, thei ar worthy to be hanged that wald so counsall him, etc.

[Sidenote: THE CORRUPTIOUN THAT ENTERED IN THE QUENIS COURTE.]

[Sidenote: THE THEOLOGIE OF THE COURTE, AND THAIR REASSONIS.]

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