Introduction…

Introduction

The occasion of the following Satire is generally known as "the expulsion of the philosophers from Rome by Domitian." As the same thing took place under Vespasian also, it becomes worth while to inquire who are the persons intended to be included under this designation; and in what manner the fears of the two emperors could be so worked upon as to pass a sweeping sentence of banishment against persons apparently so helpless and so little formidable as the peaceful cultivators of philosophy. It seems not improbable then that the fears both of Vespasian and Domitian were of a personal as well as of a political nature. We find that in both cases the "Mathematici" are coupled with the "Philosophi." Now these persons were no more nor less than pretenders to the science of judicial astrology «cf. Juv., iii., 43; vi., 562; xiv., 248; Suet., Cal., 57; Tit., 9; Otho, 4; Gell., i., 9»; and to what an extent those who were believed to possess this knowledge were dreaded in those days of gross superstition, may be easily inferred by merely looking into Juvenal's sixth and Persius' fifth Satire. Besides the baleful effects of incantations, which were sources of terror even in Horace's days, the mere possession by another of the nativity of a person whose death might be an object of desire to the bearer, was supposed, at the time of which we are now speaking, to be a sufficient ground of serious alarm. We are not surprised therefore to find it recorded as an instance of great generosity on the part of Vespasian, that on one occasion he pardoned one Metius Pomposianus, although he was informed that he had in his possession a "Genesis Imperatoria;" or that the possession of a similar document with regard to Domitian cost the owner his life. (Cf. Suet., Vesp., 14; Domit., 10.) With regard to the philosophers, it appears that the followers of the Stoic school were those against whom the edict was especially directed. Not only did the tenets of this school inculcate that independence of thought and manners most directly at variance with the servility and submissiveness inseparable from a state of thraldom under a despot; but the cultivation of this branch of philosophy was held to be nothing more than a specious cover for an attachment to the freedom of speech and action enjoyed under the republican form of government: and philosophy was accounted only another name for revolution and rebellion.[1547]

The story told of Demetrius the Cynic, in Dio (lxvi., 13), and confirmed by Suetonius (Vesp., c. 13), illustrates this view of the subject. (Cf. Tac., Hist., iv., 40.) It appears to have been at the suggestion of Mucianus,[1548] that all philosophers, but especially the Stoics, were banished from Rome; and that the celebrated Musonius Rufus was the only one who was suffered to remain. This took place A.D. 74. Sixteen years after this we find a decree of the senate passed to a similar effect. Now, as philosophy may be studied equally well any where, there seems no reason why, if it were not in some way connected with their political creed, all these votaries of Stoicism should in the interim have taken up their abode at Rome. And though, no doubt, the unoffending may have suffered with the guilty, the history of the edict seems pretty plainly to show what particular doctrines of their philosophy were so obnoxious to Domitian. Suetonius, Tacitus, and Dio all agree in the cause assigned for the sentence: viz., that Julius Arulenus Rusticus and Herennius Senecio had been enthusiastic in their praises of Thrasea Pætus and Helvidius Priscus; and that therefore "all philosophers were removed from Rome." ("Cujus criminis occasione philosophos omnes Urbe Italiâque submovit." Suet., Domit., 10. Cf. Tac., Agric, 2; Dio, lxvii., 13.) But it was for their undisguised hatred of tyrants, and for no dogma of the schools, that the former of these was put to death by Nero, and the latter by Vespasian. Both of them, as we know, celebrated with no ordinary festivities the birthdays of the Bruti (Juv., v., 36); and Helvidius, even while prætor, went so far as to omit all titles of honor or distinction before the name of Vespasian. (Suet., Vesp., 15.) We must not therefore fall into the common error of supposing this "banishment of philosophers" to have been a mere act of wanton, senseless tyranny, or of brutal ignorance. Even by his enemies' showing, the opening scenes of Domitian's life[1549] are at direct variance with such an idea. (Cf. ad Juv., vii., 1.) And though we regret to find that men like Epictetus and Dio of Prusa were included in the disastrous sentence, it is some relief to learn that Pliny the younger, though living at the time in the house of the philosopher Artemidorus, and the intimate friend of Senecio and six or seven others of the banished, to whom he supplied money (a fact which, as he himself hints, could not but have been known to the emperor, as Pliny was prætor at the time), yet escaped unscathed. (Cf. Plin., iii., Ep. XI., vii., 19; Gell., xv., 11.)

How far Sulpicia was connected with this movement, or whether she was involved in the same sentence which overwhelmed the others, we have now no means of ascertaining. It is quite clear that all her sympathies were with the Greeks; and the passage concerning Scipio and Cato (1. 45-50) leaves little doubt that her philosophical opinions were those of the Stoics. She rivals Juvenal in her thorough hatred of Domitian; which may, perhaps, be partly also attributed to family reasons. For we must remember that she belonged to the gens which produced Servius Sulpicius Galba; and, as we have noticed on many occasions with regard to Juvenal, an attachment to that emperor seems to go hand in hand with hatred of Otho and Domitian. From the conclusion of the Satire, it is probable that her husband was not implicated.

The Sulpician gens produced many distinguished men; of whom we may mention the commissioner sent to Greece, and the conquerors of the Samnites, of Sardinia, and of Pyrrhus, besides the notorious friend of Marius. Of this illustrious stock she was no unworthy scion. Martial[1550] bears the strongest testimony to the purity of her morals and the chastity of her life, as well as to her devoted conjugal affection; which latter virtue she illustrated in a poem replete with the most lively, delicate, and virtuous sentiments; and which, had not the licentiousness of the age been beyond such a cure, might have produced a deep moral effect on the peculiar vices which especially disgraced the era of the Cæsars. Her husband's name was Calenus, who not improbably belonged to the Fufian gens,[1551] and with him she enjoyed fifteen years of the purest domestic felicity, as we learn from the Epigram addressed to him by Martial, in which, not without a tinge of envy, he congratulates Calenus on the possession of so inestimable a treasure. Both Epigrams are exceedingly beautiful, and every reader of Martial will be only too ready to say, "O si sic omnia." Of her other works we unfortunately do not possess a single fragment;[1552] and even the solitary Satire which bears her name, was at one time, as Scaliger tells us, falsely attributed to Ausonius.

Very much of the Satire is corrupt. Wernsdorf's seems, on the whole, the best approximation to a true reading; and the Commentary of Dousa is, as far as it goes, satisfactory.

FOOTNOTES:

[1547] Vid. Niebuhr's Lectures, iii., p. 212.

[1548] Licinius Mucianus, the governor of Syria. He belonged to the noble family of the Licinii, and was connected with the Mucii. For his character, see Niebuhr's Lectures, vol. iii., p. 206.

[1549] "Domitian was a man of a cultivated mind and decided talent, and is of considerable importance in the history of Roman literature. The Paraphrase of Aratus, which is usually ascribed to Germanicus, is the work of Domitian. The subject of the poem is poor, but it is executed in a very respectable manner. Domitian's taste for Roman literature produced its beneficial effects. He instituted the great pension for rhetoricians, which Quintilian, for example, enjoyed, and the Capitoline contests, in which the prize poems were crowned. During this period, Roman literature received a great impulse, to which Domitian himself must have contributed. From his poem we see that he was opposed to the false taste of the time." Niebuhr's Lectures, iii., p. 216, 7.

[1550] Lib. x., Epig. 35 and 38. There is nothing in these two Epigrams to imply that Sulpicia and Calenus were not both living peacefully and happily at Rome, at the time Martial wrote his tenth book of Epigrams. Now he says himself that he scarcely produced one book in a year, (x., 70), and lib. ix. was written A.D. 94 or 95. The second edition of his tenth book came out A.D. 99. The Epigrams to Calenus and Sulpicia were probably therefore written at least six years after the Edict of Domitian, i. e., between A.D. 90 and 99.

[1551] Vid. not. ad l. 62.

[1552] With the exception of a doubtful fragment quoted by the old Scholiast on Juvenal, Sat. vi., 538.

SULPICIA.

ARGUMENT.

The Satire opens with an Invocation of Calliope, the Muse of Heroic poetry. The dignity of the subject, which is in fact the undeserved sufferings of the good and great men whom Domitian's edict was ejecting from their homes, deserves a higher strain than is compatible with the more commonplace, and therefore less powerful, invectives of Iambic metre. The effect produced by such a measure is described as nothing less than forcing the civilized world to retrograde to a state of primæval barbarism. The cause which has led to such a perversion of taste and degradation of intellect is then examined; which are shown to be the result of a long-protracted peace. The old Roman valor which had raised the city to the proud position promised by the father of gods and men, had become gradually enervated and enfeebled, as it ceased to have an object on which to exercise itself. The stern and rigid virtue of the best period of the city's history, which had led her greatest men, even in the fierce struggles for existence against the rival republic, to appreciate and patronize the philosophy of Greece, the love of country and the ties of brotherhood which had been fostered by that "rugged nurse Adversity," were now all buried in the corpse-like lethargy induced by the enervating influence of a lengthened peace. The Satire concludes with a bitter denunciation of coming vengeance against the tyrant; and a prophetic anticipation of the lasting fame to be enjoyed by the poem.

Grant me, O Muse,[1553] to tell my little tale in a few words, in those numbers in which thou art wont to celebrate[1554] heroes and arms! For to thee I have retired; with thee revising[1555] my secret plan.[1556] For which reason, I neither trip on in the measure of Phalæcus,[1557] nor in Iambic[1558] trimeter; nor in that metre which, halting with the same foot, learned under its Clazomenæan guide boldly to give vent to its wrath. All other things[1559] moreover, in short, my thousand sportive effusions; and how I was the first that taught our Roman matrons to rival the Greeks, and to diversify their subject with wit untried before, consistently[1560] with my purpose, I pass by; and thee I invoke, in those points in which thou art chief of all, and, supreme in eloquence, art best skilled. Descend[1561] at thy votary's prayer and hear!

Tell me, O Calliope, what is it the great[1562] father of the gods purposes to do? Does he revert to earth, and his father's age; and wrest from us in death the arts that once he gave; and bid us, in silence, nay, bereft of reason, too, just as when we arose in the primæval age,[1563] stoop again[1564] to acorns,[1565] and the pure stream? Or does he guard with friendly care all other lands and cities, but thrusts away[1566] the race of Ausonia, and the nurslings of Remus?[1567]

For, what must we suppose? There are two ways by which Rome reared aloft her mighty head. Valor in war, and wisdom in peace. But valor, practiced[1568] at home and by civil warfare, passed over to the seas of Sicily and the citadels of Carthage, and swept away also all other empires and the whole world.

Then, as the victor, who, left alone in the Grecian stadium, droops, and though with valor undaunted, feels his heart sink within him--just so the Roman race, when it had ceased from its struggles, and had bridled peace in lasting trammels; then, revising at home the laws and discoveries of the Greeks,[1569] ruled with policy and gentle influence[1570] all that had been won by sea and land as the prizes of war.

By this Rome stood--nor could she indeed have maintained her ground without these. Else with vain words[1571] and lying lips would Jupiter[1572] have been proved to have said to his queen, "I have given them empire[1573] without limit!"

Therefore, now, he who sways the Roman state[1574] has commanded all studies, and the philosophic name and race of men to depart out of doors and quit the city.

What are we to do? We left the Greeks and the cities of men,[1575] that the Roman youth might be better instructed in these.

Now, just as the Gauls,[1576] abandoning their swords and scales, fled when Capitoline Camillus thrust them forth; so our aged men are said to be wandering forth,[1577] and like some deadly burden, themselves eradicating their own books. Therefore the hero of Numantia and of Libya, Scipio, erred in that point, who grew wise under the training of his Rhodian[1578] master; and that other band, fruitful in talent, in the second war;[1579] among whom the divine apophthegm[1580] of Priscus[1581] Cato[1582] held it of such deep import to determine whether the Roman stock would better be upheld[1583] by prosperity or adversity. By adversity, doubtless; for when the love of country urges them to defend[1584] themselves by arms, and their wife held prisoner together with their household gods, they combine[1585] just like wasps (a bristling band, with weapons all unsheathed along their yellow bodies), when their home and citadel is assailed. But when care-dispelling peace has returned, forgetful of labor, commons and fathers together lie buried in lethargic sleep. A long-protracted and destructive peace[1586] has therefore been the ruin of the sons of Romulus.[1587]

Thus our tale comes to a close. Henceforth, kind Muse, without whom life is no pleasure to me, I pray thee warn them that, like the Lydian of yore, when Smyrna fell,[1588] so now also they may be ready to emigrate; or else, in line, whatever thou wishest. This only I beseech thee, goddess! Present not in a pleasing light to Calenus[1589] the walls of Rome and the Sabines.

Thus much I spake. Then the goddess deigns to reply in few words, and begins:

"Lay aside thy just fears, my votary. See, the extremity of hate is menacing him, and by our mouth shall he perish! For we haunt the laurel groves of Numa,[1590] and the self-same springs, and, with Egeria for our companion,[1591] deride all vain essays. Live on! Farewell! Its destined fame awaits the grief that does thee honor. Such is the promise of the Muses' choir, and of Apollo[1592] that presides over Rome."

FOOTNOTES:

[1553] Musa. Although about to indite a Satire, Sulpicia declares her intention of not imitating the Hendecasyllabics of Phalæcus, the Iambics of Archilochus, or the Scazontics of Hipponax, but of writing in the good old Heroic metre. She therefore invokes the aid of Calliope.

[1554] Frequentas. "Celebrare" is often used in the sense of "crowding in large numbers to a place;" so here, conversely, frequentare is used in the sense of "frequently celebrating."

[1555] Detexere is properly to "finish off one's weaving." Vid. Hyg., Fab., 126, "Cum telam detexuero nubam." Plaut., Ps. I., iv., 7, "Neque ad detexundam telam certos terminos habes."

[1556] Penetrale is applied to the inmost and most sacred recesses; hence the "Penetrales Dii." Cic., Nat. D., ii., 27. Senec., Œdip., 265. So "penetrale sacrificium."--Retractans, in the sense of going over again with a view to corrections and additions. So Plin., v. Ep., 8, "Egi graves causas; has destino retractare." Senec., Ep., 46, "De libro tuo plura scribam cum illum retractavero."

[1557] Phalæco. Phalæcus is said by Diomedes (iii., 509) and Terentianus (p. 2440) to have been the inventor of the Hendecasyllabic metre, which consists of five feet; the first a Spondee or Iamb., the second a Dactyl, and the three last Trochees. Many of Catullus's pieces are in this metre. E. g. "Lugete O Veneres, Cupidinesque." Vid. Hermann, Elem. Doctr. Metr., p. 264.

[1558] Iambo. The Iambic metre was peculiarly adapted to Satire. Hence its probable etymology from ἰάπτω, jacio; and hence the epithet criminosi applied to these verses by Horace (i., Od. xvi., 2), and truces by Catullus (xxxvi., 5). Archilochus, the Parian, who flourished in the eighth century B.C. (Cic., Tusc. Q., i., 1; Bähr, ad Herod., i., 12), is said to have been the inventor of the metre, and to have employed it against Lycambes, who had promised him his daughter Neobule, but afterward retracted. Cf. Hor., A. P., 79, "Archilochum proprio rabies armavit Iambo." i., Ep. xix., 23, "Parios ego primus Iambos Ostendi Latio numeros animosque secutus Archilochi non res et agentia verba Lycamben." The allusion in the next line is to Hipponax, who flourished cir. B.C. 540; Ol. lx. He was a native of Ephesus; but being expelled from his native country by the tyrant Athenagoras, he settled at Clazomenæ, now the Isle of St. John. The common story is, that he was so hideously ugly, that the sculptors Bupalus and Athenis caricatured him. And to avenge this insult, Hipponax altered the Iambic of Archilochus into a more bitter form by making the last foot a spondee, which gave the verse a kind of halting rhythm, and was hence called Scazontic, from σκάζω· or Choliambic, from χῶλος, "lame." Diomed., iii., 503. «A specimen may be seen in Martial's bitter epigram against Cato. i., Ep. I, "Cur in Theatrum Cato severe venisti?"» In this metre he so bitterly satirized them that they hanged themselves, as Lycambes had done, in consequence of the ridicule of Archilochus. Hence Horace, vi., Epod. 13, "Qualis Lycambæ spretus infido gener Aut acer hostis Bupalo." Pliny (H. N., xxxvi., 5) treats the whole story as mythical. Cf. Mart., i., Ep. 97, for some good specimens, and Catull., xxxix. Another form of Choliambic verse is the substitution of an Antibacchius for the final Iamb.: e. g., "Remitte pallium mihi quod involasti." Catull., xxv. Two of Hipponax's verses may be seen, Strabo, lib. xiv., c. 1.

[1559] Cætera. From the high compliment paid to her chastity and poetical powers by Martial, it is probable that Sulpicia had composed many poems before the present Satire. From the metre Martial chooses for his complimentary effusion, and from the testimony of the old Scholiast, it is probable these verses were in Hendecasyllabics; or at all events in some lyrical metre. There was a poetess named Cornificia in the time of Augustus, who wrote some good Epigrams. She was the sister of Cornificius, the reputed enemy of Virgil (vid. Clinton, F. H., in ann. B.C. 41), but as she was not a lyrical poetess, Sulpicia claims the palm to herself.

[1560] Constanter. The subject is too serious and solemn for lyrical poetry; she therefore employs the dignity of Heroic verse. So Juvenal, iv., 34, "Incipe Calliope--non est cantandum, res vera agitur, narrate puellæ Pierides."

[1561] Descende. Cf. Hor., iii., Od. iv., 1, "Descende cœlo et dic age tibiâ Regina longum Calliope melos." Calliope, as the Muse of Heroic poetry, holds the chief place. (Cf. Auson., Id. xx., 7, "Carmina Calliope libris Heroïca mandat.") Hence "Princeps." So Hesiod, Theog., 79, Καλλιόπη θ' ἣ δὲ προφερεστάτη ἐστὶν ἁπασέων. Dionys., Hymn, i., 6, Μουσῶν προκαθηγέτι τερπνῶν. The poets assign different provinces to the different Muses. According to some, Calliope is the Muse of Amatory poetry.

[1562] Ille. So Virg., Æn., ii., 779, "Aut ille sinit regnator Olympi."

[1563] Patria Sæcula. The age of Saturn, when men lived in primæval barbarism, and all cultivation and refinement was unknown. Compare the first twelve lines of Juvenal's sixth Satire. Ov., Met., i., 113.

[1564] Procumbere. Cf. ad Prol. Pers., i.

[1565] Glandibus. Ov., Met., i., 106, "Et quæ deciderant patula Jovis arbore glandes." Lucret., v., 937, "Glandiferas inter curabant corpora quercus." Virg., Georg., i., 8, 148. Ov., Am., III., x., 9. Juv., vi., 10. Sulpicia had probably in view the passage in Horace, i., Sat. iii., 99," Cum prorepserunt primis animalia terris, Mutum et turpe pecus glandem atque cubilia propter," etc.

[1566] Exturbat. A technical phrase, "eject." Cf. Cic. pro Rosc., 8, "Nudum ejicit domo atque focis patriis, Diisque penatibus præcipitem exturbat." Plaut., Trin., IV., iii., 77. Ov., Met., xv., 175. Tac., Ann., xi., 12.

[1567] Remuli: the other readings are Remi, and Romi. Cf. Juv., x., 73, "Turba Remi." Alumnus is properly a "foundling." Cf. Plin., x. Epist., 71, 72.

[1568] Agitata. As though the wars carried on within the peninsula of Italy had served only to train the Romans in that military discipline by which they were to subjugate the world. This universal dominion having been attained, Rome rested from her labors, like the conqueror left alone in his glory, in the Grecian games; and having no more enemies against whom she could turn her arms, had sheathed her sword and applied herself to the arts of Peace. This seems the most probable interpretation. Dusa proposes to read Cætera quæ, for Cætera_que_, and to place the line as a parenthesis after socialibus armis: but with the sense given in the text, the substitution is unnecessary. He supposes also Victor to apply to a horse that has grown old in the contests of the circus; the allusion would surely be more simple to a conqueror in the Pentathlon. The reading exiit is followed in preference to exilit or exigit.

[1569] Graia inventa. So Livy dates the first introduction of a fondness for the products of Greek art from the taking of Syracuse by Marcellus: lib. xxv., 48, "Inde primum initium mirandi Græcarum artium opera." Cf. xxxiv., 4. Hor., ii., Epist. i., 156, "Græcia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio."

[1570] Molli ratione. Virg., Æn., vi., 852, "Hæ tibi erunt artes: pacisque imponere morem, Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos."

[1571] Aut frustra. An anacoluthon, as the old Scholiast remarks; stabat evidently referring to Roma. Cf. 1. 50, "An magis adversis staret."

[1572] Diespiter, i. e., Diei pater. Macrob., Sat., i., 15. Hor., iii., Od. ii., 29.

[1573] Imperium. Virg., Æn., i., 279. It is in Jupiter's speech to Venus, not to Juno, that the line occurs.

[1574] Res Romanas imperat inter. A line untranslatable as it stands. Various remedies have been proposed--rex for res, temperat for imperat, impar for inter, Romanos for Romanas. Rex being, like dominus, generally used in a bad sense by the Romans, rex Romanos imperat inter would imply the excessive oppression of Domitian's tyranny. Dusa suggests rex Romanis temperat inter (taking interrex as one word divided by tmesis), and supposes Sulpicia meant to assert, that as his reign was to be so briefly brought to a close, he could only be looked upon in the light of an Interrex.

[1575] Hominum. As though the Greeks alone deserved the name of men, and the praise of humanity and refinement.

[1576] Galli. Alluding to the old legend of Brennus casting his sword into the scale, with the words "Væ victis!" in answer to the remonstrance of the tribune Q. Sulpicius. Liv., v., 48, 9. "Ensibus" is preferred to the old reading, "Lancibus." Capitolinus was properly the agnomen of M. Manlius. Camillus is probably so called here from his appointing the collegium to celebrate the Ludi Capitolini, in honor of Jupiter for his preserving the Capitol. Vid. Liv., v., 50. May there not be a bitter sarcasm in the epithet? It was only four years before he expelled the philosophers, that Domitian instituted the Capitoline games. Suet., Vit., 4. (Vid. Chronology.)

[1577] Palare dicuntur. Wernsdorf adopts this reading; but it is perhaps the only instance of the active form of palare: and dicuntur is very weak.

[1578] Rhodio. The old readings were "Rhoido," which is unintelligible, and that of the old Scholiast, "Rudio," who refers it to Ennius, born at Rudiæ in Calabria. (Cf. ad Pers., vi., 10.) The Rhodian is Panætius; he was sprung from distinguished ancestors, many of whom had served the office of general. He studied under Crates, Diogenes, and Antipater of Tarsus. The date of his birth and death are unknown. He was probably introduced by Diogenes to Scipio, who sent for him from Athens to accompany him in his embassy to Egypt, B.C. 143. His famous treatise De Officiis was the groundwork of Cicero's book; who says that he was in every way worthy of the intimate friendship with which he was honored by Scipio and Lælius. Cic., de Fin., iv., 9; Or., i., 11; De Off., pass. Hor., i., Od. xxix., 14. The title of his book is περὶ τοῦ καθήκοντος. He also wrote De Providentia, De Magistratibus.

[1579] Bello secundo, i. e., the Second Punic War (from B.C. 218-201), a period pre-eminently rich in great men. Not to mention their great generals, Marcellus, Scipio, etc., this age saw M. Porcius Cato; the historians Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimentus; the poets Livius Andronicus, Ennius, Nævius, Pacuvius, Plautus, etc.; and among the Greeks, Archimedes, Chrysippus, Eratosthenes, Carneades, and the historians Zeno and Antisthenes.

[1580] Sententia dia. Hor., i., Sat. ii., 31, "Macte Virtute esto, inquit sententia dia."

[1581] Prisci Catonis. Priscus is, as Dusa shows on the authority of Plutarch, not the epithet, but the name of Cato, by which he was distinguished. So Horace, iii. Od., xxi., 11, "Narratur et Prisci Catonis sæpe mero caluisse virtus." (But cf. Hor., ii., Ep. ii., 117.)

[1582] Catonis. Both Horace and Sulpicia have imitated Lucilius, "Valerî sententia dia." Fr. incert., 105.

[1583] Staret. Nasica, as Sallust tells us, in spite of Cato's "Delenda est Carthago," was always in favor of the preservation of Carthage; as the existence of the rival republic was the noblest spur to Roman emulation.

[1584] Defendere. Livy shows throughout, that the only periods of respite from intestine discord were under the immediate pressure of war from without. The particular allusion here is probably to the time of Hannibal. So Juv., vi., 286, seq., "Proximus Urbi Hannibal et stantes Collinâ in turre mariti." Liv., xxvi., 10. Sil. Ital., xii., 541, seq. Sallust has the same sentiment, "Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat." Bell. Jug., 41.

[1585] Convenit. The next four lines are hopelessly corrupt. The following emendations have been adopted: domus arxque movetur for Arce Monetæ: pax secura for apes secura: laborum for favorum: _patres_que for mater, or the still older reading, frater; of which last Dusa says, "Neque istud verbum emissim titivillitio."

[1586] Exitium pax. Juv., vi., 292, "Sævior armis Luxuria incubuit victumque ulciscitur orbem." Compare the beautiful passage in Claudian (de Bell. Gild., 96), "Ille diu miles populus qui præfuit orbi," etc.

[1587] Romulidarum. Cf. ad Pers., i., 31.

[1588] Smyrna peribat. Smyrna was attacked by Gyges, king of Lydia, but resisted him with success. It was compelled, however, to yield to his descendant, Alyattes, and in consequence of this event, it sunk into decay and became deserted for the space of four hundred years. Alexander formed the project of rebuilding the town in consequence of a vision. His design was executed by Antigonus and Lysimachus. Vid. Herod., i., 14-16. Paus., Bœot., 29. Strabo, xiv., p. 646. (An allusion to Phocæa or Teos would have been more intelligible. Cf. Herod., i., 165, 168. Hor., Epod. xvi., 17.) The next three lines are corrupt: the reading followed is, "Vel denique quid vis: Te, Dea, quæso illud tantum."

[1589] Caleno. Calenus, the husband of Sulpicia, probably derived his name from Cales in Campania, now Calvi. (Hor., i., Od. xx., 9. Juv., i., 69.) It was the cognomen of Q. Fufius, consul, B.C. 47. The readings in the next line vary: pariter ne obverte; pariterque averte; pariterque adverte. Dusa's explanation is followed in the text. Sulpicia prays that her husband may not be induced by the allurements of inglorious ease to remain longer in Rome or its neighborhood, now that all that is really good and estimable has been driven from it by the tyranny of the emperor. In line 66, read ecce for hæc: in ore for honore. If "dignum laude virum Musa vetat mori," Hor., iv., Od. viii., 28, so he may be said "Doubly dying to go down to the vile dust from whence he sprung," who lives only in the sarcasm of the satirist.

[1590] Laureta Numæ. Cf. ad Juv., iii., 12, seq., the description of Umbritius' departure from Rome.

[1591] Comite Ægeria. It is not impossible there may have been some allusion to Numa and Egeria in Sulpicia's lost work on conjugal affection; and hence Mart., x., Ep. xxxv., 13, "Tales Egeriæ jocos fuisse Udo crediderim Numæ sub antro."

[1592] Apollo. Hor., i., Ep. iii., 17, "Scripta Palatinus quæcunque recepit Apollo." Juv., vii., 37.

FRAGMENTS OF LUCILIUS.[1593]

Introduction

If but little is known of the personal character and life of the other Satirists of Rome, it is unfortunately still more the case with Lucilius. Although the research and industry of modern scholars have collected nearly a hundred passages from ancient writers where his name is mentioned, the information that can be gleaned from them with respect to the events of his life is very scanty indeed; and even of these meagre statements, there is scarcely one that has not been called in question by one or more critics of later days. It will be therefore, perhaps, the most satisfactory course to present in a continuous form the few facts we can gather respecting his personal history; and to mention afterward the doubts that have been thrown on these statements, and the attempts of recent editors to reconcile them with the accredited facts of history.

Caius Lucilius, then, was born, according to the testimony of S. Hieronymus (in Euseb., Chron.), B.C. 148, in the first year of the 158th Olympiad, and the 606th of the founding of the city (Varronian Computation), in the consulship of Spurius Posthumius Albinus and Lucius Calpurnius Piso. There was a plebeian Lucilian gens, as well as a patrician, but it was to the latter that the family of the poet undoubtedly belonged. Horace says of himself (ii. Sat, i., 74), "Quidquid sum ego, quamvis infrà Lucili censum ingeniumque tamen me cum magnis vixisse invita fatebitur usque Invidia." Porphyrion, in his commentary on the passage, says Lucilius was the great uncle of Pompey the Great; Pompey's grandmother being the poet's sister. But Acron says he was Pompey's grandfather. Velleius Paterculus (ii., 29), on the other hand, says that Lucilia, the mother of Pompey, was daughter of the brother of Lucilius and of senatorian family.

His birthplace was Suessa, now Sessa, capital of the Aurunci, in Campania; hence Juvenal (Sat. i., 19) says, "Cur tamen hoc potius libeat decurrere campo, per quem magnus equos Auruncæ flexit alumnus, Si vacat et placidi rationem admittitis edam;" and Ausonius (Ep. xv.), "Rudes Camænas qui Suessæ prævenis." At the age of fifteen, B.C. 134, he accompanied his patron, L. Scipio Africanus Æmilianus, to the Numantine war, where he is said to have served as eques. Vell. Pat., ii., 9, 4. Here he met with Marius, now about in his twenty-third year, and the young Jugurtha; who were also serving under Africanus, and learning, as Velleius says, "that art of war, which they were afterward to employ against each other." In the following year Numantia was taken and razed to the ground, and Lucilius returned with his patron to Rome, shortly after the sedition and death of Tiberius Gracchus; and lived on terms of the most familiar friendship with him and C. Lælius, until the death of Scipio, B.C. 129; and even at that early age had already acquired the reputation of a distinguished Satirist. According to Pighius (in Tabulis), he held the office of quæstor, B.C. 127, two years after Scipio's death, and the prætorship, B.C. 117. Van Heusde is also of opinion that he acted as publicanus; and from a passage in Cicero (de Orat., ii., 70), some suppose he kept large flocks of sheep on the Ager publicus. Besides Africanus and Lælius (with whose father-in-law Crassus, however, he was not on very good terms, vid. Cic., de Or., i., 16) he is said to have enjoyed the friendship of the following distinguished men, Sp. Albinus, L. Ælius Stilo, Q. Vectius, Archelaus, P. Philocomus, Lælius Decimus, and Q. Granius Præco. He had a violent quarrel with C. Cælius, for acquitting a man who had libeled him. He is said to have lived under Velia, where the temple of Victory afterward stood, in a house built at the public expense for the son of king Antiochus when hostage at Rome. (Asc. Pedian. in Ciceron., Orat. c. L. Pisonem, p. 13.) He made a voyage to Sicily, but for what cause, or at what period of his life, is not stated. His closing years were spent at Naples, whither he retired to avoid, as some think, the effects of the hatred of those whom his Satire had offended; and here he died, B.C. 103, in his forty-sixth year, and was honored, according to Eusebius, with a public funeral. He had a faithful slave named Metrophanes, whose honesty and fidelity he rewarded by writing an epitaph for his tomb, quoted by Martial as an instance of antique and rugged style of writing, xi. Ep., 90.

"Carmina nulla probas molli quæ limite currunt, Sed quæ per salebras altaque saxa cadunt: Et tibi Mæonio res carmine major habetur Luceili Columella heic situ' Metrophanes."

The name of his mistress is said to have been Collyra, to whom the sixteenth book of his Satires was inscribed. He wrote thirty books of Satires, of which the first twenty and the last are in Heroic metre. The other nine in Iambics or Trochaics. He is not to be confounded with a comic poet of the same name, mentioned by the Scholiast on Horace and by Fulgentius.

Such is the traditional, and for a long time currently-believed, story of Lucilius' life. The greater accuracy, or greater skepticism, of modern scholars has called into question nearly every one of these meagre facts. Even the method of spelling his name has been a subject of fierce controversy. In the best manuscripts, especially those of Horace, Cicero, and Nonius Marcellus, the name of Lucilius is invariably spelt with one l. Yet in spite of this testimony, in order to square with some preconceived notions of orthography, the l was doubled by Hadrian Turnebe, Claude de Saumaise, Joseph Scaliger, Lambinus, Jos. Mercer, and Cortius. The propriety, however, of omitting the second l has been fully established by an appeal to MSS. and inscriptions; and to Varges and Ellendt the credit is due of successfully restoring the correct mode of spelling. (Cf. Rhenish Philolog. Museum for 1835, and Ellendt on Cicero, de Orat, iii., 43.)

Again, his prænomen is by some stated to be Lucius; whereas, not to mention others, Cicero and Quintilian always speak of him as Caius.

But far more serious doubts, and with great probability, have been cast upon the dates assigned by S. Hieronymus for his birth and death. Bayle, in his Dictionary, was the first to suggest them; and they were taken up and urged with great zeal and learning by Van Heusde (in his Studia Critica in C. Lucilium Poetam, 1842), who accused Jerome of negligence and incorrectness in the dates he assigns to many other events: e. g., the overthrow of Numantia, the deaths of Plautus, Horace, Catullus, Lucretius, and Livius the tragedian, and the birth of Messala Corvinus. The charge against the chronographer has been repeated, and with some show of truth, by Ritschel in the Rhenish Museum, 1843. Van Heusde's line of argument is simply this, that the dates of Hieron. are inconsistent with what Horace and Velleius say of Lucilius, and with what the poet says of himself--that it is absurd to suppose that a lad of fifteen could have served as an eques; or that so young a person would have been admitted to such intimate familiarity with men like Scipio Africanus and Lælius; and that at the time of Scipio's death, when, as it is said, Lucilius had already gained a great reputation as a Satirist, he could have been barely over nineteen years old; that if he had died at the age of forty-six, Horace would not have applied to him the epithet "Senex"--that the year of his birth must be therefore carried back at least six years, and his death assigned to a much later period, as he mentions the Leges Liciniæ and Calpurnia, passed some years after the time fixed by Hieron. for his death at Naples. In this view Milman coincides: "Notwithstanding the distinctness of this statement of S. Hieronymus, and the ingenuity with which many writers have attempted to explain it, it appears to me utterly irreconcilable with facts." (Personæ Horatianæ, p. 178.) Clinton also says[1594] (F. H., ann. B.C. 103), "The expression of Horace, Sat., II., i., 34, by whom Lucilius is called 'Senex,' implies that he lived to a later period."

Such are the principal objections to the common accounts. Of those who hold their accuracy, and endeavor to explain away the difficulties attaching to them, the chief are Varges and Gerlach. The principal points will be taken in the order in which they occur.

With regard to the first, Varges shows, in opposition to Bayle, that it was the custom for young Romans to serve long before the legal age, either voluntarily, that they might apply themselves sooner to civil matters, by getting over their period of military service; or compulsorily, to supply the waste of soldiers caused by the incessant wars in which Rome was engaged. Hence the necessity for the law of C. Gracchus to prevent enlistment under the age of seventeen (νεώτερον ἐτῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα μὴ καταλέγεσθαι στρατιώτην). Cf. Liv., xxv., 5. Duk. ad Liv., xxvi., 25. As the equestrian service was the more honorable, it was probably conceded to Lucilius on account of his gentle birth and early promise. Gerlach thinks that Tibullus[1595] was only thirteen when he accompanied M. Valerius Messala Corvinus in his Aquitanian campaign. Now Tibullus was only of equestrian family. There is no difficulty, therefore, in supposing that Lucilius, who was of senatorian family, might have served as eques at the age of fifteen.[1596]

As to the fact of Scipio and Lælius admitting him to their intimate friendship at so early an age, a parallel may be found in the case of Archias the poet. Besides, Scipio and Lælius were the most likely men to discover and to foster the early talent of the young poet. For the fact of the intimacy we have the testimony of Horace, Sat., II., i., 71,

"Quin ubi se a vulgo et scena in secreta remorant Virtus Scipiadæ et mitis sapientia Lælî Nugari cum illo et discincti ludere, donec Decoqueretur olus, soliti."

On which the commentator says, "That the three were on such intimate terms, that on one occasion Lælius was running round the sofas in the Triclinium, while Lucilius was chasing him with a twisted towel to hit him with." This story agrees exactly with the description given by Cicero[1597] (de Orat., ii., 6) of the conduct of Scipio and Lælius, who speaks of their retiring together to the country-house of the former, and to have descended, for the relaxation of their minds, to the most childish amusements, such as gathering shells on the shore of Caieta. Who would be more likely than such men as these to be captivated by the precocious wit and pungent sarcasm of a sprightly lad?

Again, the character of Lucilius's compositions admits of eminence at an earlier period of life than the other branches of poetry. And yet Catullus and Propertius, not to mention many others, attained great eminence as poets at a very early age; certainly long before their twentieth year.

The Satiric poetry of Lucilius depending more on a keen perception of the ludicrous, and shrewd observation of passing events and the foibles of individuals, would more readily win approbation at an early age, than compositions whose excellence would consist in the display of judgment, knowledge of the world, and elaborate finish. There is, therefore, no reason to suppose that his talent may not, like that of Cicero, have been developed at an early age, and having come under the notice, might have won the approbation, of men of such character in private life as Scipio and Lælius are reported to have been.

But Horace calls him "senex," ii. Sat., 28, seq.

"Ille (Lucilius) velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim Credebat libris: neque si male cesserat, unquam Decurrens alio, neque si bene, quo fit ut omnis Votivâ pateat veluti descripta tabellâ Vita Senis--"

To this it is answered: nothing can be more loose and vague than the employment by Roman writers of terms relating to the different periods of human life: e. g., "puer, adolescentulus, adolescens, juvenis, senex." We have seen that Tibullus at the age of forty may be called "juvenis." Hannibal, at the age of forty-four (i. e., two years younger than Lucilius at his death), calls himself senex. (Cf. Liv., xxx., 30, compared with c. 28, and Crevier's note.)[1598] So Persius (Sat. i., 124) calls Aristophanes "prægrandis senex," though, as Ranke shows in his Life (p. xc.), he was not of great age. We might add that Horace himself uses the phrase, "poetarum seniorum turba" (i. Sat., x., 67), as equivalent to priorum.

In the fourth Fragment of the twentieth book, Lucilius mentions the Calpurnian Law.

"Calpurnî sævam legem Pisoni' reprendi Eduxique animam in primoribu' naribus."

This Van Heusde holds to be the Lex Calpurnia, de ambitu, passed by C. Calpurnius Piso, when consul, A.U.C. 687, B.C. 67, at which time Lucilius would have been eighty-one years old. But there was another Lex Calpurnia, de pecuniis repetundis, passed by L. Calpurnius Piso, tribune, in A.U.C. 604, B.C. 150. Van Heusde says the former must be meant, because Lucilius applies to it the epithet sæva, and Cicero (pro Muræna, c. 46) also styles it "severissime scriptam." He explains the second line of the Fragment to mean, that Lucilius "all but paid the penalty of death for his animadversions of the law," but these words more correctly imply the "fierce snorting of an angry man." So Pers., Sat., v., 91, "Ira cadat naso." Varro, R. R., ii., 3, 5, "Spiritum naribus ducere." Mart., vi. Ep., 64, "Rabido nec perditus ore fumantem nasum vivi tentaveris ursi." And any law whatever would be naturally termed "sæva" by him who came under the influence of it.

In the 132d of the Fragmenta Incerta, we have (quoted from A. Gell., Noct. Att., ii., 24) these words, "Legem vitemus Licini." The object of this law was to give greater sanction to the provisions of the Lex Fannia, a sumptuary law, which had become nearly obsolete. If passed by P. Licinius Crassus Dives Lusitanicus, when consul, it must be referred to the year A.U.C. 657, B.C. 97, six years after the supposed date of Lucilius's death. But there is no reason why this law should not have been passed by Licinius when tribune or prætor, as well as when consul; probably during his prætorship, as nearer the consulship, though Pighius (Annal., iii., 122), though without giving any authority, assigns it to his tribuneship.

The Orchian Law was passed by C. Orchius when tribune. The Fannian and many other sumptuary laws were passed by prætors or tribunes. The argument therefore derived from the law having been passed by Licinius, when consul, falls to the ground.

Allowing, however, that Lucilius was alive during the consulship of Licinius, we have the incidental, and therefore more valuable, testimony of Cicero, that he must have died very shortly after. In his "De Oratore," he introduces the speakers in the Dialogue quoting Lucilius, as one evidently not very recently dead. Now this imaginary Dialogue is supposed to have taken place B.C. 91.

FOOTNOTES:

[1593] In the Translation, the text and arrangement of Gerlach have been principally followed. The few Fragments that have not been translated are omitted, either from their hopelessly corrupt state, their obscenity, or from their consisting of single, and those unimportant, words.

[1594] Clinton, in his new Epitome of Chronology (Oxford, 1851), says, Lucilius was about twenty years of age when serving at Numantia, B.C. 134.

[1595] But Clinton thinks that the war for which Messala triumphed was carried on B.C. 28, and that Tibullus was then about thirty. The war against the Salassi had been carried on B.C. 34. Heyne assigns his birth to B.C. 49. Voss, Passow, and Dissen, to B.C. 59. Lachman and Paldanus, to B.C. 54. He is called a "juvenis" at his death, B.C. 18. But Clinton says there is "no difficulty in this term, which may express forty years of age."

[1596] Cf. Niebuhr's Lectures, vol. i., p. 316. "Slow and gradual advancement, and a provision for officers in their old age, were things unknown to the Romans. No one could by law have a permanent appointment: every one had to give evidence of his ability. It was, moreover, not necessary to pass through a long series of subordinate offices. A young Roman noble served as eques, and the consul had in his cohort the most distinguished to act as his staff: there they learned enough, and in a few years, a young man, in the full vigor of life, became a tribune of the soldiers."

[1597] "Sæpe ex socero meo audivi, quum is diceret, socerum suum Lælium semper ferè cum Scipione solitum rusticari eosque incredibiliter repuerascere esse solitos quum rus ex urbe tanquam è vinculis evolavissent.... Solet narrare Scævola conchas eos et umbilicos ad Caietam et ad Laurentum legere consuêsse et ad omnem animi remissionem ludumque descendere." Cf. Val. Max., viii., 8, 1.

[1598] These additional authorities have been collected by Gerlach and Varges. Barth. ad Stat. Sylv., I., ii. 253. Markl. ad Stat. Sylv., 110. Drakenborch, ad Sil. Ital., i., 634. Eustath., p. 107, 14, on the word γέρων. Heyne's Homer, vol. iv., pp. 270, 606, 620.

I. [1599]

ARGUMENT.

To the first book there is said to have been annexed an Epistle to L. Ælius Stilo, the friend of the poet, to whom in all probability this book was dedicated. (Fr. 16.) We know from a note of Servius on the tenth book of the Æneid (l. 104), that the subject was a council of gods held to deliberate on the fortune of the Roman state; the result of the conference being that nothing but the death of certain obnoxious individuals could possibly rescue the city from plunging headlong to ruin. It is a kind of parody on the council of Celestials held in the first book of the Odyssey, to discuss the propriety of the return of Ulysses to Greece: and as Homer represents Neptune, the great enemy of Ulysses, to have been absent from the meeting, so here (Fr. 2) we find an allusion to some previous council, at which Jupiter, by the machinations of Juno (Fr. 15), was not present. Virgil, as Servius says, borrowed the idea of his discussion between Venus, Juno, and Jupiter from this book; only he translated the language of Lucilius into a type more suited to the dignity of Heroic verse. Lucilius's council begin with discussing the affairs of mankind at large, and then proceed to consider the best method of prolonging the Roman state (Fr. 5), which has no greater enemies than its own corrupt and licentious morals, and the wide-spreading evils of avarice and luxury. But amid the growing vices which undermined the state must especially be reckoned the study of a spurious kind of philosophy, of rhetoric, and logic, which not only was the cause of universal indolence and neglect of all serious duties, but also led men to lay snares to entrap their neighbors. (Fr. inc. 2.) A fair instance of these sophistical absurdities is given (Fr. inc. 12); and the doctrine of the Stoics, to which Horace alludes (i. Sat., iii., 124), is also ridiculed. (Fr. inc. 23.) The pernicious effects of gold are then described, as destructive of all honesty, good faith, and every religious principle (Fr. inc. 39-47); the result of which is, that the state is fast sinking into helpless ruin. (Fr. inc. 50.) Nor are the evils of luxury less baleful. (Fr. 19-21.)

All this discussion, in the previous conference, had been nugatory on account of the absence of Jupiter, and the divisions that had arisen among the gods themselves. In this debate Neptune had taken a very considerable part, since we hear that, discussing some very abstruse and difficult point, he said it could not be cleared up, even though Orcus were to permit Carneades himself to revisit earth. (Fr. 8.) Apollo also was probably one of the speakers, and expressed a particular dislike to his cognomen of "the Beautiful." (Fr. inc. 145.) Perhaps all the gods but Jove (Fr. 3) had been present; but as they could not agree, the whole matter was referred to Jupiter; who, expressing his vexation that he was not present at the first meeting, blames some and praises others. (Fr. 55, inc.)

The cause of his absence was probably the same as that described (Iliad, xiv., 307-327) by Homer: which passage Lucilius probably meant to ridicule. (Fr. 15.) The result of the deliberation is a determination on the part of the gods that the only way to save the Roman state is by requiring the expiatory sacrifice of the most flagitious and impious among the citizens: and the three fixed upon are P. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus, L. Papirius Carbo, and C. Hostilius Tubulus.

(To this book may perhaps also be referred Fr. inc. 2, 46, 61, 63.)

This book must have been published subsequently to the death of Carneades, which took place the same year as that of Scipio, B.C. 129, twenty-six years after his embassy to Rome.

1 ... held counsel about the affairs of men--

2 I could have wished, could it so have happened.... I could have wished, at that council of yours before which you mention, I could have wished, Celestials, to have been present at your previous council!

3 ... that there is none of us, but without exception is styled "Best Father of Gods," as Father Neptune, Liber, Saturn, Father Mars, Janus, Father Quirinus.[1600]

4 Had Tubulus, Lucius, Lupus, or Carbo, that son of Neptune, believed that there were gods, would he have been so perjured and impious?[1601]

5 ... in what way it might be possible to preserve longer the people and city of Rome.

6 ... though many months and days ... yet wicked men would not admire this age and time.

7 When he had spoken these words he paused--

8 Not even though Orcus should send back Carneades himself....[1602]

9 ... made ædile by a Satura; who from law may loose....[1603]

10 ... against whom, should the whole people conspire, they would be scarce a match for him--

11 ... they might, however, discharge their duty and defend the walls.

12 ... might put it off, if not longer, at least to this one lustrum.[1604]

13 I will bring them to supper; and first of all will give each of them, as they arrive, the bellies of thunny and heads of acharne.[1605]

14 ...

15 ... so that I could compare «the embraces» of Leda daughter of Thestius, and the spouse of Ixion.[1606]

16 These things we have sent, written to thee, Lucius Ælius![1607]

17 ... to creep on, as an evil gangrene, or ulcer, might.

18 A countenance too, like.... death, jaundice, poison.

19 ... to hate the infamous, vile, and disgraceful cook's shop.[1608]

20 prætextæ and tunics, and all that foul handiwork of the Lydians.[1609]

21 Velvets and double piles, soft with their thick naps.[1610]

22 ... that, like an angry cur, speaks plainer than a man.

23 ... the common herd stupidly look for a knot in a bulrush.[1611]

24 ... and legions serve for pay.

25 ... quote prodigies, elephants.

26 ... ladles and ewers.[1612]

27 Vulture.[1613]

28 ... like a fool, you came to dance among the Pathics.

29 Oh the cares of men! Oh how much vanity is there in human affairs![1614]

FOOTNOTES:

[1599] Book I. Some of the commentators suppose that the thirty Satires of Lucilius were divided into two books, and that the first of these books, and not the first Satire only, was dedicated to Ælius Stilo.

[1600] Fr. 3. "Every god that is worshiped by man must needs in all solemn rites and invocations be styled 'Father;' not only for honor's, but also for reason's sake. Since he is both more ancient than man, and provides man with life and health and food, as a father doth." Lactant., Inst. Div., iv., 3.

[1601] Tubulus. C. Hostilius Tubulus was elected prætor B.C. 210 (Liv., xxvii., 6), and was prætor peregrinus next year. (Cf. Fr. inc. 97.) He became infamous from his openly receiving bribes, so that the next year, on the motion of the tribune P. Scævola, he was impeached by Cnæus Servilius Cæpio the consul, B.C. 203. P. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus first appears as one of the persons sent to Rome, to announce the victory over Perseus. (Liv., xliv., 45.) He afterward served the offices of curule ædile (Fr. 9), and censor (Fr. 12). He was consul B.C. 156. Carbo is L. Papirius Carbo, the friend of C. Gracchus. We learn from Aulus Gellius (xv., 21), that "Son of Neptune" was applied to men of the fiercest and most blood-thirsty dispositions, who seemed to have so little humanity about them, that they might have been sprung from the sea.

[1602] Carneades (cf. Diog. Laert., IV., ix.) of Cyrene, disciple of Chrysippus, and founder of the new Academy, was celebrated for his great acuteness of intellect, which he displayed to great advantage when he came as embassador from Athens to Rome, B.C. 155.

[1603] Ædilem refers to Lupus, who was made curule ædile with L. Valerius Flaccus, A.U.C. 591 (B.C. 163), and exhibited the Ludi Megalenses the year Terence's Heauton Timorumenos was produced. A law was called Satura which contained several enactments under one bill; hence, according to Diomedes, Satire derives its name from the variety of its subjects.

A person was said to be legibus solutus who was freed from the obligation of any one law; afterward the emperors were so styled, as being above all laws; but at first there was some reservation, as we find Augustus praying to be freed from the obligation of the Voconian law. (In the year B.C. 199, C. Valerius Flaccus was created curule ædile together with C. Cornelius Cethegus. Being flamen dialis, and therefore not allowed to take an oath, he prayed, "ut legibus solveretur." The consuls, by a decree of the senate, got the tribunes to obtain a plebis-scitum, that his brother Lucius, the prætor elect, might be allowed to take the oath for him. Liv., xxxi., 50.)

[1604] Fr. 12 refers also to Lupus, for he was censor A.U.C. 607, with L. Marcius Censorinus.

[1605] Priva. Cf. Liv., xxx., 43, "Ut privos lapides silices, privasque verbenas secum ferrent." The acharne was a fish known to the Greeks, the best being caught off Ænos in Thrace. Athenæus mentions the ἄχαρνος together with θύννου κεφάλαιον, "thunny-heads" (vii., p. 620, D), in a passage from the Cyclopes of Callias. Ennius also (ap. Apul. Apolog.) has "calvaria pinguia acharnæ."

[1606] Mercer suggests "coitum" as the missing word, which Gerlach adopts. Cf. Hom., Il., xiv., 317, οὐδ' ὁπότ' ἠρασάμην Ἰξιονίης ἀλόχοιο. The lady's name was Dia, daughter of Deioneus. Contendere, "to compare." Cf. vii., Fr. 6.

[1607] L. Ælius Stilo (vid. arg.) was a Roman knight, a native of Lanuvium, and was called Stilo, "quod orationes nobilissimo cuique scribere solebat." He had also the nickname of Præconinus, because his father had exercised the office of præco. He was a distinguished grammarian, and a friend of the learned and great; and, it is said, accompanied Q. Metellus Numidicus into banishment. Vid. Suet., de Gram. Ill., II., iii. Ernest Clav. Cic.

[1608] Cf. Juv., viii., 172, "Mitte sed in magnâ legatum quære popina;" and 1. 158; xi., 81, "Qui meminit calidæ sapiat quid vulva popinæ."

[1609] Prætextæ. Cf. Pers., v., 30, "custos purpura."

[1610] Psilœ, from ψιλὸς, "rasus," with its nap shorn like our modern velvet (villus, hence vélours). Amphitapæ, from ἀμφί and τάπης, a thick brocaded dress, like a rich carpet, soft on both sides.

[1611] Nodum in scirpo facere, or quærere, "to make a difficulty where there is none." Cf. Ter., And., v., 4, 38. Enn. ap. Fest., "Quæritur in scirpo soliti quod dicere nodus." Plaut., Men., II., i., 22. The modern Italian is equally expressive, "Cercar l'osso nel fico."

[1612] ἀρύταινα, from ἀρύτω, "any vessel for drawing up water."

[1613] Vulturius is the older Latin form for vultur, which is found in the days of Virgil. (In Plaut., Curc., II., iii., 77, "Vulturios quatuor" is a bad throw at dice, like the "damnosa Canicula" of Persius, iii., 49, and is said to be called so for the same reason, because vultures devour, i. e., ruin men.)

[1614] Cf. Pers., i., 1.

II. ARGUMENT

On the subject of this book the commentators differ: some supposing that it was directed against luxury and effeminacy. But the avarice and licentiousness of the times form a considerable portion of the writings of Lucilius, and there are very few of his Satires in which these are not incidentally glanced at. From the sixth Fragment, which after all is a very obscure one, Ellendt supposed it was written to expose Æmilius Scaurus. Corpet maintains that it contained the description of a sanguinary brawl, in which many persons were engaged; that one person was taken up for dead, his house purified (Fr. 22), and all preparations made for his funeral, when some one saw another lying in his bier. Fr. 1. It is quite clear that Fr. 14, 24, and perhaps 2, refer to luxury; if by Manlius, in the second Fragment, is intended Cn. Manlius Vulso. (Vid. note.)

1 ... whom, when Hortensius and Posthumius had seen, the rest, too, saw that he was not on his bier, and that another was lying there.

2 Hostilius ... against the plague and ruin which that halting Manlius, too, «introduced among» us.[1615]

3 ... which were all removed in two hours, when the sun set, and was enveloped in darkness.[1616]

4 ... that he, having been ill-treated, attacked the other's jaws, and beat the breath out of him.

5 Now for the name: next I will tell you what I have got out of the witnesses, by questioning.[1617]

6 ... which I charm and wrest and elicit from Æmilius.[1618]

7 I say not. Even though he conquer, let him go like a vagabond into exile, and roam an outlaw.[1619]

8 The prætor is now your friend; but if Gentilis die this year, he will be mine--[1620]

9 ... if he has left on his posteriors the mark of a thick and large-headed snake.[1621]

10 Of a rough-actioned, sorry, slow-paced jade--[1622]

11 ... that unclean, shameless, plundering fellow.[1623]

12 Sleeved tunics of gold tissue, scarfs, drawers, turbans.[1624]

13 What say you? Why was it done? What is that guess of yours?

14 ... who may now ruin you, Nomentanus, you rascal, in every thing else!

15 So surrounded was I with all the cakes.[1625]

16 ... to penetrate the hairy purse.[1626]

17 ... for a man scarce alive and a mere shadow.[1627]

18 ... as skilled in law.

19 ... he would lead these herds--

20 ... for what need has he of the amulet and image attached to him, in order to devour fat bacon and make rich dishes by stealth.[1628]

21 ... her that shows light by night.[1629]

22 ... purified--expiated--

23 ... a journey from the lowermost (river) to be told, and heard.

24 Long life to you, gluttons, gormandizers, belly-gods.[1630]

25 ... him that wanders through inhospitable wastes there accompanies the greater satisfaction of things conceived in his mind.[1631]

FOOTNOTES:

[1615] There are two persons of the name of Hostilius mentioned by Livy, as contemporary with Cn. Manlius Vulso. Hostilius is Gerlach's reading for the old hostilibus. Cn. Manlius got the nickname of Vulso from vellendo, plucking out superfluous hairs to make his body more delicate. (Plin., xiv., 20. Juv., viii., 114; ix., 14. Pers., iv., 36.) He was consul B.C. 189, and marched into Gallo-Græcia, and for his conquests was allowed a triumph, B.C. 186. Livy enters into great detail in describing all the various luxuries which he introduced into Rome, such as sofas, tables, sideboards, rich and costly vestments and hangings, foreign musicians, etc. Liv., xxxix., 6. Plin., H. N., xxxiv., 3, 8. Cf. Bekker's Gallus, p. 294. Catax (quasi cadax a cadendo) is explained by coxo, "one lame of the hip." There is probably an allusion to his effeminacy. Corpet considers Manlius Verna to be intended, who had the sobriquet of Pantolabus, i. e., "grasp-all."

[1616] Leg. obducto tenebris. Dusa's conjecture, adopted by Gerlach.

[1617] Exsculpo. So Fr. incert. 49, "Esurienti Leoni ex ore exsculpere prædam." Ter., Eun., IV., iv., 44, "Possumne hodie ego ex to exsculpere verum."

[1618] All the commentators agree that no sense can be elicited from this line. Ellendt (vid. sup.) supposes Æmilius Scaurus to be meant; others, Æmilius the præco, by whom Scipio, when candidate for the censorship, was conducted to the forum, for which he was ridiculed by Appius Claudius. Præcantare is applied to singing magic hymns and incantations by the bed of one sick, to charm away the disease. Cf. Tibull., I., v. 12, "Carmine cum magico præcinuisset anus." Macrob., Somn. Scip., II., iii. Excantare is "to elicit by incantation." Vid. Lucan, vi., 685, "Excantare deos."

[1619] Corpet says, this obviously refers to Scipio Africanus major. But, as Gerlach says, it may apply equally well to Scipio Nasica, or Opimius, who killed the Gracchi; perhaps even better to the latter than to Scipio Africanus, who went voluntarily into exile.

[1620] Cf. Ter., Andr., V., vi., 12, "Tuus est nunc Chremes." Gerlach's reading and punctuation are followed. Gentilis is a proper name, on the authority of Appuleius.

[1621] Natrix, properly "a venomous water-serpent." Cic., Acad., iv., 38. Hence applied by Tiberius to Caligula. (Suet., Calig., xi.) It means here a thong or whip (scutica), which twists about and stings like a snake. So Anguilla, Isidor., Orig., v. 27.

[1622] Succussatoris. Gr. ὑποσειστής, "one that shakes the rider in his seat." Caballi. Vid. Pers., Prol. i., 1.

[1623] Impuratus. Ter., Phorm., IV., iii., 64. Impuno, "one who dares all, through hope of impunity." Rapister is formed like magister, sequester, etc.

[1624] Cf. Bähr ad Herod., vii., 61 (which seems to confirm the conjecture, χειροδύται), and the quotation from Virgil below. Herod., vi., 72. Schneider's note on Xen., Hell., II., i., 8. Rica is a covering for the head, such as priestesses used to wear at sacrifices, generally of purple, square, with a border or fringe; cf. Varro, L. L., iv., 29; but worn sometimes by men, as Euclides of Megara used one. A. Gell., vi., 10.

Thoracia. Properly "a covering for the breast," then "an apron" (Juv., v., 143, "viridem thoraca jubebit afferri"), then "a covering for the abdomen or thigh," like the fasciæ. Cf. Suet., Aug., 82, "Hieme quaternis cum pingui togâ tunicis et subuculâ thorace laneo et feminalibus et tibialibus muniebatur."

Mitra was a high-peaked cap, worn by courtesans and effeminate men. Vid. Juv., iii., 66, "Ite quibus grata est pictâ lupa barbara mitrâ." Virg., Æn., ix., 616, "Et tunicæ manicas et habent redimicula mitræ." iv., 216. Ov., Met., xiv., 654.

[1625] Ferta. Rich cakes, made of flour, wine, honey, etc., which formed part of the usual offerings. Cf. Pers., ii., 48, "Attamen hic extis et opimo vincere ferto intendit."

[1626] Bulga is properly "a traveling bag of leather, carried on the arm." See the amusing Fragment, lib. vi., 1. Hence its obvious translation to the meaning in lib. xxvi., Fr. 36, and here.

[1627] Monogrammo. A metaphor from painting, "drawn only in outline." Used here for a very thin emaciated person. (Cf. lib. xxvii., 17.) Epicurus applied this epithet to the gods (Cic., Nat. Deor., ii., 23), as being "tenues sine corpore vitæ." Virg., vi., 292. Cf. Pers., vi., 73, "trama figuræ."

[1628] Mutinus, or Mutunus, is the same deity as Priapus. The form is cognate with Muto. He appears to have been also called Mutinus Tutinus, or Tutunus. The emblem was worn as a charm or phylactery against fascination, and hung round children's necks. Cf. Lactant., i., 20. August., Civ. D., iv., 7.

Lurcor is "to swallow greedily." Lardum. Cf. Juv., xi., 84, "Natalitium lardum."

Carnaria is probably the neuter plural of the adjective. Carnarius homo, is one who delights in flesh. Carnarium is either "an iron rack with hooks for hanging meat upon," or "a larder where provisions are kept."

[1629] Noctilucam. An epithet of the moon. Hor., iv., Od. vi., 38, "Rite crescentem face Noctilucam." (Cf. Var., L. L., v., 68, "Luna dicta Noctiluca in Palatio, nam ibi noctu lucet templum.") Hence used for a lantern, and then for a "minion of the moon," a strumpet, because they suspended lights over their doors or cells. (Juv., vi., 122. Hor., ii., Sat. vii., 48.) This last appears from Festus to be the sense intended here.

[1630] Lurco is derived by some from λαῦρος, "voracious;" but by Festus from Lura, an old word for "the belly." Cf. Plaut., Pers., III., iii., 16, "Lurco, edax, furax, fugax." Lurco was the cognomen of M. Aufidius, who first introduced the art of fattening peacocks, by which he made a large fortune. Varro, R. R., iii., 6. Plin., x., 20, 23.

[1631] Inhospita tesqua. Horace has copied this sentiment in his epistle to his Villicus, "Nam quæ deserta et inhospita tesqua credis, amæna vocat mecum qui sentit." i., Ep. xiv., 19. Tesqua is derived from δάσκιος, "very wooded." (Lucan, vi., 41, "nemorosa tesca.") Varro says tesca are "places inclosed and set apart as templa for the purposes of augury." L. L., vi., 2.

III. ARGUMENT

We have not only much more ample and satisfactory information respecting the subject of this Satire from ancient writers, but the Fragments which have come down to us give sufficient evidence that their statements are correct. It is the description of a journey which Lucilius took from Rome to Capua, and thence to the Straits of Messina; with an account of some of the halting-places on his route, and incidents of travel. Besides this, which was the main subject, he indulged by the way in a little pleasing raillery against some of his contemporaries, Ennius, Pacuvius, Cæcilius, and Terence, according to the old Scholiast. This Satire formed the model from which Horace copied his Journey to Brundusium, i, Sat., v. The special points of imitation will be seen in the notes; from which it will appear that the particular incidents mentioned by Horace, are probably fictitious. As to the journey itself, Varges and Gerlach are both of opinion that it was a real one, and undertaken solely for purposes of pleasure; as it was not unusual for the wealthier Romans of that day to travel into Campania, or even to Lucania, and as far as the district of the Bruttii. (Cf. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 102, seq.) These journeys were occasionally performed on foot: as we hear of Cato traveling on foot through the different cities of Italy, bearing his own arms, and attended only by a single slave, who carried his baggage and libation-cup for sacrificing. But Lucilius probably on this occasion had his hackney (canterius), like Horace, which carried not only his master's saddle-bags, but himself also. (Cf. Fr. 9. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 104.)

It is not quite clear whether the scene described at Capua was a gladiatorial exhibition, or merely a drunken brawl that took place in the streets, from which one of the parties came very badly off.

Several of the "uncertain Fragments" may be fairly referred to this book; evidently Fr. inc. 27. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. v., 85. Probably Fr. inc. 77, 95, 53, 11, 10, 14, 36.

1 ... you will find twice five and eighty full miles; from Capua too, two hundred and fifty--[1632]

2 ... from the gate to the harbor, a mile; thence to Salernum.[1633]

3 ... thence to the people of the Dicæarcheans and Delos the less.[1634]

4 Campanian Capua--

5 ... three miles in length.[1635]

6 ... But there, all these things were mere play--and no odds. They were no odds, I say, all mere play--and a joke. The real hard work was, when we came near the Setine country; goat-clambered mountains; Ætnas all of them, rugged Athosès.[1636]

7 Besides, the whole of this way is toilsome and muddy--[1637]

8 Moreover, the scoundrel, like a rascally muleteer, knocked against all the stones--[1638]

9 My portmanteau galled my hackney's ribs by its weight.[1639]

10 We pass the promontory of Minerva with oars--[1640]

11 ... four from this to the river Silarus, and the Alburnian harbor.[1641]

12 Hence, I arrive at midnight, by rowing, at Palinurus--[1642]

13 And you shall see, what you have often before wished, the Straits of Messina, and the walls of Rhegium; then Lipara, and the temple of Diana Phacelitis--[1643]

14 ... here the third passes the truck on the top of the mast:[1644]

15 And you will square out the way, as the camp-measurer does....[1645]

16 ... and we will take a decent time for refreshing our bodies.[1646]

17 There was not a single oyster, or a burret, or peloris:[1647]

18 no asparagus.

19 Waking out of sleep, therefore, with the first dawn I call for the boys--

20 Bending forward at once he covers his[1648]

21 The rabbit-mouthed butcher triumphs; he with the front tooth projecting, like the Ethiopian rhinoceros--[1649]

22 ... the other, successful, returns in safety with seven feathers, and gets clear off--[1650]

23 ... the forum of old decorated with lanterns, at the Roman games.

24 ... besides, the neat-herd Symmachus, already given over, was heaving with panting lungs his last expiring breath.[1651]

25 ... like the thick sparks, as in the mass of glowing iron.[1652]

26 she did not give birth to....

27 ... whoever attacks, can confuse the mind--

28 Tantalus, who pays the penalty for his atrocious acts--

29 ... our senses are turned topsy-turvy by the wine-flagons.[1653]

30 ... when it came to extremity and utter destruction--[1654]

31 then you exhale sour belchings from your breast--

32 we raise our jaws, and indulge in a grin

33 here however is one landlady, a Syrian[1655]

34 The little old woman's flight was rough and premature

35 ... they are studying; look to the wood....

36 propped up on a cushion.

37 seeing that

38 You should receive a share of the glory; you should have partaken with me in the pleasure.

FOOTNOTES:

[1632] It is not known what the places are from which Lucilius meant to mark these distances. Nonius explains commodum by integrum, totum, "complete."

[1633] Gronovius supposes the harbor intended to be the Portus Alburnus. Varges says it is Pompeii, which was a little distance from the sea. Gerlach takes it to be Salernum itself: "and there you are at Salernum!"

[1634] This high-sounding line is supposed to be a parody of some of the "sesquipedalia verba" of Ennius. The place meant is Puteoli, now Pozzuoli, so called either from the mephitic smell of the water, or from the quantity of wells there. It became the great emporium of commerce, as Delos had been before, and hence was called Delos Minor. It was a Greek colony, and was called Dicæarcheia, from the strict justice with which its government was administered, or from the name of its founder. Plin., III., v., 9. Stat. Sylv., II., ii., 96, 110. Sil. Ital., viii., 534; xiii., 385.

[1635] Longe pro logitudine. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. v., 25, "Millia tum pransi tria repimus." What Horace says of his slow journey to Terracina, Lucilius had said of his tedious ascent to Setia. See next Fr.

[1636] Susque deque is properly applied to a thing "about which you are so indifferent that you do not care whether it is up or down." Cic., Att., xiv., 6, "de Octavio susque deque." Compare the Greek ἀδιαφορεῖ. A. Gell., xvi., 9. So "susque deque ferre," i. e., æquo animo, "to bear patiently."

Illud opus. Virg., Æn., vi., 129, "Hoc opus hic labor est," Setia, now Sezza, near the Pomptine marshes, on the Campanian hills. From its high position, Martial gives it the epithet "pendula:" xiii., Ep. 112, "Pendula Pomptinos quæ spectat Setia campos." The country round was a famous wine district. Cf. Plin., iii., 5, 5; xiv., 6, 8. Mart., vi., 86. Juv., v., 34; x., 27; xiii., 213. αἰγίλιποι. The Schol. on Hom., Il., ix., 15, explains this as "a cliff so high that even goats forsake it." Cf., Æsch., Supp., 794. But it more probably comes from λίπτομαι, than λείπομαι, therefore "eagerly sought by goats." Cf. Mart., xiii., Ep. 99.

[1637] Labosum for laboriosum.

[1638] Quartarius, "quia partem quartam questûs capiebant." "The mule-drivers were so called, because they received one fourth of the hire." Of course, as the animals were not their own, they were not very careful how they drove them; and hence might run foul of the cippi, which were either tomb-stones by the side of the road, or stones set to mark the boundaries of land. Cf. Juv., Sat. i., 171. Pers., i., 37. Hor., i., Sat. viii., 12.

[1639] Hor., i., Sat. vi., 105, "Mantica cui lumbos onere ulceret atque eques armos." Canterius (more correctly Cantherius), "a gelding."

[1640] The Promontory of Minerva, now P. di Campanella, is the southernmost extremity of the Bay of Naples, a short distance from the island of Capri.

[1641] The Portus Alburnus is the mouth of the river Silarus (now Selo), which separates Lucania from the district of the Picentini. The Mons Alburnus (now Alburno), from which it takes its name, stands near the junction of the Tanager (now Negro) with the Silarus. Virgil mentions this district as abounding in the gad-fly. Georg., iii., 146.

[1642] Palinurum (still called Capo Palinuro) is in Lucania, not far from the town of Velia, at the north of the Laus sinus, or Golfo di Policastra.

[1643] Messana, the ancient Zancle, still gives its name to the strait between it and Rhegium. The geological fact from which the latter derives its name (Rhegium, or ῥήγνυμι), is described, Virg., Æn., iii., 414, seq. Lipara (now Lipari) is the principal of the Æolian or Vulcanian Islands.

Phacelitis, from φάκελος, "a fagot." When Orestes made his escape with Pylades and Iphigenia from Taurica, he carried away with him the image of Artemis, inclosed for the purpose of concealment in a bundle of sticks. Hence her name, Phacelitis, or, according to the Latin form, Facelitis. This image he carried, according to one legend, to Aricia, near which was the grove of Diana Nemorensis; or, as others say, to Syracuse, where he built a temple and established her Cultus. Cf. Sil. Ital., xiv., 260.

[1644] Carchesium is, according to some, "the upper part of the Levantine sail," or "the lower part of the mast." Others explain it as "the cross-trees or tops of the mast, to which the sailors ascended to look out." Or it is "the hollow bowl-shaped top or truck of the mast, through which the halyards work." Hence its use as applied to a drinking-cup. (Virg., Georg., iv., 380. Athen., xi., c. 49. Müller's Archæol. of Art, § 299.) Catull., Pel. et Thet., 236. Liv., Andron. Fr. incert, 1, "Florem antlabant Liberi ex carchesiis."

[1645] Degrumor. Properly, "to mark out two lines crossing each other exactly at right angles." There was a point in the camp near the Prætorium, called Groma, at which four lines converged, which divided the camp into four equal portions.

[1646] Hor., i, Epist. ii, 29.

[1647] Purpura is properly the shell-fish from which the famous dye came. (Ostrum, cognate with ostrea.) The Peloris was a common kind of shell-fish, caught probably off Cape Pelorum, whence its name. Cf. Plin., xxxii, 9, 31. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 32, "Muria Baiano melior Lucrina peloris." Mart., vi., Ep. xi., 5, "Tu Lucrina voras: me pascit aquosa Peloris." x., Ep. xxxvii., 9.

[1648] Cernuus is applied to one "who falls on his face." "In eam partem quâ cernimus." Virg., Æn., x., 894.

[1649] Brocchus ovat Lanius. The reading of Junius (cf. Virg., Æn., x., 500), probably part of the description of the street brawl. Brocchus is applied to one "with projecting mouth and teeth, like the jowl of a bull-dog."

[1650] Abundans. Ter., Phorm., I., iii., 11, "Amore abundas Antipho." This line either refers to an actual exhibition of gladiators, in Campania perhaps, or Lucilius applies the language of the arena to the street-fight. The Scholiast on Juvenal (iii., 158, ed. Jahn) says, the helmets of the gladiators were adorned with peacocks' feathers; others think the upper part of the helmet was so called, which the Samnis wore, and hence his opponent was denominated Pinnirapus.

[1651] Depôstus, "despaired of." So Virg., Æn., xii., 395, "Ille ut depositi proferret fata parentis."

[1652] Strictura is either "the mass of iron, generally in a glowing state, ready to be forged," or "the sparks that fly from the iron while it is being hammered." The line probably refers to Lipara, or one of the Vulcanian isles, where the Cyclops had their workshop. (Cf. Fr. 13.) Virgil uses the word also in describing the Cyclops, viii., 420, "Striduntque cavernis Stricturæ Chalybum et fornacibus ignis anhelat." Pers., ii., 66, "Stringere venas ferventis massæ."

[1653] Fundus seems to be here used almost like funditus; or it may mean "our firm solid basis."

[1654] Ad incita, from "in" and "cieo." A metaphor from chess, or some game resembling it (latrunculi or calculi), when one party has lost so many men that he has none more to move; or only in such a position that by the laws of the game they can not be moved (checkmated). The usual phrase is ad incitas. Lucilius is the only writer who uses the form ad incita.

[1655] Syrus was a common name for a slave, from his country, as Davus, "the Dacian," Geta, "the Goth," etc. Cf. Juv., viii., 159, "Obvius assiduo Syrophœnix udus amomo currit Idumeæ Syrophœnix incola portæ."

IV. ARGUMENT

The Scholiast, on the third Satire of Persius, tells us that the subject of that Satire, which is directed against the luxury and vices of the rich, was borrowed from the fourth book of Lucilius. In all probability the form of the Satire is not the same; as the dialogue between the severe censor and his pupils approaches too near the Greek form, to have suited the taste of Lucilius. No doubt there is a much closer imitation in the second Satire of Horace's second book, which also was confessedly composed upon this model; where the plain and rustic simplicity of Ofella takes the place of the grave and sententious philosophy of the more dignified Lælius. The first six Fragments are evidently to be referred to Lælius; expatiating on the praises of frugality, and exhibiting, by examples, the hollowness of all the pleasures of luxury and gluttony. We have then allusions to a combat of gladiators; and several references to women, and to the impetuous and restless anxieties attendant upon the passion of love; which are inconsistent with the character of Lælius, and were therefore put into the mouth of some other speaker.

To the first part of the Satire we may probably refer the Fragments 192, 193, 132, 133, incert.

1 * * * *

At which that wise Lælius used to give vent to railings; addressing the Epicures of our order--[1656]

2 "Oh thou glutton, Publius Gallonius! a miserable man thou art!" he says. "Thou hast never in all thy life supped well, though all thou hast thou squanderest on that lobster and gigantic sturgeon!"[1657]

3 If you ask me, we enjoy food well cooked, and seasoned and pleasing conversation--[1658]

4 ... because you prefer sumptuous living, and dainties to wholesome food--

5 ... to devise besides what each wished to be brought to him; one was attracted by sow's udder, and a dish of fatlings, another by a Tiber pike caught between the two bridges--[1659]

6 ... let there be wine poured from a full.... with the hollow of the hand for a siphon; from which the snow has abated naught, or the wine-strainer robbed--[1660]

7 ... there was Æserninus, a Samnite, at the games exhibited by the Flacci, a filthy fellow, worthy of such a life, and such a station. He is matched with Pacideianus, who was by far the very best gladiator since the world began--[1661]

8 I will kill him, and conquer, said he, if you ask that: But so I think it will be; I will smite him on the face before I plant my sword in the stomach and lungs of Furius. I hate the man! I fight in a rage! nor is there any farther delay than till some one fits a sword to my right hand; with such passion, and hatred of the man, am I transported with anger.[1662]

9 ... although he himself was a good Samnite in the games, and with the wooden swords, rough enough for any one....[1663]

10 But if no woman can be of so hardy a body, yet she may remain juicy, with soft arms, and the open hand may rest on her breast full of milk--[1664]

11 † Tisiphone devoured unguent from his lungs and fat; Erinnys most sacred of Eumenides bore off what was extracted.[1665]

12 ... pursues him, not expecting, leaps upon his head, and having encircled him, champs him all up and devours him--[1666]

13 ... remains fixed in the hinder part with vertebræ and joints, as with us the ankle and knee.

14 These carry before them huge fishes, for a present, thirty in number--

15 ... that you might not be able to shake out the door-peg with your hand, and even by yourself force out the bar with a wedge.[1667]

16 He is longer than a crane--

17 To scour the fields ... the whelps and young of wild beasts.

18 ... and when he is such a handsome man, and a youth worthy of you.

19 ... he places under this, he adds four props with nails.[1668]

20 ... who eats himself, devours me--

21 I was drunk and bloated.

FOOTNOTES:

[1656] Lapathus is the "sorrel," which, it appears, the Romans cultivated in their gardens with great care. It was called, in its wild state, Rumex. It was used at banquets, on account of its purgative qualities, together with the Coan wines, which possessed the same properties. Cf. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 27. Pers., Sat. v., 135. Gumia is a "glutton, epicure, belly-god." (Lurco, comedo, helluo, gulæ mancipium.) The etymology is uncertain. Merula reads in all places gluvia, whence ingluvies.

[1657] There are two fish known by the name of squilla; the one apparently a small fish (perhaps a river fish, as Martial mentions their abounding in the Liris: lib. xiii., Ep. 83), used as a sauce or garnish for larger fish. Vid. Hor., ii., Sat. viii., 42, "Affertur squillas inter muræna natantes," which Orell. explains as a conger served up with crabs. The other is a large fish forming a dish of itself. Cf. Juv., v., 80, "Quam longo distendat pectore lancem quæ fertur domino squilla," etc. If it is represented by the Greek κᾶρις, it is something of the lobster or prawn kind. It appears to have been dressed sometimes with sorrel sauce. Cf. Athen., iii., 92, 66. The acipenser is probably not the sturgeon: from its etymology it is some sharp-headed fish. (Acies et penna, or pinna.) Salmas., Ex. Plin., 1316: but what it really was is not known. It was a royal fish, like the sturgeon (Mart., xiii., Ep. 91), and when brought to table was ushered in with great solemnities: the servant who bore it had a chaplet round his head, and was preceded by another playing the flute. Publius Gallonius, the præco, is said to have been the first who introduced this luxury. Macrob., Sat. ii., 12. In Pliny's time, however, he tells us, it had gone out of fashion. H. N., ix., 26.

Decumanus is used here in the same sense as "Fluctus decumanus," i. e., of extraordinary size (Ov., Trist., I., ii., 49), the Pythagorean notion being that the tenth was always the largest; which notion they extended even to eggs. (Compare the Greek τρικυμία, Æsch., P. V., 1015, with Blomfield's gloss.)

[1658] This, according to Gerlach's view, is the answer of Lælius to some petulant questionings of an epicure. The missing words are utimur and cibo, or something to that effect.

[1659] Sumen was "the sow's udder, killed the day after farrowing." Cf. ad Juv., xi., 138, 81. Pers., i., 53.

Altilis is put for any thing fattened up--oxen, hares, geese, ducks, hens, or even fish. Cf. Hor., i., Ep. vii., 35, "Satur altilium." Juv., v., 168, "Minor altilis." Athen., ix., c. 32. Woodcocks, snipes, thrushes, and even dormice, are mentioned among their fatlings.

Catillo (either from catullus or catillus, diminutive of catinus, "a dish") is applied to "a dog that runs about licking the dishes." It is then used as a term of contempt for "those who came late to the sacrifices of Hercules, and had nothing left them but the dishes to lick." It is here used for "the pike that battens on the rich products of the Roman cloacæ." (Macrob., Sat. ii., 12.) The Roman epicures distinguished between three different kinds of the Tiber pike (lupus Tiberinus). The worst were those caught quite out at sea; the second best, those caught at Ostia at the river's mouth; the finest of all were those taken in the neighborhood of the embouchures of the sewers, either between the Pons Senatorius and Pons Sublicius, where the cloaca maxima empties itself, or between the Pons Sublicius and Fabricius. Hor., ii., Sat. ii, 31, "Lupus hic Tiberinus an alto captus hiet, pontesne inter jactatus an amnis Ostia sub Tusci." Juv., v., 104, "Tiberinus, et ipse vernula riparum pinguis torrente cloacâ."

[1660] Lucilius probably refers to some rich, strong, full-bodied wine, which these epicures drank unmixed, contrary to the usual custom. Defusum seems to be the better reading, which implies "pouring from a larger vessel, as the crater, into the cyathus or drinking-cup." Diffusum is applied "to racking the wine from the wine-vat or cask into the amphora," when it was sealed down. Cf. Hor., i., Ep. v., 4, Orell. Juv., v., 30. For the use of snow in cooling wine, see note to Juv., v., 50. This wine has lost none of its strength by mixing it with snow, and none of its flavor from having been filtered through the strainer. (Cf. Plin., H. N., xiv., 27. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 51, seq.) A great difficulty with the ancients seems to have been to clear their wine of the lees; some of the methods are mentioned in the passage of Horace just quoted. Eggs were also used for the same purpose. Besides this, the wine was poured through a colum and saccus vinarius. The former was a kind of metal sieve, of which numbers have been found at Pompeii. The latter was a filter-bag of linen. (Hence "integrum perdunt lino vitiata saporem." Hor., u. s.) The usual plan was to fill both the colum and saccus with snow, and then to pour the wine over it; and with this view the snow was carefully preserved till summer, as is still done at Naples. (Hence "æstivæ nives." Mart., v., Ep. lxiv., 2.) Nero's invention of using water that had been boiled and afterward frozen, as a substitute for snow, has been already alluded to. This process also served to moderate the intoxicating power of the stronger wines; hence the phrases "castrare, frangere, liquare, vina." (Cf. Plin., H. N., xix., 4,19; xiv., 22; xxiv., 1, 1. Mart., xii., Ep. lx., 9, "Turbida sollicito transmittere Cæcuba sacco." xiv., Ep. ciii. and civ.; ix., Ep. xxiii, 8; xci., 5.)

[1661] The magistrate who exhibited the shows of gladiators was said edere munus. The first editores were the brothers Marcus and Decimus Junius Brutus, A.U.C. 490, B.C. 264, who exhibited a munus gladiatorium in the Forum Boarium, at their father's funeral. Val. Max., II., iv., 7, Liv. Epit., xvi. The country of Samnium afterward produced many of these gladiators, though probably the name Samnis was also given to those who were armed after the old Samnite fashion (as Threx, Gallus, etc. Hor., i., Ep. xviii., 36; ii., Ep. ii., 98. Livy describes their equipment in detail, ix., 40, which tallies exactly with the paintings discovered at Pompeii. Vid. Pompeii, vol. i., p. 308, seq.). Æsernia, now Isernia, was a town in the district of the Pentri in Samnium, to which the Romans sent a colony in the year above mentioned. Æsernius was probably some famous gladiator who was a native of this place, but his name and that of Pacideianus were afterward used proverbially for any eminent men of that class. Cf. Cic., opt. gen., Or. vi. Tusc., iv., 21, ad Quint. Frat., iii., 4. Hor., ii., Sat. vii., 97. Nonius explains "spurcus" to mean "savage, blood-thirsty."

[1662] The reading and interpretation of Gerlach is followed.

[1663] Cicero (de Orat., iii., 23) quotes these lines of Lucilius, when speaking of a certain Velocius, who, when a youth, had applied himself with great success to the gladiatorial art, so as in fact to be a match for any one, but afterward never practiced it. The relative claims of the readings civis and cuivis are discussed at great length in Harles' note to the passage of Cicero (q. v., ed. Lips., 1816). The rudis was the wooden sword with which the gladiators practiced; the sica being used in the ludus. They also received a rudis as a token of their release from service. Hence "rudem poscere," "rude donatus," etc. Ov., Am., II., ix., 22. Cic., Phil., ii., 29. Hor., i., Ep. i., 2. Suet., Cal., 32.

[1664] "Even though women may not have sufficient bodily strength to endure the rougher and more laborious duties of human life, still they may so far take care of their bodies as to be enabled to discharge the womanly office of suckling children." Gerlach: who reads succosa for succussa, and explains uberior by "largior, digitis non contractis, vola manus," "the open palm." Cf. lib. xxviii., Fr. 47.

[1665] An utterly hopeless Fragment: for the second word, titene, there are eleven various readings. Gerlach's emendation is followed, who thinks it refers to the torments of love.

[1666] This Fragment also Gerlach considers descriptive of the impetuosity of unbridled lust. Van Heusde sees an allusion to the episode of the hawk and the nightingale in Hesiod. Op. et Di., 201, seq.

[1667] Pessulus was the peg or bolt by which the fastening of the door was secured on the inside. It probably refers to a lover effecting a forcible entrance into his mistress's house. Cf. Hor., i., Od. xxv., 1; iii., Od. xxvi., 7, where Horace enumerates vectes among the weapons of a lover's warfare. Cf. Lucil., xxix., Fr. 47, "Vecte atque ancipiti ferre effringam cardines."

[1668] Cf. Cels., ii., 15.

V. ARGUMENT

The person to whom this book is addressed, is supposed by Scaliger to have been a professor of the art of rhetoric. Lucilius complains that this friend, though he knew he had been ill, had never come to see him; and at the same time he ridicules the affected and pedantic style of language then in vogue in the schools of the rhetoricians. He then glances slightly at the fickleness and inconstancy of his friend's attachment, contrasting the present state of his feelings with his stanch friendship in former days; at the same time assuring him that his own heart remains unchanged. He admits, however, that there is some ground for excuse for this disappointment of his hopes, as even the good Tiresias of yore was occasionally found tripping. (Fr. 10.) The causes which lead to breach of friendship are then discussed, the chief of which is avarice, that lust of gold, that nothing can satiate; while, meantime the people are lacking the common necessaries of life. With avarice, ambition springs up; as sure a divider of faithful hearts as avarice itself. Yet Lælius, that true-hearted and single-minded man, could hold the highest offices of state without losing his integrity of heart, or sacrificing the simplicity of his rugged virtues. This treachery, however, is gradual in its growth. (Fr. 3.) At first a large bribe alone has power to sever the bonds of friendship; yet soon they give way before the most paltry inducement. Yet such is the infatuation and gross folly of men, that they even aim at deceiving the gods themselves by an affectation of piety. With this depraved state of morals he contrasts the frugal simplicity of ancient days, describing by the way the plain and homely elements that composed their forefathers' rustic meal. There is supposed to be an allusion in this book to one Q. Metellus Caprarius; a man who proved the worthlessness of his character, both during his administration as prætor, and afterward when serving in the camp before Numantia. (Fr. 11, 23, 20, 21, 22, Gerl.) Horace had perhaps part of this Satire in view, when he wrote his first Satire of the first book; especially where he mentions avarice as one of the causes which make men discontented with their lot in life. Very similar sentiments to those expressed in this book may be found in Sallust also. (Bell. Cat., c. xii., init.)

1 Though you do not inquire how I find myself, I shall nevertheless let you know. Since you have remained in that class in which the greatest portion of mankind is now, that you wish that man to perish whom you would not come to see, though you should have done so. If you do not like this "would" and "should," because it is inartificial, Isocratean, and altogether turgid, and at the same time thoroughly childish, I will not waste my labor. If you....

2 For if what is really enough for man could have satisfied him, this had been enough. Now since this is not so, how can we believe that any riches whatever could satisfy desire?

3 ... just as when the dealer has produced his first fresh figs, and in the early season gives only a few for an exorbitant price.[1669]

4 For one and the same pain and distress is.... by all--

5 ... if his body remained as strong.... as the sentiments of the writer's heart continue true....

6 Say when force compels you to penetrate gradually through the seams of the crannies, in the darkness of night.[1670]

7 Since you alone, in my great sorrow and distress, and in my extremity of difficulty, proved yourself a haven of safety to me--[1671]

8 He was, I think, the only one who watched over me; and when he seemed to me to be doing that, he laid snares for me![1672]

9 ...

10 Still it is allowed that one of the ancients, an old man of the same years, Tiresias, fell.

11 Look not to the rostrum and feet of the prætor elect.[1673]

12 Lælius says, that though poor, he discharges important offices.[1674]

13 The onion-man, become blear-eyed by constantly eating acrid tear-bringing onions.[1675]

14 The Endive besides, stretching out with feet like horses--[1676]

15 The tear-producing onion also, with its lacryimose shells in due succession--[1677]

16 ... a pitcher and a long bowl with two handles--[1678]

17 Go on and prosper with your virtue, say I, and with these verses.

18 Too genial Ceres fails; nor do the people set bread.

19 ... bade the flat-nosed herd (of Nereus) frolic.[1679]

20 when he determined to lead out the guard from the camp.[1680]

21 he was the elder: we can not do all things--[1681]

22 ... the guard of the fleet, catapultas, darts, spears.[1682]

23 ... whether you may be able to get off, or the day must be further postponed.[1683]

24 ... meanwhile his breast is thick with bristles

25 ... and spreads legs beneath legs[1684]

26 ... porridge dressed with fat.[1685]

27 ... the basket with its treacherous heap.

28 ... dashed a wooden trencher on his head--[1686]

FOOTNOTES:

[1669] Read perhaps primus for primas. "He who is the first to bring his figs into the market," and therefore, as it were, forestalls others, which "propola" seems to imply.

[1670] Rimarum. Cf. Juv., iii., 97. Plaut., Cas., V., ii., 23.

[1671] The whole passage is corrupt. Gerlach's emendation is followed, with the exception of reading sanè for sanus.

Creperus is equivalent to anceps, dubius. Cf. Lucr., v., 1296, "creperi certamina belli." Pacuv., Dulorest, Fr. 19, "Non vetet animum ægritudine in re creperâ confici."

[1672] Retia. Cf. Propert., El. III., viii., 37, "qui nostro nexisti retia lecto."

[1673] See argument.

[1674] Cf. book iv., Fr. 1-6. Cic., de Off., ii., 17.

[1675] Cæparius implies "one very fond of onions," as well as the dealer in that article.

[1676] Probably alluding to the wide-spreading fibres of the Intyba. "Amaris intyba fibris." Virg., Georg., i., 120; iv., 20; where Martyn explains it as Succory in the former passage, Endive in the latter.

[1677] Tallæ are the several successive hulls or shells of the onion, κρομμύου λέπυρον. Cf. Theoc., v., 95.

[1678] Mixtarius. Any vessel in which wine and water were mixed for drinking. κρατήρ.

[1679] No doubt "dolphins" are meant; and with almost equal certainty we may assert that Lucilius is parodying a line of Pacuvius quoted by Quintilian (i., c. 5), "Nerei repandirostrum incurvicervicum pecus." But the reading of the line is very doubtful. Corpet, after Balth. Venator, reads, nasi rostrique. D'Achaintre follows the old reading, jussit. Gerlach reads nisi, but suggests simum (but without quoting Pliny, which would confirm his conjecture, vid. H. N., IX., viii., 7, "dorsum repandum, rostrum simum"). Lucil., vii., Fr. 9, "Simat nares delphinus ut olim." May not nisi, after all, be a corruption of Nerei? Cf. Hor., Od., I., ii., 7. Virg., Georg., iv., 395, "Lascivum Nerei simum pecus." Liv. Andron., Fr. 3, ed. Bothe, Lips., 1834. Pacuv., Dulorest., Fr. 26.

[1680] For cernere used for decernere, see Plaut., Cist., I., i.; 1. Varro, L. L., vi., 5. Cic, Leg., iii., 3. Catull., lxiv., 150. Senec, Ep., lviii., 2. Virg., Æn., xii., 709. See Argument.

[1681] Cf. Virg., Ecl., viii., 63.

[1682] Read Catapultas, tela. The difference between the Catapulta and the Ballista seems to have been, that the former was used for shooting bolts or short spears, the latter for projecting large stones. The Sarissa was a very long spear. (Liv., ix., 19: xxxviii., 7. Polyæn., Str., iv., 11.) It was the peculiar weapon of the Macedonians. Ov., Met., xii., 466. Lucan, viii., 298: x., 47.

[1683] Elabi is elegantly applied to those who, though really guilty, get off by some artifice or by bribery. Cic, Act., i., Verr., 11. Ver., i., 34; ii., 58.

Diem prodere. Ter., And., II., i., 13, "Impetrabo ut aliquot saltem nuptiis prodat dies." Liv., xxv., 13, "alia prodita dies."

[1684] Hor., i., Sat. ii., 126.

[1685] Puls is a mixture of coarse meal and water seasoned with salt and cheese, or with eggs and honey; the modern polenta or macaroni. Vid. Juv., vii., 185; xi., 58. Persius complains that the haymakers were grown so luxurious as to spoil it by mixing thick unguents with it: vi., 40. Adipatus. "Adipe conditus." Balbi Gloss. Cf. Juv., vi., 631, "Livida materno fervent adipata veneno."

[1686] Scutella, dimin. of Scutra. Any broad flat vessel for holding puls or vegetables, probably often square, like our trenchers. Hence the checked dresses in Juvenal are called "scutulata," ii., 97.

VI. ARGUMENT

Schoenbeck considers the subject of this book to have been an attack upon the crafty and dishonest tricks of pleaders in the forum. Gerlach sees in it little more than Lucilius' favorite theme, the exposure of vile and sordid avarice. The miser's anxious alarm for the safety of his money-bags (Hor., i., Sat. i., 70, "Congestis undique saccis indormis inhians"), which he can not bear out of his sight, and from which no earthly power can tear him away (Fr. 1, 2), the miserable appliances of his scanty furniture, and the absence of any thing approaching to luxury, or even comfort, form the first portion of the Satire. The remaining Fragments seem rather to apply to the manners of the nobles. Their insolent disregard of the feelings of others (Fr. 4), their unbridled licentiousness, their arrogance of look and bearing, and haughty contempt of all union with plebeians, are depicted in very bold language. Yet these same men are described as condescending to the most servile and fulsome flattery in courting the favor of these same plebeians, when such condescension is necessary to advance their own ambitious schemes. The extravagant gesture and overstrained language of some bad orator is then described (Fr. 3), which Gerlach considers to apply to one of these patricians when pleading his own cause. Van Heusde refers to no one in particular, but Corpet supposes there is an allusion to Caius Gracchus, who is mentioned by Plutarch as having been "the first of the Romans who used violent gesticulation in speaking, walking up and down the rostrum, and pulling his toga from his shoulder." What connection the Fragment in which Crassus and Mucius are mentioned has with the main subject, as also the allusion in Fr. 5 to some immodest female, is not known.

1 ... who has neither hackney nor slave, nor a single attendant. His bag, and all the money that he has, he carries with him. He sups with his bag, sleeps with it, bathes with it. The man's whole hope centres in his bag alone. All the rest of his existence is bound up in this bag![1687]

2 ... whom not even bulls bred in the Lucanian mountains, could draw away with their sturdy necks, in one long pull.[1688]

3 ... this, I say, he will bray and bawl out from the Rostra, running about like a courier, and loudly calling for help.[1689]

4 ... they think they can offend with impunity, and by their nobility easily keep aloof those who are not their equals.[1690]

5

6 If he has spattered his garments with mud, at that he foolishly sets up a loud and hearty laugh--

7

8 ... what you would wish him to do--

9 Lewdness fills their faces; impudence and prodigality--

10 if you know him, he is not a big man, but a big-nosed, lean fellow--

11 That alone withstood adverse fortune and circumstances.

12

13 Three beds stretched on ropes, by Deucalion.[1691]

14 ... down and velvet, or any other luxury.[1692]

15 The hair-dresser sports round the impluvium, in a circle.[1693]

16 ... this he believes some one begg'd from your bath[1694]

17 ... he makes a good bargain, who sells a cross-bred horse.[1695]

18 ... they think one of their own should enter and pass over.[1696]

19 ... they do not prevent your going farther--[1697]

20 ... to bid "All hail!" is to wish health to a friend.[1698]

21 Give round the drink, beginning from the top--[1699]

22 The Sardinian land

23 ... both the things we abound in, and those we lack.

FOOTNOTES:

[1687] Bulgam (cf. ii., Fr. 16), from the Greek μολγός, "a hide or skin" «cf. Arist., Frag. 157; Schol. ad Equit., 959», is a leathern bag suspended from the arm or girdle, and seems to have answered the purpose either of a traveling valise or purse. Compare the gypciére of the middle ages. Hor., Ep., II., ii., 40. Juv., viii., 120; xiv., 297. Suet., Vitell., xvi. It was a Tarentine word, as we learn from Pollux, x., 187. From bulga comes the Spanish bolsa, the French bourse, and our purse.

Dormit. Hor., i., Sat. i., 70. Virg., Geor., ii., 507, "Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat auro."

[1688] Protelo. The ablative of the old protelum, which is interpreted as "the continuous, unintermitting pull of oxen applied to a dead weight." Nothing could more forcibly express the hopeless task of attempting to detach the miser from his gains. Cf. xii., Fr. 2. Plin., IX., xv., 17. Lucret., ii., 532; iv., 192.

[1689] Concursans. iv., Fr. 17.

Ancarius. The ἄγγαρος, "a mounted courier of the Persians," such as were kept in readiness at regular stages for carrying the royal dispatches. (Cf. Herod., viii., 98; iii., 126. Xen., Cyr., VIII., vi., 17. Æsch., Agam., 282. Marco Polo describes the same institution as existing among the Mongol Tartars. Heeren, Ideen, i., p. 497. Cf. Welcker's Æschyl., Trilog., p. 121.) The name was then applied to any porter, or carrier of burdens, and hence specially to "an ass," which, Forcellini says, is its meaning here. Hence rudet, cf. Pers., Sat. iii., 9.

Quiritare, is to appeal to the citizens for help, by calling out "Cursum," etc. Cic. ad Div., x., 32. It was the city cry. Countrymen were said "Jubilare." Varro, L. L., v. 7. Cf. Liv., xxxix., 8. Plin., Pan., xxix. Quinctil., iii., 8, "Rogatus sententiam, si modo est sanus, non quiritet."

[1690] Facul, i. e., facilè. "Haud facul fœmina invenietur bona." Pacuv. ap. Non., ii., 331. "Difficul" is used in the same manner.

[1691] Descriptive probably of the meanness and antiquity of the miser's furniture. Grabatum, from the Macedonian word κράβατος, is used for the coarsest kind of bed. Cf. Cic., Div., ii., 63. Mart., vi., Ep. xxxix., 4; xii., Ep. xxxii., 12, "Ibat tripes grabatus et tripes mensa;" where Martial is describing a somewhat similarly luxurious establishment. Virg., Moret., 5. Sen., Epist. xviii., 5; xx., 10. These sort of beds seem to have been supported on ropes. Cf. Petr., Sat. 97. Mart., v., Ep. lxii., 6, "Putris et abrupta fascia reste jacet." S. Mark, ii., 9. (See the lines attributed to Sulpicia, quoted in the old Schol. to Juv., Sat. vi., 538. Lucil., xi., Fr. 13.)

[1692] Amphitape. Lib. i., Fr. 21.

[1693] The Atrium, which was generally the principal apartment in the house, had an opening in the centre of the roof, called Compluvium, or Cavum Ædium, toward which the roof sloped so as to throw the rainwater into a cistern in the floor (commonly made of marble), called Impluvium. (See the drawings of the houses of Pansa and Sallust, Pompeii, vol. ii., p. 108, 120. Bekker's Gallus, p. 257.) The two terms are used indifferently. The Cinerarius seems to be the same as the Ciniflo (Hor., i., Sat. ii., 98, "a cinere flando," Acron. in loc.), "the slave who heated the Calamistri, or curling pins." Bekker's Gallus, p. 440.

[1694] Latrinam, quasi lavatrinam, "the private bath;" balneum being more commonly applied to the public one. Cf. Plaut., Curc., IV., iv., 24. Turneb. It is sometimes put for a worse place, as we say "wash-house." Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1695] Musimo is put for any hybrid animal, as a mule, etc. "Animal ex duobus animalibus diversæ speciei procreatum." It is applied to a cross between a goat and a sheep. So Plin., VIII., xlix., 75. Compare the Greek μούσμων.

[1696] See Argument. Suam seems to imply "one of their own order." Nonius explains innubere by "transire," because women when married pass to their husbands' houses: it generally means the same as nubere. But Cort. (ad Lucan, iii., 23, "Innupsit tepido pellex Cornelia busto") explains it "marrying beneath one's station," which is very probably its force here. See Bentley's note on the line, who suggests the emendation "transitivè," no doubt correctly.

[1697] Porcent, i. e., porro arcent, prohibent, used by Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius.

[1698] "The conventional phrase of forced courtesy implies the familiarity of equal friendship." See Arg.

[1699] Ter., And., III., ii, 4, "Quod jussi ei dari bibere, date." Ab summo, i. e., beginning from him that sits at the top of the table. Vid. Schol. ad Hom., Il., i, 597. Cic., de Sen., xiv. Plaut., Pers., V., i., 19. As V., ii., 41, "Da, puere, ab summo: Age tu interibi ab infimo da suavium." So in Greek, ἐν κύκλῳ πίνειν.

VII. ARGUMENT

The general subject of the book seems to be agreed upon by all commentators, though they differ as to the details. Schoenbeck says it is directed against the lusts of women; particularly the occasions where those lusts had most opportunity of being exhibited and gratified, the festivals of the Matronalia and the kindred Saturnalia. Petermann considers that it refers simply to the intercourse between husbands and wives, in which view Dousa seems to coincide. Duentzer takes a wider view, and says it refers to all licentious pleasures. Van Heusde leaves the matter undecided. Gerlach coincides with the general view, but supposes that the passions and the quarrels alluded to must be referred to slaves, or at all events persons of the lowest station, for whom festivals, like the Sigillaria (alluded to in Fr. 4), were more particularly intended. The first two Fragments evidently refer to a matrimonial brawl. The tenth, eleventh, and twelfth refer to an unhallowed passion. The fifth, sixth, and thirteenth to the unnatural and effeminate refinements practiced by a class of persons too often referred to in Juvenal and Persius. The fifteenth, to the fastidious taste of those who professed to be judges of such matters. The connection of the seventh Fragment is uncertain, as it applies apparently to rewards for military service.

1 When he wishes to punish her for her misdeed, the fellow takes a Samian potsherd and straightway mutilates himself--[1700]

2 I said, I come to the main point; I had rather belabor my wife, grown old and mannish, than emasculate myself--[1701]

3 ... who would love you, prove himself the patron of your bloom and beauty, and promise to be your friend.

4 This is the slaves' holiday; a day which you evidently can not express in Hexameter verse.[1702]

5 I am shaved, plucked, scaled, pumice-stoned, bedecked, polished up and painted--[1703]

6 Did I ever compare this man with Apollo's favorite Hyacinthus.[1704]

7 Five spears: a light-armed skirmisher, with a belt of gold.[1705]

8 first glows like hot iron from the forge--

9 If he moves and flattens his nostrils as a dolphin at times.[1706]

10 The one grinds, the other winnows corn as it were....[1707]

11 ... bloom and beauty, like a go-between and kind procuress.[1708]

12 like that renowned Phryne when....[1709]

13 that no dirt settle on the ear ... no vermin--

14 ... that have no eyes, or nose....

15 We are severe; difficult to please; fastidious as to good things.

16

17 ... and the goose's neck.[1710]

18

19 ... We murmur, are ground, sink down....[1711]

20 you whimper in the same way--[1712]

21 With such passion and hatred for him am I transported.[1713]

22 Here is Macedo if Acron is too long flaccid.[1714]

FOOTNOTES:

[1700] Samos produced a particular kind of earth (Samia creta), peculiarly serviceable in the potter's art. Hence the earthenware of Samos acquired, even in very early ages, considerable celebrity; and the potters at Samos, as at Corinth, Athens, and Ægina, formed a considerable portion of the population. See the pun on "Vas Samium," Plaut., Bacch., II., ii., 23. Vid. Müller's Ancient Art, § 62. With the sharp fragments of the Samian potsherds, the Galli, or priests of Cybele, were accustomed to mutilate themselves. Plin., XXXV., xii., 46. Juv., vi., 513, "Mollia qui ruptâ secuit genitalia testâ." Mart, iii., Ep. lxxxi., 3.

[1701] Virosus, φιλανδρος, "viri appetens."

[1702] The Scholiast on Hor., i., Sat. v., 87, tells us that the allusion is to the festival of the Sigillaria. (Auson., Ecl. de Fer. Rom., 32, "Sacra Sigillorum nomine dicta colunt.") The Saturnalia were originally held on the 19th of December (xiv. Kal. Jan.), and lasted for one day only. They were instituted B.C. 497 (Liv., ii., 21; xxii., 1), and were intended to commemorate the golden days of Saturn, when slavery was unknown; hence slaves were waited on by their masters, who wore a short robe, called the Synthesis, for that purpose. It was a time of general festivity and rejoicing; and presents were interchanged between friends. The festival was afterward extended to three days by an edict of Julius Cæsar, which Augustus confirmed; and, commencing on the 17th, terminated on the 19th. (Macrob., Sat. i., 10.). Caligula added two more days (or one at least, Suet., Cal., 17), which custom Claudius revived when it had fallen into desuetude. Then the Sigillaria were added, so that the period of festivity was extended to seven days. Mart., xiv., Ep. 72. The Sigillaria were so called from sigillum, "a small image." (From the words of Macrobius, it seems that these sigilla were images of men offered to Dis, and intended as substitutes for the living sacrifices which were offered in more barbarous ages. Macrob., u. s.) The name was applied to the little figures which were sent as presents on the occasion of this festival. These not unfrequently were confectionery or sweetmeats made in this form. Senec., Ep., xii., 3. Suet., Claud., 5. The Easter cakes in Roman Catholic countries are no doubt a remnant of this custom. (Cf. Blunt's Vestiges, p. 119.)

[1703] Pumicor. Cf. Ov., A. Am., i., 506, "Nec tua mordaci pumice crura teras." Juv., viii., 16, "Si tenerum attritus Catinensi pumice lumbum." ix., 95, "res Mortifera est inimicus pumice lævis." The pumice-stone, particularly that found at the foot of Mount Ætna, was used to render the skin delicately smooth. Resin, and a kind of plaster made of pitch, was used to eradicate all superfluous hairs. Plin., xiv., 20; xxxv., 21. Cf. ad Juv., viii., 114, "Resinata juventus." ix., 14, "Bruttia præstabat calidi tibi fascia visci." ii., 12. Pers., iv., 36, 40, Plaut., Pseud., I., ii., 9. Mart., xiv., Ep. 205.

[1704] Hyacintho. Cf. ad Virg., Ecl., iii., 63. Ov., Met., x., 185, seq. Cortinipotens is an epithet of Apollo as lord of the Cortina; i. e., the egg-shaped basin on the Delphian tripod whence the oracles were echoed. Vid. Hase's Ancient Greeks, p. 144. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., iii., 92, "Mugire aditis Cortina reclusis." vi., 347, "Neque te Phœbi cortina fefellit." Suet., Aug., 52. Contendi. Cf. lib. i., Fr. 15.

[1705] Cinctus is sometimes put for a soldier. Plin., vii., Ep. 25. Juv., xvi., 48.

The Rorarii were light companies who advanced before the line, and began the battle with slings and stones; so called from ros. "Quod ante rorat quam pluit." Cf. Varro, L. L., vi., 3. Liv., viii., 8. The Velites, from vexillum.

[1706] Simat. Cf. ad lib. v., Fr. 19.

[1707] Molere. Hor., i., Sat. ii., 35. Auson., Epig., lxxi., 7. Theoc., iv., 58, μύλλει. Cf. lib. ix., Fr. 26.

[1708] Saga. Tibull., i., El. v., 59, "Sagæ præcepta rapacis desere."

[1709] Phryne. Vid. Athen., xiii., p. 591. Plin., xxxiv., 8. The name was not uncommon in the same class at Rome. Tibull., ii, El. vi., 45. Hor., Epod., xiv., 16.

[1710] 16 and 17 seem hopelessly corrupt. Gerlach supposes some "remedy for languishing love" to be intended ("irritamentum Veneris languentis"), and reads "Callosa ova et bene plena: tunc olorum atque anseris collus" (cf. Hor., ii., Sat. iv., 14), "Hard and well-filled eggs; then swan's and goose's neck." But the emendation is too wide to be admitted into the text.

[1711] Muginor is used by Cicero in the sense of "dallying, trifling." "Nugas agere, causari, moras nectere, tarde conari." Att., xvi., 12. But its primitive meaning is conveyed by its etymology, "Mugitu moveo." It refers to the noise made by those who move heavy weights, that their efforts may be exerted in concert. Coupled with Fr. 10, its meaning is obvious here.

[1712] Ogannis, i. e., obgannis. It is properly applied to a dog. Cf. Juv., vi., 64, "Appula gannit." Compare the Greek λαγνεύειν.

[1713] Cf. lib. iv., Fr. 8.

[1714] Gerlach reads "Acron" for the old lorum, which Scaliger approved, and connected this Fragment with the second of the eighth book.

VIII. ARGUMENT

The eighth book, as Schoenbeck supposes, consisted of an exposition of domestic life, with a discussion as to the virtues which a good wife ought to possess. Duentzer would rather connect it with the last book, and imagines unlawful love to have been the theme, and that the ancient title of the book countenanced this opinion. The second, fourth, fifth, eleventh, and thirteenth Fragments seem to confirm the conjecture; the drift of the others is not apparent.

1 When the victor cock proudly rears himself, and raises his front talons--

2 When I drink from the same cup, embrace, press lip to lip....[1715]

3 But on the river, and at the very parting of the waters, ... a merchantman ... with feet of holm-oak.[1716]

4 ... that she is slender, nimble, with clean chest, and like a youth....[1717]

5 ... then she joins side to side, and breast to breast.[1718]

6 If he achieve the whole route, and the steep stadium at an ambling pace--[1719]

7 To salt sea-eels, and bring the wares into the larder.[1720]

8 But all trades and petty gains....

9 the Hiberian island....[1721]

10 a necessary close at hand; a bake-house, store-room, kitchen[1722]

11 ... with friendly hand wipes off the tears....

12 ... giblets, or else liver....[1723]

13 ... the work flags....[1724]

14 ... wine-bibbers.[1725]

FOOTNOTES:

[1715] Nonius reads "fictrices," and explains "fingere" by "lingere." Cf. Schol. ad Aristoph., Aves, 507.

[1716] Gerlach says, "Ex his verbis vix probabilem eruas sensum."

The cercurus was a large merchant-vessel, used by the Asiatics, undecked, and capable of carrying a large freight. It was invented, according to Pliny, by the Cyprians. Plin., vii., 56, 57. Cf. Plaut., Merc., I., i., 86. Stich., II., iii., 34. It appears, however, from Livy, that the name was sometimes applied to a vessel of smaller size. Liv., xxx., 19. Ilignis pedibus. Cf. Ter., Adelph., IV., ii., 46. Virg., Georg., iii., 330. For concinat, Gerlach proposes to read "concinnat."

[1717] Pernix is the epithet Catullus applies to Atalanta: ii., 12, "Quam ferunt puellæ Pernici aureolum fuisse malum."

[1718] Cf. Lib. v., Fr. 25. Probably from this Horace takes his line, i., Sat. ii., 126.

[1719] Evadit. Cf. Virg., Æn., ii., 731; xii., 907. Ov., Met., iii., 19. Acclivis is properly applied to a "gentle ascent." Virg., Georg., ii., 276. Col., iii., 15. Tolutim, à tollendo. Pliny (viii., 42) tells us that the people of Asturias in Spain trained their jennets to a particular kind of easy pace: "mollis alterno crurum explicatu glomeratio." Varro speaks of giving a horse to a trainer, that he may teach him this pace: "ut equiso doceat tolutim incedere." Cf. Plaut., As., III., iii., 116, "Demam hercle jam hordeo tolutim ni badizas." Hence the "managed palfrey" of the Middle Ages. The pace probably resembled that now taught by the Americans to their horses, and called "racking." Cf. lib. xiv., 12, "equus gradarius, optimus vector."

[1720] The frigidarium was not only the "cold bath" (Bekker's Gallus, p. 385), but was also applied to a cool cellar or pantry for keeping provisions fresh.

[1721] All the commentators seem to give up this line in despair. Colustrum is properly the first milk that comes after parturition; which, as being apt to curdle, was esteemed unwholesome, and produced an attack called "Colustratio." Schoenbeck supposes that the inhabitants of this "Hibera insula," wherever it was, used fomenta and colustra as medical remedies. Mart., xiii., Ep. 38.

[1722] Posticum, Nonius makes equivalent to Sella. Gerlach, however, thinks "cella" the correct reading here. The pistrinum was the name both for the bake-house and the mill for grinding the corn. Vid. Bekker's Gallus, p. 265.

[1723] Gigeria are the entrails of poultry: these were sometimes served with a kind of stuffing or forcemeat called insicia. The word occurs only in Lucilius, Petronius, and Apicius.

[1724] Scaliger connects this Fragment with lib. vii., Fr. 22, and reads, "Hic est Macedo: si lorum longui' flaccet, Læna manu lacrymas mutoni absterget amicâ."

[1725] Bua was the word taught by Roman nurses to children, equivalent to our "pap." "Potio posita parvulorum." Varro. Hence Vinibuæ for vinolentæ.

IX. ARGUMENT

The subject of the ninth book is known from several notices in the old grammarians.[1726] It is said to have contained strictures on the orthography of the ancient writers; some emendations of the verses of Accius and Ennius (with especial reference to the former, who is said to have always used double vowels to express a long syllable), and a mention of the double genius, who, according to the notion of Euclides the Socratic, attends upon each individual of the human race. The exact connection of this latter topic with the foregoing, is not at present evident to us. It appears that this book had anciently the title of "Fornix" as the work of Pomponius on a cognate subject was called "Marsyas." Van Heusde supposes that it took its name from the Fabian arch on the Via Sacra, and that its subject resembled the ninth of Horace's first book of Satires. The poet, in his walk along the Via Sacra, meets with a troublesome fellow near the arch of Fabius, who pesters him with a speech which he is about to deliver, as defendant in a cause, and which he wishes Lucilius to look over and correct; and that this furnishes the poet with the groundwork for a discussion on several points in grammar, orthography, and rhetoric. With this view Gerlach so far agrees, as to suppose the subject of both Horace's and Lucilius's Satires to have been similar; especially since many similar phrases and sentiments occur in both; but he considers a detailed disquisition on single letters and syllables inconsistent with a desultory conversation, or with a cursory criticism of an oration, and considers it better to confess one's ignorance honestly than indulge in vain-glorious conjecture. Particularly, since many other Fragments of this book have come down to us, wholly irreconcilable with this view of the subject; some referring to avarice, others to the Salii; which, though they might certainly be incidentally mentioned, imply too diversified a subject to be definitely circumscribed within so limited an outline, as Van Heusde conjectures.

1 ... only let the nap of the woof stand erect within....[1727]

2 First is A. I will begin with this; and the words spelled with it. In the first place, A is either a long or short syllable; consequently we will make it one, and, as we say, write it in one and the same fashion, "Pācem, Plăcide, Jānum, Aridum, Acetum," just as the Greeks do. Ἄρες Ἄρες.[1728]

3 ... not very different from this, and badly put together, if with a burr like a dog, I say AR ... this is its name.[1729]

4 ... and there is no reason why you should make it a question or a difficulty whether you should write ACCURRERE with a D or a T.[1730]

5 But it is of great consequence whether ABBITERE have a D or B--[1731]

6 "Now come PUEREI." Put E and I at the end, to make "pueri" the plural; if you put I only, as PupillI, PuerI, LuceilI, this will become the singular number. "Hoc illi factum est unI." Being singular, you will put I only. "Hoc IllEI fecere." Add E to mark the plural. Add also E to MendacEI and FurEI, when you make it the dative case." MEIle hominum, dub MEIlia." Here too we must have both vowels, MEIles, MEIlitiam. Pila, "a ball to play with," Pilum, "a pestle to pound with," will have I simply. But to PEIla, "javelins," you must add E, to give the fuller sound.[1732]

7 Our S, and what after a semi-Greek fashion we call Sigma, admits of no mistake.

8 ... in the word PeLLiciendo.[1733]

9 For just as we see Intro (within) to be a very different word from Intus (inside), so apud se is very different from, and has not the same force as, ad se. "A man invites us to come in and join him (intro ad se). He keeps himself at home, inside his own house (intus apud se)."

10 "The water boils," may be expressed by Fervit (of the third conjugation), or Fervet (of the second conjugation). Or again, Fervit may be the present tense, Fervet the future; both of the third conjugation.

11 So Fervĕre (with the E short, of the third conjugation).

12 You do not perceive the force of this; or how this differs from the other. In the first place, this which we call "Poema" is a small portion. So also an epistle, or any distich which is of no great length, may be a "Poema." A "Poësis" is a whole work, as the whole Iliad; it is one Thesis. So also the Annals of Ennius, that is also a single work, and of much greater magnitude than what I just now styled Poëma. Wherefore I assert, that no one who finds fault with Homer, finds fault with him all through; nor does he criticise, as I said before, the whole Poesis; but simply a single verse, word, proposition, or passage.

13 ... that he is a misshapen old man, gouty in his joints and feet--that he is lame, wretched, emaciated, and ruptured--

14 I seize his beak, and smash his lips, Zopyrus-fashion, and knock out all his front teeth.[1734]

15 For he who makes bricks never has any thing more than common clay with chaff, and stubble mixed with mud.[1735]

16 If she is nothing on the score of beauty, and if in former days she was a harlot and common prostitute, you must have coin and money.

17 ... What if I see some oysters? Shall I be able to detect the very river, and mud, and slime they came from?[1736]

18 He is a corn-chandler, and brings with him his bushel-measure and his leveling-stick.[1737]

19 Study to learn: lest the fact itself and the reasoning confute you--

20 with one thousand sesterces you can gain a hundred---

21 he had scratched himself, like a boar with his sides rubbed against a tree--

22 ... hence the ancilia, and high-peaked caps, and sacrificial bowls[1738]

23 as the priest begins the solemn dance, and then the main body takes it up after him.[1739]

24 ... herself cuts all the thongs from the hide--

25 ... how he differs from him whom Apollo has rescued. So be it.

26 her motion was as though she were winnowing corn.[1740]

FOOTNOTES:

[1726] Isidorus Hispalensis, Q. Terentianus Scaurus, and Velius Longus.

[1727] Panus is explained in two ways, as "tramæ involucrum," and as "tumor inguinis." Gerlach inclines to the latter interpretation. Schmidt supposes Lucilius to employ the metaphor of weaving to express the following sentiment: "as the outer surface of the woof is of little consequence if the inner part be good, so, provided a man's internal qualities, the virtues of his heart and head, are all that we can desire, it matters little what the outer integument is that shrouds this fair inside:" and that to this Horace alludes, ii., Sat. i., 63, "Lucilius ausus Primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem Detrahere et pellem nitidus quâ quisque per ora Cederet introrsum turpis." (Lucilii Satyrarum quæ de lib. ix. supersunt disposita, c. L. F. Schmidt, p. 40.) But Gerlach thinks that panus could not be used to express pellis.

[1728] This, we learn from Terentianus, is a criticism on Accius, who used to mark long syllables by doubling the vowels, which Lucilius considers a fault, there being no more necessity in Latin to mark the quantity by the orthography than in Greek, where, though the length of the vowel be changed, as in ἄρες ἄρες, the spelling remains unaltered. Cf. Hom., Il., v., 31. Mart., ix., Ep. xii., 15.

[1729] Corpet supposes some rustic person is alluded to, who used the old-fashioned form. Cf. Plaut., Truc., II., xii., 17. Gerlach supposes it is the poet himself. Cf. Pers., Sat. i., 109, "Sonat hic de nare caninâ litera."

[1730] Gerlach thinks there may be an allusion to Plautus, who often uses this word. Cf. Capt., III., iv., 72. Rud., III., iv., 72.

[1731] Abbitere for abbire is Schmidt's reading, who also reads siet for sive, omitting habet at the end of the line.

[1732] The rule contained in this Fragment seems superfluous, especially after the opinion Lucilius has given in the second. I is equally long or short with A, nor does it appear why the genitive should not be as essentially long as the dative singular. If the insertion of the E were simply to mark the difference of number, there might be some apparent reason.

[1733] "This Fragment is simply an illustration of the rule that the preposition per in composition remains unchanged, unless it stand before the letter L, when by assimilation it is changed into the initial letter of the word: so per lacio becomes pellacio; per labor, pellabor; per luceo, pelluceo."

[1734] Alluding to the story of Zopyrus, told by Herodotus, lib. iii., 154, and by Justin, lib. iii., 10, seq., who mutilated himself to gain Babylon for Darius. Cf. lib. xxii., Fr. 3.

[1735] Acerosum, according to Nonius, is applied to coarse bread, not sufficiently cleared from chaff and husk. Cf. lib. xv., Fr. 18. Aceratum, to clay mixed with stubble and straw, fit for the brickmaker's use, the paleatum of Columella. V., vi., med. Cf. Exod., v., 16.

[1736] Juvenal borrows and enlarges upon this idea, in describing the Epicurism of Montanus. Sat. iv., 139, "Nulli majus fait usus edendi tempestati meâ. Circæ nata forent an Lucrinum ad saxum, Rutupinove edita fundo. Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsa, et semel aspecti litus dicebat echini."

[1737] Rutellum, the diminutive of Rutrum. "a mattock," was the stick with which the corn-dealer struck off the heaped-up corn, so as to make it level with the top of his measure. It was also called Hostorium, from the old verb Hostire, "to strike." Compare the old English "strike," used for a measure.

[1738] Capis (à capiendo, Varro, v., 121, "quod ausatæ ut prehendi possent") was a cup with a handle, generally made of earthenware, and ordinarily used in sacrifices. Vid. Liv., lib. x., 7. So also Capedo and Capula. Cf. Bekker's Gallus, p. 481. The apex is the conical cap worn by the Salii.

[1739] Præsul was the name applied to the Princeps Saliorum, because he led the sacred dance, as προορχηστὴρ, ἔξαρχος. Called also Præsultor and Præsultator. Amtruo (from am, ἀμφὶ, circum, and trua, "an implement used for stirring things round while they were being cooked") is the technical phrase for the dancing of the Salii. The Præsul danced at the head of the procession, amtruabat; the rest followed, imitating his movements; redamtruabant. This procession took place in the Comitium on the Kalends of March.

[1740] Cf. vii., Fr. 10.

X. ARGUMENT

The old Scholiast, in his Life of Persius, tells us that "after he had quitted school, and the instruction of his tutors, he was so much struck with the tenth book of the Satires of Lucilius, that he was seized with a vehement desire of writing Satire, and immediately applied himself to the imitation of this book, and after first detracting from his own merits, proceeded to disparage the poetical attempts of others." Van Heusde supposes that the book contained a detailed account of the life of Lucilius; and hence the saying of the Scholiast, that "the whole life of Lucilius was as distinctly known as if it had been portrayed in pictures." (So Horace says, Sat., II., i., 30, "Quo fit ut omnis Votivâ pateat veluti descripta tabella Vita senis.") He conjectures the difference between the subjects of the ninth and tenth books to have been this: that in the ninth, Lucilius criticised the ignorance and corrected the mistakes of the Librarii; i. e., those who copied the compositions of the poets, only incidentally, and by the way, touching on the poets themselves. Whereas the tenth was intended directly as an attack upon the poets who preceded him. Jahn, in his prolegomena on Persius, imagines this imitation of the tenth book to have been carried farther than we are perhaps justified in assuming; he conjectures that the Hendecasyllabic Prologue of Persius was a direct imitation of a similar proem, and in the same metre which formed the commencement of this book. This opinion he fortifies by two quotations, one from Petronius, Sat. iv., the other from Apuleius, de Deo Socr., p. 364. In this view Gerlach does not coincide, though he is disposed to admit that Lucilius in all probability began the book with a disparagement of himself, and so far furnished an example for Persius to imitate. It is a question that must remain doubtful, and is of no great importance. It is, however, also clear that this book contained criticisms on the verses of Accius and Ennius. (Vid. Schol. ad Hor., i., Sat. x.)

Perhaps the Fragments (incert. 3, 4, and 5) on Albutius and Mucius may have belonged to this book.

1 ... as we wrote before, the judgment to be formed is concerning the honors of the Crassi ... that is, in each case let us lay down what I should choose, what not.[1741]

2 Behind stood the nimble skirmisher in his cloak.[1742]

3 ... although suddenly to bring down from three pair of stairs.[1743]

4 ... you also bind mooring-stakes to very strong cables.[1744]

5 ... might be firmly ... from waves and adverse winds.

6 ... and languor overwhelmed, and sluggishness, and the torpor of quietude.

7 ... verily, he said I cut up the ox magnificently in the temple.[1745]

8 ... would seem importunate, boastful, bad and nefarious.

FOOTNOTES:

[1741] Gerlach's reading and interpretation is followed: "Lucilius would not wish to have all the honors of that illustrious family heaped upon him, but make his own selection." Nonius also explains sumere by "eligere." Corpet reads, "Crassi" and "sicut describimus," and supposes the allusion to be to the eloquence of Crassus, son-in-law of Scævola. Cf. Cic., Brut., 38-44. But no doubt P. Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus is here meant, who, as we learn from Aulus Gellius (I., xiii., 10), was famous for five things: he was the richest man in Rome, the man of noblest birth, the most eloquent, the best lawyer, and the Pontifex Maximus. Lucilius might well be at a loss which of all these he would choose.

[1742] Cf. lib. vii., Fr. 7. Schol. ad Juv., vi., 400.

[1743] Quamvis may also imply "quamvis fæminam." Cf. Cæcilium in Asoto (ap. Nonium, p. 517), "nam ego duabus vigiliis transactis Duco desubito domum." Trinis scalis, "from the third story," the upper rooms being the residence of the poorer classes. Cf. Juv., x., 18, "rarus venit in cœnacula miles." iii., 201, "altimus ardebit quem tegula sola tuetur à pluviâ." vii., 118. Mart., i., Ep. cxviii., 7, "Et scalis habito tribus sed altis." Hor., i., Ep. i., 91. Suet., Vit., 7.

[1744] Tonsilla, according to Festus, "is a stake with an iron head, for sticking in the ground and fastening the mooring cable of a boat to." Cf. Pacuvium in Medo, "accessi eam et tonsillam pegi læto in littore." (Fr. 17, ed. Fr. H. Bothe, Lips., 1834.) The MS. reading is Consellæ, "double seats," stretched on ropes, as the beds (grabati). Lucil., vi., Fr. 13; xi., 13. Nonius explains aptare by "connectere" and "colligare."

[1745] Cf. Donat. in Terent., Andr., II., i., 24.

XI. ARGUMENT

Schoenbeck supposes this book to have been written in memory of the Iberian war; because it not only touches on military affairs, but contains also some bitter sarcasms on the morals of certain young men who served in that campaign. Petermann coincides in the same opinion. Corpet supposes that the principal object of the book was an elaborate defense of the character of Scipio Africanus; especially with regard to the salutary and strict discipline which he restored to the Roman army during the Numantine war. Gerlach admits the probability of these conjectures, though he scarcely thinks that the Fragments which have come down to us of this book are of sufficient length to enable us to pronounce definitively on the question. It is quite clear that the mention of Opimius the father, or of the elder Lucius Cotta, can bear no relation to the Numantine war, since they both lived before it began; still it is possible that their names might have been introduced, to render the morals of their sons still more conspicuous. How the Fragment (2) respecting the plebeian Caius Cassius Cephalo was connected with the main subject is not clear, unless he was introduced for the purpose of incidentally mentioning the bribery of the unjust judge, Tullius.

The fourth and ninth Fragments may clearly refer to the Numantine war; as may perhaps the seventh; as we learn from Cicero, that while Scipio Africanus was before Numantia, he received some munificent presents, which were sent to him from Asia by King Attalus, and which he accepted in the presence of his army. (Cic. pro Dei., 7.) This happened probably only a few months before the death of Attalus; and Lucilius was most likely an eye-witness of the fact. The thirteenth Fragment also may refer to the same campaign; though Duentzer supposes it to be an allusion to the miserable penuriousness of Ælius Tubero. The fifth and sixth Fragments apparently refer rather to civil than military matters.

1 Quintus Opimius, the famous father of this Jugurthinus, was both a handsome man and an infamous, both in his early youth; latterly he conducted himself more uprightly.[1746]

2 This Caius Cassius, a laborer, whom we call Cefalo--a cut-purse and thief--him, one Tullius, a judge, made his heir; while all the rest were disinherited.[1747]

3 Lucius Cotta the elder, the father of this Crassus, "the all-blazing," was a close-fisted fellow in money-matters; very slow in paying any body--[1748]

4

5 Asellus cast it in the teeth of the great Scipio, that during his censorship, the lustrum had been unfortunate and inauspicious.[1749]

6 ... and now I wished to throw into verse a saying of Granius, the præco.[1750]

7 ... a noble meeting; there glittered the drawers, the cloaks, the twisted chains of the great Datis.[1751]

8 ... and a road must be made, and a rampart thrown up here, and that kind of groundwork--[1752]

9 ... he is a wanderer now these many years; he is now a soldier in winter quarters, serving with us

10 ... thence, while still of tender age and a mere boy, comes to Rome.

11 Nor have I need of him as a lover, nor a mean fellow to bail me--

12 ... he is a jibber, a shuffler, a hard-mouthed, obstinate brute.[1753]

13 When they had taken their seats here, and the skins were extended in due order....[1754]

14 ... who in the wash-house and the pool....

FOOTNOTES:

[1746] Jugurthinus is properly the proud title of Marius. (Ov., Pont., IV., iii., 45, "Ille Jugurthino clarus Cimbroque triumpho.") It is here applied ironically to Lucius Opimius, who so notoriously received bribes from Jugurtha, when he went over, as chief of the ten commissioners, to arrange the division of the kingdom between Jugurtha and Adherbal, B.C. 117. (Sall., Bell. Jug., xvi.) He had been before honorably distinguished by the taking of Fregellæ, when in rebellion against Rome, while he was prætor. The safety of the Roman state had also been committed to him when consul (B.C. 121) during the riots of Caius Gracchus, which by his prompt measures he was the main instrument in quelling. (Hence Cicero styles him "civis præstantissimus." Brut., 34.) For this he was accused by the democratic party, but was acquitted; his defense being conducted by the same Papirius Carbo who had assailed Scipio Africanus after the death of Tiberius Gracchus ("aliâ tum mente Rempublicam capessens." Cic., de Or., ii., 25). The partisans of Gracchus, however, afterward crushed him by means of the Mamilian law, along with many other excellent men. Cic., Brut., u. s. Sall., Bell. Jug., 40. He was consul with Q. Fabius Maximus, who that year overthrew the Allobroges and Arverni. His consulship was long remembered as having been a splendid year for wine, hence called Opimianum. Cic., Brut., 83. Of his father Quintus, Cicero speaks in nearly the same terms as Lucilius does here: "Q. Opimius, consularis, qui adolescentulus malè audisset." De Orat., ii., 68.

[1747] Cephalo, like Capito, was probably a nickname from the size of his head. Sector is used by Plautus exactly in the sense of the English "cut-purse." Sector Zonarius, i. e., Crumeniseca, βαλαντιοτόμος. Trinum., IV., ii., 20. It is applied by Cicero to a mean fellow, who buys at auction the confiscated goods of proscribed persons to retail again. Cic., Rosc. Am., 29. Ascon. in Verr., II., i., 20. Cf. Nonius, s. v. Secare. Damnare, i. e., "exhæredare." Non.

[1748] παναίθου (cf. Horn., Il. xiv., 372) is an epithet applied to a helmet. Why it was given to this Cotta is not known. Gerlach supposes him to be the L. Cotta mentioned by Cicero (de Orat., iii., 11) as affecting a coarse and rustic style of speaking, "gaudere videtur gravitate linguæ, sonoque vocis agresti," and that this name was given him by way of irony. He would be most justly entitled to the epithet of Crassus, "the coarse," which was probably given for the same reason. (Crassus not being the regular cognomen of the Aurelian gens, to which Cotta belonged, but of the Licinian.) Valerius Maximus gives a story of the sordid avarice of the father, which illustrates what Lucilius says, that when tribune of the Plebs he took advantage of the "sacrosanct" character of his office to refuse paying his creditors their just claims, but was compelled to do so by his colleagues. (Pighius assigns this event to B.C. 155.) He was afterward accused by P. Corn. Scipio Africanus minor; but being defended by Q. Metellus Macedonicus, was acquitted. Cf. Cic., Brut., 21, where he gives him the epithet "veterator." He was one of the partisans of the Gracchi.

[1749] Asellus is probably the same whom Cicero mentions (de Orat., ii., 64), about whom Scipio made the pun, which is, of course, as Cicero says, untranslatable: "Cum Asellus omnes provincias stipendia merentem se peragrâsse gloriaretur, 'Agas Asellum,'" etc.

[1750] Granius, a præco, though a great favorite with the plebeians, who used to retail his witticisms with great zest, was on terms of intimate friendship with Crassus, Catulus, T. Tinca Placentinus, and other men of high rank, whom he used to criticise with the greatest severity and freedom, and hold, especially with the latter, contests in sharp repartee. (Vid. Cic., Brut., 43, 46: de Orat., ii., 60, 70, where some of his witticisms are quoted.)

[1751] Gerlach refers this Fragment to the presents sent by Attalus. "Datis" he takes to mean any common name, but would suggest "ducis."

[1752] Rudus is applied to a mixture of stones, gravel, and rubble, cemented together with lime, used by the Romans as a substratum for a path or pavement. Cat., R. R., 18. Plin., xxxvi., 25. Cf. Liv., xli., 27, "Vias sternendas silice in Urbe glareâ extra Urbem locaverunt." Tibull., I., viii., 59.

[1753] This Fragment is most probably connected with Fr. 3, as both strigosus and bovinator are applied to beasts who refuse to move; and hence to persons who use all kinds of artifices to avoid the payment of their just debts.

[1754] Cf. vi., 13; x., 4.

XII. ARGUMENT

The extant Fragments of this book are too few and too varied in their matter to enable us to form any definite idea of the general subject. From a passage in Diomedes (lib. iii, p. 483), which contains the seventh Fragment, Schoenbeck supposes it must have referred to scenic matters; which conjecture he considers farther strengthened by the first Fragment. (Cf. Plaut., Pers., I., iii, 78.) But, as Gerlach observes, "Chorage" in this passage can hardly be understood in its primitive sense, since it is coupled with the word "Quæstore;" and as the quæstors had nothing to do with the Ludi Scenici, except when it fell to them to take the place of the prætors or ædiles, this office could hardly be reckoned among their positive or regular duties.

1 ... that this man stands in need of some quæstor and choragus to furnish gold at the public expense, and from the treasury.

2 ... a hundred yoke of mules, with one strong pull, could not drag him.[1755]

3 Let this be fixed firmly and equally in your breast....

4 ... he is remarkable for bandy-legged and shriveled shanks.[1756]

5 ... of what advantages I deprived myself.[1757]

6 I agreed with the man.

7 At the Liberalia, among the Athenians on the festal day[1758] of father Liber, wine used to be given to the singers instead of a crown--

8 ... whatever had happened while I and my brother were boys.

9 ... wrinkled and full of famine.

FOOTNOTES:

[1755] Cf. vi., 2.

[1756] Petilis is derived by Dacier from πέταλον: i. e., withered and shriveled up like a dead leaf.

[1757] Decollare, in its primitive sense, is "to decapitate;" then simply "to deprive."

[1758] This Fragment is given just as it stands in Diomedes (see Arg.), without any attempt on the part of editors or commentators to reduce it to the form of a verse. The whole passage stands thus in the original: "Alii a vino tragœdiam dictam arbitrantur: proptereà quod olim dictabatur τρύξ, à quo τρύγητος hodieque vindemia est, quia 'Liberalibus, apud Atticos, die festo Liberi patris vinum cantoribus pro Corollario dabatur' cujus rei testis est Lucilius in duodecimo." "Others think that Tragedy is so called from wine, because the ancient term was τρύξ; whence even at the present day the vintage is called τρυγητός." For the Attic Dionysia see the second vol. of the Philological Museum. «Probably, like the Sigillaria in lib. vii., Fr. 4, the festival was described by some circumlocution, the whole word being inadmissible into a verse.»

XIII. ARGUMENT

The Fragments of this book, as well as of the twelfth, are too few to admit of any opinion being satisfactorily arrived at with respect to its subject. Schoenbeck supposes it was directed against sumptuous extravagance and luxurious banquets. Petermann adopts the same view. Gerlach, though he considers the Fragments so vague that they might support any hypothesis, allows that this conjecture is tenable, as the third, fifth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh appear to "savor of the kitchen."

1 Or to conquer in war altogether by chance and fortune; if it is entirely by chance and at random, that any one arrives at the highest distinction.[1759]

2 ... to whom fortune has assigned an equal position, and chance their destiny.

3 The same thing occurs at supper. You will give oysters bought for a thousand sesterces.

4 ... sets them to engage with one another in fierce conflict.[1760]

5 In the first place, let all banquetings and company be done away with.[1761]

6 Add shoes from Syracuse, a bag of leather....[1762]

7 ... one only, out of many, who has intellect....

8 ... as he is styled skilless in whom there is no skill.[1763]

9 and not so poor as ... a chipped dish of Samian pottery.[1764]

10 ... for as soon as we recline at a table munificently heaped up at great expense....

11 ... the same food at the feast, as the banquet of almighty Jove....[1765]

FOOTNOTES:

[1759] Nonius draws this distinction between Fors and Fortuna: fors simply expresses "the accidents of temporal affairs, as opposed to providence or design." Fortuna is "the personification of these in the form of the goddess." In the text Gerlach's conjecture is followed instead of the reading of the MSS., which is quite unintelligible: "Si forte ac temerè omnino quis summum ad honorem perveniat." Cf. Pacuv. in Hermiona, "Quo impulerit fors eò cadere Fortunam autumant."

[1760] Cernit, i. e., "disponit." Nonius. Cf. v., Fr. 29, "Postquam præsidium castris educere crevit."

[1761] Dominia. As dominus is put for the "master of the feast," so dominium is used for the banquet itself (lib. vi., Fr. 7; Sall., Hist., iii., "In imo medius inter Tarquinium et dominum Perpenna;" Cic., Vatin., xiii., "Epuli dominus Q. Arrius"), or for the office of the giver of the banquet. Cicero uses Magisteria in the same sense. Senect., c. 14. It is also put for "the place where a banquet is held." Cic., Ver., II., iii., 4. Sodalitium is properly a banquet celebrated by "Sodales," i. e., persons associated in the same religious cultus.

[1762] Pasceolum, "a leathern bag or purse," marsupium, from φάσκωλον. Suid. Plaut, Rud., V., ii., 27, "prætereà centum Denaria Philippea in pasceolo seorsum." Aluta. Vid. ad Juv., xiv., 282.

[1763] Iners. Cf. Cic., de Fin., "Lustremus animo has maximas artes, quibus qui carebant inertes à majoribus nominabantur."

[1764] Cf. ad lib. vii., Fr. 1.

[1765] Epulum (i. e., edipulum) and epulæ seem to be interchanged; but epulum is probably the older form of the word.

XIV. ARGUMENT

The fourteenth book contained, according to Schoenbeck's idea, the praises of a placid and easy life. Duentzer, on the other hand, says the subject was ambition. The two notions are not so much opposed, says Gerlach, as at first sight they seem: the object of the poet being to contrast the frugal simplicity and tranquil leisure of a rustic life, with the empty vanities and arrogant assumption of the ambitious man. Thus the Fragments 2, 4, 5, 12, 15, 16, and perhaps 1, contain the praises of frugal parsimony and an honorable leisure: 3, 6, 7, 8, and perhaps others, describe the heart-burnings and disappointments of a life devoted to ambition.

1 Is that rather the sign of a sick man that I live on bread and tripe? * * *[1766]

2 ... but you rather lead in peace a tranquil life, which you seem to hold more important than doing this.

3 Publius Pavus Tuditanus, my quæstor in the Iberian land, was a skulker, a mean fellow, one of that class, clearly.[1767]

4 ... these, I say, we may consider a sham sea-fight, and a game of backgammon ... but though you amuse yourself, you will not live one whit the better.[1768]

5 ... for that he preferred to be approved of by a few, and those wise men, than to rule over all the departed dead--[1769]

6 ... were he not associated with me as prætor, and annoyed me....[1770]

7 ... for that famous old Cato ... because he was not conscious to himself.[1771]

8 I will go as embassador to the king, to Rhodes, Ecbatana, and Babylon, I will take a ship....[1772]

9 ... no supper, he says; no portion for the god....[1773]

10 when that which we chew with our mouth, ...[1774]

11 I see the common people hold it in earnest affection--

12 The horse himself is not handsome, but an easy goer, a capital hackney.[1775]

13 ... whom oftentimes you dread; occasionally feel pleasure in his company.

14 ... In a moment, in a single hour....[1776]

15 ... the cheese has a flavor of garlic--[1777]

16 ... and scraggy wood-pigeons.[1778]

17 ... chalk....

FOOTNOTES:

[1766] Gerlach's reading is followed, "quod pane et viscere vivo." In the next line he thinks there is something of the same kind of pun as in Ovid, Met., xv., 88, "Heu quantum scelus est in viscera viscera condi."

[1767] Lucifugus, "one who shuns the light, because his deeds are evil." So Nebulo and Tenebrio are used for one who would gladly cloak his deeds of falsehood and cunning under the mist of darkness. Cic., de Fin., i., 61, "Malevoli, invidi, difficiles, lucifugi, maledici, monstrosi." Nebulo is also applied to a vain empty-headed fellow, of no more solidity than a mist; and then to a spendthrift, who had devoured all his substance and "left not a wrack behind." Vid. Ælium Stilum ap. Fest., in voc. Who this desirable person was, is doubtful. Gerlach thinks that Lucilius' quarrel with him began at the siege of Numantia, and that this Fragment is part of a speech which the poet puts into the mouth of Scipio respecting his quæstor. Tuditanus was a cognomen of the Sempronian gens, from the "mallet-shaped" head of one of the family. Pavus may have been derived from the taste shown by one of them for feeding and fattening peacocks. There was a Publius Sempronius Tuditanus consul with M. Cornelius Cethegus in B.C. 204, and a Caius Semp. Tuditanus consul B.C. 129, the year of Scipio Africanus' death. Cicero speaks highly of his eloquence (Brut., c. 25), and Dionysius Halicarnassus of his historical powers (i., p. 9).

[1768] Corpet supposes the allusion to be to the game called "duodecim scripta," which resembled our backgammon; the alveolus being a kind of table on which the dice were thrown, with a rim to prevent their rolling off. Cicero tells us P. Mutius Scævola was a great adept at this game. (Or., i., 50.) Gerlach supposes it to be a Fragment of the speech of some plain countryman, who couples all these things together, to show that they do not tend to make life happier. Calces will be the white lines marked on the stadium.

[1769] ἢ πᾶσιν, κ. τ. λ. Part of Achilles' speech to Ulysses in the shades below, where he declares he would rather submit to the most menial offices on earth, than rule over all the shades of departed heroes. Odyss., xi., 491. Cf. Attii Epinausimache, "Probis probatum potius quam multis fore."

[1770] The prætor may probably be C. Cæcilius Metellus Caprarius, with whom Scipio was so wroth at Numantia, as Cicero tells us (de Or., ii., 66); to whom Gerlach also refers Fr. incert. 96, 97.

[1771] This Fragment is hopeless. Even Gerlach does not attempt to explain it.

[1772] Cercurum. Cf. ad viii., 4.

[1773] Prosecta, the same as prosiciæ (from prosecando, as insiciæ from insecando). The gloss in Festus explains it by αἱ τῶν θυμάτων ἀπαρχαί. Cf. Arnob. adv. Gent., vii., "Quod si omnes has partes quas prosicias dicitis, accipere Dii amant, suntque illis gratæ." Scaliger reads prosiciem.

[1774] Cf. iv., Fr. 12, and Pomponius Pappo ap. Fest. in v., "Nescio quis ellam urget, quasi asinus, uxorem tuam: ita opertis oculis simul manducatur ac molet:" which is perhaps the sense here.

[1775] Gradarius is said of a horse "trained to an easy, ambling pace," like that expressed by the word tolutim, cf. ix., Fr. 6 (exactly the contrary to succussator, ii., Fr. 10), xv., Fr. 2. Hence "pugna gradaria," where the advance to the charge is made at a slow pace. So Seneca (Epist., xl.) applies the term to Cicero's style of oratory, "lentè procedens, interpungens, intermittens actionem."

[1776] Puncto. So στιγμὴ χρόνου. Cf. Terent., Phorm., act. I., iv., 7, "Tum temporis mihi punctum ad hanc rem est."

[1777] Allium olet; instead of the old reading, "allia molliet."

[1778] Macros. So Horace, "Sedulus hospes pæne macros arsit dum turdos versat in igni." i., Sat. v., 72.

XV. ARGUMENT

None of the commentators on Lucilius have ventured to give a decisive opinion on the subject of this book, with the exception of Duentzer; who says that the poet intended it as a defense of true tranquillity of mind, in opposition to the precepts and dogmas of the Stoics. In the sixth Fragment we certainly have mention made of a philosopher; but it is only to assert that many common and homely articles in daily and constant use are of more real value than any philosopher of any sect. This, however, may be supposed to be the opinion of some vulgar and ignorant plebeian, or of a woman. In the fifth Fragment we have the character of a wife portrayed, such as Juvenal describes so graphically in his sixth Satire. Indolent and slatternly in her husband's presence, she reserves all her graces of manner and elegance of ornament for the presence of strangers. We have besides a notice of the wonders in Homer's narratives, the praises of a good horse, a picture of a usurer, an account of a soldier who has seen service in Spain, a eulogy of frugality and other matters; how all these can possibly be arranged under one head, is, as Gerlach says, a matter of the greatest obscurity.

1 Men think that many wonders described in Homer's verses are prodigies; among the chief of which is Polyphemus the Cyclops, two hundred feet long: and then besides, his walking-stick, greater than the main-mast in any merchantman--[1779]

2 ... no high-actioned Campanian nag will follow him that has conquered by a mile or two * * * *[1780]

3 ... moreover, as to price, the first is half an as, the second a sestertius, and the third more than the whole bushel.

4 ... in the number of whom, first of all Trebellius ... fever, corruption, weariness, and nausea....[1781]

5 When she is alone with you, any thing is good enough. Are any strange men likely to see her? She brings out her ribbons, her robe, her fillets--[1782]

6 A good cloak, if you ask me, or a hackney, a slave, or a litter-mat, is of more service to me than a philosopher--[1783]

7 ... besides, that accursed usurer, and Syrophœnician, what used he to do?[1784]

8 ... not a single slave ... that, just as though he were a slave, no one can speak his mind freely.[1785]

9 ... since he has served as a soldier in the Iberian land, for about eighteen years of his life--....[1786]

10 ... that in the first place, with them, you are a mad, crack-brained fellow.[1787]

11 ... he knows what a tunic and toga are....

12 a huge bowl, like a muzzle, hangs from his nostrils.[1788]

13 ... a bell and twig-baskets of pot-herbs.[1789]

14 ... he sets him low, and behind....[1790]

15 ... or who with grim face, pounces upon money.[1791]

16 ... there is no flummery-maker inferior to you--[1792]

17 ... their heads are bound; and their forelocks float, high, and covering their foreheads, as their custom was.[1793]

18 ... which compelled ... to drink gall, and wrinkle the belly by coarse bread, and inferior oil, and a loaf from Cumæ.[1794]

FOOTNOTES:

[1779] Polyphemus. Hom., Odyss., ix., 319, Κύκλωπος γὰρ ἔκειτο μέγα ῥόπαλον παρὰ σηκῷ . . ὅσσον θ' ἱστὸν νηὸς ἐεικοσόροιο μελαίνης, φορτίδος εὐρείης.

Corbita, "navis oneraria," so called, according to Festus, because a basket (corbis) was suspended from the top of the mast. Cf. Plaut., Pæn., III., i., 4. The smaller swift-sailing vessels were called Celoces (a κέλης), hence "Obsecro operam celocem hanc mihi ne corbitam date." Cf. Plant., Pseud., V., ii., 12.

[1780] Sonipes. Cf. Virg., Æn., xi., 599, "Fremit æquore toto insultans sonipes, et pressis pugnat habenis." Catull., lxiii., 41, "Sol pepulit noctis umbras vegetis sonipedibus." Succussor. Cf. ii., Fr. 10. Milli is apparently an old ablative of the singular form.

[1781] The whole Fragment is so corrupt as to be hopeless. Gerlach's interpolations are scarcely tenable. Senium, we learn from Nonius, is equivalent to tædium. So Persius, "En pallor seniumque." i., 26. Vomitus seems to be applicable to a person, "an unclear, offensive fellow." So Plaut., Mostell., III., i., 119, "Absolve hunc, quæso, vomitum, ne hic nos enecet."

[1782] Cf. Juv., vi., 461, "Ad mœchum lotâ veniunt cute: quando videri vult formosa domi? mœchis foliata parantur. Interea fœda aspectu ridendaque multo pane tumet facies ... tandem aperit vultum et tectoria prima reponit, incipit agnosci." Spiram. Cf. Juv., viii., 208. Redimicula. Juv., ii., 84. Virg., Æn., ix., 614.

[1783] Pænula. Cf. Juv., v., 79. Canterius. Cf. ad lib. iii., Fr. 9. Segestre, a kind of straw mat (from seges) used in litters.

[1784] Gerlach's reading is followed. τοκογλύφος is one who calculates his interest to a farthing; a sordid usurer. Syrophœnix. Cf. iii., Fr. 33.

[1785] Ergastulum is put sometimes for the slave himself, sometimes for the under-ground dungeon where, as a punishment, he was set to work. Cf. Juv., vi., 151, "Ergastula tota." viii., 180, "Nempe in Lucanos aut Tusca ergastula mittas." xiv., 24, "Quem mire afficiunt inscripta ergastula." Nonius says that the masculine form, ergastulus, is used for the "keeper of the bridewell," custos pœnalis loci.

[1786] The war in Spain may be dated from the refusal of the Segedans to comply with the directions of the senate, and to pay their usual tribute. The failure of M. Fulvius Nobilior in Celtiberia took place B.C. 153, exactly twenty years before the fall of Numantia.

[1787] Cerebrosus. "Qui cerebro ita laborat ut facile irascatur." Plaut., Most., IV., ii., 36, "Senex hic cerebrosus est certe." Hor., i., Sat. v., 21, "Donec cerebrosus prosilit unus, ac mulæ nautæque caput lumbosque saligno fuste dolat."

[1788] Postomis (ab ἐπιστομίς), or, as some read, prostomis, is a sort of muzzle or "twitch" put upon the nose of a refractory horse. To this Lucilius compares the drinking-cup applied for so long a time to the lips of the toper, that it looks as though it were suspended from his nose. Cf. Turneb., Adversar., 17, c. ult. Trulla. Cf. Juv., iii., 107.

[1789] Sirpicula is a basket made of twigs or rushes, for carrying flowers or vegetables. By tintinnabulum Scaliger understands "genus vehiculi." But sirpiculæ (a sirpando) are also "the twigs with which bundles of fagots, etc., are bound together," which were also used in administering punishment; and the allusion may be to this, as those who were led to punishment sometimes carried bells. Vid. Turneb., Advers., xi., 21. Hence Tintinnaculus. Plaut., Truc., IV., iii., 8.

[1790] The MSS. vary between suffectus and sufferctus. The latter would come from suffercio. Cf. Suet., Ner., 20.

[1791] Inuncare is applied by Apuleius to "an eagle bearing away a lamb in its talons."

[1792] Alica (anciently halica) is a kind of grain, somewhat like spelt. The ζέα or χόνδρος of the Greeks. Of this they prepared a kind of porridge or furmety, of which the Italians were very fond; as of the polenta, and the maccaroni of the present day. Cf. ad Pers., iii., 55.

[1793] Aptari Nonius explains by nexum, illigatum. Capronæ (quasi a capite pronæ) is properly "that part of the mane which falls between the horse's ears in front." Then, like antiæ, applied to the forelocks of women. Vid. Fest. in v.

[1794] Galla is properly the gall-nut, or oak-apple, used, from its astringent qualities, in tanning and dyeing; and hence applied to any harsh, rough, inferior wine. Acerosum (cf. ad ix., Fr. 15) is applied to meal not properly cleared from the husk or bran; the αὐτόπυρος of the Greeks. Decumanus (cf. ad iv., Fr. 2) is often applied to any thing of uncommon size: here it is used for the worst kind of oil (quasi ex decimâ quâque mensurâ rejecto et projecto), or more probably "such oil as the husbandman would select in order to furnish his decimæ," i. e., the very worst. Festus says the whole fragment is an admonition to the exercise of frugality and self-denial.

XVI. ARGUMENT

We have in the old grammarians two conflicting accounts of the subject of this book. Censorinus (de Die Natali, iii.) says that it contained a discussion on the "double genius" which the Socratic Euclides assigned to all the human race. On the other hand, Porphyrion (in a note of the twenty-second ode of Horace's first book) tells us that Horace here imitated Lucilius, who inscribed his sixteenth book to his mistress Collyra; hence this book was called Collyra, as the ninth was styled Fornix (in which also we may observe that it was stated that the double genius of Euclides was discussed). Priscian again seems to imply (III., i., 8) that it was inscribed to Fundius; and that Horace copied from it his fourteenth Epistle of the first book. Gerlach considers the 1st, 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th Fragments may form part of a conversation between Lucilius and his steward, on the true use of riches. The 10th Fragment may refer to Collyra, especially if we may suppose that the 13th Fragment (incert.) refers to the same person. If so, she was probably, like the Fornarina of Raffaelle, some buxom ἀρτοκόπος (cf. Herod., i., 51) or confectioner. And this her name seems to imply, Collyra being a kind of circular wheaten cake, either prepared in a frying-pan, or baked on the coals or in an oven. (Cf. Coliphium, Juv., ii., 53, and Plaut., Pers., I., iii., 12, "Collyræ facite ut madeant et coliphia.") She is therefore the "valida pistrix" who understands the whole mystery of making Mamphulæ, which, as Festus tells us, was a kind of Syrian bread or cake, made without leaven.

1 A ram went by, by chance; "now what breed?" says he. What great * *! You would think they were scarcely fastened by a single thread, and that a huge weight was suspended from the end of his hide.

2 The Jupiter of Lysippus, forty cubits high at Tarentum, surpassed that....[1795]

3 The famous King Cotus said that the only two winds he knew were Auster and Aquilo; but much more those little Austers.... nor did he think it was necessary to know....[1796]

4 A certain man bequeathed to his wife all his chattels, and his household stuff. What constitutes chattels? and what does not? For who is to decide that point at issue?[1797]

5 Fundius, ... merit delights you ... if you have turned out a somewhat more active bailiff.[1798]

6 These whom riches advance.... and they anoint their unkempt heads.

7 Why do you seek for this so lazily, especially at this time.

8 ... you sell publicly however, and lick the edge....[1799]

9 ... this is far different, says he ... who was sowing onions.

10 ... from the middle of the bake-house.

FOOTNOTES:

[1795] This Fragment Gerlach quotes as one of the most corrupt of all. The colossal statue of the sun, at Rhodes, may perhaps be referred to as being outdone. For Lysippus, cf. Cic., de Orat., iii., 7; Brut., 86. Plin., H. N., vii., 37. Hor., ii., Ep. i., 240. Athen., xi, 784, C. Müller's Archæol. of Art, § 129.

[1796] Cotys. This was as generic a name for the Thracian kings as Arsaces among the Parthians. Livy mentions a Cotys, son of Seuthes, king of the Odrysæ, who brought a thousand cavalry to the support of Perseus against the Romans, and speaks of him in the highest terms of commendation: lib. xlii., 29, 51, 67; xliii., 3. Another Cotys assisted Pompey, for which handsome presents were sent to him: cf. Lucan, Phars., v., 54. A third Cotys, or Cottus, king of the Bessi, is mentioned by Cicero as having bribed L. Calpurnius Piso, the proconsul, with three hundred talents: In Pison., xxxiv. The first of the three is probably intended here, as Livy tells us that after the termination of the Macedonian war (in which Scipio served), Bitis, the son of Cotys, was restored with other captives unransomed to his father, in consequence of the hereditary friendship existing between the Roman people and his ancestors. The sayings of Cotys, therefore, might have been current at Rome in Lucilius' time. Liv., xlv., 42.

[1797] Mundus (quasi movendus, quod moveri potest), which seems at first to have had the meaning in the text, came afterward to be applied particularly to the necessary appendages of women, unguents, cosmetics, mirrors, vessels for the bath, etc.; and hence the word muliebris is generally added. It differs from ornatus, which is applied to rings, bracelets, earrings, jewels, head-gear, ribbons, etc. (Cf. Liv., xxxiv., 7.) Hence the usual formula of wills, "Uxori meæ vestem, mundum muliebrem, ornamenta omnia, aurum, argentum, do, lego." Penus is properly applied to all "household stores laid up for future use;" hence penitus, penetro, and penates. Cf. Virg., Æn., i., 704, "Cura penum struere."

[1798] Villicus. Cf. Hor., i., Epist. xiv. The Villicus superintended the country estate, as the dispensator did the city household. They were both generally "liberti." Fundi is translated as a proper name on the authority of Priscian, III., i., 8.

[1799] Ligurris. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Servum patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurierit jus." ii., Sat. iv., 78, "Seu puer unctis tractavit calicem manibus dum furta ligurit." Juv., ix., 5, "Nos colaphum incutimus lambenti crustula servo."

XVII. ARGUMENT

This book contained, according to Schoenbeck's view, a discussion on the dogma of the Stoics, "that no one could be said to possess any thing peculiarly his own." The poet therefore ridicules the creations of the older poets, who have dignified their heroines with every conceivable embellishment, and invested them with the attractions of every virtue that adorns humanity. He then goes through the list of all the greatest mythological personages that occur in the various Epic poets, in order to show the fallacy of their ideas, and establish his own theory on the subject of moral virtue. Gerlach, on the other hand, considers that the subject was merely a disparagement of the boasted virtues of the female character; by showing that even these creations of ideal perfection, elaborated by poets of the greatest genius, and endowed with every excellence both of mind and body, are not even by them represented as exempt from those passions and vices which disgrace their unromantic fellow-mortals. In this general detraction of female purity, not even the chaste Penelope herself escapes. The 6th Fragment seems to be directed against those whose verses are composed under the inspiration of sordid gain.

1 Now that far-famed lady with the "beautiful ringlets," "and beautiful ankles?" Do you think it was forbidden to touch her...? Or that Alcmena, the bedfellow of Amphytrion, and others, was knock-kneed or bandy-legged. In fine, Leda herself; I don't like to mention her: look out yourself, and choose some dissyllable. Do you think Tyro, the nobly-born, had any thing particularly disfiguring; a wart ... a mole, or a projecting tooth?[1800]

2 All other things he despises; and lays out all at no high interest ... but that no one has aught of his own....[1801]

3 His bailiff Aristocrates, a drudge and neat-herd, he corrupted and reduced to the last extremity.[1802]

4 Do you, when married, say you will never be married, because you hope Ulysses still survives?

5 If he will not go, seize him, he says; and if he shuffles, lay hands on him....[1803]

6 ... if you sell your Muses to Laverna.[1804]

7 ... the big bones and shoulders of the man appear.[1805]

FOOTNOTES:

[1800] καλλιπλόκαμος is the epithet applied by Homer (Il., xiv., 326) to Demeter, in a passage which seems to have been a favorite one with Lucilius. Cf. book i., Fr. 15. Leda is also mentioned in connection with her. It is applied also to Thetis, Il., xviii., 407. καλλίσφυρος is applied to Danäe in the passage referred to above, and to Ino, daughter of Cadmus, Odyss., v., 333. For mammis Gerlach suggests "palmis." Compernis is also applied to one who, from having over-long feet or heels, knocks his ankles together, ἄκοιτιν. Odyss., xi., 266.

Τυρὼ εὐπατέρειαν. Odyss., xi., 235. Verruca, ἀκροχορδών. Nævus (quasi gnæus, or gnavus, Fest., because born with a person, hence sometimes called Nævus Maternus) is put for any disfiguring mark. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. vi., 67. Shaks., Cymb., act ii., sc. 2.

[1801] Proprium, equivalent to perpetuum. Nonius.

[1802] Mediastinum. Cf. Hor., i., Ep. xiv., 14, "Tu mediastinus tacitâ prece rura petebas. Nunc urbem et ludos et balnea villicus optas." Torrentius explains mediastinus by "Servus ad omnia viliora officia comparatus." The Schol. Cruq. by "Servus qui stat in medio, paratus omnium ministeriis." Commanducatus. Cf. ad iv., Fr. 12. Ad Incita. Cf. ad iii., Fr. 30.

[1803] Calvitur, from calvus, because the tricky old men, slaves especially, were always represented on the Roman comic stage (as the clowns in our pantomimes) with bald heads: hence "to frustrate, disappoint." "Calamitas plures annos arvas calvitur." Pacuv. So Plaut., Cas., II., ii., 3, "Ubi domi sola sum sopor manus calvitur." Hence Venus is called Calva, "Quod corda amantium calviat," i. e., fallat, deludat. Serv. ad Virg., Æn., i., 720.

[1804] The Fragment is very corrupt. The reading of the MSS. is, "Si messes facis, Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Dusa suggests "Semissis facient." Mercer, "Si versus facies musis." Gerlach, "Semissis facies Musas si vendis Lavernæ." Semissis, a genitive like Teruncii, i. e., "Your verses will be worthless if the only Muse that inspires you is the love of gain." Laverna was the Goddess of Thieves at Rome. Plaut., Cornic., "Mihi Laverna in furtis celebrassis manus." Hor., i., Epist. xvi., 60, "Pulchra Laverna, da mihi fallere, da justo sanctoque videri," where the old Schol. says she derived her name a Lavando, because thieves were called Lavatores. Scaliger thinks she is identical with the Greek goddess πραξιδίκη, which others deny. The word is also derived from latere, and λαβεῖν. Ausonius applies the term to a plagiarist: "Hic est ille Theo poeta falsus, Bonorum mala carminum Laverna." Ep. iv.

[1805] Cf. Virg., Æn., v., 420, "Et magnos membrorum artus, magna ossa lacertosque Exuit."

XVIII. ARGUMENT

From the small portion of this book that has come down to us, it is but mere idle conjecture to attempt to decide upon its subject. Petermann says it treated "of fools and misers." There are some lines in the first Satire of Horace's first book, which bear so close a resemblance to some lines in this book that Gerlach considers it was the model which Horace had before his eyes. The passages are quoted in the notes.

1 Take twelve hundred bushels of corn, and a thousand casks of wine....[1806]

2 In short, as a fool never has enough, even though he has everything....

3 ... for even in those districts, there will be drunk a cup tainted with rue and sea-onion....[1807]

4 ... I enjoy equally with you--[1808]

5 ... in the transaction of the ridiculous affair itself, he boasts that he was present.

FOOTNOTES:

[1806] Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 45, "Millia frumenti tua triverit area centum."

[1807] Incrustatus. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 56, "Sincerum cupimus vas incrustare." Where Porphyrion explains the word, "incrustari vas dicitur cum aliquo vitioso succo illinitur atque inquinatur." It is sometimes applied to covering any thing, as a cup, with gold or silver (cf. Juv., v., 88, "Heliadum crustas"), or a wall with roughcast or plaster. For the vinum rutatum, see Pliny, H. N., xix., 45. Scilla is probably the sort of onion to which Juvenal refers, Sat. vii., 120, "Afrorum Epimenia, bulbi."

[1808] Fruniscor, an old form of fruor. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 47, "Non tuns hoc capiet venter plus quam mens."

XIX. ARGUMENT

The same may be said of this book as of the eighteenth. The few Fragments that remain being insufficient to furnish any data for a positive opinion as to its subject. From the 2d and 3d Fragments, Mercer supposes that the same question was discussed which Cicero refers to in the Offices (lib. ii., c. 20), "Whether a worthy man, without wealth, was to be preferred to a very rich man who had but an indifferent reputation." The second Fragment clearly contains a precept respecting the laying up a store which may be made available in time of distress; which Horace had perhaps in his eye in book i., Sat. i., l. 33, seq. It contains likewise a criticism on a verse of Ennius, as being little more than empty sound, devoid of true poetic sentiment; which probably was the basis of Cicero's censure in the Tusculan disputations. The study of dramatic composition is also discouraged, from the fact that the most elaborate passages are frequently spoiled by the want of skill in the Tragic actor. In the 9th Fragment, Dacke supposes there is an allusion to the Dulorestes of Pacuvius. The 7th Fragment may also probably refer to Ennius, as the principal word in it is employed by him in the eleventh book of his Annals. There is probably also a hit at those poets who adopt a style of diction quite unintelligible to ordinary readers.

1 Wrinkled and shriveled old men are in quest of all the same things.[1809]

2 So do thou seek for those fruits, which hereafter in ungenial winter thou mayest enjoy; with this delight thyself at home.[1810]

3 Will you have the gold, or the man? Why, have the man! What boots the gold? Wherefore, as we say, I see nothing here which I should greatly covet....[1811]

4 And infant children make a woman honest....

5 So each one of us is severally affected....

6 Choose that particular day which to you seems best.

7 ... but do not criticise the lappet[1812]

8 ... hanging from the side, sprinkling the rocks with clotted gore and black blood....[1813]

9 The tragic poet who spoils his verses through Orestes about to grow hoarse.[1814]

10 ... twenty thousand gravers and pincers[1815]

11 ... and to pluck out teeth with crooked pincers.

12 ... desire may be eradicated from a man, but never covetousness from a fool.[1816]

FOOTNOTES:

[1809] Passus is properly applied to a dried grape; either "quod solem diutius passa est," or more probably from pando.

[1810] Cf. Hor., i., Sat. i., 32, "Sicut parvula nam exemplo est magni formica laboris ore trahit quodcunque potest atque addit acervo quem struit, haud ignara et non incanta futuri. Quæ simul inversum contristat Aquarius annum non usquam prorepit et illis utitur ante quæsitis sapiens."

[1811] The passage in Cicero stands thus, "Si res in contentionem veniet, nimirum Themistocles est auctor adhibendus; qui cum consuleretur utrum bono viro pauperi, an minùs probato diviti, filiam collocaret: Ego vero, inquit, malo virum, qui pecuniâ egeat, quam pecuniam, quæ viro." De Off., ii., 20.

[1812] Peniculamentum is a portion of the dress hanging down like a tail; perhaps like the "liripipes" of our ancestors. "Pendent peniculamenta unum ad quodque pedule." Ennius, Annal., lib. xi., ap. Nonium.

[1813] Cicero (Tusc. Qu., i., 44) quotes the passage from the Thyestes of Ennius: it is part of his imprecation against Atreus, "Ipse summis saxis fixus asperis evisceratus," etc. Vid. Enn., Frag. Bothe, p. 66, 11. Gerlach considers them to be the very words of Ennius, inserted in his Satire by Lucilius. Cicero's criticism is probably borrowed from Lucilius: it is in no measured terms: "Illa inania; non ipsa saxa magis sensu omni vacabant quam ille 'latere pendens' cui se hic cruciatum censet optare: quæ essent dura si sentiret; nulla sine sensu sunt."

[1814] Cf. Juv., i., 2, "Rauci Theseide Codri ... necdum finitus Orestes."

[1815] Gerlach supposes that Lucilius ridicules the folly of those poets who either write what is unintelligible, or whose effusions are spoiled by the indifference of the actors who personate their characters, in the same way as Horace, ii., Sat. iii., 106, "Si scalpra et formas non sutor emat."

[1816] Nonius explains cupiditas to be a milder form of cupído.

XX. ARGUMENT

Gerlach without hesitation pronounces the subject of this book to have been "the superstition of the lower orders, and the luxury of the banquets of the wealthy." There were, even in the days of Lucilius, many who could see through, and heartily despise, the ignorant superstition by which their fellow-men were shackled. Hence the famous saying of Cato, that he wondered how a soothsayer could look another of the same profession in the face without laughing. The 3d and 4th Fragments are probably part of the speech of some notorious epicure, who cordially detests the simplicity and frugality of ancient days; and the 6th may contain the fierce expression of his unmeasured indignation at any attempt to suppress or curtail the lavish munificence and luxurious self-indulgence of men like himself. The 6th, 7th, and 9th Fragments may also refer to the sumptuous banquets of the day.

1 These bugbears, Lamiæ, which the Fauni and Numas set up--at these he trembles, and sets all down as true.... Just as little children believe that all the statues of brass are alive and human beings, just so these men believe all these fables to be true, and think there is a heart inside these brazen statues.

... It is a mere painter's board, nothing is real; all counterfeit.[1817]

2 ... in their own season, and at one and the same time ... and in half an hour ... after three are ended ... only the same and the fourth.

3 ... such dainties as endive, or some herb of that kind, and pilchards' sauce ... but this is sorry ware.[1818]

4 I reviled the savage law of Calpurnius Piso, and snorted forth my angry breath from my nostrils....[1819]

5 ... then he will burst asunder, just as the Marsian by his incantation makes the snakes burst, when he has caused all their veins to swell

6 They are captivated with tripe and rich dinners.[1820]

7 ... he be a trifler and an empty-headed fellow ... far the greatest[1821]

8 ... then a certain youth whom they call[1822]

9 ... then he wiped the broad tables with a purple napkin[1823]

10 ... damage the bows and shear away the helm.

11 ... they chatter: and your dirty-nosed country lout chimes in.[1824]

FOOTNOTES:

[1817] Terriculas (for the old reading, Terricolas), "any thing used to frighten children, as bugbears." The forms terriculum and terriculamentum also occur. Compare the μορμολυκεῖον of the Greeks, Arist., Thesm., 417, and μορμὼ, Arist., Achar., 582; Pax, 474 (vid. Ruhnken's Timæus, in voc., who quotes numerous passages); and Empusa, Ar., Ran., 293. The Lamiæ were monsters, represented of various shapes (λάμια, Arist., Vesp., 1177, from λάμος, vorago), as hags, or vampyres (strigum instar), or with the bodies of women above, terminating in the lower extremities of an ass. Hence ὀνοσκελίς, ὀνοκώλη. Vid. Hor., A. P., 340, "Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo," cum Schol. Cruqu. They were supposed to devour children, or at all events suck their blood. Cf. Tert. adv. Valent., iii. Festus in voc. Manducus, Maniæ. Manducus is probably from mandendo, and was represented with huge jaws and teeth, like our "Raw-head and bloody-bones." It was probably the mask used in the Atellane exodia. Cf. Juv., iii., 175, "Cum personæ pallentis hiatum in gremio matris formidat rusticus infans." Plaut., Rud., II., vi., 51, "Quid si aliquo ad ludos me pro manduco locem? Quapropter? Quia pol clarè crepito dentibus." The Fauni are put for any persons of great antiquity, the inventors of these fables (ἀρχαϊκά, Ar., Nub., 812), just as Picus in Juvenal, viii., 131, "tum licet a Pico numeres genus." Pergula (cf. ad Juv., xi., 137) is "the stall outside a shop where articles were exhibited for sale," and where painters sometimes exposed their pictures to public view. «Cf. Plin., xxxv., 10, 36, who says Apelles used to conceal himself behind the pergula, to hear the remarks of passers-by on his paintings.»

[1818] Pulmentarium. So ὄψον, "any kind of food eaten with something else, though rarely, if ever, with vegetables." It took its name from the days when the Romans had no bread, but used pulse instead. Vid. Plin., xviii., 8, 19. Pers., iii., 102. Juv., vii., 185. Hor., ii., Sat. ii., 19, "Tu pulmentaria quære sudando." Intybus. Cf. ad v., Fr. 14. Mænarum. Ad Pers., iii, 76.

[1819] Cf. Introduction, p. 285. Gerlach says it describes the fierce snortings of an angry man: "hominem ex imo pectore iras anhelantem." Cf. Pers., v., 91, "Ira cadat naso." Theoc., i., 18, χολὰ ποτὶ ῥινὶ κάθηται. Mart., vi., Ep. lxiv., 28.

[1820] Præcisum, like omasum, "the fat part of the belly of beef chopped up;" the "busecchie" of the modern Italians.

[1821] Cf. xiv., Fr. 3.

[1822] Parectaton, a παρεκτείνω. Quasi extensus, "an overgrown youth." The penultima is lengthened in Latin.

[1823] Cf. Hor., ii., Sat. viii., 11.

[1824] Deblaterant. Cf. Plaut., Aul., II., iii., 1. Blennus is beautifully expressed by the German "rotznase." Plaut., Bacch., V., i., 2.

Book XXI

Of this Book no Fragments remain.

Book XXII

1 Those hired female mourners who weep at a stranger's funeral, and tear their hair, and bawl louder....[1825]

2 A slave neither faithless to my owner, nor unserviceable to any, here I, Metrophanes, lie, Lucilius' main-stay[1826]

3 Zopyrion cuts his lips on both sides....[1827]

4 ... whether the man's nose is straighter now, ... his calves and legs.

FOOTNOTES:

[1825] Præfica, the ἰαλεμίστρια, Æsch., Choëph., 424, or θρηνήτρια (cf. Mark, v., 38), of the Greeks; from præficiendo, as being set at the head of the other mourners, to give them the time, as it were: "quaæ dant cæteris modum plangendi, quasi in hoc ipsum præfectæ." Scaliger says it was an invention of the Phrygians to employ these hired mourners. Plaut., Truc., II., vi., 14. Gell., xviii., 6. The technical name of their lamentation was Nænia. Cf. Fest. in voc. It generally consisted of the praises of the deceased. Æsch., Choëph., 151, παιᾶνα τοῦ θανόντος ἐξαυδωμένας. «Cf. Hor., A. P., 431, "Ut qui conducti plorant in funere, dicunt et faciunt prope plura dolentibus ex animo."»

[1826] Cf. Introduction. Mart., xi., Ep. xc., 4. Plaut., Amph., I., i., 213. Terent., Phorm., II., i., 57, "O bone custos salve, columen verò familiæ!" Columella is properly "the king-post that supports the roof;" then put, like columen, for the main-stay or support of any thing. So Horace calls Mæcenas, ii., Od. xvii., 4, "Mearum grande decus columenque rerum." Cic., Sext., viii., "Columen reipublicæ." So Timon is called, Lucian, Tim., 50, τὸ ἔρεισμα τῶν Ἀθηναίων. Sil., xv., 385, "Ausonii columen regni." So Clytæmnestra calls Agamemnon, ὑψηλῆς στέγης στύλον ποδήρη. Ag., 898. «Doederlein thinks there is a connection between the words culmus, calamus, culmen, columen, columna, columella, with cello, whence celsus. "Significarique id quod emineat, sursum tendat, altum sit," ii., 106.»

[1827] Cf. ad ix., 14.

Book XXIII

1 ... and the slave who had licked with his lips the nice cheese-cakes.[1828]

2 ... to hold[1829]

FOOTNOTES:

[1828] Lamberat. Cf. Hor., i., Sat. iii., 80, "Si quis eum servum, patinam qui tollere jussus semesos pisces tepidumque ligurrierit jus, in cruce suffigat." Juv., xi., 5. Placenta, the πλακοῦς of the Greeks, was a flat cake made of flour, cheese, and honey, rolled out thin and divided into four parts. Cato, R. R., 76, gives a receipt for making it. It was used in sacrifices. Hence Horace, i., Epist. x., 10, "Utque sacerdotis fugitivus liba recuso: Pane egeo jam mellitis potiore placentis." Juv., xi., 59, "pultes coram aliis dictem puero sed in aure placentas." Mart., v., Ep. xxxix., 3; vi., Ep. lxxv., 1, "Quadramve placentæ." ix., Ep. xci., 18.

[1829] Tongere is, according to Voss, an old form of tenere, and has its triple meanings: "to know; to rule over; to overcome." The Prænestines used tongitionem for notitionem.

BOOKS XXIV., XXV.

No Fragments extant.[1830]

FOOTNOTES:

[1830] The few Fragments referred to these books are, in better MSS. and editions, ascribed to others, where they will be found.