XXIV. PARZIVAL, THE BRAVE MAN SLOWLY WISE

XXIV. PARZIVAL, THE BRAVE MAN SLOWLY WISE

The instances of romantic chivalry and courtly love reviewed in the last chapter exemplify ideals of conduct in some respects opposed to Christian ethics. But there is still a famous poem of chivalry in which the romantic ideal has gained in ethical consideration and achieved a hard-won agreement with the teachings of mediaeval Christianity, and yet has not become monkish or lost its knightly character. This poem told of a struggle toward wisdom and toward peace; and the victory when won rested upon the broadest mediaeval thoughts of life, and therefore necessarily included the soul’s reconcilement to the saving ways of God. Yet it was knighthood’s battle, won on earth by strength of arm, by steadfast courage, and by loyalty to whatsoever through the weary years the man’s increasing wisdom recognized as right. A monk, seeking salvation, casts himself on God; the man that battles in the world is conscious that his own endeavour helps, and knows that God is ally to the valiant and not to him who lets his hands drop--even in the lap of God.

Among the romances presumably having a remote Breton origin, and somehow connected with the Court of Arthur, was the tale of Parzival, the princely youth reared in foolish ignorance of life, who learned all knighthood’s lessons in the end, and became a perfect worshipful knight. This tale was told and retold. The adventures of another knight, Gawain, were interwoven in it. Possibly the French poet, Chrétien de Troies, about the year 1170, in his retelling, first brought into the story the conception of that thing, that magic dish, which in the course of its retellings became the Holy Grail. Chrétien did not finish his poem, and after him others completed or retold the story. Among them there was one who lacked the smooth facility of the French Trouvère, yet surpassed him and all others in thoughtfulness and dramatic power. This was the Bavarian, Wolfram von Eschenbach. He was a knight, and wandered from castle to castle and from court to court, and saw men. His generous patron was Hermann, Landgraf of Thüringen, who held court on the Wartburg, near Eisenach. There Wolfram may have composed his great poem in the opening years of the thirteenth century. He was no clerk, and had no clerkly education. Probably he could neither read nor write. But he lived during the best period of mediaeval German poetry, and the Wartburg was the centre of gay and literary life. Walther von der Vogelweide was one of Wolfram’s familiars in its halls.

Wolfram knew and disapproved of Chrétien’s version of the Perceval; and said the story had been far better told by a certain Kyot, a singer of Provence.[722] Nothing is known of the latter beyond Wolfram’s praise. Perhaps he was an invention of Wolfram’s; not infrequently mediaeval poets referred to fictitious sources. At all events, Wolfram’s sources were French or Provençal. In large measure the best German mediaeval poetry was an adaptation of the French; a fact which did not prevent the German adaptations from occasionally surpassing the French works they were drawn from. In the instance of Wolfram’s Parzival, as in that of Gottfried von Strassburg’s Tristan, the German poems were the great renderings of these tales.

As our author was a thoughtful German, his style is difficult and involved. Yet he had imagination, and his poem is great in the climaxes of the story. It is a poem of the hero’s development, his spiritual progress. Apparently it was Wolfram who first realized the profound significance of the Parzival legend. Both the choice of subject and the contents of the poem reflect his temperament and opinions. Wolfram was a knight, and chose a knightly tale; for him knightly victories were the natural symbols of a man’s progress. He was also one living in the world, prizing its gifts, and entertaining merely a perfunctory approval of ascetic renunciation. The loyal love between man and woman was to him earth’s greatest good, and wedlock did not yield to celibacy in righteousness.[723] Let fame and power and the glory of this world be striven for and won in loyalty and steadfastness and truth, in service of those who need aid, in mercy to the vanquished and in humility before God, with assurance that He is truth and loyalty and power, and never fails those who obey and serve Him.

“While two wills (Zvifel, Zweifel == doubt) dwell near the heart, the soul is bitter. Shamed and graced the man whose dauntless mood is--piebald! In him both heaven and hell have part. Black-coloured the unsteadfast comrade; white the man whose thoughts keep troth. False comradeship is fit for hell fire. Likewise let women heed whither they carry their honour, and on whom they bestow their love, that they may not rue their troth. Before God, I counsel good women to observe right measure. Their fortress is shame: I cannot wish them better weal. The false one gains false reward; her praise vanishes. Wide is the fame of many a fair; but if her heart be counterfeit, ’tis a false gem set in gold. The woman true to womanhood, be hers the praise--not lessened by her outside hue.

“Shall I now prove and draw a man and woman rightly? Hear then this tale of love--joy and anguish too. My story tells of faithfulness, of woman’s truth to womanhood, of man’s to manhood, never flinching. Steel was he; in strife his conquering hand still took the guerdon; he, brave and slowly wise, this hero whom I greet, sweet in the eyes of women, heart’s malady for them as well, himself a very flight from evil deed.”

Such is Wolfram’s Prologue. The story opens in a forest, where Queen Herzeloide had buried herself with her infant son after the death in knightly battle of Prince Gahmuret, her husband. The broken-hearted, foolish mother is seeking to keep her boy in ignorance of arms and knights. He has made himself a bow; he shoots a bird--its song is hushed. This is the child’s first sorrow, and childish ignorance has been the cause; as afterwards youth’s folly and then man’s lack of wisdom will cause that child, grown large, more lasting anguish. Now to see a bird makes his tears start. His still foolish mother orders her servants to kill them. The boy protests, and the mother with a quick caress declares the birds shall have peace, she will no more infringe God’s commands. At this unknown name the boy cries out, “O mother! what is God?” “Son, I will tell thee. Brighter than the day is He--who put on a human face. Pray to Him in need; His faithfulness helps men ever. There is another, hell’s chief, black and false. Keep thy thoughts from him and from doubt’s waverings.” Away springs the boy again; and in the forest he learns to throw the hunting-spear and slay the stags. One day he hears the sounds of hoofs. He waves his spear: “May now the devil come in all his rage; I’d stand against him. My mother speaks of him in dread; but she is just afraid.” Three knights gallop up in glancing armour. He thinks each is a god; falls on his knees before them. “Help, god, since thou canst help so well!” “This fool blocks our path,” cries one. A fourth, their lord, rides up, and the boy calls him God.

“God?--not I; I gladly do His behests. Thou seest four knights.”

“Knights? what is that? If thou hast not God’s power, then tell me, who makes knights?”

“Young sir, that does King Arthur; go to him. He’ll knight you--you seem to knighthood born.”

The knights gazed on the boy, in whom God’s craft showed clear. The boy touches their armour, their swords. The prince speaks over him: “Had I thy beauty! God’s gifts to thee are great--if thou wilt wisely fare. May He keep sorrow from thee!” The knights rode on, while the boy sped to his mother, to tell her what he had seen. She was speechless. The boy would go to Arthur’s Court. So she bethought her of a silly plan, to put fool’s garb on him, that insult and scoff might drive him back to her. She also gave him counsel, wise and foolish.

So the youth is launched. He rides away; his mother dies of grief. As his path winds on, he finds a lady asleep in a pavilion, and following his mother’s counsel he kisses her, and takes her ring by force; trouble came from this deed of folly. Then he meets with Sigune, mourning a dead knight. He stops and promises to avenge her. She was his cousin and, recognizing him, called him by name, and spoke to him of his lineage. Then the youth is piloted by a fisherman, till, in the neighbourhood of Arthur’s Court, he meets a knight, Ither, in red armour, who greets him, points out the way, and sends a challenge to Arthur and his Round Table. Parzival now finds himself at Arthur’s thronging Court. The young Iwein first speaks to him and the fool-youth returns: “God keep thee--so my mother bade me say. Here I see so many Arthurs; who is it that will make me knight?” Iwein, laughing, leads him to the royal pavilion, where he says: “God keep you, gentles, especially the king and his wife--as my mother bade me greet--and all the honoured knights of the Round Table. But I cannot tell which one here is lord. To him a red knight sends a challenge; I think he wants to fight. O! might the king’s hand grant me the Red Knight’s harness!” They crowd around the glorious youth. “Thanks, young sir, for your greeting which I shall hope to earn,” said the king.

“Would to God!” cried the young man, quivering with impatience; “the time seems years before I shall be knight. Give me knighthood now.”

“Gladly,” returns the king. “Might I grant it to you worthily. Wait till to-morrow that I may knight you duly and with gifts.”

“I want no gifts--only that knight’s armour. My mother can give me gifts; she is a queen.”

Arthur feared to send the raw youth against the noble Ither, but yielded to the malignant spurring of Sir Kay, and Parzival rode out with his unknightly hunting-spear. Abruptly he bade Ither give him his horse and armour, and on the knight’s sarcastic answer, grasped his horse’s bridle. The angry Ither reversed his lance, and with the butt end struck down Parzival and his sorry nag. Parzival sprang to his feet and threw his spear straight through the visor of the other’s helmet; and the knight fell from his horse, dead. With brutal stupidity Parzival tried to pull his armour off, not knowing how to unlace it. Iwein came and showed him how to remove and wear the armour, and how to carry his shield and lance. So clad in Ither’s armour and mounted on the great war-horse, he bids Iwein commend him to King Arthur, and rides off, leaving the other to care for the body of the dead knight.

In the evening he reached the castle of an aged prince, who saw the marvellous youth come riding, with the fool garments showing out from under his armour. Courteously received, the youth enjoyed a bath, a repast, and a long night’s sleep. Fortunately his mother had bade him follow the counsels of grey hairs; so in the morning he put on the garments which his host had left in his room for him, instead of what his mother gave. The host first heard mass with his simple guest, and instructed him as to its significance, and how to cross himself and guard against the devil’s wiles. Then they breakfasted, and the old man, having heard Parzival’s story, advised him to leave off saying “My mother bade me,” and gave him further counsel: “Preserve thy shame; the shameless man is worthless, and at last, wins hell. You seem a mighty lord, mind you take pity on those in need; be kind and generous and humble. The worthy man in need is shamed to beg; anticipate his wants; this brings God’s favour. Yet be prudent, neither lavish nor miserly; right measure be your rule. Sorely you need counsel; avoid harsh conduct, do not ask too many questions, nor yet refuse to answer a question fitly asked; observe and listen. Let mercy temper valour. Spare him who yields, whatever wrong he has done you. When you lay off your armour, wash your hands and face; make yourself neat; woman’s eye will mark it. Be manly and gay. Hold women in respect and love; this increases a young man’s honour. Be constant--that is manhood’s part. Short his praise who betrays honest love. The night-thief wakes many foes; against treachery true love has its own wisdom and resource. Gain its disfavour and your lot is shame.”

The guest thanked the host for his counsel. He spoke no more of his mother save in his heart. Then his host, remarking that he had seen many a shield hang better on a wall than Parzival’s on him, took him out into a field; and there in the company of other knights he instructed him in jousting, and found him a ready and resistless pupil. The old man looked fondly on him--his daughter Liasse--she is fair--would not Parzival think so, and stay as a son in the now sonless house? Fair and chaste was the damsel, but Parzival says: “My lord, I am not wise. If I gain knighthood’s praise so that I may look for love--then keep Liasse for me. You shall have less weight of grief if I can lighten it.”

Parzival’s first experience of life and the old man’s counsels had changed him. He was no longer the callow boy who a few days before in the forest took the knights for gods, but a young man conscious of his inexperience and lack of wisdom. Perhaps the change seems sudden; but the subtle development of character had not yet found literary expression in the Middle Ages, and Wolfram here is a great pioneer.

So the young knight rode away, carrying secret thoughts of the maiden, and a little pain, his heart lightly touched with love, and so made ready for a mightier passion. His horse carried him on through woods and savage mountains, to the kingdom whose capital, Pelrapeire, was besieged, because it held its queen, Condwiramurs (coin de voire amors). Within the town were famine and death, without, a knightly, cruel foe, King Clamide, who fought to win the queen by sack and ruin. Crossing a field and bridge where many a knight had fallen, Parzival reached a gate and knocked. A maid called out, and finding that he brought aid and not enmity, she admitted him. Armed men weak with hunger fill the streets, through which the maid leads the knight on to the palace. His armour is removed, a mantle brought him. “Will he see the queen, our lady?” ask the attendants. “Gladly,” answers Parzival. They enter the great hall--and the queen’s fair eyes greet him. She advances surrounded by her ladies. With courtesy she kisses the knight, gives him her hand, and leads him to a seat. The faces of her warriors and women are sad and worn; but she--had she contended with Enit and both Iseults fair, and whomsoever else men praise for beauty, hers had been the prize.

The guest mused: “Liasse was there--Liasse is here; God slacks my grief, here is Liasse.” He sat silent by the queen, mindful of the old prince’s advice not to ask questions. “Does this man despise me,” thought she, “because I am no longer lovely? No, he is the guest, the hostess I; it is for me to speak.” Then aloud: “Sir, a hostess must speak. Your greeting won a kiss from me; you offered me your service--so said my maid. Rare offer now! Sir, whence come you?”

“Lady, I rode this very day from the house of the good, well-remembered host, Prince Gurnemanz.”

“Sir, I had hardly believed this from another; the way is so long. His sister was my mother. Many a sad day have I and his Liasse wept together. Since you bear kindness for that prince, I will tell you our grievous plight.”

The telling is deferred till some refreshment is obtained, and then Parzival is shown to his chamber. He sleeps; but the sound of sobbing breaks his slumber. The hapless queen in her need had sought out her guest in the solitude of night; she had cast herself on her knees by his couch; her tears fall--on him, and he awakes. Touched with love and pity at the sight, Parzival sprang up. “Lady! you mock me? You should kneel to God.” In honour they sit by each other, and the queen tells her story, how King Clamide and his seneschal have wasted her lands, unhappy orphan, slain her people, even her knightly defender, Liasse’s brother--she will die rather than yield herself to him.

Liasse’s name stirs Parzival: “How can I help you?”

“Save me from that seneschal, who harries me and mine.”

Parzival promises, and the queen steals away. The day is breaking, and Parzival hears the minster bells. Mass is sung, and the young knight arms and goes forth--the burghers’ prayers go with him--against the host led by the seneschal. Parzival vanquishes him, grants him his life, and sends him to Arthur’s Court. The townsmen receive the victor with acclaim, the queen embraces him. Who but he shall be her lord? So their nuptials were celebrated, although Parzival felt the reward to be too great; it were enough for him to touch her garment’s hem. Soon King Clamide himself ordered an assault upon the town, only to meet repulse. He challenged Parzival, and, vanquished like his seneschal, was likewise sent to Arthur’s Court.

Love was strong between Queen Condwiramurs and Parzival her husband. One morning Parzival spoke to her in the presence of their people: “Lady, please you, with your permission, I would see how my mother fares and seek adventures. If thus I serve and honour you, your love is ample guerdon.”

From his wife and from all those who called him Lord, Parzival rode forth alone. He has to learn what pain and sorrow are; the first teaching came now, as longing for his wife filled his heart with grief. In the evening he reached the shore of a lake, and saw a fisher in a boat, attired like a king.[724] The fisher directed him to a castle, promising there to be his host. Following his directions, Parzival came to a marvellously great castle, where, on saying that the fisher sent him, he was courteously received and his needs attended to. Sadness pervaded the great halls. The banquet-room, to which he was shown, was lighted by a hundred chandeliers, and around the walls were ranged a hundred couches. The host entered and lay down on one of them, made like a stretcher; he seemed a stranger to joy. They covered him with furs and mantles, as a sick man. He beckoned Parzival to sit by him. As the hall filled with people, a squire entered carrying a bleeding lance, whereupon all present made lament. A procession of nobly clad ladies followed, bearing precious dishes, and at last among them a queen, Repanse de Schoye. She bore, upon a silken cushion, the fulness of all good, an object called the Grail. Only a maiden pure and true might carry it. There also came six other maids bearing each a flashing goblet; and they set their burdens before the host. Water for the hands was then brought to the host and to his guest, and to the knights ranged on the couches; and tables were placed before them all. A hundred squires came and reverently took from the Grail all manner of food and wine, which they set before the knights, whatever each might wish. Everything came from the power of the Grail.

Parzival wondered, but kept silence, thinking of the old prince’s counsel not to ask many questions, and hoping to be told what all this might be. A squire brought a sword to the host, who gave it to the guest: “I bore this sword in all need, until God wounded me. Take it as amends for our sad hospitality. Rely on it in battle.”

The gift of the sword was Parzival’s opportunity to ask his host what had stricken him. He let it pass. The feast was solemnly removed. “Your bed is ready, whenever you will rest,” said the host; and Parzival was shown to a bedchamber, where he was left alone. But the knight did not sleep uncompanioned. Coming sorrow sent her messengers. Dreams overhung him, as a tapestry, woven of sword-strokes and deadly thrusts of lance. He was fighting dark, endless, battles for his life, till sweating in every limb he woke. Day shone through the window. “Where are the knaves to fetch my clothes?” He heard no sound. He sprang up. His armour lay there, and the two swords--the one which he took from Ither and the one given him by his host. Thought he: “I have suffered such pain in my sleep, there must be hard work for me to-day. Is mine host in need, I will gladly aid him and her too, Repanse, who gave me this mantle; yet I would not serve her for her love; my own wife is as beautiful.”

Parzival passed through the castle’s empty halls, calling aloud in anger. He saw no one, heard no sound. In the courtyard he found his horse, and flung himself into the saddle. He rode through the open castle-gate, over the draw-bridge, which an unseen hand drew up before his horse’s hoofs had fairly cleared it. He looked behind him in surprise. A squire cursed him: “May the sun scorch you! Had you just used your mouth to ask a question of your host! You missed it, goose!” Parzival called for explanation, but the gates were swung to in his face. His joy was gone, his pain begun. By chance throw of the dice he had found and lost the Grail. He sees the ground torn as by the hoofs of knights riding hard. “These,” thought he, “fight to-day for my host’s honour. Their band would not have been shamed by me. I would not fail them in their need--so might I earn the bread I ate and this sword which their lord gave me. I carry it unearned. They think I am a coward.”

He followed the hoof tracks; they led him on a way, then scattered and grew faint. The day was young. Under a linden sat a lady, holding the body of a knight embalmed. What earthly troth compared with hers? He turned his horse to her: “Lady, your sorrow grieves my heart. Would my service avail you?”

“Whence come you? Many a man has found death in this wood. Flee, as you love your life; but, say, where did you spend the night?”

“In a castle not a league from here.”

“Do not deceive. You carry stranger shield. There is no house in thirty leagues, save one castle high and great. Those who seek it, find it not. It is only found unsought. Munsalvaesch its name. The ancient Titurel bequeathed it to his son Frimutel, a hero; but in the jousts he won his death from love. Of his children, one is a hermit, Trevrizent; another, Anfortas, is the castle’s lord, and can neither ride nor walk, nor sit nor lie. But, sir, if you were there, may be that he is healed of his long pain.”

“Many marvels saw I there,” he answered.

She recognized the voice: “You are Parzival. Say, then, saw you the Grail and the joyless lord? If his pain is stilled through you, then hail! far as the wind blows spreads your glory, your dominion too.”

“How did you know me?” said Parzival.

“I am the maid who once before told you her grief, your kinswoman, who mourns her lover slain.”

“Alas! where are thy red lips? Art thou Sigune who told me who I was? Where is fled thy long brown hair, thy loveliness and colour?”

Sigune spoke: “My only consolation were to hear that you have helped the helpless man whose sword you bear. Know you its gifts? The first stroke it strikes well, at the second, breaks; a word is needed that the sword may make its bearer peerless. Do you know this word? If so, none can withstand you--have you asked the question?”

“I asked nothing.”

“Woe is me that mine eyes have seen you! You asked no question! You saw such wonders there--the Grail, the noble ladies, the bloody spear. Wretched, accursed man, what would you have from me? Yours the false wolf-tooth! You should have taken pity on your host, and asked his ail--then God had worked a miracle on him. You live, but dead to happiness.”

“Dear cousin, speak me fair. I will atone for any ill.”

“Atone? nay, leave that! At Munsalvaesch your honour and your knightly praise vanished. You get no more from me.”

Parzival’s fault was not accident; it sprang from what he was--unwise. He could atone only through becoming wise through the endurance of years of trial. The unhappy knight rode on, loosing his helmet to breathe more freely. Soon he chanced to overtake the lady Jesute, travelling on a mean horse in wretched guise, her garments torn, her face disfigured. He offered aid, and she, recognizing him, said with tears that her sorrows all were due to him; she was the lady whose girdle and ring his fool’s hand had taken, and now her husband Orilus treated her as a woman of shame. Here the proud duke himself came thundering up, to see what knight dared aid his cast-off wife. Parzival conquered him after a long combat; and the three went to a hermitage where the victor made oath that it was he who took by force the ring and girdle from the blameless lady. Returning the ring to Orilus, he sent him with his lady, reconciled and happy, to Arthur’s Court. Thus Parzival’s knighthood made amends for his first foolish act. He found a strong lance in the hermitage, took it, and departed.

When Orilus and his lady had been received with honour at Arthur’s Court, the king with all his knights set forth towards Munsalvaesch to find the mighty man calling himself the Red Knight, who had sent so many conquered pledges of his prowess; for he wished to make him a knight of the Round Table. It was winter. Parzival--the Red Knight--came riding from the opposite direction. As he drew near the encampment of the king, his eye lighted on three drops of blood showing clear red in the fresh-fallen snow; in mid air above, a wild goose had been struck by a falcon. The knight paused in reverie--red and white--the colours carried his thoughts to his heart’s queen, Condwiramurs. There he sat, as a statue on his horse, with poised spear; his thoughts had flown to her whose image now closed his eyes to all else. A lad spied the great knight, and ran breathless to Arthur, to tell of the stranger who seemed to challenge all the Round Table. Segramors gained Arthur’s permission to accost him. Out he rode with ready challenge; Parzival neither saw nor heard, till his horse swerved at the knight’s approach, so that he saw the drops no longer. Then his mighty lance fell in rest, Segramors was hurled to the ground, and took himself back discomfited, while Parzival returned to gaze on the drops of blood, lost in reverie as before. Now Kay the quarrelsome rode out, and roused the hero with a rude blow. The joust is run again, and Kay crawls back with broken leg and arm. Again Parzival loses himself in reverie. And now courtly Gawain, best of Arthur’s knights, rides forth, unarmed. Courteously he addresses Parzival, who hears nothing, and sits moveless. Gawain bethinks him it is love that binds the knight. Seeing that Parzival is gazing on three drops of blood, he gently covers them with a silken cloth. Parzival’s wits return; he moans: “Alas, lady wife of mine, what comes between us? A cloud has hidden thee.” Then, astonished, he sees Gawain--a knight without lance or shield--does he come to mock? With noble courtesy Gawain disclosed himself and led the way to Arthur’s Court, where fair ladies and the king greeted the hero whom they had come to seek. A festival was ordained in his honour. The fair company of knights and ladies are seated about the Round Table; the feast is at its height, when suddenly upon a gigantic mule, a scourge in her rough hand, comes riding the seeress Cundrie, harsh and unlovely. Straight she addresses Arthur: “Son of King Uterpendragon, you have shamed yourself and this high company, receiving Parzival, whom you call the Red Knight.” She turns on Parzival: “Disgrace fall on your proud form and strength! Sir Parzival, tell me, how came it that you met that joyless fisher, and did not help him? He showed you his pain, and you, false guest, had no pity for him. Abhorred by all good men, marked for hell by heaven’s Highest, you ban of happiness and curse of joy! No leech can heal your sickened honour. Greater betrayal never shamed a man so goodly. Your host gave you a sword; you saw them bear the Grail, the silver dishes, and the bloody spear, and you, dishonoured Parzival, were silent. You failed to win earth’s chiefest prize; your father had not done so--are you his son? Yes, for Herzeloide was as true as he. Woe’s me, that Herzeloide’s child has so let honour slip!” Cundrie wrung her hands; her tears fell fast; she turned her mule and cried: “Woe, woe to thee Munsalvaesch, mount of pain; here is no aid for thee!” And bidding none farewell, she rode away, leaving Parzival to his shame, the knights to their astonishment, the ladies to their tears.

Cundrie was hardly out of sight, before another shame was put on the Round Table. An armed knight rode in, and, accusing Gawain of murdering his king and cousin, summoned him to mortal combat within forty days before the King of Askalon. Arthur himself was ready to do battle for Gawain, but that good knight accepted the challenge with all courtesy.

Parzival’s lineage was first known to the Court from Cundrie’s calling him by name and speaking of his mother. Now Clamide, once Condwiramurs’s cruel wooer, begged the hero to intercede for him with another fair one, the lady Cunneware. Parzival courteously complied. A heathen queen then saluted him with the news that he had a great heathen half-brother, Feirefiz, the son of Parzival’s father by a heathen queen. Thanking her, Parzival spoke to the company: “I cannot endure Cundrie’s reproach;--what knight here does not look askance? I will seek no joy until I find the Grail, be the quest short or long. The worthy Gurnemanz bade me refrain from questions. Honoured knights, your favour is for me to win again, for I have lost it. Me yet unshamed you took into your company; I release you. Let sorrow be my comrade; for I forsook my happiness on Munsalvaesch. Ah! helpless Anfortas! You had small help from me.”

Knights and ladies were grieved to see the hero depart in such sorrow, and many a knight’s service was offered him. The lady Cunneware took his hand; Lord Gawain kissed him and said: “I know thy way is full of strife; God grant to thee good fortune, and to me the chance to serve thee.”

“Ah! what is God?” answered Parzival. “Were He strong He would not have put such shame on me and you. I was His subject from the hour I learned to ask His favour. Now I renounce His service. If He hates me, I will bear it. Friend, in thine hour of strife let the love of a woman pure and true strengthen thy hand. I know not when I shall see thee again; may my good wishes towards thee be fulfilled.”

The hero’s arms are brought; his horse is saddled; his grievous toil begins.

Why should long sorrow come to Parzival for not asking a question, when his omission was caused neither by brutality nor ill will? when, on the contrary, he would gladly have served his host? The relation between his conduct and his fortune seems lame. Yet in life as well as in literature, ignorance and error bring punishment. Moreover, to mediaeval romance not only is there a background of sorcery and magic, but active elements of magic survive in the tales.[725] And nothing is more fraught with magic import and result than question and answer. Wolfram did not treat as magical the effect upon his hero’s lot of his failure to ask the question; but he retained the palpably magic import of the act as affecting the sick Anfortas. It was hard that the omission should have brought Parzival to sorrow and despair; yet the fault was part of himself, and the man so ignorant and unwise was sure to incur calamity, and also gain sorrow’s lessons if he was capable of learning. So the sequence becomes ethical: from error, calamity; from calamity, grief; and from grief, wisdom. With Wolfram, Parzival’s fault was Parzival; failure to ask the question was a symbol of his lack of wisdom. The poet was of his time; and mediaeval thought tended to symbolism, and to move, as it were, from symbol to symbol, and from symbolical significance to related symbolical significance, and indeed often to treat a symbol as if it were the fact which was symbolized.

* * * * *

At this point Wolfram’s poem devotes some cantos to the lighter-hearted adventures of Gawain. This valiant, courtly, loyal knight and his adventures are throughout a foil to the heavier lot and character of Parzival. But when Gawain has had his due, the poet is glad to return to his rightful hero. Parzival has ridden through many lands; he has sailed many seas; before his lance no knight has kept his seat; his praise and fame are spread afar. Though he has never been overthrown, the sword given him by Anfortas broke; but with magic water Parzival welded it again. In a forest one day he rode up to a hut, where Sigune was living as a recluse, feeding her soul with thoughts of her dead lover, barring all fancies that might disunite her from the dead whom she still held as her husband. Parzival recognized her, and she him, when he removed his helm: “You are Sir Parzival--tell me, how is it with the Grail?”

“It has given me sorrow enough; I left a land where I was king, a loving wife, fairest of women; I suffer anguish for her love, and more because of that high goal of Munsalvaesch which is not reached. Cousin Sigune, knowing my sorrow, you do wrong to hate me.”

“My wrath is spent. You have lost joy enough since that time you failed to question Anfortas, your host--your happiness as well. Then that question would have blessed you; now joy is denied you; your high mood halts; your heart is tamed by sorrow, which had stayed a stranger to it had you asked the question.”

“I acted as a luckless man. Dear cousin, counsel me--but, say, how is it with you? I should bemoan your grief were not my own greater than man ever bore.”

“Let His hand help you who knows all sorrow. A path might bring you yet to Munsalvaesch. Cundrie but now rode hence--follow her track.”

Parzival started to follow the track of Cundrie’s mule, which soon was lost, and with it the Grail was lost again. Without guidance he rode on. He overthrew a Grail knight, and took his horse, his own having been wounded in the combat. How long he rode I know not, says the poet. One frosty morning he met an aged knight unhelmeted, and walking barefoot with his wife and daughters. The knight reproved him for riding armed on that holy day.

Parzival answered: “I do not know the time of year; it is long since I kept count of days. Once I served Him who is called God--until He graced me with His mockery. He helps, men say. I have not found it so.”

“If you mean God who was born of a virgin,” replied the old knight, “and believe that He took man’s nature, you do wrong to ride in armour; for this is the day when He hung on the Cross for us. Sir, not far from here dwells a holy man, who will give you counsel; you may repent and be absolved from your sins.”

Parzival courteously took his leave. He had regarded his failure to ask that question as a luckless error, had felt that God was unjust to him, and had also doubted His power to aid. Now came wavering thoughts: “What if God might help my pain? If He ever favoured a knight, or if sword and shield might win His favour--if to-day is His day of help, let Him help me if He can. If God’s craft can show the way to man and horse, I’ll honour Him. Go then according to God’s choosing.”

He flung the bridle on his horse’s neck, spurring him forward; and the horse carried him straight to the hermitage of holy Trevrizent, who fasted there to fit himself for heaven, his chastity warring with the devil. Parzival recognized the place where he had sworn the oath to Orilus, to clear Jesute’s honour. The hermit, seeing him, exclaimed: “Alas! sir, that you ride equipped in this holy season. Were you sore pressed? Another garb were fitter, did your pride permit. Come by the fire. If you follow love’s adventure, think of that afterward, and this day seek the love which this day gives.”

Dismounting, Parzival stood respectfully before the hermit: “Sir, advise me; I am a man of sin.”

His host promised counsel and asked how he came there. Parzival told of meeting the old knight, and inquired whether his host felt no fear at seeing him ride up. “Believe me, no,” answered the hermit; “I fear no man. I would not boast, but in my day my heart never quailed in the fight. I was a knight as you are, and had many sinful thoughts.”

Having placed the horse in shelter beneath a cliff, the hermit led the knight into his cell. There was a fire of coals, before which Parzival was glad to warm himself and exchange his steel armour for a cloak; he seemed forest-weary. A door opened to an inner cell, where stood an altar, bearing the very reliquary on which Parzival had laid his hand in making oath. He told his host of this, and of the lance which he had found there and taken. “A friend of mine left it there, and chided with me afterwards. It is four years, six months, and three days since you took that spear; I will prove it to you from this Psalter.”

“I did not know how long I had journeyed, lost and unhappy. I carry sorrow’s weight. Sir, I will tell you more: from that time no man has seen me in church or minster, where they honour God. I have sought battles only. I also bear a hate for God. He is my trouble’s sponsor: had He borne aid, my joy had not been buried living! My heart is sore. In reward of my many fights, sorrow has set on me a crown--of thorns. I bear a grudge against that Lord of aid, that me alone He helps not.”

The host sighed, and looked at him; then spoke: “Sir, be wise. You should trust God well. He will help you, it is His office; He must help us both. Tell me with sober wits, how did your anger against Him arise? Learn from me His guiltlessness before you accuse Him. His aid is never withheld. Even I, a layman, can read the meaning of those unlying books; man must continue steadfast in service of Him who never wearies in His steady aid to sinking souls. Keep troth, for God is troth. Deceit is hateful to Him. We should be grateful; in our behalf His nobility took on the form of man. God is called, and is, truth. He can turn from no one; teach your thoughts never to turn from Him. You can force nothing from Him with your wrath. Whoever sees you carry hate toward Him will deem you sick of wit. Think of Lucifer and all his comrades. Hell was their reward. When Lucifer and his host had taken their hell-journey, a man was made. God made from clay the worthy Adam. From Adam’s flesh He took Eve, who brought us calamity when she listened not to her Creator, and destroyed our joy. Two sons were born to them. One of these in envious anger destroyed his grandmother’s maidenhood, by sin.”

“Sir, how could that be?”

“The earth was Adam’s mother, and was a maiden. Adam was Cain’s father, who slew Abel; and the blood fell on the pure earth; its maidenhood was sped. Thence arose hate among men--and still endures. Nothing in the world is as pure as an innocent maid; God was himself a maiden’s child, and took the image of the first maid’s fruit. With Adam’s seed came sorrow and joy; through him our lineage is from God, but through him, too, we carry sin, for which God took man’s image, and so suffered, battling with troth against untroth. Turn to Him if you would not be lost. Plato, Sibyl the prophetess, foretold Him. With divine love His mighty hand plucked us from hell. The joyful news they tell of Him the True Lover is this: He is radiant light, and wavers not in His love. Men may have either His love or hate. The unrepentant sinner flees the divine faithfulness; he who does penance wins His clemency. God penetrates thought, which is hidden to the sun’s rays and needs no castle’s ward. Yet God’s light passes its dark wall, comes stealing in, and noiselessly departs. No thought so quick but He discovers it before it leaves the heart. The pure in heart He chooses. Woe to the man who harbours evil. What help is there in human craft for him whose deeds put God to shame? You are lost if you act in His despite, who is prepared for either love or hate. Now change your heart; with goodness earn His thanks.”

“Sir,” says Parzival, “I am glad to be taught by you of Him who does not fail to reward both crime and virtue. With pain and struggle I have so borne my young life to this day that through keeping troth I have got sorrow.”

Parzival still feels his innocence; perhaps the host is not so sure: “Prithee, be open with me. I would gladly hear your troubles and your sins. May be I can advise you.”

“The Grail is my chief woe and then my wife--she is beyond compare. For both of these I yearn.”

“Sir, you say well. Your grief is righteous if its cause is yearning for your wife. If you were cast to hell for other sins, but loyal to your wife, God’s hand would lift you out. As for the Grail, you foolish man, pursuit will never win it. ’Tis for him only who is named in heaven. I can say; for I have seen it.”

“Sir, were you there?”

“I was.”

Parzival did not say that he had been there too; but asked about the Grail. His host then told him of the valiant Templars who dwelt on Munsalvaesch, and rode thence on adventures as penance for their sins. “They are nourished by a Stone of marvellous virtue; no sick man seeing it could die that week; it gives youth and strength, and is called the Grail. To-day, as on every Good Friday, a dove flies from heaven and lays a wafer on the Grail, from which the Grail receives its share of every food and every good the earth or Paradise affords. The name of whosoever is chosen for the Grail, be it boy or girl, appears inscribed upon it, suddenly, and when read disappears. They come as children; glad the mother whose child is named; for taken to that company, it will be held from sin and shame, and be received in heaven when this life is past. Further, all those who took neither side in the war between Lucifer and the Trinity, were cast out of heaven to earth, and here must serve the Grail.”

Parzival spoke: “If knighthood might with shield and spear win earth’s prize and Paradise for the soul--why I have fought wherever I found fight; often my hand has touched the prize. If God is wise in conflicts, He should name me, that those people there may learn to know me. My hand never drew back.”

“First you must guard against pride, and practise modesty.” The old man paused and then continued: “There was a Grail king named Anfortas. You and I should pity his sad lot which befell him through pride in youth and riches; he loved in the world’s light way--that also goes not with the Grail. There came once to the castle one unnamed, a simple man; he went away, his sins upon his head; he never asked the host what ailed him. Before that time a prince, Lahelein, approached and fought with a Grail knight, and slew him and took his horse. Sir, are you Lahelein? you rode a Grail steed hither. I know his trappings well, and the dove’s crest which Anfortas gave his knights. The old Titurel also wore that crest, and after him his son Frimutel, till he lost his life. Sir, you resemble him. Who are you?”

Each looked on the other. Parzival spoke: “My father was a knight. He lost his life in combat; sir, include him in your prayers. His name was Gamuhret. I am not Lahelein; yet in my folly once I too robbed the dead. My sinful hand slew Ither. I left him dead upon the sward--and took what was to take.”

“O world! alas for thee! heart’s sorrow is thy pay!” the hermit cried. “My nephew, it was your own flesh and blood you slew; a deed which with God merits death. Ither, the pattern of all knights--how can you atone? My sister too, your mother Herzeloide, you brought her to her death.”

“Oh no! good sir, how say you that? If I am your sister’s child, oh tell me all.”

“Your mother died when you left her. My other sister was Sigune’s mother; our brother is Anfortas, who long has been the Grail’s sad lord. We early lost our father, Frimutel; from him Anfortas, his first-born, inherited the Grail crown, when still a child. As he grew a man, all too eagerly he followed the service set by love of woman, chose him a mistress and broke many a spear for her. He disobeyed the Grail, which forbids its lords love’s service, save as it prescribes. One day, for his lady’s favour, he ran a joust with a heathen knight. He slew him, but the heathen spear struck him, and broke, leaving a poisoned wound. In anguish he returned. No medicine or charm can heal that wound, and yet he cannot die; that is the Grail’s power. I renounced knighthood, flesh, and wine, in prayer that God would heal him. We knelt before the Grail, and on it read that when a knight should come, and, unadmonished, ask what ailed him, he should be sound again. That knight should then be the Grail’s king, in place of Anfortas. Since then a knight did come--I spoke of him to you. He might as well have stayed away for all the honour that he won or aid he brought us. He did not ask: My lord, what brought you to this pass? Stupidity forbade him.”

The two made moan together. It was noon. The host said: “Let us take food now, and tend your horse.” They went out; Parzival broke up some branches for his horse, while the host gathered a repast of herbs. Then they returned to the cell. “Dear nephew,” said the hermit, “do not despise this food. At least, you will not find another host who would more gladly give you better.”

“Sir, may God’s favour pass me by, if ever a host’s care was sweeter to me.”

When they had eaten, they saw to the horse again, whose hungry plight grieved the old man because of the saddle with Anfortas’s crest. Then Parzival spoke:

“Lord and uncle mine, if I dare speak for shame, I should tell you all my unhappiness. My troth takes refuge in you. My misdeeds are so sore, that if you cast me off I shall go all my days unloosed from my remorse. Take pity with good counsel on a fool. He who rode to Munsalvaesch, and saw that pain, and asked no question, that was I, misfortune’s child. Thus have I, sir, misdone.”

“Nephew! Alas! We both may well lament--where were your five senses? Yet I will not refuse thee counsel. You must not grieve overmuch, but, in lament and laying grief aside, follow right measure. Would that I might refresh and hearten you, so that you would push on, and not despair of God. You might still cure your sorrow. God will not forsake you. I counsel thee from Him.”

His host then told Parzival more about Anfortas’s pains, and about the Grail people, then the story of his own life before he renounced knighthood, and also about Ither. “Ither was your kin. If your hand forgot this kinship, God will not. You must do penance for this deadly sin, and also for your mother’s death. Repent of your misdeeds and think of death, so that your labour here below may bring peace to your soul above.”

These two deadly sins of Parzival were done unwittingly, and unwitting was his neglect to ask the question. His guilt was thoughtlessness and stupid ignorance. It is impossible not to think of Oedipus, and compare the Christian mediaeval treatment of unwitting crimes with the classical Greek consideration of the same dark subject. Oedipus sinned as unwittingly as Parzival, and as impulsively. His ruin was complete. Afterwards--in the Oedipus Coloneus--his character gathers greatness through submission to the necessary consequences of his acts; here was his spiritual expiation. On the other hand, mercy, repentance, hope, the uplifting of the unwitting sinner, forgiveness and consolation, soften and glorify the Christian mediaeval story.

Parzival stayed some days at the hermitage. At parting the hermit spoke words of comfort to him: “Leave me your sins. I will be your surety with God for your repentance. Perform what I have bidden you, and do not waver.”

The story here turns to Gawain. In the tale of his adventures there comes a glimpse of Parzival. A proud lady, for whose love Gawain is doing perilous deeds, tells him, she has never met a man she could not bend to her will and love, save only one. That one came and overthrew her knights. She offered him her land and her fair self; his answer put her to shame: “The glorious Queen of Pelrapeire is my wife, and I am Parzival. I will have none of your love. The Grail gives me other care.”

Gawain won this lady, and conducted her to Arthur’s Court, whither his rival the haughty King Gramoflanz was summoned to do battle with him. On the morning set for the combat Gawain rode out a little to the bank of a river, to prove his horse and armour. There at the river rode a knight; Gawain deemed it was Gramoflanz. They rush together; man and horse go down in the joust. The knights spring to their feet and fight on with their swords. Meanwhile Gramoflanz, with a splendid company, has arrived at Arthur’s Court. The lists are ready; Gramoflanz stands armed. But where is Gawain? He was not wont to tarry. Squires hurry out in search, to find him just falling before the blows of the stranger. They call, Gawain! and the unknown knight throws away his sword with a great cry: “Wretched and worthless! Accursed is my dishonoured hand. Be mine the shame. My luckless arms ever--and now again--strike down my happiness. That I should raise my hand against noble Gawain! It is myself that I have overthrown.”

Gawain heard him: “Alas, sir, who are you that speak such love towards me? Would you had spoken sooner, before my strength and praise had left me.”

“Cousin, I am your cousin, ready to serve you, Parzival.”

“Then you said true! This fool’s fight of two hearts that love! Your hand has overthrown us both.”

Gawain could no longer stand. Fainting they laid him on the grass. Gramoflanz rides up, and is grieved to find his rival in no condition to fight. Parzival offers to take Gawain’s place; but Gramoflanz declines, and the combat is postponed till the morrow. Parzival is then escorted to Arthur’s Court, where Gawain would have him meet fair ladies; he holds back, thinking of the shame once put on him there by Cundrie. Gawain insists, and ladies greet the knight. Arthur again makes Parzival one of the Round Table. Early the next morning, Parzival, changing his arms, meets Gramoflanz in the lists, before Gawain has arrived; and vanquishes him. Then comes Gawain and offers to postpone the combat as Gramoflanz had done. So the combat is again set for the next day. In the meanwhile, however, various matters come to light and explanations are had; Arthur succeeds in reconciling the rival knights and adjusting their relations to the ladies. So the Court becomes gay with wedding festivals, and all is joy.

Except with Parzival. His heart is torn with pain and yearning for his wife. He muses: “Since I could love, how has love dealt with me! I was born from love; why have I lost love? I must seek the Grail; yet how I yearn for the sweet arms of her from whom I parted--so long ago! It is not fit that I should look on this joyful festival with anguish in my heart.” There lay his armour: “Since I have no part in this joy, and God wills none for me; and the love of Condwiramurs banishes all wish for other happiness--now God grant happiness to all this company. I will go forth.” He put his armour on, saddled his horse, took spear and shield, and fled from the joyous Court, as the day was dawning.

And now he meets a heathen knight, approaching with a splendid following. They rode a great joust; and the heathen wondered to find a knight abide his lance. They fought with swords together, till their horses were blown; they sprang on the ground, and there fought on. Then the heathen thought of his queen; the love-thought brought him strength, and he struck Parzival a blow that brought him to his knee. Now rouse thee, Parzival; why dost thou not think on thy wife? Suddenly he thought of her, and how he won her love, vanquishing Clamide before Pelrapeire. Straight her aid came to him across four kingdoms, and he struck the heathen down; but his sword--once Ither’s--broke.

The foolish evil deed of Parzival in slaying Ither seems atoned for in the breaking of this sword. Had it not broken, great evil had been done. The great-hearted heathen sprang up. “Hero, you would have conquered had that sword not broken. Be peace between us while we rest.”

They sat together on the grass. “Tell me your name,” said the heathen; “I have never met as great a knight.”

“Is it through fear, that I should tell my name?”

“Nay, I will name myself--Feirefiz of Anjou.”

“How of Anjou? that is my heritage. Yet I have heard I had a brother. Let me see your face. I will not attack you with your helmet off.”

“Attack me? it is I that hold the sword; but let neither have the vantage.” He threw his sword far from them.

With joy and tears the brothers recognized each other; and long and loving was their speech. Then they rode back together to the Court. They entered Gawain’s tent. Arthur came to greet them, and with him many knights. At Arthur’s request each of the great brothers told the long list of his knightly victories. The next day Feirefiz was made a knight of the Round Table, and a grand tournament was held. Then the feast followed; and again, as once before, to the great company seated at the table, Cundrie came riding. She greeted the king; then turned to Parzival, and in tears threw herself at his feet and begged a greeting and forgiveness. Parzival forgives her. She rises up and cries: “Hail to thee, son of Gahmuret--Herzeloide’s child. Humble thyself in gladness. The high lot is thine, thou crown of human blessing. Thou shalt be the Grail’s lord; with thee thy wife Condwiramurs, and thy sons Lohengrin and Kardeiz, whom she bore to thee after thy going. Thy mouth shall question Anfortas--unto his joy. Now the planets favour thee; thy grief is spent. The Grail and the Grail’s power shall let thee have no part in evil. When young, thou didst get thee sorrow, which betrayed thy joy as it came;--thou hast won thy soul’s peace, and in sorrow thou hast endured unto thy life’s joy.”

Tears of love sprang from Parzival’s heart and fell from his eyes: “Lady, if this be true, that God’s grace has granted me, sinful man, to have my children and my wife, God has been good to me. Loyally would you make good my losses. Before, had I not done amiss, you would not have been angry. At that time I was yet unblessed. Now tell me, when and how I shall go meet my joy. Oh! let me not be stayed!”

There was no more delay. Parzival was permitted to take one comrade; he chose Feirefiz. Cundrie guided them to the Grail castle. They entered to find Anfortas calling on death to free him of his pain. Weeping, and with prayer to God, Parzival asked what ailed him, and the king was healed. Then Parzival rode again to Trevrizent. The hermit breaks out in wonder at the power of God, which man cannot comprehend; let Parzival obey Him and keep from evil; that any one should win the Grail by striving was unheard of; now this has come to Parzival, let him be humble. The hero yearns for his wife--where is she? He is told; there by the meadow where he once saw the drops of blood he finds her and his sons, asleep in their tent. They are united; Parzival is made Grail king; and the queen Repanse is given in marriage to Feirefiz, who is baptized and departs with her. Lohengrin is named as Parzival’s successor, while Kardeiz receives the kingdoms which had been Gahmuret’s and Herzeloide’s.

END OF VOL. I

Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh.

INDEX

NOTE.--Of several references to the same matter the more important are shown by heavy type.

Abaelard, Peter, career of, ii. 342-5; at Paris, ii. 343, 344, 383; popularity there, ii. 119; love for Heloïse, ii. 4-=5=, 344; love-songs, ii. =13=, 207; Heloïse’s love for, i. 585; ii. =3=, =5=, 8, 9, =15-16=; early relations with Heloïse, ii. 4-5; suggestion of marriage opposed by her, ii. 6-9; marriage, ii. 9; suffers vengeance of Fulbert, ii. 9; becomes a monk at St. Denis, ii. 10; at the Paraclete, ii. 10, 344; at Breton monastery, ii. 10; St. Bernard’s denunciations of, i. 229, 401; ii. =344-5=, =355=; letters to, from Heloïse quoted, ii. 11-15, 17-20, 23, 24; letters from, to Heloïse quoted, ii. 16-17, 21-3, 24-5; closing years at Cluny, ii. 25, =26=, 345; death of, ii. =27=, 345; estimate of, ii. 4, 342; rationalizing temper, i. 229; ii. =298-9=; skill in dialectic, ii. 303, =345-6=, 353; not an Aristotelian, ii. 369; works on theology, ii. 352-5; De Unitate et Trinitate divina, ii. 10, =298-9=, 352 and n. 3; Theologia, ii. =303-4=, 395; Scito te ipsum, ii. 350-1; Sic et non, i. 17; ii. =304-6=, =352=, 357; Dialectica, ii. 346 and nn., 349-50; Dialogue between Philosopher, Jew, and Christian, ii. 350, =351=; Historia calamitatum, ii. =4-11=, 298-9, =343=; Carmen ad Astralabium filium, ii. 192; hymns, ii. 207-9; otherwise mentioned, ii. 134, 283 and n.

Abbo, Abbot, i. =294 and n.=, 324

Abbots: Armed forces, with, i. 473 Cistercian, position of, i. 362-3 and n. Investiture of, lay, i. 244 Social class of, i. 473

Accursius, Glossa ordinaria of, ii. 262, =263=

Adalberon, Abp. of Rheims, i. 240, =282-3=, 287

Adam of Marsh, ii. 389, 400, 487

Adam of St. Victor, editions of hymns of, ii. 87 n. 1; examples of the hymns, ii. 87 seqq.; Latin originals, ii. 206, 209-15

Adamnan cited, i. 134 n. 2, 137

Adelard of Bath, ii. 370

Aedh, i. 132

Agobard, Abp. of Lyons, i. 215, =232-3=; cited, ii. 247

Aidan, St., i. 174

Aimoin, Vita Abbonis by, i. 294 and n.

Aix, Synod of, i. 359

Aix-la-Chapelle: Chapel at, i. 212 n. School at, see Carolingian period--Palace school

Alans, i. 113, 116, 119

Alanus de Insulis, career of, ii. 92-4; estimate of, ii. 375-6; works of, ii. 48 n. 1, =94=, 375 n. 5, 376; Anticlaudianus, ii. =94-103=, 192, 377, 539; De planctu naturae, ii. =192-3 and n. 1=, 376

Alaric, i. 112

Alaric II., i. =117=; ii. 243

Alberic, Card., i. 252 n. 2

Alberic, Markgrave of Camerino, i. 242

Alberic, son of Marozia, i. 242-3

Albertus Magnus, career of, ii. 421; estimate of, ii. 298, 301, =421=; estimate of work of, ii. 393, 395; attitude toward Gilbert de la Porrée, ii. 372; compared with Bacon, ii. 422; with Aquinas, ii. 433, =438=; relations with Aquinas, ii. 434; on logic, ii. 314-15; method of, ii. 315 n.; edition of works, ii. 424 n. 1; De praedicabilibus, ii. 314 and n., 315, 424-5; work on the rest of Aristotle, ii. 420-1; analysis of this work, ii. 424 seqq.; attitude toward the original, ii. 422; Summa theologiae, ii. 430, 431; Summa de creaturis, ii. 430-1; De adhaerendo Deo, ii. 432; otherwise mentioned, i. 17; ii. 82 n. 2, 283, 312, 402, 541 n. 2

Albigenses, i. 49; persecution of, i. 366-7, 461, 481, 572; ii. 168

Alboin the Lombard, i. 115

Alchemy, ii. 496-7

Alcuin of York, career of, i. 214; works of, i. 216-21 and n. 2; extracts from letters of, ii. 159; stylelessness of, ii. =159=, 174; verses by, quoted, ii. 136-7; on urbanitas, ii. 136; otherwise mentioned, i. 212, 240, 343; ii. 112, 312, 332

Aldhelm, i. 185

Alemanni, i. 9, 121, 122, 145 n. 2, 174, 192

Alemannia, Boniface’s work in, i. 199

Alexander the Great, Pseudo-Callisthenes’ Life of, ii. 224, 225, =229-230=; Walter of Lille’s work on, ii. 230 n. 1

Alexander II., Pope, i. 262 n., 263 and n. 1

Alexander de Villa-Dei, Doctrinale of, ii. =125-7=, 163

Alexander of Hales--at Paris, i. 476; ii. =399=; Bacon’s attack on, ii. 494, 497; estimate of work of, ii. 393, 395, 399; Augustinianism of, ii. 403-4

Alfred, King of England, i. 144 and n. 2, =187-90=

Allegory (See also Symbolism): Dictionaries of, ii. 47-8 and n. 1, 49 Greek examples of, ii. 42, 364 Metaphor distinguished from, ii. 41 n. Politics, in, ii. 60-1, 275-=6=, =280= Roman de la rose as exemplifying, ii. 103 Scripture, see under Scriptures Two uses of, ii. 365

Almsgiving, i. 268

Alphanus, i. 253-4

Amadas, i. 565

Ambrose, St., Abp. of Milan, on miracles, i. 85-6; attitude toward secular studies, i. 300; ii. 288; Hexaëmeron of, i. 72-4; De officiis, i. 96; hymns, i. 347-8; otherwise mentioned, i. 70, 75, 76, 104, 186, 354; ii. 45 n., 272

Anacletus II., Pope, i. 394

Anchorites, see Hermits

Andrew the Chaplain, Flos amoris of, i. 575-6

Angels: Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 324-5, 435, =457 seqq.=, =469=, =473-5= Dante’s views on, ii. 551 Emotionalizing of conception of, i. 348 n. 4 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 68, 69 Symbols, regarded as, ii. 457 Vincent’s Speculum as concerning, ii. 319 Writings regarding, summary of, ii. 457

Angilbert, i. 234-5

Angles, i. 140

Anglo-Saxons: Britain conquered by, i. 141 Characteristics of, i. 142, =196= Christian missions by, i. 196, 197 Christian missions to, i. 172, 174, =180 seqq.= Customs of, i. 141 Poetry of, i. 142-4 Roman influence slight on, i. 32

Aniane monastery, i. 358-9

Annals, i. 234 and n. 1

Anselm (at Laon), ii. 343-4

Anselm, St., Abp. of Canterbury, dream of, i. 269-70; early career, i. 270; at Bec, i. 271-2; relations with Rufus, i. 273, 275; journey to Italy, i. 275; estimate of, i. 274, =276-7=; ii. =303=, 330, =338=; style of, i. 276; ii. =166-7=; influence of, on Duns Scotus, ii. 511; works of, i. 275 seqq.; Cur Deus homo, i. 275, 277 n. 1, =279=; ii. 395; Monologion, i. 275-7; Proslogion, i. 276-8; ii. =166=, 395; Meditationes, i. 276, =279=; De grammatico, i. 277 n. 2; otherwise mentioned, i. 16, 19, 301-2; ii. 139, 283, 297, 340

Anselm of Besate, i. 259

Anthony, St., i. 365-6; Life of, by Athanasius, i. 47, =52 and n.=

Antique literature, see Greek thought and Latin classics

Antique stories, themes of, in vernacular poetry, ii. 223 seqq.

Apollinaris Sidonius, ii. 107

Apollonius of Tyana, i. 44

Apollonius of Tyre, ii. 224 and n.

Aquinas, Thomas, family of, ii. 433-4; career, ii. 434-5; relations with Albertus Magnus, ii. 434; translations of Aristotle obtained by, ii. 391; Vita of, by Guilielmus de Thoco, ii. 435 n.; works of, ii. 435; estimate of, and of his work, i. 17, 18; ii. 301, =436-8=, 484; completeness of his philosophy, ii. 393-5; pivot of his attitude, ii. 440; present position of, ii. 501; style, ii. 180; mastery of dialectic, ii. 352; compared with Eriugena, i. 231 n. 1; with Albertus Magnus, ii. 433, =438=; with Bonaventura, ii. 437; with Duns, ii. 517; Dante compared with and influenced by, ii. 541 n. 2, =547=, 549, 551, 555; on monarchy, ii. 277; on faith, ii. 288; on difference between philosophy and theology, ii. 290; on logic, ii. 313; Summa theologiae, i. 17, 18; ii. =290 seqq.=; style of the work, ii. 180-1; Bacon’s charge against it, ii. 300; Peter Lombard’s work contrasted with it, ii. 307-10; its method, ii. 307; its classification scheme, ii. 324-9; analysis of the work, ii. 438 seqq., 447 seqq.; Summa philosophica contra Gentiles, ii. 290, 438, =445-6=; otherwise mentioned, i. 69 n. 2; ii. 283, 298, 300, 312, 402

Aquitaine, i. 29, 240, =573=

Arabian philosophy, ii. =389-90=, 400-1

Arabs, Spanish conquest by, i. 9, 118

Archimedes, i. 40

Architecture, Gothic: Evolution of, i. 305; ii. =539= Great period of, i. 346

Argenteuil convent, ii. 9, 10

Arianism: Teutonic acceptance of, i. =120=, 192, 194 Visigothic abandonment of, i. 118 nn.

Aristotle, estimate of, i. 37-8; works of, i. 37-8; unliterary character of writings of, ii. 118, 119; philosophy as classified by, ii. 312; attitude of, to discussions of final cause, ii. 336; the Organon, i. =37=, 71; progressive character of its treatises, ii. 333-4; Boëthius’ translation of the work, i. 71, =91-2=; advanced treatises “lost” till 12th cent., ii. 248 n., 334; Porphyry’s Introduction to the Categories, i. 45, 92, 102; ii. 312, =314 n.=, 333, =339=; Arabian translations of works, ii. 389-90; introduction of complete works, i. 17; Latin translations made in 13th cent., ii. 391; three stages in scholastic appropriation of the Natural Philosophy and Metaphysics, ii. 393; Paris University study of, ii. 391-2 and n.; Albertus Magnus’ work on, ii. 420-1, 424 seqq.; Aquinas’ mastery of, i. 17, 18; Dominican acceptance of system of, ii. 404; Dante’s reverence for, ii. 542

Arithmetic: Abacus, the, i. 299 Boëthius’ work on, i. 72, =90= Music in relation to, ii. 291 Patristic treatment of, i. 72 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313

Arnold of Brescia, i. 401; ii. 171

Arnulf, Abp. of Rheims, i. 283-4

Art, Christian (For particular arts, see their names): Demons as depicted in, ii. 540 n. 2 Early, i. 345 n. Emotionalizing of, i. 345-7 Evolution of, i. 19-20 Germany, in (11th cent.), i. 312 Symbolism the inspiration of, i. 21; ii. 82-6

Arthur, King, story of youth of, i. 568-569; relations with Lancelot and Guinevere, i. 584; with Parzival, i. 592, 599-600, 612

Arthurian romances: Comparison of, with Chansons de geste, i. 564-5 German culture influenced by, ii. 28 Origin and authorship of, question as to, i. 565-7 Universal vogue of, i. =565=, 573, 577 otherwise mentioned, i. 531, 538

Arts, the (See also Latin classics): Classifications of, ii. 312 seqq. Course of, shortening of, ii. =132=, 384 Dictamen, ii. =121=, =129=, 381 Grammar, see that heading Masters in, at Paris and Oxford, ii. 384-5; course for, ii. 388 Seven Liberal, see that heading

Asceticism: Christian: Carthusian, i. 384 Early growth of, i. 333-5 Manichean, i. 49 Women’s practice of, i. 444, 462-3 Neo-Platonic, i. 43, 44, 46, 50, =331=, 334

Astralabius, ii. 6, 9, 27; Abaelard’s poem to, ii. 191-2 and n. 1

Astrology, i. =44 and n.=; ii. 374: Bacon’s views on, ii. 499-500

Astronomy: Chartres study of, i. 299 Gerbert’s teaching of, i. 288-9 Patristic attitude toward, i. 72

Ataulf, i. 112, 116

Athanasius, St., estimate of work of, i. =54=, 68; Life of St. Anthony by, i. 47, =52 and n.=, 84; Orationes, i. 68

Atlantis, i. 36

Attila the Hun, i. 112-13; in legend, i. 145-7

Augustine, Abp. of Canterbury, i. 6, 171, =180-2=; Gregory’s letters to, cited, i. 102

Augustine, St., Bp. of Hippo, Platonism of, i. 55; personal affinity of, with Plotinus, i. 55-7; barbarization of, by Gregory the Great, i. 98, 102; compared with Gregory the Great, i. 98-9; with Anselm, i. 279; with Guigo, i. 385, 390; overwhelming influence of, in Middle Ages, ii. 403; on numbers, i. 72 and n. 2, 105; attitude toward physical science, i. 300; on love of God, i. 342, 344; allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 44-5; modification by, of classical Latin, ii. 152; Confessions, i. =63=; ii. 531; De Trinitate, i. =64=, =68=, 74, 96; Civitas Dei, i. 64-65, 69 n. 2, =81-82=; De moribus Ecclesiae, i. 65, 67-8; De doctrina Christiana, i. 66-7; classification scheme based on the Doctrina, ii. 322; De spiritu et littera, i. 69; De cura pro mortuis, i. 86; De genesi ad litteram, ii. 324; Alcuin’s compends of works of, i. 220; otherwise mentioned, i. 5, 53, 71, 75, 82, 87, 89, 104, 186, 225, 340, 354, 366, 370; ii. 107, 269, 297, 312

Augustus, Emp., i. 26, 29

Aurillac monastery, i. 281

Ausonius, i. 126 n. 2; ii. 107

Austrasia: Church organization in, i. 199 Feudal disintegration of, i. 240 Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Rise of, under Pippin, i. 209

Authority v. reason, see Reason

Auxerre, i. 506-7

Averroes, ii. 390

Averroism, ii. 400-1

Averroists, ii. =284 n.=, 296 n. 1

Avicenna, ii. 390

Avitus, Bp. of Vienne, i. 126 n. 2

Azo, ii. 262-3

Bacon, Roger, career of, ii. 486-7 tragedy of career, ii. 486; relations with Franciscan Order, ii. 299, 486, =488=, 490-1; encouragement to, from Clement IV., ii. 489-90 and n. 1; estimate of, ii. 484-6; estimate of work of, ii. 402; style of, ii. 179-80; attitude toward the classics, ii. 120; predilection for physical science, ii. 289, 486-7; Albertus Magnus compared with, ii. 422; on four causes of ignorance, ii. 494-5; on seven errors in theological study, ii. 495-8; on experimental science, ii. 502-8; on logic, ii. 505; on faith, ii. 507; editions of works of, ii. 484 n.; Greek Grammar by, ii. =128= and n. 5, 484 n., 487, 498; Multiplicatio specierum, ii. 484 n., 500; Opus tertium, ii. =488=, 490 and nn., 491, 492, 498, 499; Opus majus, ii. 490-1, 492, =494-5=, 498, =499-500=, =506-8=; Optics, ii. 500; Opus minus, ii. 490-1, =495-8=; Vatican fragment, ii. 490 and n. 2, =505 n. 1=; Compendium studii philosophiae, ii. 491, 493-4, 507-8; Compendium theologiae, ii. 491; otherwise mentioned, ii. 284 n., 335 n., =389=, 531-2

Bartolomaeus, De proprietatibus rerum of, ii. 316 n. 2

Bartolus, ii. 264

Baudri, Abbot of Bourgueil, ii. 192 n. 1

Bavaria: Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Merovingian rule in, i. 121 Otto’s relations with, i. 241 Reorganization of Church in, 198-9

Bavarians, i. 145 n. 2, 209, 210

Beauty, love of, i. 340

Bec monastery, i. 262 n., 270-2

Bede, estimate of, i. 185-6; allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 47 n. 1; Church History of the English People, i. 172, =186=, 234 n. 2; De arte metrica, i. 187, =298=; Liber de temporibus, 300; otherwise mentioned, i. 184, 212

Beghards of Liége, i. 365

Belgae, i. 126

Belgica, i. 29, 32

Benedict, Prior, i. 258

Benedict, St., of Nursia, i. =85 and n. 2=, 94, 100 n. 4; Regula of, see under Monasticism

Benedictus, Chronicon of, ii. 160-1

Benedictus Levita, Deacon, ii. 270

Benoit de St. More, Roman de Troie by, ii. 225, =227-9=

Beowulf, i. 141, =143-4= and n. 1

Berengar, King, i. 256

Berengar of Tours, i. 297, 299, =302-3=; ii. 137

Bernard, Bro., of Quintavalle, i. 502

Bernard, disciple of St. Francis, i. 425-6

Bernard of Chartres, ii. 130-2, 370

Bernard, St., Abbot of Clairvaux, at Citeaux, i. 360, 393; inspires Templars’ regula, i. 531; denounces and crushes Abaelard, i. 229, 401; ii. =344-5=, =355=; denounces Arnold of Brescia, i. 401; ii. 171; relations with Gilbert de la Porrée, ii. 372; Lives of, i. 392 n., 393 n. 1; appearance and characteristics of, i. 392-3; estimate of, i. 394; ii. 367-8; love and tenderness of, i. 344, 345, =394 seqq.=; ii. 365; severity of, i. 400-1; his love of Clairvaux, i. 401-2; of his brother, i. 402-4; Latin style of, ii. 169-71; on church corruption, i. 474; on faith, ii. 298; unconcerned with physics, ii. 356; St. Francis compared with, i. 415-16; extracts from letters of, i. 395 seqq.; ii. 170-1; Sermons on Canticles--cited, 337 n.; quoted, i. =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9; De consideratione, ii. 368; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 20, 279, 302, 472, 501; ii. 34, 168

Bernard Morlanensis, De contemptu mundi by, ii. 199 n. 3

Bernard Silvestris, Commentum ... of, ii. 116-17 and n. 2; De mundi universitate, ii. 119, =371 and n.=

Bernardone, Peter, i. 419, 423-4

Bernward, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312 and n. 1

Bible, see Scriptures

Biscop, Benedict, i. 184

Bishops: Armed forces, with, i. 473 Francis of Assisi’s attitude toward, i. 430 Gallo-Roman and Frankish, position of, i. 191-2, 194 and nn., 198, =201 n.= Investiture of, lay, i. 244-5 and n. 4; ii. 140 Jurisdiction and privileges of, ii. 266 Papacy’s ascendancy over, i. 304 Reluctance to be consecrated, i. 472 Social class of, i. 473 Vestments of, symbolism of, ii. 77 n. 2

Blancandrin, i. 565

Bobbio monastery, i. 178, =282-3=

Boëthius, death of, i. =89=, 93; estimate of, i. 89, 92, =102=; Albertus Magnus compared with, ii. 420; works of, i. 90-3; Gerbert’s familiarity with works of, i. 289; works of, studied at Chartres, i. 298-9; their importance, i. 298; De arithmetica, i. 72, =90=; De geometria, i. 90; commentary on Porphyry’s Isagoge, i. =92=; ii. 312; translation of the Organon, i. 71, =91-2=; “loss” of advanced works, ii. 248 n., 334; De consolatione philosophiae, i. =89=, 188, =189-90=, 299; mediaeval study of the work, i. 89; ii. 135-6

Bologna: Clubs and guilds in, ii. 382 Fight of, against Parma, i. 497 Law school at, ii. =121=, 251, =259-62=, 378 Medical school at, ii. 121, 383 n. University, Law, inception and character of, ii. 121, =381-3=; affiliated universities, ii. 383 n.

Bonaventura, St. (John of Fidanza), career of, ii. 403; at Paris, ii. 399, 403; estimate of, ii. 301; style of, ii. 181-2; contrasted with Albertus, ii. 405; compared with Aquinas, ii. 405, 437; with Dante, ii. 547; on faith, ii. 298; on Minorites and Preachers, ii. 396; attitude toward Plato and Aristotle, ii. 404-5; toward Scriptures, ii. 405 seqq.; De reductione artium ad theologiam, ii. 406-8; Breviloquium, ii. 408-13; Itinerarium mentis in Deum, ii. 413-18; otherwise mentioned, ii. 283, 288

Boniface, see Winifried-Boniface

Boniface VIII., Pope, Sextus of, ii. 272; Unam sanctam bull of, ii. 509

Books of Sentences, method of, ii. 307 (See also under Lombard)

Botany, ii. 427-8

Bretons, i. 113

Breviarium, i. 117, 239, =243-4=

Britain: Anglo-Saxon conquest of, i. 141 Antique culture in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 10-11 Celts in, i. 127 n. Christianity of, i. 171-2 Romanization of, i. 32

Brude (Bridius), King of Picts, i. 173

Brunhilde, i. 176, 178

Bruno, Abp. of Cologne, i. 309-10, 383-4; Ruotger’s Life of, i. 310; ii. 162 and n. 1

Burgundians: Christianizing of, i. 193 Church’s attitude toward, i. 120 Roman law code promulgated by (Papianus), ii. 239, =242= Roman subjects of, i. 121 otherwise mentioned, i. 9-10, 113, 145

Burgundy, i. =175=, 243 n. 1

Byzantine architecture, 212 n.

Byzantine Empire, see Eastern Empire

Cædmon, i. 183, 343

Caesar, C. Julius, cited, i. =27-9=, 138, 296

Caesar of Heisterbach, Life of Engelbert by, i. 482-6 and n.; Dialogi miraculorum, cited, i. 488 n., 491.

Canon law: Authority of, ii. 274 Basis of, ii. 267-9 Bulk of, ii. 269 Conciliar decrees, collections of, ii. =269= Decretals: Collections of, ii. 269, =271-2=, =275= =n.= False, ii. 270, 273 Gratian’s Decretum, ii. 268-9, =270-1=, 306 Jus naturale in, ii. 268-9 Lex romana canonice compta, ii. 252 Scope of, ii. 267 Sources of, ii. 269 Supremacy of, ii. 277

Canossa, i. 244

Cantafables, i. 157 n. 1

Canticles, i. 350; Origen’s interpretation of, 333; St. Bernard’s Sermons on, i. 337 n., =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9

Capella, Martianus, De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of, i. =71 and n. 3=; ii. 553

Caritas, ii. 476-8; in relation to faith, ii. 479-81; to wisdom, ii. 481

Carloman, King of Austrasia, i. =199-200 and n.=, 209

Carloman (son of Pippin), i. 209-10

Carnuti, i. 296

Carolingian period: Breviarium epitomes current during, ii. 244, =249= Continuity of, with Merovingian, i. 210-12 Criticism of records non-existent in, i. 234 Definiteness of statement a characteristic of, i. 225, =227= Educational revival in, 218-19, 222, =236=; ii. 122, =158=; palace school, i. =214=, 218, 229, 235 First stage of mediaeval learning represented by, ii. 330, 332 History as compiled in, i. 234-5 King’s law in, ii. 247 Latin poetry of, ii. 188, 194, 197 Latin prose of, ii. 158 Originality in, circumstances evoking, i. 232-3 Restatement of antique and patristic matter in, i. =237=, 342-3

Carthaginians, i. 25

Carthusian Order, origin of, i. 383-4

Cassian’s Institutes and Conlocations, i. 335

Cassiodorus, life and works of, i. 93-7; Chronicon, i. 94; Variae epistolae, i. 94; De anima, 94-5; Institutiones divinarum et saecularium litterarum, i. =95-6=; ii. 357 n. 2; otherwise mentioned, i. 6, 88-9, 115; ii. 312

Cathari, i. 49; ii. 283 n.

Catullus, i. 25

Cavallini, i. 347

Celsus cited, ii. 235, 237

Celtic language, date of disuse of, i. 31 and n.

Celts: Gaul, in, i. =125 and n.=, =126-7=, 129 n. 1 Goidelic and Brythonic, i. 127 n. Ireland, in, see Irish Italy invaded by (3rd cent. B.C.), i. 24 Latinized, i. 124 Teutons compared with, i. 125

Champagne, i. 240, =573=

Chandos, Sir John, i. 554-5

Chanson de Roland, i. 12 n., 528 and n. 2, =559-62=

Chansons de geste, i. =558 seqq.=; ii. 222

Charlemagne, age of, see Carolingian period; estimate of, i. 213; relations of, with the Church, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273; relations with Angilbert, i. 234-5; educational revival by, i. =213-14=; ii. 110, 122, =158=, 332; book of Germanic poems compiled by order of, ii. 220; Capitularies of, ii. 110, =248=; open letters of, i. 213 n.; Einhard’s Life of, ii. 158-9; poetic fame of, i. 210; false Capitularies ascribed to, ii. 270; empire of, non-enduring, i. 238; otherwise mentioned, i. 9, 115, 153, 562; ii. 8

Charles Martel, i. 197, =198=, =209=; ii. 273

Charles II. (the Bald), King of France, i. 228, 235

Charles III. (the Simple), King of France, i. 239-40

Charles IV., King of France, i. 551

Chartres Cathedral, sculpture of, i. =20=, 297; ii. =82-5=

Chartres Schools: Classics the study of, i. 298; ii. 119 Fulbert’s work at, i. 296-7, 299 Grammar as studied at, ii. 129-30 Medicine studied at, ii. 372 Orleans the rival of, ii. 119 n. 2 Trivium and quadrivium at, i. =298-9=; ii. 163 mentioned, i. 287, 293

Chartreuse, La Grande, founding of, i. 384 (See also Carthusian)

Chaucer, ii. 95

Childeric, King, i. 119, 122

Chivalry: Literature of: Arthurian romances, see that heading Aube (alba) poetry, i. =571=; ii. 30 Chansons de geste, i. 558 seqq. Nature of, i. 20 Pastorelle, i. 571 Pietistic ideal recognized in, ii. 288, 533 Poems of various nations cited, i. 570 =n.= Religious phraseology in love poems, i. 350 n. 2 Romans d’aventure, i. =564-5=, 571 n. 2 Three branches of, i. 558 Nature of, i. 522, =570 n.= Order of, evolution of, i. 524 seqq. (See also Knighthood)

Chrétien de Troies, romances by, i. 566-=7=; Tristan, i. 567; Perceval, i. 567, =588-9=; Erec (Geraint), i. 567, 586; ii. 29 n.; Lancelot or Le Conte de la charrette, i. 567, 569-70, =582-5=; Cligés, i. 567, =586 n. 2=; Ivain, i. =571 n. 2=, 586 n. 3; ii. 29 n.; translation of Ovid’s Ars amatoria, i. 574

Christianity: Appropriation of, by mediaeval peoples, stages in, i. 17-18 Aquinas’ Summa as concerning, ii. 324 Art, in, see Art Atonement doctrine, Anselm’s views on, i. 279 Basis of, ii. 268 Britain, in, i. 171-2 Buddhism contrasted with, i. 390 Catholic Church, see Church Completeness of scheme of, ii. 394-5 Dualistic element in, i. 59 Eleventh century, position in, i. 16 Emotional elements in: Fear, i. 103, 339, 342, 383 Hate, i. 332, 339 Love, i. 331, =345= Synthetic treatment of, i. 333 Emotionalizing of, angels as regarded in, i. 348 n. 4 Eternal punishment doctrine of, i. =65=, =339=, 486 Faith of, see Faith Feudalism in relation to, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Fifth century, position in, i. 15 Gallo-Roman, i. 191-2 German language affected by, i. 202 Greek Fathers’ contribution to, i. 5 Greek philosophic admixture in, i. 33-4 Hell-fear in, i. 103, =339=, 342, =383= Hymns, see that heading Ideal v. actual, i. 354-5 Incarnation doctrine of, ii. 369 Irish missionaries of, see under Irish Latin as modified for expression of, ii. 152, =154=, 156, 164, 171 Marriage as regarded by, ii. 8, 529 Martyrs for, see Martyrs Mediaeval development in relation to, i. 11, 170 Mediation doctrine of, i. 54, 59-60 Militant character of, in early centuries, i. =69-70=, 75 Miracles, attitude toward, i. 50-1 Monasticism, see that heading Neo-Platonism compared with, i. 51 Pagan ethics inconsistent with, i. 66 Pessimism of, toward mortal life, i. 64 Saints, see that heading Salvation: Master motive, as, i. 59, =61=, 79, 89 Scholasticism’s main interest, as, ii. =296-7=, 300, 311 Standard of discrimination, as, ii. =530=, =533=, 559 Scriptures, see that heading Teutonic acceptance of, see under Teutons Trinity doctrine of: Abaelard’s works on, ii. 10, =298-9=, 352-3, 355 Aquinas on, ii. 449-50, 456 Bonaventura on, ii. 416-17 Dante’s vision, ii. 551 Peter Lombard’s Book on, ii. 323 Roscellin on, ii. 340 Vernacular presentation of, ii. 221 Visions, see that heading

Chronicles, mediaeval, ii. 175

Chrysostom, i. 53

Church, Roman Catholic: Authority of, Duns’ views on, ii. 516 Bishops, see that heading British Church’s divergencies from, 171-2 Canon Law, see that heading Charlemagne’s relations with, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273 Classical study as regarded by, i. 260; ii. =110 seqq.=, 396-7 Clergy, see that heading Confession doctrine of, i. 489 Constantine’s relations with, ii. 266 Creation of, i. 11, 68, =86-7= Decretals, etc., see under Canon Law Denunciations of, i. 474-5; ii. 34-5 Diocesan organization of, among Germans, i. 196 Doctrinal literature of, i. 68-70 Duns’ attitude towards, ii. 513 East and West, solidarity of development of, i. 55 Empire’s relations with, see under Papacy Eternal punishment doctrine of, i. =65=, =339=, 486; ii. 550 Eucharistic controversy, see that heading Fathers of the, see Greek thought, patristic; Latin Fathers; _and chiefly_ Patristic thought Feudalism as affected by, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Feudalism as affecting, i. 244, 473 Frankish, see under Franks Gallo-Roman, i. 191-2, 194 Hildegard’s visions regarding, i. 457 Intolerance of, see subheading Persecutions Investiture controversy, see under Bishops Irish Church’s relations with, i. 172-4 and =n. 1= Isidore’s treatise on liturgical practices of, i. 106 Knights’ vow of obedience to, i. 530 Mass, the: Alleluia chant and Sequence-hymn, ii. 196, =201 seqq.= Symbolism of, ii. 77-8 Nicene Creed, i. 69 Papacy, Popes, see those headings Paschal controversy, see Eucharistic Penance doctrine of, i. =101=, 195 Persecutions by, i. 339; of Albigenses, i. 366-7, 461, 481, 572; ii. 168; of Jews, i. 118, 332; of Montanists, i. 332 Popes, see that heading Predestination, attitude toward, i. 228 Property of, enactments regarding, ii. 266 Rationalists in, i. 305 Reforms in (11th cent.), i. 304 Roman law for, ii. 265 and n. 2 Sacraments: Definition of the word, ii. 72 and n. 1 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 64, 66, 68-9, 71, =72-4=, 90 n. 2 Origin of, Bonaventura on, ii. 411-13 Pagan analogy with, i. 53, 59-60 Secularization of dignities of, i. 472 Simony in, i. =244=, 475 Spain, in, see under Spain Standards set by, ii. 528-9 Suspects to, estimate of, ii. 532 Synod of Aix (817), i. 359 Theodosian Code as concerning, ii. 266-7 and n. 1 Transubstantiation doctrine of, i. 226-227 “Truce of God” promulgated by, i. 529 n. 2

Churches: Building of, symbolism in, ii. 78-82 Dedication of, sequence designed for, ii. 210-11

Cicero, i. 26 n. 3, 39, 78, =219=

Cino, ii. 264

Cistercian Order: Charta charitatis, i. 361-3 Clairvaux founded, i. 393 Cluniac controversies with, i. 360

Citeaux monastery: Bernard at, i. 360, 393 Foundation and rise of, i. 360-3

Cities and towns: Growth of, in 12th cent., i. 305; ii. =379-80= Italian, see under Italy

Cities (civitates) of Roman provinces, i. 29-30

Clairvaux (Clara Vallis): Founding of, i. 360, 393 Position of, i. 362 St. Bernard’s love of, i. 401-2

Classics, see Latin classics

Claudius, Bp. of Turin, i. 215, 231-2 and n. 1

Claudius, Emp., i. 30

Clement II., Pope, i. 243

Clement IV., Pope, ii. 489-91

Clement V., Pope, Decretales Clementinae of, ii. 272

Clement of Alexandria, ii. 64

Clergy: Accusations against, false, penalty for, ii. 266 Legal status of, ii. 382 Regular, see Monasticism Secular: Concubinage of, i. 244 Francis of Assisi’s attitude toward, i. 430, 440 Marriage of, i. 472 n. 1 Reforms of, i. 359 Standard of conduct for, i. 471; ii. 529 Term, scope of, i. 356

Clerval, Abbé, cited, i. 300 n. 1

Clopinel, Jean, see De Meun

Clovis (Chlodoweg), i. 114, 117, =119-21=, 122, 138, =193-4=; ii. 245

Cluny monastery: Abaelard at, ii. 25, =26=, 345 Characteristics of, i. 359-60 Monastic reforms accomplished by, i. =293=, 304

Cologne, i. 29, 31

Columba, St., of Iona, i. =133-7=, 173

Columbanus, St., of Luxeuil and Bobbio, i. 6, 133, =174-9=, 196; Life and works of, 174 n. 2

Combat, trial by, i. 232

Commentaries, mediaeval: Boëthius’, i. 93 Excerpts as characteristic of, i. 104 General addiction to, ii. 390, 553 n. 4 Originals supplanted by, ii. 390 Raban’s, i. 222-3

Compends: Fourteenth century use of, ii. 523 Mediaeval preference for, i. 94 Medical, in Italy, i. 251 Saints’ lives, of (Legenda aurea), ii. 184

Conrad, Duke of Franconia, i. 241

Conrad II., Emp., i. 243

Constantine, Emp., ii. 266; “Donation” of, ii. =35=, 265, 270

Constantinus Africanus, i. =251= and n.; ii. 372

Cordova, i. 25

Cornelius Nepos, i. 25

Cornificiani, ii. =132=, 373

Cosmogony: Aquinas’ theory of, ii. 456 Mediaeval allegorizing of, ii. 65 seqq. Patristic attitude toward, i. 72-4

Cosmology, Alan’s, in Anticlaudianus, ii. 377

Cremona, i. 24

Cross, Christian: Magic safeguard, as, i. 294-5 Mediaeval feeling for, ii. 197

Crusades: Constantinople, capture of, as affecting Western learning, ii. 391 First: Chansons concerning, i. 537-8 Character of, i. 535-7 Guibert’s account of, ii. 175 Hymn concerning, quoted, i. 349 and n. Italians little concerned in, ii. 189 Joinville’s account of, quoted, i. 546-9 Language of, i. 531 Results of, i. 305 Second, i. 394 Spirit of, i. 535-7

Cuchulain, i. 129 and nn. 2, 3

Cynewulf’s Christ, i. 183

Cyprian quoted, i. 337 n.

Cyril of Alexandria, i. 227

Cyril of Jerusalem, i. 53

Da Romano, Alberic, i. 515-16

Da Romano, Eccelino, i. =505-6=, 516

Dacia, Visigoths in, i. 112

Damiani, St. Peter, Card. Bp. of Ostia, career of, i. 262-4; attitude of, to the classics, i. 260; ii. 112, 165; on the hermit life, i. 369-70; on tears, i. 371 and n.; extract illustrating Latin style of, ii. 165 and n. 3; works of, i. 263 n. 1; writings quoted, i. 263-7; Liber Gomorrhianus, i. 265, 474; Vita Romualdi, i. 372 seqq.; biography of Dominicus Loricatus, i. 381-2; De parentelae gradibus, ii. 252; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 19, 20, 260, 343, 345, 391; ii. 34

Damianus, i. 262, 265

Danes, i. 142, =153=

Dante, estimate of, ii. 534-5; scholarship of, ii. 541 n. 2; possessed by spirit of allegory, ii. 552-5; compared with Aquinas and influenced by him, ii. 541 n. 2, 547, 549, 551, 555; compared with Bonaventura, ii. 547; attitude to Beatrice, ii. 555-8; on love, ii. 555-6; on monarchy, ii. 278; De monarchia, ii. 535; De vulgari eloquentia, ii. 219, =536=; Vita nuova, ii. =556=, 559; Convito, ii. =537-8=, 553; Divina Commedia, i. 12 n.; ii. 86, 99 n. 1, =103=, 219; commentaries on this work, ii. 553-4; estimate of it, ii. 538, 540-1, 544, 553-4; Inferno cited, ii. 42, 541-3, =545-7=; Purgatorio cited, ii. 535, 542-3, =548-9=, 554, 558; Paradiso cited, i. 395; ii. 542-3, =549-51=, 558

Dares the Phrygian, ii. 116 and n. 3, 224-=5 and nn.=, 226-7

De bello et excidio urbis Comensis, ii. 189-90

De Boron, Robert, i. 567

De casu Diaboli, i. 279

De consolatione philosophiae, see under Boëthius

De Lorris, Guillaume, Roman de la rose by, i. =586-7=; ii. 103 and n. 1, 104

De Meun, Jean (Clopinel), Roman de la rose by, ii. 103 and n. 1, 104, =223=

Denis, St., i. 230

Dermot (Diarmaid, Diarmuid), High-King of Ireland, i. =132=-3, 135, =136=

Desiderius, Bp. of Vienne, i. 99

Desiderius, Pope, i. =253=, 263

Devil, the: Mediaeval beliefs and stories as to, i. 487 seqq. Romuald’s conflicts with, i. =374=, 379-80

Dialectic (See also Logic): Abaelard’s skill in, ii. 118, 119, =345-6=, 353; his subjection of dogma to, ii. 304; his Dialectica, ii. 346 and nn., 349-50 Chartres study of, i. 298 Duns Scotus’ mastery of, ii. 510, 514 Grammar penetrated by, ii. 127 seqq. Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Thirteenth century study of, ii. 118-20

Diarmaid (Diarmuid), see Dermot

Dictamen, ii. =121=, =129=, 381

Dictys the Cretan, ii. 224, 225 and n. 1

Dies irae, i. 348

Dionysius the Areopagite, ii. 10, 102, =344=

Divina Commedia, see under Dante

Divination, ii. 374

Dominic, St., i. =366-7=, 497; ii. 396

Dominican Order: Aristotelianism of, ii. 404 Founding of, i. =366=; ii. 396 Growth of, i. 498; ii. =398= Object of, ii. 396 Oxford University, at, ii. 387 Papacy, relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Paris University, position in, ii. =386=, 399

Dominicus Loricatus, i. 263, =381-3=

Donatus, i. 71, 297; Ars minor and Barbarismus of, ii. 123-=4=

Donizo of Canossa, ii. 189 and n. 2

Druids: Gallic, i. =28=, 296 Irish, i. 133

Du Guesclin, Bertrand, Constable of France, i. 554-6, 557 n.

Duns Scotus, education of, ii. 511; career of, ii. 513; estimate of, ii. 513; intricacy of style of, ii. 510, 514, =516 n. 2=; on logic, ii. 504 n. 2; Occam’s attitude toward, ii. 518 seqq.; editions of works of, ii. 511 n. 1; estimate of his work, ii. 509-10, 514

Dunstan, St., Abp. of Canterbury, i. 323-4

Durandus, Guilelmus, Rationale divinorum officiorum of, ii. 76 seqq.

Eadmer, i. 269, 273, 277

Eastern Empire: Frankish relations with, i. 123 Huns’ relations with, i. 112-13 Norse mercenaries of, i. 153 Ostrogoths’ relations with, i. 114 Roman restoration by, i. 115

Ebroin, i. 209

Eckbert, Abbot of Schönau, i. 444

Ecstasy: Bernard’s views on, ii. 368 Examples of, i. 444, 446

Eddas, ii. 220

Education: Carolingian period, in, i. =213-14=, 218-19, 222, =236=; ii. 110, 122, =158=, 332 Chartres method of, ii. 130-1 Grammar a chief study in, ii. 122 seqq., 331-2 Italy, in, see under Italy Latin culture the means and method of, i. 12; ii. =109= Schools, clerical and monastic, i. =250 n. 2=, 293 Schools, lay, i. 249-51 Seven Liberal Arts, see that heading Shortening of academic course, advocates of, ii. =132=, 373

Edward II., King of England, i. 551

Edward III., King of England, i. 550-1

Edward the Black Prince, i. 554-6

Einhard the Frank, i. 234 n. 1; Life of Charlemagne by, i. 215; ii. 158-9

Ekkehart family, i. 309

Ekkehart of St. Gall, Waltarius (Waltharilied) by, ii. 188

El-Farabi, ii. 390

Eleventh century: Characteristics of, i. 301; in France, i. 301, 304, 328; in Germany, i. 307-9; in England, i. 324; in Italy, i. 327 Christianity in, position of, i. 16

Elias, Minister-General of the Minorites, i. 499

Elizabeth, St., of Hungary, i. 391, =465 n. 1=

Elizabeth, St., of Schönau, visions of, i. 444-6

Emotional development, secular, i. 349-50 and n. 2

Empire, the, see Holy Roman Empire

Encyclopaedias, mediaeval, ii. 316 n. 2; Vincent’s Speculum majus, ii. 315-22

Eneas, ii. 225, =226=

Engelbert, Abp. of Cologne, i. 481-6; estimate of, i. 482

England (See also Britain): Danish Viking invasion of, i. 153 Eleventh century conditions in, i. 324 Law in, principles of, i. 141-2; Roman law almost non-existent in Middle Ages, ii. 248 Norman conquest of, linguistic result of, i. 324

English language, character of, i. 324

Epicureanism, i. =41=, 70; ii. 296, 312

Eriugena, John Scotus, estimate of, i. 215, =228-9=, =231=; ii. 330; on reason v. authority, ii. 298, 302; works of, studied at Chartres, i. 299; De divisione naturae, i. =230-1=; ii. 302; otherwise mentioned, i. 16; ii. 282 n., 312

Essenes, i. 334

Ethelbert, King of Kent, i. 180-1

Etymologies of Isidore, i. 33, 105 and n. 1, =107-9=; ii. 318; law codes glossed from, ii. 250

Eucharistic (Paschal) controversy: Berengar’s contribution to, i. 302-3 Paschasius’ contribution to, i. 225-7

Eucherius, Bp. of Lyons, ii. 48 n. 1

Euclid, i. 40

Eudemus of Rhodes, i. 38

Eunapius, i. 47, 52

Euric, King of the Visigoths, i. 117 and n. 1

Eusebius, i. 81 n. 2

Evil or sin: Abaelard’s views concerning, ii. 350 Eriugena’s views concerning, i. 228 Original sin, realism in relation to, ii. 340 n. Peter Lombard and Aquinas contrasted as to, ii. 308-10

Experimental science, Bacon on, ii. 502-8

Fabliaux, i. =521 n. 2=; ii. 222

Facts, unlimited actuality of, i. 79-80

Faith: Abaelard’s definition of, ii. 354 Bacon’s views on, ii. 507 Bernard of Clairvaux’s attitude toward, ii. 355 Caritas in relation to, ii. 479-81 Cognition through, Aquinas’ views on, ii. 446 Occam’s views on, ii. 519 Proof of matters of, Aquinas on, ii. 450 Will as functioning in, ii. 479

False Decretals, i. 104 n., =118 n. 1=

Fathers of the Church (See also Patristic thought): Greek, see Greek thought, patristic Latin, see Latin Fathers

Faustus, ii. 44

Felix, St., i. 86

Feudalism (See also Knighthood): Anarchy of, modification of, i. 304 Austrasian disintegration by, i. 240 Chansons regarding, i. 559 seqq., 569 Christianity in relation to, i. 524, 527-=9 and n. 2=, =530= Church affected by, i. 244, 473 Italy not greatly under, i. 241 Marriage as affected by, i. 571, 586 Obligations of, i. 533-4 Origin of, 522-3 Principle and practice of, at variance, i. 522

Fibonacci, Leonardo, ii. 501

Finnian, i. 136

Flamenca, i. 565

Flore et Blanchefleur, i. 565

Florus, Deacon, of Lyons, i. 229 and n.

Fonte Avellana hermitage, i. =262-3=, 381

Forms, new, creation of, see Mediaeval thought--Restatement

Fortunatus, Hymns by, ii. 196-7

Fourteenth century: Academic decadence in, ii. 523 Papal position in, ii. 509-10

France (For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names): Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9-10 Arthurian romances developed in, i. 566 Cathedrals of, ii. 539, 554-5 Church in, secularization of, i. 472-3 Eleventh century conditions in, i. 301, 304, 328 History of, in 11th century, i. 300 Hundred Years’ War, i. 550 seqq. Jacquerie in (1358), i. 556 Language modifications in, ii. 155 Literary celebrities in (12th cent.), ii. 168 Monarchy of, advance of, i. 305 North and South, characteristics of, i. 328 Rise of, in 14th century, ii. 509 Town-dwellers of, i. =495=, 508

Francis, St., of Assisi, birth of, i. 415; parentage, i. 419; youth, i. 420-3; breach with his father, i. 423-4; monastic career, i. 427 seqq.; French songs sung by, i. =419 and n. 2=, 427, 432; Lives of, i. 415 n.; style of Thomas of Celano’s Life, ii. 182-3; Speculum perfectionis, i. 415 n., 416 n., =438 n. 3=; ii. =183=; literal acceptance of Scripture by, i. 365, 406-=7=; on Scripture interpretation, i. 427 n. 1; ii. 183; universality of outlook, i. 417; mediaevalism, i. 417; Christ-influence, i. 417, =418=, =432=-3; inspiration, i. =419 n. 1=, 441; gaiety of spirit, i. 421, 427-8, 431-2; poetic temperament, i. 422, 435; love of God, man, and nature, i. 366, 428, =432-3=, =435=-7; simplicity, i. 429; obedience and humility, i. 365 n., =429-30=; humanism, i. 495; St. Bernard compared with, i. 415-16; St. Dominic contrasted with, ii. 396; Fioretti, ii. 184; Canticle of Brother Sun, i. 433-4, =439-40=; last testament of, i. 440-1; otherwise mentioned, i. 20, 21, 279, 344, 345, 355-6; ii. 302

Franciscan Order: Attractiveness of, i. 498 Augustinianism of, ii. 404 Bacon’s relations with, ii. 486, =488=, 490-=1= Characteristics of, i. 366 Founding of, i. =427=; ii. 396 Grosseteste’s relations, ii. =487=, 511 Object of, ii. 396 Oxford University, at, ii. 387, 400 Papacy, relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Paris University, in, ii. 386, 399 Rise of, ii. 398

Franconia, i. 241

Franks (See also Germans): Christianity as accepted by, i. 193 Church among: Bishops, position of, i. =194 and nn.=, 198, 201 n. Charlemagne’s relations with, i. =201=, 239; ii. 273 Clovis, under, i. 194 Lands held by, i. 194, 199-200; immunities of, i. 201 and n. Organization of, i. 199 Reform of, by Boniface, i. =196=; ii. 273 Roman character of, i. 201 Division of the kingdom a custom of, i. 238-9 Gallo-Roman relations with, i. 123 Language of, i. 145 n. 2 Law of, ii. 245-6 Missi dominici, i. 211 Ripuarian, i. 119, 121; ii. 246 Romanizing of, partial, i. 9-10 Salian, i. 113, =119=; Code, ii. 245-6 Saracens defeated by, i. 209-10 n. 1 Trojan origin of, belief as to, ii. 225 and n. 1

Frederic, Count of Isenburg, i. 483-6

Frederick I. (Barbarossa), Emp., i. 448

Frederick II., Emp., under Innocent’s guardianship, ii. 32-3; crowned, ii. 33; estimate of, i. 497; otherwise mentioned, i. 250 n. 4, 417, 481, 505, 510, 517

Free, meaning of term, i. 526 n. 3

Free Companies, i. 556

Free will: Angelic, ii. 473 Duns Scotus on, ii. 515 Human, ii. 475 Richard of Middleton on, ii. 512

Freidank, i. 475; ii. =35=

Frescoes, i. 346-7

Friendship, chivalric, i. 561-2, 569-70, 583

Frisians, i. 169, 174; missionary work among, i. =197=, 200, 209

Froissart, Sir John, Chronicles of, i. 549 seqq.; estimate of the work, i. 557

Froumund of Tegernsee, i. =312-13=; ii. 110

Fulbert, Bp. of Chartres, i. 287, =296-7=, 299

Fulbert, Canon, ii. 4-6, 9

Fulco, Bp. of Toulouse, i. 461

Fulda monastery, i. =198=, 221 n. 2

Fulk of Anjou, ii. 138

Gaius, Institutes of, ii. 241, 243

Galahad, i. 569-70, 583, 584 and n. 2

Galen of Pergamos, i. =40=, 251

Gall, St., i. 6, 178, =196=

Gallo-Romans: Feudal system among, i. 523 Frankish rule over, i. 120, 123 Literature of, i. 126 n. 2

Gandersheim cloister, i. 311

Gaul (For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names): Celtic inhabitants of, i. =125 and n.=, =126=-7, 129 n. 1 Druidism in, i. =28=, 296 Ethnology of, i. 126 Heathenism in, late survival of, i. 191 n. 1 Latinization of, i. 9-10, =29-32= Visigothic kingdom in south of, i. 112, 116, 117, 121

Gauls, characteristics and customs of, i. 27-8

Geoffrey of Beaulieu, Life of St. Louis by, i. 539-42

Gepidae, i. 113, 115

Geraldus, St., i. 281

Gerard, brother of St. Bernard, i. 402-4

Gerbert of Aurillac, see Sylvester II.

German language: Christianity as affecting, i. 202 High and Low, separation of, i. 145 n. 2 Middle High German literature, ii. 168, 221 Old High German poetry, ii. =194=, 220

Germans (Saxons) (See also Franks): Characteristics of, i. 138-40, 147, 151-2 Language of, see German language Latin as studied by, i. =307-9=; ii. =123=, 155 Literature of, ii. 220-1 (See also subheading Poetry) Marriage as regarded by, ii. 30 Nationalism of, in 13th cent., ii. 28 Poetry of: Hildebrandslied, i. 145-7 Kudrun (Gudrun), i. 148, =149=-52; ii. 220 Nibelungenlied, i. 145-6, =148-9=, 152, 193, 203 n. 2; ii. 220 Waltarius, i. 147 and n., 148 otherwise mentioned, i. 113, 115, 119, 174, 209, 210

Germany: Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 10-11 Art in (11th cent.), i. 312 Church in, secularization of, i. 472 Italy contrasted with, as to culture, i. 249-50 Merovingian supremacy in, i. 121 Papacy as regarded by, ii. 28, 33, =34-5= Sequence-composition in, ii. 215

Gertrude of Hackeborn, Abbess, i. 466

Gilbert de la Porrée, Bp. of Poictiers, ii. 132, =372=

Gilduin, Abbot of St. Victor, ii. =62= and n. 2

Giraldus Cambrensis, ii. 135 and n.

Girard, Bro., of Modena, i. 498

Glaber, Radulphus, Histories of, i. 488 n.

Glass-painting, ii. 82-6

Gnosticism, i. 51 n. 1

Gnostics, Eriugena compared with, i. 231 and n. 1

Godehard, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312

Godfrey of Bouillon, i. 535-8

Godfrey of Viterbo, ii. 190 and n. 4

Gondebaud, King of the Burgundians, ii. 242

Good and the true compared, ii. 441, 512

Goths (See also Visigoths): Christianity of, i. 192, 194 Roman Empire invaded by, i. 111 seqq.

Gottfried von Strassburg, i. 567; ii. 223; Tristan of, i. 577-82

Gottschalk, i. 215, 221 n. 2, 224-5, 227-=8=; verses by, ii. 197-9

Government: Church v. State controversy, ii. 276-7 (See also Papacy--Empire) Ecclesiastical, see Canon Law Monarchical, ii. 277-8 Natural law in relation to, ii. 278-=9= Representative assemblies, ii. 278

Grace, Aquinas’ definition of, ii. 478-9

Grail, the, i. 589, =596-7=, =607=, 608, 613

Grammar: Chartres studies in, i. =298=; ii. 129-30 Current usage followed by, ii. 163 and n. 1 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Importance and predominance of, in Middle Ages, i. 109 and n., =292=; ii. =331-2= Italian study of, ii. =129=, 381 Language continuity preserved by, ii. =122-3=, 151, 155 Law studies in relation to, ii. 121 Logic in relation to, ii. 127 seqq., 333-4; in Abaelard’s work, ii. 346 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313 Syntax, connotation of term, ii. 125 Works on--Donatus, Priscian, Alexander, ii. 123 =seqq.=

Grammarian, meaning of term, i. 250

Gratianus, Decretum of, ii. 268-9, =270-1=, 306, 380-2; dicta, ii. 271

Greek classics, see Greek thought, pagan

Greek language: Oxford studies in, ii. 120, 391, =487= Translations from, direct, in 13th cent., ii. 391

Greek legends, mediaeval allegorizing of, ii. 52, 56-9

Greek novels, ii. 224 and n.

Greek thought, pagan: Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 492-3 Breadth of interest of, ii. 109 Christian standpoint contrasted with, i. 390; ii. 295-6 Church Fathers permeated by, i. 33-4 Completeness of schemes presented by, ii. 394 Limitless, the, abhorrent to, i. 353-4 Love as regarded by, i. 575 Metaphysics in, ii. 335-7 Scholasticism contrasted with, ii. 296 Summa moralium philosophorum, ii. 373 Symbolism in, ii. 42, =56= Transmutation of, through Latin medium, i. 4

Greek thought, patristic (See also Patristic thought): Comparison of, with Latin, i. 68 Pagan philosophic thought contrasted with, ii. 295-6 Symbolism in, ii. 43 Transmutation of, through Latin medium, i. 5, 34 and n.

Gregorianus, ii. =240=, 243

Gregory, Bp. of Tours, i. 121; Historia Francorum by, i. 234 n. 2; ii. 155

Gregory I. (the Great), Pope, family and education of, i. 97; Augustine of Hippo compared with, i. 98-9; Augustinianism barbarized by, i. 98, 102; sends mission to England, i. 6, 33, =180-1 and n. 1=; estimate of, i. =56=, 89, =102-3=, =342=; estimate of his writings, i. 354; on miracles, i. 100, 182; on secular studies, ii. 288; letter to Theoctista cited, i. 102 n. 1; editions of works of, i. 97 n.; works of, translated by King Alfred, i. 187; Dialogues on the Lives and Miracles of the Italian Saints, i. 85 and n. 2, 100; Moralia, i. =97=, 100; ii. 57; Odo’s epitome of this work, ii. 161; Commentary on Kings, i. 100 n. 1; Pastoral Rule, i. =102=, 187-8; otherwise mentioned, i. 16 and n. 4, 65, 87, 104, 116

Gregory II., Pope, i. 197-8; ii. 273

Gregory III., Pope, i. 198; ii. 273

Gregory VII., Pope (Hildebrand), claims of, i. =244-5=; ii. 274; relations with Damiani, i. 263; exile of, i. 244, 253; estimate of, i. 261; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 174 n. 1, 243, 304

Gregory IX., Pope, codification by, of Canon law, ii. 272; efforts of, to improve education of the Church, ii. 398; mentioned, i. 476; ii. 33

Gregory of Nyssa, i. 53, 80, 87, 340

Grosseteste, Robert, Chancellor of Oxford University and Bp. of Lincoln, Greek studies promoted by, ii. =120=, =391=, 487; estimate of, ii. 511-12; Augustinianism of, ii. 403-4; attitude toward the classics, ii. 120, 389; relations with Franciscan Order, ii. =487=, 511; Bacon’s relations with, ii. 487

Gudrun (Kudrun), i. 148, =149=-52; ii. 220

Guigo, Prior, estimate of, i. 390-1; relations with St. Bernard, i. 405; Consuetudines Carthusiae by, i. 384; Meditationes of, i. 385-90

Guinevere, i. 569, =584= and n. 1, 585

Guiot de Provens, “Bible” of, i. 475-6 and n. 1

Guiscard, Robert, ii. 189 n. 2

Gumpoldus, Bp. of Mantua, Life of Wenceslaus by, ii. 162 n. 1

Gundissalinus, Archdeacon of Segovia, ii. 312 and n. 4, 313

Gunther, Ligurinus of, ii. 192 and n. 4

Gunzo of Novara, i. 257-8

Harding, Stephen, Abbot of Citeaux, i. =360=, =361=, 393

Harold Fairhair, i. 153

Hartmann von Aue, i. =348-9 and n.=, 567; ii. 29 n.

Harun al Raschid, Caliph, i. 210

Heinrich von Veldeke, i. 567; ii. 29 n.

Heliand, i. =203 and nn.=, 308

Helias, Count of Maine, ii. 138

Hell: Dante’s descriptions of, ii. 546-7 Fear of, i. 103, =339=, 342, =383= Visions of, i. 454-5, 456 n.

Heloïse, Abaelard’s love for, ii. 4-5, 344; his love-songs to, ii. =13=, 207; love of, for Abaelard, i. 585; ii. =3=, =5=, 8, 9, =15-16=; birth of Astralabius, ii. 6; opposes marriage with Abaelard, ii. 6-9; marriage, ii. 9; at Argenteuil, ii. 9, 10; takes the veil, ii. 10; at the Paraclete, ii. 10 seqq.; letters of, to Abaelard quoted, ii. 11-15, 17-20, 23, 24; Abaelard’s letters to, quoted, ii. 16-17, 21-3, 24-5; Peter the Venerable’s letter, ii. 25-7; letter of, to Peter the Venerable, ii. 27; death of, ii. 27; intellectual capacity of, ii. 3

Henry the Fowler, i. 241

Henry II., Emp., i. 243; dirge on death of, ii. 216

Henry IV., Emp., i. 244; ii. =167=

Henry VI., Emp., ii. 32, 190

Henry I., King of England, ii. 139, 146, 176-8

Henry II., King of England, ii. 133, 135, 372

Henry of Brabant, ii. 391

Henry of Ghent, ii. 512

Henry of Huntington cited, i. 525

Henry of Septimella, ii. 190 and n. 3

Heretics (For particular sects, see their names): Abaelard’s views on coercion of, ii. 350, 354 Insignificance of, in relation to mediaeval thought, ii. 283 and n. Theodosian enactments against, ii. 266 Twelfth century, in, i. 305

Herluin, Abbot of Bec, i. 271

Hermann, Landgraf of Thüringen, i. 589; ii. 29

Hermann Contractus, i. 314-15 and n. 1

Hermits: Irish, i. 133 Motives of, i. 335, 363 Temper of, i. 368 seqq.

Hermogenianus, ii. 240, 243

Herodotus, i. 77

Hesse, Boniface’s work in, i. 197-8

Hilarion, St., i. 86

Hilary, Bp. of Poictiers, i. =63=, 68, 70

Hildebert of Lavardin, Bp. of Le Mans and Abp. of Tours, career of, ii. 137-40; love of the classics, ii. =141-2=, =146=, 531; letters of, quoted, ii. 140, 143, 144-5, 146-7; Latin text of letter, ii. 172; Latin elegy by, ii. 191; otherwise mentioned, ii. 61, 134, 373 n. 2

Hildebrand, see Gregory VII.

Hildebrandslied, ii. 220

Hildegard, St., Abbess of Bingen, dedication of, i. 447; visions of, i. 267, =449-59=; affinity of, with Dante, ii. 539; correspondence of, i. 448; works of, i. 446 n.; Book of the Rewards of Life, i. 452-6; Scivias, i. 457-9; otherwise mentioned, i. 20, 345, 443; ii. 302, 365

Hildesheim, bishops of (11th cent.), i. 312

Hilduin, Abbot, i. 230

Hincmar, i. 215, 230, =233 n. 1=

Hipparchus, i. 40

Hippocrates, i. 40

History: Carolingian treatment of, i. 234-5 Classical attitude toward, i. 77-8 Eleventh century treatment of, i. 300 Historia tripartita of Cassiodorus, i. 96-7 Patristic attitude toward, i. 80-4 Seven Books of Histories adversum paganos by Orosius, i. 82-3

Holy Roman Empire: Burgundy added to, i. 243 n. 1 German character of, ii. 32 Papacy, relations with, see under Papacy Refounding of, by Otto, i. 243 Rise of, under Charlemagne, i. 212

Honorius II., Pope, i. 531

Honorius III., Pope, i. 366, 482, 497; ii. 33, 385 n., =398=

Honorius of Autun--on classical study, ii. 110, =112-13=; Speculum ecclesiae of, ii. 50 seqq.; Gemma animae, ii. 77 n. 1

Hosius, Bp. of Cordova, i. 118 n. 1

Hospitallers, i. 531

Hrotsvitha, i. 311 and n. 2, ii. 215 n. 2

Huesca (Osca), i. 25

Hugh, Abbot of Cluny, ii. 137

Hugh Capet, i. 239-=40= and n.

Hugh the Great, Count of Paris, i. 241

Hugh of Payns, i. 531

Hugo, Archdeacon of Halberstadt, ii. 62

Hugo, Bro., of Montpellier, i. 510-14

Hugo, King, i. 242

Hugo of St. Victor, estimate of, ii. =63=, =111=, 118, 301, =356=; allegorizing by, ii. 367; on classical study, ii. 110-11; on logic, ii. 333; pupils of, ii. 87; works of, ii. 61 n. 2; Didascalicon, ii. 48 n. 2, =63=, =111=, 312, =357 and nn. 2-5=; De sacramentis Christianae fidei, ii. 48 n. 2, =64 seqq.=, 365, =395=, 540; Expositio in regulam beati Augustini, ii. 62 n. 2; De arca Noë morali, ii. 75 n., =365-7=; De arca Noë mystica, ii. 367; De vanitate mundi, ii. 75 n., =111-12=; Summa sententiarum, ii. 356; Sermons on Ecclesiastes, ii. 358-9; otherwise mentioned, i. 17, 20, 457; ii. 404

Humanists, ii. 126

Humiliati of Lombardy, i. 365

Hungarians, i. 241-=2=

Huns, i. 112, 119, 193

Huon de Bordeaux, i. 564

Hy (Iona) Island, i. 136, =173=

Hymns, Christian: Abaelard, by, ii. 25, =207-9= Estimate of, i. 21 Evolution of, i. 347-9 and n.; ii. 196, =200 seqq.= Hildegard’s visions regarding, i. 459 Hugo of St. Victor, by, ii. 86 seqq. Sequences, development of, ii. 196, =201-6=; Adam of St. Victor’s, ii. 209-15

Iamblicus, i. 42, =47=, 51, 56-7; ii. 295

Iceland, Norse settlement in, i. 153

Icelanders, characteristics and customs of, i. 154

Icelandic Sagas, see Sagas

Ideal v. actual, i. 353 seqq.

Innocent II., Pope, i. =394=; ii. 10

Innocent III., Pope, i. 417, 481, 497; ii. =32=, =274=, 384, =398=

Innocent IV., Pope, i. 506

Intellectus agens, ii. 464, =507 n. 2=

Iona (Hy) Island, i. 136, =173=

Ireland: Celts in, see Irish Church of, missionary zeal of, i. 133, 136, 172 seqq. Danish settlements in, i. 153 Monasteries in, i. =153 n. 1=, 173 Norse invasion of, i. 134 Scholarship in, i. =180 n.=, 184-5

Irenaeus, Bp. of Lyons, i. 225

Irish: Art of, i. 128 n. 1 Characteristics of, i. =128=, 130, 133, 179 History of, i. 127 and n. Influence of, on mediaeval feeling, i. 179 and n. Literature of, i. =128 and n. 2=, =129 seqq.=, 134; poetry, ii. 194 Missionary labours of, i. 133, 136, 172 seqq.; defect of, i. 179, 196 Norse harryings of, i. 133-4; intercourse with, i. 152 n. 3 Oxford University, at, ii. 387

Irnerius, ii. 121, =260=, 380-1; Summa codicis of, ii. 255-9

Irrationality (See also Miracles): Neo-Platonic teaching as to, i. 42-4, 48, 52 Patristic doctrine as to, i. 51-3

Isabella, Queen, wife of Edward II., i. 550-1

Isidore, Abp. of Seville, estimate of, i. 89, 103, 118 n. 1; Bede compared with, i. 185-7; False Decretals attributed to, i. 118 n. 1; ii. =270=, 273; works of, i. 104-9; Etymologiae, see Etymologies of Isidore; Origines, i. 236, 300; otherwise mentioned, i. 6, 88; ii. 46, 312

Italian people in relation to the antique, i. 7-8

Italy (For particular districts, towns, etc., see their names): Celtic inroads into (3rd cent. B.C.), i. 24 Church in, secularization of, i. 472 Cities in: Continuity of, through dark ages, i. 248, =494-5=; ii. 381 Fighting amongst, i. 497-8 Importance of, i. 241, 326, =494-5= Continuity of culture and character in, i. =326=, 495; ii. =120-2= Dante as influenced by, ii. 534-5 Education in--lay, persistence of, i. 249-51; clerical and monastic, i. 250 n. 2 Eleventh-century conditions in, i. 327 Feudalism not widely fixed in, i. 241 Feuds in, i. 515-16 Grammar as studied in, i. 250 and n. 2; ii. 129 Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174 Literature of, mediaeval, lack of originality in, ii. 189; eleventh-century verse, i. 251 seqq.; ii. 165 n. 1, 186 Lombard kingdom of (6th cent.), i. 115-16 Medicine studied in, i. 250 and n. 4, =251=; ii. 121 Unification of, under Rome, i. 23

Jacobus à Voragine, Legenda aurea by, ii. 184

Jacques de Vitry, Bp. and Card. of Tusculum, i. 461 and n.; Exempla of, i. 488 n., 490

Jerome, St., estimate of, i. 344, 354; letter of, on asceticism, i. 335 and =n. 1=; love of the classics, ii. 107, 112, 531; modification by, of classical Latin, ii. 152, 171; two styles of, ii. 171 and n. 4; Life of Paulus by, i. 84, 86; Life of Hilarion, i. 86; Contra Vigilantium, i. 86; otherwise mentioned, i. 56, 75, 76, 104

Jerome of Ascoli (Pope Nicholas IV.), ii. 491

Jews: Agobard’s tracts against, i. 232-=3= Gregory the Great’s attitude toward, i. 102 Louis IX.’s attitude toward, i. 545 Persecution of, i. 118, 332

Joachim, Abbot of Flora, Evangelicum eternum of, 502 n., =510=, =512-13=, 517

John, Bro., of Vicenza, i. 503-4

John X., Pope, i. 242

John XI., Pope, i. 242

John XII., Pope, i. 243; ii. =160-1=

John XIII., Pope, i. 282

John XXII., Pope, Decretales extravaganes of, ii. 272

John of Damascus, ii. 439 n. 1

John of Fidanza, see Bonaventura

John of Parma, Minister-General of Franciscans, i. 507, 508, =510-11=

John of Salisbury, estimate of, ii. 118, 373-4; Chartres studies described by, ii. 130-2; attitude of, to the classics, ii. 114, 164, =173=, 531; Latin style of, ii. 173-4; Polycraticus, ii. 114-15, 174-5; Metalogicus, ii. 173-4; Entheticus, ii. 192; De septem septenis, ii. 375

John the Deacon, Chronicon Venetum by, i. 325-6

Joinville, Sire de, Histories of St. Louis by, i. 539, =542-9=

Jordanes, compend of Gothic history by, i. 94

Jordanes of Osnabrück cited, ii. 276 n. 2

Joseph of Exeter, ii. 225 n. 2

Jotsaldus, Life of Odilo by, i. 295-6

Judaism, emotional elements in, i. 331-2

Julianus, Epitome of, ii. 242, =249=, 254

Jumièges cloister, ii. 201

Jurisprudence (See also Roman law): Irnerius an exponent of, ii. 256, 259 Mediaeval renaissance of, ii. 265 Roman law, in, beginnings of, ii. 232

Justinian, Codex, Institutes, Novellae of, see under Roman law; Digest of, see Roman law--Pandects

Jutes, i. 140

Jutta, i. 447

Keating quoted, i. 136

Kilwardby, Richard, Abp. of Canterbury, De ortu et divisione philosophiae of, ii. 313

Kilwardby, Robert, ii. 128

Knighthood, order of: Admission to, persons eligible for, i. 527 Code of, i. 524 Hospitallers, i. 531 Investiture ceremony, i. 525-8 Love the service of, i. 568, =573= Templars, i. 531-5 Virtues and ideals of, i. 529-31, 567-8

Knowledge: Cogitation, meditation, contemplation (Hugo’s scheme), ii. 358 seqq. Forms and modes of, Aquinas on--divine, ii. 451-5; angelic, ii. 459-62; human, ii. 463 seqq. Grades of, Aquinas on, ii. 461, 467 Primacy of, over will maintained by Aquinas, ii. 440-1

La Ferté Monastery, i. 362

Lambert of Hersfeld, Annals of, i. 313; ii. 167

Lambertus Audomarensis, Liber Floridus of, ii. 316 n. 2

Lancelot of the Lake, i. 567, 569-70, =582-5=; Old French prose version of, i. 583 seqq.

Land tenure, feudal, i. 523-4

Lanfranc, Primate of England, i. 174 n. 1, =261 n.=, 273

Langue d’oc, ii. 222, 248

Langue d’oil, ii. 222, 248

Languedoc, chivalric society of (11th and 12th centuries), i. 572

Latin classics: Abaelard’s reference to, ii. 353 Alexandrian antecedents of the verse, ii. 152 n. 1 Artificial character of the prose, ii. 151 n. Breadth of interest of, ii. 109 Characteristics of, ii. 153 Chartres a home of, i. 298; ii. 119 Common elements in, ii. 149, 157 Dante’s attitude toward, ii. 541, 544; his quotations from, ii. 543 n. 1 Ecclesiastical attitude toward, i. 260; ii. 110 seqq., 396-7 Familiarity with, of Damiani, i. 260; ii. 165; Gerbert, i. 287-8; ii. 110; John of Salisbury, ii. 114, 164, =173=, 531; Bernard of Chartres, ii. 132-3; Peter of Blois, ii. 133-4; Hildebert, ii. =141-2=, =146=, 531 Knowledge-storehouses for the Middle Ages, as, ii. 108 Mastery of, complete, as affecting mediaeval writings, ii. 164 Reverential attitude of mediaevals toward, ii. 107-9 Scripture study as aided by study of, ii. 110, 112, 120 Suggestions of new ideas from, for Northern peoples, ii. 136 Themes of, in vernacular poetry, ii. 223 seqq. Twelfth-century study of, ii. 117-18

Latin Fathers (See also their names and Patristic thought): Comparison of, with Greek, i. 68 Style and diction of, ii. 150, 152 seqq. Symbolism in, ii. 43-6 Transmutation by, of Greek thought, i. 5, 34 and n.

Latin language: Britain, position in, i. 10, 32 Children’s letters in, ii. 123 n. Christianity as modifying, ii. 152, =154=, 156, 164, 171 Continuity of, preserved by universal study of grammar, ii. =122-3=, 151, 155 “Cornificiani” in regard to, ii. =132=, 373 Educational medium as, ii. 109 Genius of, susceptible of change, ii. 149 German acquisition of, i. 10, 32, =307-8=, =313=; ii. =123=, 155 Grammar of, see Grammar Mediaeval modifications in, ii. 125, 164 Patristic modifications of, ii. 150, 152 seqq.; Jerome’s, ii. 152, 171 Spelling of, mediaeval, i. 219 Sphere of, ii. 219-20 Supremacy of (during Roman conquest period), i. 4, =23-4 and n. 1=, 25, =30-1= Translations from, scanty nature of, ii. 331 n. 2 Translations into, difficulties of, ii. 498 Universality of, as language of scholars, ii. 219, 331 n. 2 Vernacular, developments of, ii. 151 Vitality of, in relation to vernacular tongues, ii. 219

Latin prose, mediaeval: Antecedents of, ii. 151 seqq. Best period of, ii. 167-8 Bulk of, ii. 157 n. Carolingian, ii. 158-60 Characteristics of, ii. 156 Estimation of, difficulties of, ii. 157 and n. Influences upon, summary of, ii. 156 Prolixity and inconsequence of, ii. 154 Range of, ii. 154 Simplicity of word-order in, ii. 163 n. 1 Stages of development of, ii. 157 seqq. Style in, beginnings of, ii. 164 Stylelessness of, in Carolingian period, ii. 158-60 Thirteenth-century styles, ii. 179 Value of, as expressing the mediaeval mind, ii. 156, 164

Latin verse, mediaeval: Accentual and rhyming compositions, ii. 194; two kinds of, ii. 196 Antecedents of, ii. 187 n. 1 Carmina Burana (Goliardic poetry), ii. 203, =217-19 and n.= Development of, stages in, ii. 187 Leonine hexameters, ii. 199 and n. 3 Metrical composition, ii. 187 seqq.; elegiac verse, ii. 190-2 and n. 1; hexameters, ii. 192; Sapphics, ii. 192-3 and n. 1 Modi, ii. 215-16 Rhyme, development of, ii. 195, =206=

Law: Barbarian, Latin codes of, ii. 244 seqq. Barbaric conception of, ii. 245, 248-9 Breviarium, see under Roman law Canon, see Canon law English, principles of, i. 141-2 Grammar in relation to, ii. 121 Lombard codes, i. =115=; ii. 242, =246=, 248, 253; Concordia, ii. 259 Natural: Gratian on, ii. 268-9 Jus gentium in relation to, ii. =234 and n.=, 268 Occam on, ii. 519 Sacraments of, ii. 74 and n. 1 Supremacy of, ii. 269, 279 Roman, see Roman law Salic, ii. 245-6 Territorial basis of, i. 123; ii. 247 Tribal basis of, i. 123; ii. =245-7= Visigothic codification of, in Spain, i. 118

Leander, Bp. of Seville, i. 118 n. 1

Légonais, Chrétien, ii. 230 and n. 2

Leo, Brother, Speculum perfectionis by, ii. 183-4

Leo I. (the Great), Pope, i. 113, 116

Leo IX., Pope, i. 243

Leon, Sir Guy de, i. 552-3

Leon, Sir Hervé de, i. 552-3

Leowigild, i. 117 n. 2, 118 n. 1

Lerins monastery, i. 195

Lewis, Lord, of Spain, i. 552-3

Liberal arts, see Seven Liberal Arts

Liutgard of Tongern, i. 463-5

Liutprand, Bp. of Cremona i. =256-7=; ii. 161 n. 1

Liutprand, King of Lombards, i. 115-16

Logic (See also Dialectic): Albertus Magnus on, ii. =313-15=, 504, 506 Aristotelian, mediaeval apprehension of, ii. 329 (See also Aristotle--Organon) Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 505 Gerbert’s preoccupation with, i. 282, 289, =292= Grammar in relation to, ii. 127 seqq., 333-4; in Abaelard’s work, ii. 346 Importance of, in Middle Ages, i. 236; ii. 297 Nature of, ii. 333; schoolmen’s views on, ii. 313-15, 333 Occam’s views on, ii. 522 Patristic attitude toward, i. 71 Raban’s view of, i. 222 Scholastic classification of, ii. 313 seqq. Scholastic decay in relation to, ii. 523 Second stage of mediaeval development represented by, ii. 332-4 Specialisation of, in 12th cent., ii. 119 Theology in relation to, ii. =340 n.=, 346 Twofold interpretation of, ii. 333 Universals, problem of, ii. 339 seqq.; Abaelard’s treatment of, ii. 342, =348=

Lombard, Peter, estimate of, ii. 370; Gratian compared with, ii. 270; Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 497; Books of Sentences by, i. 17, 18; ii. 134, 370; method of the work, ii. 306; Aquinas’ Summa contrasted with it, ii. 307-10; its classification scheme, ii. 322-4; Bonaventura’s commentary on it, ii. 408

Lombards: Italian kingdom of (6th cent.), i. 115-16 Italian influence on, i. 7, 249 Law codes of, see under Law

Louis of Bavaria, Emp., ii. 518

Louis I. (the Pious), King of France, i. 233, 239, =359=; false capitularies ascribed to, ii. 270

Louis VI. (the Fat), King of France, i. 304-5, 394, 400; ii. 62; Hildebert’s letter on encroachments of, ii. 140, 172

Louis IX. (the Saint), King of France, Geoffrey’s Vita of, i. 539-42; Joinville’s Histoire of, i. 542-9; Testament of, i. 540 n. 1; otherwise mentioned, i. 476, 507-=9=, 515

Love, Aquinas on distinguishing definitions of, ii. 475-6

Love, chivalric: Antique conception of love contrasted with, i. 575 Chansons de geste as concerned with, i. 564 Code of, by Andrew the Chaplain, i. 575-6 Dante’s exposition of, ii. 555-6 Estimate of, mediaeval, i. 568, 570 Literature of, see Chivalry--Literature Marriage in relation to, i. 571 and n. 2 Minnelieder as depicting, ii. 30 Nature of, i. 572-5, 582-7 Stories exemplifying--Tristan, i. 577 seqq.; Lancelot, 582 seqq.

Love, spiritual: Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 472-3, 476 Bernard of Clairvaux as exemplifying, i. 394 seqq.

Lupus, Servatus, Abbot of Ferrières, i. 215; ii. 113

Luxeuil, i. 175-7

Lyons: Diet of the “Three Gauls” at, i. 30 Law studies at, ii. 250

Macrobius, Saturnalia of, ii. 116 and n. 4

Magic, i. =46-8=; ii. 500 and n. 1

Majolus, Abbot of Cluny, i. 359

Manichaeism, i. =49=; ii. =44=, 283

Manny, Sir Walter, i. 552-4

Mapes (Map), Walter, i. =475=, 567; ii. 219 n.

Marie, Countess, de Champagne, i. 566, 573, =576=

Marie de France, i. =566=, 567, 573; Eliduc by, i. 571 n. 2

Marinus (hermit), i. 373

Marozia, i. 242

Marriage: Christian attitude toward, ii. 8; ecclesiastical view, ii. 529 Feudalism as affecting, i. 571, 586 German view of, ii. 30

Marsilius of Padua, ii. 277 n. 2

Martin, St., of Tours, i. 334; Life of, i. 52 and n., 84, 85 n. 2, =86=

Martyrs: Mediaeval view of, i. 483 Patristic attitude toward, i. 86

Mary, St., of Ognies, i. =462-3=; nature of visions of, i. 459

Massilia, i. 26

Mathematics: Bacon’s views on, ii. 499-500 Gerbert’s proficiency in, i. 282, =288=

Mathew Paris cited, ii. 487

Matthew of Vendome, Ars versificatoria by, ii. 190 and n. 5

Maurus, Rabanus, see Rabanus

Mayors of the palace, i. 240

Mechthild of Magdeburg, i. 20, 345; ii. 365; Book of, i. 465 and n. 2-70

Mediaeval thought: Abstractions, genius for, ii. 280 Characteristics of, i. 13 Commentaries characteristic of, ii. 390, 553 n. 4 Conflict inherent in, i. 22; ii. =293-4= Deference of, toward the past, i. 13; ii. 534 Emotionalizing by, of patristic Christianity, i. 345 Metalogics rather than metaphysics the final stage of, ii. 337 Moulding forces of, i. 3, 5, 12; ii. =293-4= Orthodox character of, ii. 283 and n. Political theorizing, ii. 275 seqq. Problems of, origins of, ii. 294-5 Restatement and rearrangement of antique matter the work of, i. 13-15, =224=, 237, =292=, 342; ii. 297, 329, 341: Culmination of third stage in, ii. 394 Emotional transformations of the antique, i. 18 seqq. Intellectual transformations of the antique, i. 14 seqq. Salvation the main interest of, i. =58-9=, 334; ii. =296-7=, 300 Scholasticism, see that heading Superstitions accepted by, i. 487 Symbolism the great influence in, ii. 43, 102, 365 Three stages of, ii. 329 seqq. Ultimate intellectual interests of, ii. 287 seqq.

Medicine: Relics used in, i. 299 Smattering of, included in Arts course, ii. 250 Study of--in Italy, i. 250 and n. 4, =251=; ii. 383 n. at Chartres, i. 299; ii. 372

Mendicant Orders, see Dominican and Franciscan

Merovingian Kingdom: Character of, i. 208 Church under, i. 194 Extent of, i. 210 n. 3 German conquests of, i. 121, 138

Merovingian period: Barbarism of, i. 9 Continuity of, with Carolingian, i. 210-12 King’s law in, ii. 247

Merovingians, estimate of, i. 195

Metaphor distinguished from allegory, ii. 41 n. (See also Symbolism)

Metaphysics: Final stage of mediaeval development represented by, ii. 335-7 Logic, mediaeval, in relation to, ii. 334 Theology dissociated from, by Duns, ii. 510, 516, =517=

Michelangelo quoted, ii. 113

Middle Ages (See also Mediaeval thought): Beginning of, i. 6 Extremes characteristic of, i. 355

Milan, lawyers in, ii. 251 n. 2

Miles, signification of word, i. 525-6 and n. 2

Minnelieder, ii. 28-31

Minorites, i. 430 (See also Franciscan Order)

Miracles (See also Irrationality): Devil, concerned with, i. 488 seqq. Nostre Dame, Miracles de, i. 491-2 Patristic attitude toward, i. =85-6=, =100=, 182 Roman Empire aided by, belief as to, ii. 536 Salimbene’s instance of, i. 516 Universal acceptance of, i. =74=, 182 Vitae sanctorum in regard to, i. 85 and n. 2

Mithraism, i. 49

Modena (Mutina), i. 24

Modi, ii. 215-16

Monasteries: Immunities granted to, i. 523 and n. Regula of, meaning of, ii. 62

Monasticism (_For particular Monasteries, Orders, etc., see their names_): Abuses of, i. 357-8; Rigaud’s Register quoted, i. 477-481 Benedictine rule: Adoption of--in England, i. 184; among the Franks, i. 199, 201; generally, i. 358 Papal approval of, i. 335 Cassiodorus a pioneer in literary functions of, i. 94 General mediaeval view regarding, i. =472=; ii. 529 Ideal v. actual, i. 355 Ireland, in, i. 135 n. 1 Lament over deprivations of, ii. 218-19 Modifications of, by St. Francis, i. 366 Motives of, i. 357 Nature of, i. 336-7 Nuns, see Women--monastic life Origin of, i. 335 Pagan literature condemned by, i. 260 Popularity of, in 5th and 6th centuries, i. 195-6 Poverty--of monks, i. 365; of Orders, i. 366, =425=, =430= Reforms of, i. 358 seqq. Schools, monastic, in Italy, i. 250 n. 2 Sex-relations as regarded by, i. 338 Studies of, in 6th cent., i. 94, 95 Subordinate monasteries, supervision of, i. 361 Uncloistered, see Dominican and Franciscan Vita activa accepted by, i. 363-6 Vita contemplativa, see that title Women vilified by devotees of, i. =354 n.=, 521 n. 2, 532, =533=; ii. 58

Montanists, 332

Monte Cassino, i. 250 n. 2, 252-3

Montfort, Countess of, i. 552-4

Moorish conquest of Spain, i. 9, 118

Morimond monastery, i. 362

Mosaics, i. 345-7

Music: Arithmetic in relation to, ii. 291 Chartres studies in, i. 299 Poetry and, interaction of, ii. 195-=6=, =201-2= Scholastic classification of, ii. 313

Mysticism: Hugo’s strain of, ii. 361-3 Nature of, i. 443 n. 1; ii. =363 and n. 4= Symbolism as expressing, see Symbolism

Narbo, i. 26

Narbonensis, see Provincia

Narbonne, law studies at, ii. 250

Natural history and science, see Physical science

Nemorarius, Jordanus, ii. 501

Neo-Platonism: Arabian versions of Aristotle touched with, ii. 389 Augustinian, i. =55=; ii. 403 Christianity compared with, i. 51; Patristic habit of mind compared, ii. 295 Ecstasy as regarded by, i. 331 Metaphysics so named by, ii. 336 Pseudo-Dionysian, i. 54 and n. 1 Tenets and nature of, i. 41-9; a mediatorial system, i. 50, 54, 57-8, 70 Trinity of, ii. 355

Neustria, i. 200, =209=, 239

Nibelungenlied, i. 145-6, =148-9=, 152, 193, 203 n. 2; ii. 220

Nicholas II., Pope, i. 243 n. 2

Nicholas III., Pope, i. 504

Nicholas IV., Pope (Jerome of Ascoli), ii. 491

Nicholas, St., sequence for festival of, ii. 213-15

Nicolas of Damascus, ii. 427

Nilus, St., Abbot of Crypta-Ferrata, i. 374 n.

Nithard, Count, i. 234-5

Nominalism, i. 303

Norbert, ii. 344

Normandy, Norse occupation of, i. 153

Norsemen (Scandinavians, Vikings): Characteristics of, i. 138, =154-5= Continental and insular holdings of, i. 153 Eddic poems of, i. 154-5 and n. 3 Irish harassed by, i. 133-4; later relations, i. 152 n. 3 Jumièges cloister sacked by, ii. 201 Metal-working among, i. 152 n. 3 Ravages by, in 8th and 9th centuries, i. 152-3 Sagas of, i. 155 seqq. Settling down of, i. 240

Notker, i. 308-9 and n. 1; sequences of, ii. 201-2

Numbers, symbolic phantasies regarding, i. 72 and nn. 1, 2; ii. 49 n. 3

Oberon, fairy king, i. 564 and n.

Occam, William of, career of, ii. 518; estimate of his work, ii. 522-3; attitude toward Duns, ii. 518 seqq.; on faith and reason, ii. 519; on Universals, ii. 520-1

Odilo, Abbot of Cluny, i. =294-5=, 359; Jotsaldus’ biography of, quoted, i. 295-6

Odo, Abbot of Cluny, i. 343 and n. 3, 359; Epitome by, of Gregory’s Moralia, i. 16 n. 4; ii. 161 and n. 2; Latin style of Collationes, ii. 161-2

Odo of Tournai, ii. 340 n.

Odoacer, i. =114=, 145

Olaf, St., i. 156, =160-1=

Olaf Tryggvason, King, i. 156, =161-2=

Old French: Formation of, ii. 155 Latin as studied by speakers of, ii. 123 Poetry, ii. 222, =225 seqq.=

Ontology, see Metaphysics

Ordeal, trial by, i. 232-3 and n. 1

Ordericus Vitalis, i. 525; Historia ecclesiastica by, ii. 176-8

Organon, see under Aristotle

Origen, estimate of, i. 51, 62-3; on Canticles, i. =333=; ii. 369; De principiis, i. 68; otherwise mentioned, i. 53, 76, 80, 87, 104, 411; ii. 64

Orleans School: Classical studies at, ii. 119 n. 2, 127 Law studies at, ii. 250 Rivalry of, with Chartres, ii. 119 n. 2

Orosius, i. =82= and n. 1, 188

Ostrogoths, i. 7, 113, =114-15=, 120

Otfrid the Frank, i. =203-4=, 308

Other world: Irish beliefs as to, i. 131 and n. 2 Voyages to, mediaeval narratives of, i. 444 n. 1

Othloh, i. 315; visions of, i. 443; Book concerning the Temptations of a certain Monk, i. 316-23

Otric, i. 289-91

Otto I. (the Great), Emp., i. =241-3=, 256-7, 309

Otto II., Emp., i. 243, =282-3=, =289=

Otto III., Emp., i. =243=, 283, 284; Modus Ottinc in honour of, ii. 215-216

Otto IV. (of Brunswick), Emp., i. 417; ii. =32-3=

Otwin, Bp. of Hildesheim, i. 312

Ovid, Ars amatoria of, i. 574-5; mediaeval allegorizing of, and of Metamorphoses, ii. 230

Oxford University: Characteristics of, ii. 388-9 Curriculum at, ii. 387-8 Foundation of, ii. 380, =386-7= Franciscan fame at, ii. 400 Greek studies at, ii. 120, 391, 487

Palladius, Bp., i. 172

Pandects, see under Roman law

Papacy (See also Church and Popes): Ascendancy of, over prelacy, i. 304 Character of, ii. 32 Denunciations against, i. 475; ii. 34-5, 218 Empire’s relations with: Concordat of Worms, i. 245 n. 4 Conflict (11th cent.), i. 244; (12th cent.), i. 245 n. 4; ii. 273; (13th cent.), ii. 33, =34-5=; (14th cent.), ii. 518; allegory as a weapon in, ii. 60 Recognition of ecclesiastical authority, ii. 265-7, 272-3 Reforms by Otto I., i. 243 Gregory VII.’s claims for, i. 245; ii. 274 Mendicant Orders’ relations with, ii. =398=, 509 Nepotism of, i. =504-5=, 511 Schisms of popes and anti-popes, i. 264 Temporal power of, rise of, i. 116; claims advanced, i. 245; realized, ii. 274, 276-7

Papinian cited, ii. 235

Paraclete oratory: Abaelard at, ii. 10, 344 Heloïse at, ii. 10 seqq.

Paradise: Dante’s Paradiso, see under Dante Hildegard’s visions of, i. 455-6

Paris: Schools: Growth of, ii. 380 Notre Dame and St. Geneviève, ii. 383 St. Victor, ii. =61-3=, 143, 383 University: Aristotle prohibited at, ii. 391-2 Authorities on, ii. 381 n. Bacon at, ii. 488 Bonaventura at, ii. 403 Curriculum at, ii. 387-8 Dominicans and Franciscans at, ii. 399 Prominence of, in philosophy and theology, ii. 283, =378-9= Rise, constitution, and struggles of, ii. 119-20, 383-6 Viking sieges of, i. 153

Parma, i. 497, 505-6

Parsival: Chrétien’s version of, i. 567, =588-9= Wolfram’s version of, i. 12 n., 571 n. 2, =589-613=; ii. =29=

Paschal controversy, see Eucharistic

Paschasius, Radbertus, Abbot of Corbie i. 215, =225-7=

Patrick, St., i. 172-3

Patristic thought and doctrine (See also Greek thought, patristic, and Latin Fathers): Abaelard’s attitude toward, ii. 305 Achievement of exponents of, i. 86-7 Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. 492 Completeness of schemes presented by, ii. 394 Emotion as synthesized by, i. 340-2 Intellectual rather than emotional, i. 343-4; emotionalizing of, by mediaeval thinkers, i. 345 Latin medium of, i. 5 Logic as regarded by, i. 71 Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 16 Miracle accepted by, i. 51-3, =85-6= Natural knowledge as treated by, i. =61 seqq.=, =72-3=, =76-7=, 99; ii. 393 Pagan philosophy permeating exponents of, i. =33-4=, =58=, 61 Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312 Rearrangement of, undertaken in Carolingian period, i. =224=, 237 Symbolism of, see under Symbolism

Paulinus of Aquileia, i. 215

Paulinus, St., of Nola, i. =86=, 126 n. 2

Paulus--on jus, ii. 237: Sententiae of, ii. 243

Paulus, St., i. 84, 86

Paulus Diaconus, i. 214-15, 252

Pavia, law school at, ii. 251, =259=

Pedro, Don, of Castille, i. 554-5

Pelagians, i. 225

Pelagius, i. 172 n.

Peripatetic School, i. 38-9 (See also Aristotle)

Peter, Bro., of Apulia, i. 512-14

Peter, disciple of St. Francis, i. 426

Peter Damiani, see Damiani

Peter of Blois, ii. 133-4

Peter of Ebulo, ii. 190

Peter of Maharncuria, ii. 502-4

Peter of Pisa, i. 214

Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, i. 360; letter of, to Heloïse, ii. 25-7

Petrarch, ii. 188, =219=

Petrus Riga, Aurora of, ii. 127

Philip VI., King of France, i. 551

Philip Augustus, King of France, ii. 33

Philip Hohenstauffen, Duke of Suabia, i. 481; ii. =32=, 33

Philo, i. 37, =231=; allegorizing of, ii. =42=, 364

Philosophy: Division of, schemes of, ii. 312 seqq. End of: Abaelard’s and Hugo’s views on, ii. 352, 361 John of Salisbury on, ii. 375

Philosophy, antique: Divine source of, Bacon’s view as to, ii. 507 n. 2 “First” (Aristotelian), ii. 335 Position of, in Roman Empire (3rd-6th cent.), i. 34 (See also Greek thought)

Philosophy, Arabian, ii. =389-90=, 400-1

Philosophy, scholastic: Completeness of, in Aquinas, ii. 395 Divisions of, ii. 312 seqq. Importance of, as intellectual interest, ii. 287-8 Physical sciences included in, see Physical science Theology as the end of (Abaelard’s and Hugo’s view), ii. 352, 361 Theology distinguished from, ii. 284, 288; by Aquinas, ii. =290=, 311; by Bonaventura, ii. 410 and n.; considered as superior to, by Aquinas, ii. 289-=90=, =292=; dominated by (Bacon’s contention), ii. 496; dissociated from, by Duns and Occam, ii. 510, =517=, 519

Physical science: Albertus Magnus’ attitude toward, ii. 423; his works on, ii. 425-9 Bacon’s predilection for, ii. 486-7 Classifications of, ii. 312 seqq. Experimental science or method, ii. 502-8 Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 300 Oxford school of, ii. 389 Patristic attitude toward, i. 63, 66-7, =72-3=, =76-7=, 99; ii. 393 Theology as subserved by, ii. =67=, 111, =289=, =486=, =492=, =496=, 500, 530; denial of the theory--by Duns, ii. 510; by Occam, ii. 519-20

Physiologus, i. =76-7 and n.=, 300; ii. 83

Pippin of Heristal, i. =208-9=; ii. 197

Pippin of Neustria, i. 115, =200=, =209=, 210 and n. 1; ii. 273

Pippin, son of Charlemagne, ii. 197

Placentia (Piacenza), i. 24

Placentinus, ii. 261-2

Plato, supra-rationalism of, i. 42; allegorizing by, i. 36; ii. 364; doctrine of ideas, i. =35=; ii. 339-340; Aquinas on this doctrine, ii. 455, 465; Augustine of Hippo as influenced by, ii. 403; “salvation” suggestion in, ii. 296 n. 2; Republic, i. 36; Timaeus, i. =35-6=, 291; ii. 64, 69, =118=, 348, 370, 372, =377=

Platonism: Alanus’ Anticlaudianus, in, ii. 100 n. 2 Augustinian, i. 55 Nature of, i. =35-6=, 57, 59 Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312

Pliny the Elder, Historia naturalis by, i. 39-40, 75

Plotinus, estimate of, i. 43, 45; personal affinity of Augustine with, i. 55-7; philosophic system of, i. =42=-6, 50, 51; Enneads of, i. 55; otherwise mentioned, i. 50, 51; ii. 64

Plutarch, i. 44

Poetry, mediaeval: Carmina Burana (Goliardic poetry), ii. 203, =217-19 and n.= Chivalric, see Chivalry--Literature Hymns, see that heading Italian, of 11th cent., i. =251 seqq.=; ii. 186 Latin, see Latin verse Modi, ii. 215-16 Music and, interaction of, ii. 195-=6=, =201-2= Old High German, ii. 194 Popular verse, see sub-headings Carmina and Modi; also Vernacular Prosody, Alexander de Villa-Dei on, ii. 126 Vernacular: Germanic, Norse, and Anglo-Saxon, ii. 220-1 Romance, ii. 221-3, 225 seqq.

Pontigny monastery, i. 362

Poor of Lyons (Waldenses), i. 364, =365 n.=; ii. 34

Popes (See also Papacy; and for particular popes see their names): Avignon, at, ii. 510 Decretals of, see under Canon law Degradation of (10th cent.), i. 242 Election of, freed from lay control, i. 243 n. 2

Popular rights, growth of, in 12th cent., i. 305

Porphyry, i. 42, =44-7=, 50, 51, 56; ii. 295; Isagoge (Introduction to the Categories of Aristotle), i. 45, 92, 102; ii. 312, =314 n.=, 333, =339=

Preaching Friars, see Dominican Order

Predestination, Gottschalk’s controversy as to, i. 224-5, 227-=8=

Priscianus, i. 71; ii. 119 n. 2; Institutiones grammaticae of (Priscianus major and minor), ii. 124-5

Prosper of Aquitaine, i. 106 n. 1

Provençal literature, i. 571; ii. 168; Alba (aube) poetry, i. 20, =571=; ii. 30

Provincia (Narbonensis): Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9 Latinization of, i. 26-7 and n. 1 Ligurian inhabitants of, i. 126 Teutonic invasion of, i. 125

Prudentius, ii. 63; Psychomachia of, ii. 102-4

Pseudo-Callisthenes, Life and Deeds of Alexander by, ii. 224, 225, =229-230=

Pseudo-Dionysius, ii. 302; Celestial Hierarchy by, i. 54 and n. 1

Pseudo-Turpin, ii. 319

Ptolemy of Alexandria, i. 40

Purgatory: Dante’s Purgatorio, see under Dante Hildegard’s visions as to, i. 456 n. Popular belief as to, i. 486

Quadrivium, see under Seven Liberal Arts

Rabanus Maurus, Abp. of Mainz, allegorizing of Scripture by, ii. 46-7; interest in the vernacular, i. 308; works of, i. 222-41; De universo, i. 300; ii. 316 n. 2; Allegoriae in universam sacram scripturam, ii. 48-9; De laudibus sanctae crucis, ii. 49 n. 3; otherwise mentioned, i. 16, 100, 215; ii. 302-303, 312, 332

Race, tests for determining, i. 124 n.

Radbertus, see Paschasius

Raoul de Cambrai, i. 563-4

Ratherius, i. 309 and =n. 2=

Ratramnus of Corbie, i. 215, 227; ii. 199

Ravenna: Gerbert’s disputation in, i. 289-91 Grammar and rhetoric studies at, ii. 121 Law studies at, ii. 251, 252 S. Apollinaris in Classe, i. 373, 377

Raymond of Agiles quoted, i. 536

Realism, Duns’ exposition of, ii. 514 and n.

Reason v. authority controversy: Berengar’s position in, i. 302-3 Eriugena’s contribution to, i. 229-=30=

Reccared, i. 118 nn.

Reinhard, Bp. of Halberstadt, ii. 62

Relics of saints and martyrs: Arms enshrining, i. 528 Curative use of, i. 299 Patristic attitude toward, i. 86, 101 n.

Renaissance, misleading nature of term, i. 211 n.

Renaud de Montaubon, i. 564

Rheims cathedral school, i. 293

Rhetoric: Chartres study of, i. 298 Hugo of St. Victor on, ii. 67 Predominance of, i. 109 and n.

Richard, Abbot of Jumièges, i. 480-1

Richard of Middleton, ii. 512

Richard of St. Victor, ii. 80, =87= and n. 2, =367 n. 2=, 540

Richer, Abbot of Monte Cassino, i. 252, 300 n. 2; history of Gerbert by, quoted, i. 287-91

Ricimer, Count, i. 113

Riddles, didactic, i. 218-19 and n. 1

Rigaud, Eude (Oddo Rigaldus), Abp. of Rouen, i. =476=, =508=, 509; Register of, quoted, i. 476-81

Robert, cousin of St. Bernard, i. 395-7

Robert of Normandy, ii. 139

Rollo, Duke, of Normandy, i. 153, 239-40

Roman de la rose, i. =586-7=; ii. 103 and nn., 104, 223

Roman de Thebes, ii. 227, =229 n.=

Roman Empire: Barbarization of, i. 5, 7, =111 seqq.= Billeting of soldiers, custom as to, i. 114 n., 117 Christianity accepted by, i. 345 Church, relations with, ii. 265-7, 272-3 Cities enjoying citizenship of--in Spain, i. 26 and n. 2; in Gaul, i. 30 City life of, i. 27, 326 Clientage system under, i. 117 n. 2 Dante’s views on, ii. 536 Decadence of, i. =84=, 97, =111= Eastern, see Eastern Empire Enduring nature of, conditions of, i. 238 n. Greek thought diffused by, i. 4 Italian people under, i. 7 Jurisconsults of, authority and capacity of, ii. 232-3 and n., 236 Latinization of Western Europe due to, i. 23 seqq., 110 Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 11 Scandinavians under influence of, i. 152 n. 3

Roman law: Auditory, Imperial or Praetorian, ii. 233 n., 235 n. 1 Bologna famed for study of, ii. =121=, 251, =259-62=, 378 Brachylogus, ii. 254-5 Breviarium and its Interpretatio, i. =117=; ii. 243-4; Epitomes of, ii. 244, =249-50=; Brachylogus influenced by, ii. 254 Burgundian tolerance of, i. 121; code (Papianus), ii. 239, =242= Church under, ii. 265 and n. 2 Codes of: Barbaric, nature of, ii. 244 (See also sub-headings Breviarium and Burgundian) Gregorianus’, ii. 240, 243 Hermogenianus’, ii. 240, 243 Nature of, ii. 239-40 Theodosian, ii. 240 and n. 2, 241 n. 2, 242-3, =249=, =266-7 and n. 1= Codex of Justinian, ii. =240=, =242=, 253: Azo’s and Accursius’ work on, ii. 263-4 Glosses to, ii. 249-50 Placentinus’ Summa of, ii. 262 Summa Perusina an epitome of, ii. =249=, 252 Constitutiones and rescripta principum, ii. =235 and n. 1=, 239, =240= Custom recognized by, ii. 236 Digest of, by Justinian, see subheading Pandects Elementary education including smattering of, ii. 250 Epitomes of, various, ii. 249-50; Epitome of Julianus, ii. 242, =249=, 254 Glosses: Accursius’ Glossa ordinaria, ii. 263-4 Irnerius’, ii. 261 and n. 1 Justinian’s Codex, to, ii. 249-50 Gothic adoption of, i. 114 Institutes of Gaius, ii. 241, 243 Institutes of Justinian, ii. =241=, 243, =254=: Azo’s Summa of, ii. 263 Placentinus’ Summa of, ii. 262 Jurisprudential element in early stages of, ii. 232 Jus identified with aequitas, ii. 235 Jus civile, ii. 237, 257 Jus gentium: Jus naturale in relation to, ii. 234 and n. Origin of, ii. 233-4 Popular rights as regarded by, ii. 278 Jus praetorium, ii. 235 Lex romana canonice compta, ii. 252 Lombard attitude toward, i. 115 Novellae of Justinian, ii. 240, =242= Pandects (Justinian’s Digest), ii. 235 and n. 2, =236-8=, =241=-2, 248, 253, 255: Accursius’ Glossa on, ii. 264 Glossators’ interpretation of, ii. 265 Permanence of, ii. 236 Petrus (Petri exceptiones), ii. 252-4 Placentinus’ work in, ii. 261-2 Principles of, examples of, ii. 237-8; possession and its rights, ii. 256-8 Principles of interpretation of, ii. 256 Provincia, in, i. 27 n. 1 Responsa or auctoritas jurisprudentium, ii. 235-6 Sources of, multifarious, ii. 235 Sphere of, ii. 248 Study of, centres for--in France, ii. 250; in Italy, ii. =121=, 251 and n. 2, =259-62=, 378 Summa codicis Irnerii, ii. 255 Theodosian Code, see under subheading Codes Treatises on, mediaeval, ii. 252 seqq. Twelve Tables, ii. 232, 236 Visigothic code of, see subheading Breviarium

Romance, spirit of, i. 418

Romance languages (See also Old French): Characteristics of, ii. 152 Dante’s attitude toward, ii. 537 Latin as modified by, ii. 155 Literature of, ii. 221-3 (See also Provençal literature) Strength of, i. 9

Romance nations, mediatorial rôle of, i. =110-11=, 124

Romans d’aventure, i. =564-5=, 571 n. 2

Rome: Bishops of, see Popes Factions in (10th cent.), i. 242 Law School in, ii. 251, 255 Mosaics in, i. 347 Verses to, i. 348; ii. =200=

Romualdus, St., youth of, i. 373; austerities of, i. 374, =379=, 381; relations with his father, i. 374-5; harshness and egotism of, i. 375-7; at Vallis de Castro, i. 376-7, 380; at Sytrio, i. 378-9; death of, i. 372 n. 3, =380=; Commentary of, on the Psalter, i. 379

Romulus Augustulus, Emp., i. 114

Roncesvalles, battle of, i. 559 n. 2-62

Roscellinus, i. 303-4; ii. 339-=40=

Rothari, King of Lombards, i. 115; ii. 251

Ruadhan, St., i. 132-3

Ruotger, Life of Abp. Bruno by, i. 310; ii. 162 and n. 1

Sacra doctrina, see Theology

Sacraments, see under Church

Sagas, Norse: Character of, i. 12 n., 155 seqq. Egil, i. 162-4 Gisli, i. 158 Heimskringla, i. 160-2 and n. 2 Njala, i. 157 and =n.=, =159=, =164-7= Oral tradition of, ii. 220

St. Denis monastery, ii. 10, =344=

St. Emmeram convent (Ratisbon), i. 315, =316=

St. Gall monastery, i. 257-8; Notker’s work at, ii. 201-2

St. Victor monastery and school, ii. =61-3=, 143, 383

Saints: Austerities of, i. 374 and n., 375 Interventions of, mediaeval beliefs as to, i. 487-8, 490 Irish clergy so called, i. 135 n. 2 Lives of: Compend. of (Legenda Aurea), ii. 184 Conventionalized descriptions in, i. 393 n. 1 Defects of, i. 494 Estimate of, i. =84-5 and nn.= otherwise mentioned, i. 298, 300 Relics of, see Relics Visions of, i. 444-5 Worship of, i. 101

Salerno medical school, i. =250 n. 4=, =251=; ii. 121

Salian Franks, see under Franks

Salimbene, i. 496-7, 499-500; Chronica of, quoted and cited, i. 498 seqq.; editions and translations of the work, i. 496 n.

Salvation, see under Christianity

Salvian, De gubernatione Dei by, i. 84

Saracens: Crusades against, see Crusades Frankish victories against, i. 209-10 n. 1 Wars with, necessitating mounted warriors, i. 525 otherwise mentioned, i. 239, 252, 274, 332

Saxons, see Anglo-Saxons and Germans

Scandinavians, see Norsemen

Scholasticism: Arab analogy with, ii. 390 and n. 2 Aristotle’s advanced works, stages of appropriation of, ii. 393-5 Bacon’s attack on, ii. 484, =493-4=, =496=, 509 Classification of topics by: Schemes of, various, ii. 312 seqq. Twofold principle of, ii. 311 Conceptualism, ii. 520-1 Content of, i. 301 Deference to authority a characteristic of, ii. 297, 300 Disintegration of--through Duns, ii. 510, 516; through Occam, ii. 522-3 Elementary nature of discussions of, ii. 347 Evil, problem of, see Evil Exponents of, ii. 283 and n. Final exposition of, by Aquinas, ii. 484 Greek thought contrasted with, ii. 296 Humour non-existent in, ii. 459 Method of, ii. =302=, =306-7=, 315 n.; prototype of, i. 95 Nominalism, ii. 340 Philosophy of, see Philosophy, scholastic Phraseology of, untranslatable, ii. 348, 483 Praedicables, ii. 314 n. Present interest of, ii. 285 Realism, ii. 340; Pantheism in relation to, ii. 370 Salvation a main interest of, ii. =296-7=, 300, 311 Scriptural authority, position of, ii. 289, =291-2= Secular studies as regarded by, ii. 349, 357 Stages of development of, ii. 333 seqq. Sympathetic study of, the key to contradictions, ii. 371 Theology of, see Theology Universals, problem of: Aquinas’ treatment of, ii. 462 Duns’ treatment of, ii. 515 Occam’s contribution toward, ii. 520-1 Roscellin’s views on, i. 303-4

Sciences, classifications of, ii. 312 seqq. (See also Physical science)

Scotland, Christianizing of, i. 173

Scriptures, Christian: Allegorizing of: Examples of: David and Bathsheba episode, ii. 44-6 Exodus, Book of, ii. 47 Good Samaritan parable, ii. =53-6=, 84, 90 Hannah, story of, ii. 47 n. 1 Pharisee and Publican parable, ii. 51-2 Hugo of St. Victor’s view of, ii. 65 n. Writers exemplifying--Philo, ii. 42-43; the Fathers, ii. =43 seqq.=, 68-9 and n. 2; Rabanus, ii. 46-50; Bede, ii. 47 n. 1; Honorius of Autun, ii. 51 seqq.; Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 67 seqq. Anglo-Saxon version of, i. =142 n. 2=, 183 Authority of--in patristic doctrine, ii. 295; acknowledged by Eriugena, i. 231; by Berengar, i. 303; in scholasticism, ii. 280, 291-2 Bacon’s attitude toward, ii. =491-2=, 497 Bonaventura’s attitude toward, and writings on, ii. 405 seqq. Canon law based on, ii. 267-9 Classical studies in relation to, see subheading Secular Classification of topics based on, ii. 317, 324 Commentaries on--Alcuin’s, i. 220-1; Raban’s, i. 222-3 Duns’ attitude toward, ii. 516 Francis of Assisi’s literal acceptance of, i. 365, 426-=7=; his realization of spirit of, i. 427 n. 1; ii. 183 Gothic version of, i. 143 n. Heliand, i. =203 and nn.=, 308 Hymns based on, ii. 88 seqq. Interpretation of--by the Fathers, i. =43 seqq.=, 68-9 and n. 2; by Eriugena, i. 231; by Berengar, i. 303 Isidore’s writings on, i. 104-5 Love, human, as treated in Old Testament, i. 332-3 Scenes from, in Gothic art, ii. 82 seqq. Secular knowledge in relation to, i. 63, =66=; ii. =110=, =112=, 120, 499 Song of Songs, see Canticles Study of, by monks, i. 94; Cassiodorus’ Institutiones, i. 95-6 Theology identified with, ii. 406, 408 Vulgate, the: Corruption in Paris copy of, ii. 497 Language of, ii. 171

Sculpture, Gothic: Cathedrals, evolution of, ii. 538-=9= Symbolism of, i. 457 n. 2; ii. =82-6=

Sedulius Scotus, i. 215

Seneca, i. 26, 41

Sentences, Books of: Isidore’s, i. 106 and n. 1 Paulus’ Sententiae, ii. 243 Peter Lombard’s, see under Lombard Prosper’s, i. 106 n. 1

Sequence-hymns, development of, ii. 196, =201-6=; Adam of St. Victor’s, ii. 209-215

Serenus, Bp. of Marseilles, i. 102

Sermons, allegorizing: Bernard of Clairvaux, by, i. 337 n., =409-13=; ii. =169=, 368-9 Honorius of Autun, by, ii. 50 seqq.

Seven Liberal Arts (See also separate headings Grammar, Logic, etc.): Alanus de Insulis on functions of, ii. 98 n. 1 Carolingian study of, i. 236 Clerical education in, i. 221-2 Compend of, by Cassiodorus, i. 96 De nuptiis as concerned with, i. 71 n. 3 Hugo of St. Victor on function of, ii. 67, 111 Latin the medium for, ii. 109 Law smattering included with, ii. 250 Quadrivium: Boëthius on, i. 90 and n. 2 Chartres, at, i. 299 Thierry’s encyclopaedia of, ii. 130 Trivium: Chartres, at, i. =298-9=; ii. 163 Courses of, as representing stages of mediaeval development, ii. 331 seqq. otherwise mentioned, i. 217; ii. 553

Severinus, St., i. 192

Severus, Sulpicius, i. 126 n. 2; Life of St. Martin by, i. 52, 84, 85 n. 2, =86=

Sidonius, Apollinaris, i. 126 n. 2; cited, i. 117 n. 1, 140

Siger de Brabant, ii. 401 and n.

Sippe, i. 122

Smaragdus, Abbot, i. 215

Socrates, i. 34-5; ii. 7

Songs, see Poetry

Sophists, Greek, i. 35

Sorbon, Robert de, i. 544-5

Sorcery, i. 46

Spain: Antique, the, in relation to, before Middle Ages, i. 9 Arabian philosophy in, ii. 390 Church in, i. 9, 103, =118 and n.= Latinization of, i. 25-6 and n. 2 Moorish conquest of, i. 9, 118 Visigoths in, i. 113, 116-=17 and n. 2=, 118

Stabat Mater, i. 348

Statius, ii. 229 n.

Statius Caecilius, i. 25

Stephen IX., Pope, i. 263

Stephen, St., sequence for festival of, ii. 211-13

Stephen of Bourbon quoted, i. 365 n.

Stilicho, i. 112

Stoicism: Emotion as regarded by, i. 330 Nature of, i. =41=, 57, 59 Neo-Platonism contrasted with, ii. 296 Philosophy as classified by, ii. 312 Roman law as affected by, ii. 232 otherwise mentioned, i. 40, 70

Strabo, Walafrid, see Walafrid

Suevi, i. 116-17 and n. 2, =139=

Summae, method of, ii. 306-7 (See also under Theology)

Summum bonum, Aquinas’ discussion of, ii. 438 seqq., 456

Switzerland, Irish monasteries founded in, i. 174

Sylvester II., Pope (Gerbert of Aurillac), career of, i. 281-4; disputation with Otric, i. 289-91; estimate of, i. 281, =285-7=; love of the classics, i. =287-8=; ii. 110; Latin style of, ii. 160; logical studies of, ii. 332, 338, 339, 345; letters of, quoted, i. 283-7; estimated, i. 284-5; editions of works of, i. 280 n.; Libellus de rationali et ratione uti, i. =292 n.=, 299; otherwise mentioned, i. 249; ii. 35

Symbolism: Alanus’ Anticlaudianus as exemplifying, ii. 94-103 Angels as symbols, ii. 457 Art, mediaeval, inspired by, i. 21 Augustine and Gregory compared as to, i. 56-7 Carolingian, nature and examples of, ii. 46-50 Church edifices, of, ii. 78-82 Dante permeated with, ii. 534, =552-5= Greek, nature of, ii. 56-7 Hildegard’s visions, in, i. 456 seqq. Marriage relationship, in, i. 413-14 Mass, of the, ii. 77-8 Mediaeval thought deeply impressed by, ii. =43=, 50 n. 1, =102=, =365= Mysticism in relation to, ii. 364 Neo-Platonic, i. 52 Ovid’s works interpreted by, ii. 230 Patristic, i. =37=, =43-6=, 52, 53, 58, =80= Platonic, i. 36 Raban’s addiction to, i. 223 and n. 2 Signum et res classification, ii. 322-3 Twelfth century--in Honorius of Autun, ii. 51 seqq.; in Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 64 seqq. Universal in mental processes, ii. 41, 552 n. Universe explained by, ii. 64, 66 seqq. otherwise mentioned, i. 15, 22

Sytrio, Romualdus at, i. 378-9

Tacitus, i. 78; ii. 134

Tears, grace of, i. 370-1 and n., 462, 463

Templars, i. 531-5

Tenth century, see Carolingian period

Tertullian, i. 5, 58, 87, 99, 171, 332, 344, 354 n.; ii 152; paradox of, i. 51; ii. 297; Adversus Marcionem, i. 68

Teutons (See also Anglo-Saxons, Danes, Germans, Norsemen): Celts compared with, i. 125 Characteristics of, i. 138 Christianizing of: Manner of, i. =181-3=, =196-7=, 193; results of, i. 5, =170=-1 Motives of converts, i. 193 Customs of, i. 122, 139, 141, 523 Law of, early, tribal nature of, ii. 245-7 Rôle of, in mediaeval evolution, i. 125 Roman Empire permeated by, i. 111 seqq.

Theodora, i. 242

Theodore, Abp. of Canterbury, i. 184

Theodoric of Freiburg, ii. 501 n.

Theodoric the Ostrogoth, i. 89, 91 n. 2, 93, =114-15=, 120-1, 138, 249; in legend, i. 145-6; Edict of, ii. 244 n.

Theodosius the Great, Emp., i. 112; ii. 272; Code of, ii. 240 and n. 2, 241 n. 2, 242, =249=, =266-7 and n. 1=

Theodulphus, Bp. of Orleans, i. =9=, 215; Latin diction of, ii. 160

Theology, scholastic: Abaelard’s treatises on, see under Abaelard Aquinas’ Summa of, see under Aquinas Argumentative nature of, ii. 292-3 Augustinian character of, ii. 403 Course of study in, ii. 388 Importance of, as intellectual interest, ii. 287-8 Logic in relation to, ii. =340 n.=, 346 Mysticism of, ii. 363-4 Natural sciences, etc., as handmaids to, ii. =67=, 111, 289, =486=, =492=, =496=, 500, 530; denial of the theory--by Duns, ii. 510; by Occam, ii. 519-520 (See also Physical science--Patristic attitude toward) Paris the centre for, ii. 283, =379= Philosophy in relation to, see under Philosophy Practical, not speculative, regarded as, ii. 512, =515=, 519 Scientific nature of, as regarded by Albertus, ii. 291, 430 Scripture identified with, ii. 406, 408 Summae of--by Alexander of Hales, ii. 399; by Bonaventura, ii. 408; by Albertus Magnus, ii. 430-1; by Aquinas, see under Aquinas Thirteenth-century study of, ii. 118-=120=

Theophrastus, i. 38

Theresa, St., i. 443 n. 1

Theurgic practice, i. 46-8

Thierry, Chancellor of Chartres, ii. 119, =370-1=; Eptateuchon of, ii. 130 and n.

Thirteenth century: Intellectual interests of, ultimate, ii. 287 Latin prose styles of, ii. 179 Papal position in, ii. 509 Personalities of writers emergent in, ii. 436 Theology and dialectic the chief studies of, ii. 118-=20= Three phenomena marking, ii. 378

Thomas à Kempis, De imitatione Christi by, ii. 185

Thomas Aquinas, see Aquinas

Thomas of Brittany, Tristan fragment by, i. 582

Thomas of Cantimpré, ii. 428-9

Thomas of Celano, Life of St. Francis by, quoted, i. 435, 436-8; style of the work, ii. 182-3

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War by, i. 77-8

Thuringia: Boniface’s work in, i. 197-8 Merovingian rule in, i. 121

Thuringians, language of, i. 145 n. 2

Torriti, i. 347

Trance, see Ecstasy

Trèves, i. =30=, 31, 192

Tristan: Chrétien’s version of, i. 567 Gottfried von Strassburg’s version of, i. 577-82

Trivium, see under Seven Liberal Arts

Troubadours (trouvères), i. 572-3 and nn.

Troy, tales of, in mediaeval literature, ii. 200, =224-5 and n. 2=, =227-9=

True and the good compared, ii. 441, 512

Truth, Guigo’s Meditationes as concerning, i. 385-6

Twelfth century: Classical studies at zenith in, ii. 117-118 Growth in, various, i. 305-6 Intellectual interests of, ultimate, ii. 287 Literary zenith in, ii. 168, 205-6 Mobility increased during, ii. 379

Ulfilas, i. 192; ii. 221

Ulpian--on jus naturale and jus gentium, ii. 234 and n.; on justitia, jus and jurisprudentia, ii. 237

Ulster Cycle, Sagas of, i. 128 and n. 2, 129 seqq.

Universals, see under Scholasticism

Universities, mediaeval (For particular universities see their names): Increase in (14th cent.), ii. 523 Rise of, ii. 379, 381 seqq. Studies at, ii. 388 and n.

Urban II., Pope, ii. 175

Urban IV., Pope, ii. 391-2, 434

Utrecht, bishopric of, i. 197

Vallombrosa, i. 377

Vandals, i. 112, =113=, 120

Varro, Terentius, i. 39, 71, 78

Vercingetorix, i. 28

Vernacular poetry, see under Poetry

Verse, see Poetry

Vikings, see Danes and Norsemen

Vilgard, i. 259-60

Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum majus of, ii. 82 and n. 2, 315-22

Virgil, Bernard Silvestris’ Commentum on, ii. 116-17 and n. 2; Dante in relation to, ii. 535, 536, 539, 543

Virgin Mary: Dante’s Paradiso as concerning, ii. 551 Hymns to, by Hugo of St. Victor, ii. 86-7, 92 Interventions of, against the devil, i. 487, =490-2= Mediaeval attitude toward, i. 53, 54 and =n. 2=; ii. =431=, =551=, 558

Virtues: Aquinas’ classification of, ii. 326-8 Odilo’s Cardinales disciplinae, i. 295

Virtues and vices, poetic treatment of--by Alanus, ii. 102 n.; by De Lorris and De Meun, ii. 103

Visigoths: Arianism of, i. 120 Dacian settlement of, i. 112 Gaul, Southern, kingdom in, i. 7, 112, =116=; Clovis’ conquest of, i. 121 Roman law code promulgated by, see Roman law--Breviarium Spain, in, i. 9, 113, 116-=17 and n. 2=, 118

Visions: Examples of, i. 444-6, 451, 452-9 Monastic atmosphere in, i. 184 and n. 2 Nature of, i. 443, 449 and n. 3, =450=, 451 and n.

Vita contemplativa: Aquinas’ views on, ii. 443, =481-2= Hildebert on, ii. 144-5

Vitae sanctorum, see Saints--Lives of

Walafrid Strabo, i. 100, =215=; ii. =332=; Glossa ordinaria of, i. 16, =221 n. 2=; ii. =46=; De cultura hortorum, ii. 188 n. 2

Waldenses, i. =365 n.=; ii. 34

Walter of Lille (of Chatillon), Alexandreis of, ii. 192 and n. 3, 230 n. 1

Walther von der Vogelweide, political views of, ii. 33; attitude of, toward Papacy, ii. 34-6; piety and crusading zeal of, ii. 36; melancholy, ii. 36-7; Minnelieder of, ii. 29-31; Sprüche, ii. 29, =32=, 36; Tagelied, ii. 30; Unter der Linde, ii. 30; otherwise mentioned, i. 475, =482=, 589; ii. 223

Wergeld, i. =122=, 139; ii. =246=

Will, primacy of, over intellect, ii. 512, 515

William, Abbot of Hirschau, i. 315

William II. (Rufus), King of England, i. 273, 275; ii. =138-9=

William of Apulia, ii. 189 and n. 3

William of Champeaux--worsted by Abaelard, ii. 342-3; founds St. Victor, ii. 61, 143; Hildebert’s letter to, quoted, ii. 143

William of Conches, ii. 132; studies and works of, ii. 372-3; Summa moralium philosophorum, ii. 134-5, 373 and n. 2

William of Malmsbury cited, i. 525

William of Moerbeke, ii. 391

William of Occam, see Occam

William of St. Thierry, ii. 300, 344

Willibrord, St., i. 197

Winifried-Boniface, St., i. 6, =197-200=, 308; ii. 273

Wisdom, Aquinas on, ii. 481

Witelo, Perspectiva by, ii. 501 n.

Witiza of Aquitaine, i. 358-9

Wolfram von Eschenbach, ii. 223; Parzival by, i. 12 n., 149 n. 1, 152, 567, 571 n. 2, =589-613=; ii. =36=; estimate of the work, i. 588; ii. 29

Women: Emotion regarding, i. 349-50 Emotional Christ-love experienced by, i. 442, =459 seqq.= Fabliaux’ tone toward, i. 521 n. 2 German prae-mediaeval attitude toward, i. 139, 150; mediaeval, ii. 31 Monastic life, in: Abuses among, i. 491-2; Rigaud’s Register as concerning, i. 479-480 Consecration of, i. 337 and n. Gandersheim nuns, i. 311 Visions of, i. 442 seqq., 463 seqq. Monkish vilification of, i. =354 n.=, 521 n. 2, 532, =533=; ii. 58 Romantic literature as concerned with, i. 564 Romantic poems for audiences of, i. 565 Walther von der Vogelweide on, ii. 31

Worms, Concordat of (1122), i. 245 n. 4

Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, i. 78

Year-books (Annales), i. 234 and =n. 1=

Yves, Bp. of Chartres, i. 262 n.; ii. =139=

Zacharias, Pope, i. 199

Zoology: Albertus Magnus’ works on, ii. 429 Aristotle’s work in, i. 38 Physiologus, i. =76-7 and n.=, 300; ii. 83

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The present work is not occupied with the brutalities of mediaeval life, nor with all the lower grades of ignorance and superstition abounding in the Middle Ages, and still existing, in a less degree, through parts of Spain and southern France and Italy. Consequently I have not such things very actively in mind when speaking of the mediaeval genius. That phrase, and the like, in this book, will signify the more informed and constructive spirit of the mediaeval time.

[2] There will be much to say of all these men in later chapters.

[3] Post, Chapter XI.

[4] See post, Chapter IX., as to the manner of the coming of Augustine to England.

[5] The Icelandic Sagas, for example, were then brought into written form. They have a genius of their own; they are realistic and without a trace of symbolism. They are wonderful expressions of the people among whom they were composed. Post, Chapter VIII. But, products of a remote island, they were unaffected by the moulding forces of mediaeval development, nor did they exert any influence in turn. The native traits of the mediaeval peoples were the great complementary factor in mediaeval progress--complementary, that is to say, to Latin Christianity and antique culture. Mediaeval characteristics sprang from the interaction of these elements; they certainly did not spring from any such independent and severed growth of native Teuton quality as is evinced by the Sagas. One will look far, however, for another instance of such spiritual aloofness. For clear as are the different racial or national traits throughout the mediaeval period, they constantly appear in conjunction with other elements. They are discerned working beneath, possibly reacting against, and always affected by, the genius of the Middle Ages, to wit, the genius of the mutual interaction of the whole. Wolfram’s very German Parzival, the old French Chanson de Roland, and above them all the Divina Commedia, are mediaeval. In these compositions in the vernacular, racial traits manifest themselves distinctly, and yet are affected by the mediaeval spirit.

[6] See post, Chapter V.

[7] The Predestination and Eucharistic controversies are examples; post, Chapter X.

[8] See post, Chapter X.

[9] The lack of originality in the first half of the tenth century is illustrated by the Epitome of Gregory’s Moralia, made by such an energetic person as Odo of Cluny. It occupies four hundred columns in Migne’s Patrologia Latina, 133. See post, Chapter XII.

[10] See post, Chapter XIII.

[11] See post, Chapter XI.

[12] See post, Chapter XVI.

[13] These men will be fully considered later, Chapters XXXIV.-XL.

[14] See post, Chapter XXXI.

[15] See post, Chapter XXXII.

[16] Post, Chapter XXIII.

[17] The term “spiritual” is here intended to signify the activities of the mind which are emotionalized with yearning or aversion, and therefore may be said to belong to the entire nature of man.

[18] The history of the spread of Latin through Italy and the provinces is from the nature of the subject obscure. Budinsky’s Die Ausbreitung der lateinischer Sprache (Berlin, 1881) is somewhat unsatisfactory. See also Meyer-Lübke, Die lateinische Sprache in den romanischen Ländern (Gröber’s Grundriss, 1{2}, 451 sqq.; F. G. Mohl, Introduction à la chronologie du latin vulgaire (1899). The statements in the text are very general, and ignore intentionally the many difficult questions as to what sort of Latin--dialectal, popular, or literary--was spread through the peninsula. See Mohl, o.c. § 33 sqq.

[19] Tradition says from Gaul, but the sifted evidence points to the Danube north of the later province of Noricum. See Bertrand and Reinach, Les Celtes dans les vallées du Pô et du Danube (Paris, 1894).

[20] See Beloch, Bevölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt, p. 507 (Leipzig, 1886).

[21] Mommsen says that in Augustus’s time fifty Spanish cities had the full privileges of Roman citizenship and fifty others the rights of Italian towns (Roman Provinces, i. 75, Eng. trans.). But this seems a mistake; as the enumeration of Beloch, Bevölkerung, etc., p. 330, gives fifty in all, following the account of Pliny.

[22] Cicero, Pro Archia, 10, speaks slightingly of poets born at Cordova, but, later, Latro of Cordova was Ovid’s teacher.

[23] The Roman law was used throughout Provincia. In this respect a line is to be drawn between Provincia and the North. See post, Chapter XXXIII.

[24] Bellum Gallicum, iii. 10.

[25] Bellum Gallicum, v. 6.

[26] Porcius Cato, in his Origines, written a hundred years before Caesar crossed the mountains, says that Gallia was devoted to the art of war and to eloquence (argute loqui). Presumably the Gallia that Cato thus characterized as clever or acute of speech, was Cisalpine Gaul, to wit, the north of Italy; yet Caesar’s transalpine Gauls were both clever of speech and often the fools of their own arguments. Lucian, in his Hercules (No. 55, Dindorf’s edition) has his “Celt” argue that Hercules accomplished his deeds by the power of words.

[27] See, generally, Fustel de Coulanges, Institutions politiques de l’ancienne France, vol. i. (La Gaule romaine).

[28] Bellum Gallicum, vi. 11, 12.

[29] Cf. Julian, Vercingetorix (2nd ed., Paris, 1902).

[30] Bellum Gallicum, iv. 5; vi. 20.

[31] There are a number of texts from the second to the fifth century which bear on the matter. Taken altogether they are unsatisfying, if not blind. They have been frequently discussed. See Gröber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, i. 451 sqq. (2nd edition, 1904); Brunot, Origines de la langue française, which is the Introduction to Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française (Paris, 1896); Bonnet, Le Latin de Grégoire de Tours, pp. 22-30 (Paris, 1890); Mommsen’s Provinces of the Roman Empire, p. 108 sqq. of English translation; Fustel de Coulanges, Institutions politiques, vol. i. (La Gaule romaine), pp. 125-135 (Paris, 1891); Roger, L’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’ Ausone à Alcuin, p. 24 sqq. (Paris, 1905).

[32] Such words are, e.g., wine, street, wall. See Toller, History of the English Language (Macmillan & Co., 1900), pp. 41, 42.

[33] See Paul, Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, Band i. pp. 305-315, (Strassburg, 1891).

[34] A prime illustration is afforded by the Latin juristic word persona used in the Creed. The Latins had to render the three ὑποστάσεις of the Greeks; and “three somethings,” tria quaedam, was too loose, as Augustine says (De Trinitate, vii. 7-12). The true and literal translation of ὑπόστασις would have been substantia; but that word had been taken to render οὐσία. So the legal word persona was employed in spite of its recognized unfitness. Cf. Taylor, Classical Heritage, etc., p. 116 sqq.

[35] On these Peripatetics see Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, 3rd ed. vol. ii. pp. 806-946.

[36] See Boissier, Étude sur M. T. Varron (Paris, 1861).

[37] Hist. naturalis, ii. 41.

[38] From the reign of Augustus onward, Astrology flourished as never before. See Habler, Astrologie im Alterthum, p. 23 sqq. (Zwickau, 1879).

[39] De abstinentia, ii. 34.

[40] De abstinentia, iii. 4.

[41] Porphyry before him had spoken of angels and archangels which he had found in Jewish writings.

[42] For authorities cited, see Zeller, Ges. der Phil., iii.{2} p. 686.

[43] De mysteriis, i. 3.

[44] Ibid. ii. 3, 9.

[45] Cf. Döllinger, Sektengeschichte.

[46] All my Christian examples are taken from among the representatives of Catholic Christianity, because it was that which triumphed, and set the lines of mediaeval thought. Consequently, I have not referred to the Gnostics, not wishing to complicate an already complex spiritual situation. Gnosticism was a mixture of Hellenic, oriental, and Christian elements. Its votaries represented one (most distorting) way in which the Gospel was taken. But Gnosticism neither triumphed nor deserved to. It flourished somewhat before the time of Plotinus.

[47] See Origen, De principiis, iii. 2.

[48] The Athanasian Vita Antonii is in Migne, Patr. Graec. 26, and trans. in Nicene Fathers, second series, iv. The Vita S. Martini is in Halm’s ed. of Sulp. Severus (Vienna, 1866), and in Migne, Pat. Lat. 20, and trans. in Nicene Fathers, second series, xi.

[49] See Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, ii. 413 sqq., especially 432 sqq. Also Taylor, Classical Heritage, pp. 94-97.

[50] In cap. iii. § 2 of the Celestial Hierarchy, Pseudo-Dionysius says that the goal of his system is the becoming like to God and oneness with Him (ἡ πρὸς θεὸν ἀφομοίωσίς τε καὶ ἕνωσις). He classifies his “celestial intelligences” even more systematically than the De mysteriis of Iamblicus’s school. His work is full of Neo-Platonism. Cf. Vacherot, Histoire de l’école d’Alexandrie, iii. 24 sqq.

[51] The cult of the Virgin and the saints was of very early growth. See Lucius, Die Anfänge des Heiligen Kults in der christlichen Kirche (ed. by Anrich, Tübingen, 1904).

[52] See, e.g., Grandgeorge, St. Augustin et le Néoplatonisme (Paris, 1896).

[53] On Gregory, see post, Chapter V.

[54] Epistola ad Gregorium Thaumaturgum.

[55] Cf. Boissier, Fin du paganisme.

[56] Civ. Dei, xix. caps. 49, 20, 27, 28.

[57] De moribus Ecclesiae, 14, 15; cf. Epist. 155, §§ 12, 13.

[58] Civ. Dei, xix. 25.

[59] See Clement of Rome, Ep. to the Corinthians (A.D. cir. 92), opening passage, and notes in Lightfoot’s edition.

[60] De doc. Chris. i. 4, 5.

[61] De doc. Chris. ii. 16.

[62] De doc. Chris. iii. cap. 10 sqq.

[63] Post, Chapter V.

[64] De moribus Ecclesiae, 21; Confessions, v. 7; x. 54-57.

[65] See Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, iii. 14 sqq.; Taylor, Classical Heritage, p. 117 sqq.

[66] Civ. Dei, ix. 21, 22; cf. Civ. Dei, xvi. 6-9.

[67] Civ. Dei, book xii., affords a discussion of such questions, e.g. why was man created when he was, and not before or afterwards. All these matters entered into the discussions of the mediaeval philosophers, Thomas Aquinas, for example.

Besides these dogmatic treatises, in which Scriptural texts were called upon at least for confirmation, the Fathers, Greek and Latin, composed an enormous mass of Biblical commentary, chiefly allegorical, following the chapter and verse of the canonical writings.

[68] See ante, Chapter III.

[69] See post, Chapter V.

[70] The substance of Capella’s book is framed in an allegorical narrative of the Marriage of Philology and Mercury. For a nuptial gift, the groom presents the bride with seven maid-servants, symbolizing the Seven Liberal Arts--Grammar, Rhetoric, Dialectic, Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy, Music. Cf. Taylor, Classical Heritage, etc., p. 49 sqq.

[71] In Eyssenhardt’s edition.

[72] On the symbolism of Numbers see Cantor, Vorlesungen über Ges. der Mathematik, 2nd ed. pp. 95, 96, 146, 156, 529, 531.

[73] See an extraordinary example taken from the treatise against Faustus, post, Chapter XXVII. Also De doc. Chris. ii. 16; De Trinitate, iv. 4-6.

[74] Migne, Pat. Lat. 14, col. 123-273. Written cir. 389.

[75] Hex. i. cap. 6.

[76] Hex. ii. caps. 2, 3.

[77] Aug. De Trinitate, iii. 5-9.

[78] Ante, Chapter III.

[79] Civ. Dei, xvi. 9.

[80] For the sources of these accounts see Lauchert, Ges. des Physiologus (Strassburg, 1889), p. 4 sqq. The wide use of this work is well known. It was soon translated into Ethiopian, Armenian, and Syrian; into Latin not later than the beginning of the fifth century; and subsequently, of course with many accretions, into the various languages of western mediaeval Europe. See Lauchert, o.c. p. 79 sqq.

[81] Cf. Boissier, Tacite (Paris, 1903).

[82] For example, what different truths can one speak afterwards of a social dinner of men and women at which he has sat. In the first place, there is the hostess, to whom he may say something pleasant and yet true. Then there is his congenial friend among the ladies present, to whom he will impart some intimate observations, also true. Thirdly, a club friend was at the dinner, and his ear shall be the receptacle of remarks on feminine traits illustrated by what was said and done there. Finally, there is himself, to whom in the watches of the night the dinner will present itself in its permanent values as an incident in human intercourse, which is so fascinating, so transitory, and so suggestive of topics of reflection. Here are four presentations; and if there was a company of twelve, we may multiply four by that number and imagine forty-eight true, although inexhaustive, accounts of that dinner which has now joined the fading circle of events that are no more.

[83] On Gregory of Nyssa, see Taylor, Classical Heritage, p. 125 sqq.

[84] Chiefly in Books III. and XV.-XVIII.

[85] Like the Civitas Dei, the patristic writings devoted exclusively to history were all frankly apologetic, yet following different manners according to the temper and circumstances of the writer. In the East, at the epoch of the formal Christian triumph and the climax of the Arian dispute, lived Eusebius of Caesarea, the most famous of the early Church historians. He was learned, careful, capable of weighing testimony, and possessed the faculty of presenting salient points. He does not dwell overmuch on miracles. His apologetic tendencies appear in his method of seeing and stating facts so as to uphold the truth of Christianity. If just then Christianity seemed no longer to demand an advocate, there was place for a eulogist, and such was Eusebius in his Church History and fulsome Life of Constantine. His Church History is translated by A. C. McGiffert, Library of Nicene Fathers, second series, vol. i. (New York, 1890). It was translated into Latin by Rufinus, friend and then enemy of St. Jerome.

[86] The best edition is Zangemeister’s in the Vienna Corpus scriptorum eccles. (1882). Orosius ignores the classic Greek historians, of whom he knew little or nothing. Cf. Taylor, Classical Heritage, pp. 219-221.

[87] Hist. ii. 3.

[88] Best edition that of Pauly, in Vienna Corpus scrip. eccles. (1883).

[89] An excellent statement of the nature and classes of the mediaeval Vitae sanctorum is “Les Légendes hagiographiques,” by Hipp. Delehaye, S.J., in Revue des questions historiques, t. 74 (1903), pp. 56-122. An English translation of this article has appeared as an independent volume.

[90] At Gregory’s statement of the marvellous deeds of Benedict, his interlocutor, the Deacon Peter, answers and exclaims: “Wonderful and astonishing is what you relate. For in the water brought forth from the rock (i.e. by Benedict) I see Moses, in the iron which returned from the bottom of the lake I see Elisha (2 Kings vi. 6), in the running upon the water I see Peter, in the obedience of the raven I see Elijah (1 Kings xvii. 6), and in his grief for his dead enemy I see David (2 Sam. i. 11). That man, as I consider him, was full of the spirit of all the just” (Gregorius Magnus, Dialogi, ii. 8. Quoted and expanded by Odo of Cluny, Migne, Pat. Lat. 133, col. 724). The rest of the second book contains other miracles like those told in the Bible. The Life of a later saint may also follow earlier monastic types. Francis kisses the wounds of lepers, as Martin of Tours had done. See Sulpicius Severus, Vita S. Martini. But often the writer of a vita deliberately inserts miracles to make his story edifying, or enhance the fame of his hero, perhaps in order to benefit the church where he is interred.

[91] Ambrose, Ep. 22, ad Marcellinam.

[92] On Paulinus of Nola, see Taylor, Classical Heritage, pp. 272-276.

[93] As this chapter has been devoted to the intellectual interests of the Fathers, it should be supplemented by a consideration of the emotions and passions approved or rejected by them. But this matter may be considered more conveniently in connection with the development of mediaeval emotion, post, Chapter XIV.

[94] Migne, Pat. Lat. 63, col. 1079-1167. Also edited by Friedlein (Leipsic, 1867).

[95] I know of no earlier employment of the word to designate these four branches of study. But one might infer from Boëthius’s youth at this time that he received it from a teacher.

[96] See Cantor, Vorlesungen über die Ges. der Mathematik, i. 537-540.

[97] See Cantor, o.c. i. 540-551.

[98] Cassiodorus, Ep. variae, i. 45

[99] Upon the dates of Boëthius’s writings, see S. Brandt, “Entstehungszeit und zeitliche Folge der Werke des Boëtius,” Philologus, Band 62 (N.S. Bd. 16), 1903, pp. 141 sqq. and 234 sqq.

[100] Social position, his own abilities, and the favour of Theodoric, obtained the consulship for Boëthius in 510, when he was twenty-eight or -nine years old.

[101] Migne, Pat. Lat. 64, col. 201.

[102] In librum de interpretatione, editio secunda, beginning of Book II., Migne 64, col. 433.

[103] See De inter. ed. prima, Book I. (Migne 64, col. 193); ed. secunda, beginning of Book III. and of Book IV. (Migne 64, col. 487 and 517). The Boëthian translations are all in the 64th vol. of Migne’s Pat. Lat.

[104] See A. Hildebrand, Boëthius und seine Stellung zum Christentum (Regensburg, 1885), and works therein referred to.

[105] See Prantl, Ges. der Logik, i. 679 sqq.

[106] See his Life in Hodgkin’s Letters of Cassiodorus; also Roger, Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone à Alcuin, pp. 175-187 (Paris, 1905).

[107] Migne 70, col. 1281.

[108] Migne 70, col. 1105-1219.

[109] Gregory’s works are printed in Migne, Patrologia Latina, 75-79. His epistles are also published in the Monumenta Germaniae historica. On Gregory, his life and times, writings and doctrines, see F. H. Dudden, Gregory the Great, etc., 2 vols. (Longmans, 1905).

[110] Migne, Pat. Lat. 75, col. 516.

[111] Ep. xi. 54 (Migne 77, col. 1171).

[112] This is the view expressed in the Commentary on Kings ascribed to Gregory, but perhaps the work of a later hand. Thus, in the allegorical interpretation of 1 Kings (1 Sam.) xiii. 20, “But all the Israelites went down to the Philistines, to sharpen every man his share, and his coulter, and his axe.” Says the commentator (Migne, Pat. Lat. 79, col. 356): We go down to the Philistines when we incline the mind to secular studies; Christian simplicity is upon a height. Secular books are said to be in the plane since they have no celestial truths. God put secular knowledge in a plane before us that we should use it as a step to ascend to the heights of Scripture. So Moses first learned the wisdom of the Egyptians that he might be able to understand and expound the divine precepts; Isaiah, most eloquent of the prophets, was nobiliter instructus et urbanus; and Paul had sat at Gamaliel’s feet before he was lifted to the height of the third heaven. One goes to the Philistines to sharpen his plow, because secular learning is needed as a training for Christian preaching.

[113] See post, Chapter X.

[114] Migne 75, 76.

[115] Migne 77, col. 149-430. The second book is devoted to Benedict of Nursia.

[116] For illustrations see Dudden, o.c. i. 321-366, and ii. 367-68. Gregory’s interest in the miraculous shows also in his letters. The Empress Constantine had written requesting him to send her the head of St. Paul! He replies (Ep. iv. 30, ad Constantinam Augustam) in a wonderful letter on the terrors of such holy relics and their death-striking as well as healing powers, of which he gives instances. He says that sometimes he has sent a bit of St. Peter’s chain or a few filings; and when people come seeking those filings from the priest in attendance, sometimes they readily come off, and again no effort of the file can detach anything.

[117] Moralia xvi. 51 (Migne 75, col. 1151). Cf. Dudden, o.c. ii. 369-373.

[118] Mor. ix. 34, 54 (Migne 75, col. 889). Cf. Dudden, o.c. ii. 419-426.

[119] Dialogi, iv. caps. 39, 55.

[120] A better Augustinianism speaks in Gregory’s letter to Theoctista (Ep. vii. 26), in which he says that there are two kinds of “compunction, the one which fears eternal punishments, the other which sighs for the heavenly rewards, as the soul thirsting after God is stung first by fear and then by love.”

[121] Ep. iv. 21; vi. 32; ix. 6.

[122] See post, Chapter XXXVI., 1.

[123] Migne 83, col. 207-424. No reference need be made, of course, to the False Decretals, pseudonymously connected with Isidore’s name; they are later than his time.

[124] The Etymologiae is to be found in vol. 82 of Migne, col. 73-728; the other works fill vol. 83 of Migne.

[125] Aug. Quaest. in Gen. i. 152. See ante, Chapter IV.

[126] Isidore’s Books of Sentences present a topical arrangement of matters more or less closely pertinent to the Christian Faith, and thus may be regarded as a precursor of the Sentences of Peter Lombard (post, Chapter XXXIV.). But Isidore’s work is the merest compilation, and he does not marshal his extracts to prove or disprove a set proposition, and show the consensus of authority, like the Lombard. His chief source is Gregory’s Moralia. Prosper of Aquitaine, a younger contemporary and disciple of Augustine, compiled from Augustine’s works a book of Sentences, a still slighter affair than Isidore’s (Migne, Pat. Lat. 51, col. 427-496).

[127] For example, Reason begins her reply thus: “Quaeso te, anima, obsecro te, deprecor te, imploro te, ne quid ultra leviter agas, ne quid inconsulte geras, ne temere aliquid facias,” etc. (Migne 83, col. 845).

[128] De rerum natura, Praefatio (Migne 83, col. 963).

[129] See Prolegomena to Becker’s edition.

[130] Migne 82, col. 367.

[131] See Kübler, “Isidorus-Studien,” Hermes xxv. (1890), 497, 518, and literature there cited.

An analysis of the Etymologies would be out of the question. But the captions of the twenty books into which it is divided will indicate the range of Isidore’s intellectual interests and those of his time:

I. De grammatica.

II. De rhetorica et dialectica.

III. De quatuor disciplinis mathematicis. (Thus the first three books contain the Trivium and Quadrivium.)

IV. De medicina. (A brief hand-book of medical terms.)

V. De legibus et temporibus. (The latter part describes the days, nights, weeks, months, years, solstices and equinoxes. It is hard to guess why this was put in the same book with Law.)

VI. De libris et officiis ecclesiasticis. (An account of the books of the Bible and the services of the Church.)

VII. De Deo, angelis et fidelium ordinibus.

VIII. De ecclesia et sectis diversis.

IX. De linguis, gentibus, regnis, etc. (Concerning the various peoples of the earth and their languages, and other matters.)

X. Vocum certarum alphabetum. (An etymological vocabulary of many Latin words.)

XI. De homine et portentis. (The names and definitions of the various parts of the human body, the ages of life, and prodigies and monsters.)

XII. De animalibus.

XIII. De mundo et partibus. (The universe and its parts--atoms, elements, sky, thunder, winds, waters, etc.)

XIV. De terra et partibus. (Geographical.)

XV. De aedificiis et agris. (Cities, their public constructions, houses, temples, and the fields.)

XVI. De lapidibus et metallis. (Stones, metals, and their qualities curious and otherwise.)

XVII. De rebus rusticis. (Trees, herbs, etc.)

XVIII. De bello et ludis. (On war, weapons, armour; on public games and the theatre.)

XIX. De navibus, aedificiis et vestibus. (Ships, their parts and equipment, buildings and their decoration; garments and their ornament.)

XX. De penu et instrumentis domesticis et rusticis. (On wines and provisions, and their stores and receptacles.)

[132] The exaggerated growth of grammatical and rhetorical studies is curiously shown by the mass of words invented to indicate the various kinds of tropes and figures. See the list in Bede, De schematis (Migne 90, col. 175 sqq.).

[133] Cf. Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, 8 vols.; Villari, The Barbarian Invasions of Italy, 2 vols.

[134] This demand was not so extraordinary in view of the common Roman custom in the provinces of billeting soldiers upon the inhabitants, with the right to one-third of the house and appurtenances.

[135] Cf. post, Chapter XXXIII., II.

[136] On the Codes see Hodgkin, o.c. vol. vi.

[137] The Lombard language was still spoken in the time of Paulus Diaconus (eighth century).

[138] Apollinaris Sidonius, Ep. i. 2 (trans. by Hodgkin, o.c. vol. ii. 352-358), gives a sketch of a Visigothic king, Theodoric II., son of him who fell in the battle against the Huns. He ascended the throne in 453, having accomplished the murder of his brother Thorismund. In 466, he was himself slain by his brother Euric. In the meanwhile he appears to have been a good half-barbaric, half-civilized king.

[139] See post, Chapter XXXIII., II. For the Visigothic kingdom of Spain the great reigns were those of Leowigild (568-586) and his son Reccared (586-601). In Justinian’s time the “Roman Empire” had again made good its rule over the south of Spain. Leowigild pushed the Empire back to a narrow strip of southern coast, where there were still important cities. Save for this, he conquered all Spain, finally mastering the Suevi in the north-west. His capital was Toledo. Great as was his power, it hardly sufficed to hold in check the overweening nobles and landowners. Under the declining Empire there had sprung up a system of clientage and protection, in which the Teutons found an obstacle to the establishment of monarchies. In Spain this system hastened the downfall of the Visigothic kingdom. Another source of trouble for Leowigild, who was still an Arian, was the opposition of the powerful Catholic clergy. Reccared, his son, changed to the Catholic or “Roman” creed, and ended the schism between the throne and the bishops.

[140] The Spanish Roman Church, which controlled or thwarted the destinies of the doomed Visigothic kingdom, was foremost among the western churches in ability and learning. It had had its martyrs in the times of pagan persecution; it had its universally venerated Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, and prominent at the Council of Nicaea; it had its fiercely quelled heresies and schisms; and it had an astounding number of councils, usually held at Toledo. Its bishops were princes. Leander, Bishop of Seville, had been a tribulation to the powerful, still Arian, King Leowigild, who was compelled to banish him. That king’s son, Reccared, recalled him from banishment, to preside at the Council of Toledo in 589, when the Visigothic monarchy turned to Roman Catholicism. Leander was succeeded in his more than episcopal see by his younger brother Isidore (Bishop of Seville from 600 to 636). A princely prelate, Isidore was to have still wider and more lasting fame for sanctity and learning. The last encyclopaedic scholar belonging to the antique Christian world, he became one of the great masters of the Middle Ages (see ante, Chapter V.). The forger and compiler of the False Decretals in selecting the name of Isidore rather than another to clothe that collection with authority, acted under the universal veneration felt for this great Spanish Churchman.

[141] Marriages between Romans and Franks were legalized as early as 497.

[142] See Flach, Les Origines de l’ancienne France, vol. i. chap. i. sqq. (Paris, 1886).

[143] See post, Chapter XXXIII., II.

[144] The physiological criterion of a race is consanguinity. But unfortunately racial lineage soon loses itself in obscurity. Moreover, during periods as to which we have some knowledge, no race has continued pure from alien admixture; and every people that has taken part in the world’s advance has been acted upon by foreign influences from its prehistoric beginnings throughout the entire course of its history. Indeed, foreign suggestions and contact with other peoples appear essential to tribal or national progress. For the historian there exists no pure and unmixed race, and even the conception of one becomes self-contradictory. To him a race is a group of people, presumably related in some way by blood, who appear to transmit from generation to generation a common heritage of culture and like physical and spiritual traits. He observes that the transmitted characteristics of such a group may weaken or dissipate before foreign influence, and much more as the group scatters among other people; or again he sees its distinguishing traits becoming clearer as the members draw to a closer national unity under the action of a common physical environment, common institutions, and a common speech. The historian will not accept as conclusive any single kind of evidence regarding race. He may attach weight to complexion, stature, and shape of skull, and yet find their interpretation quite perplexing when compared with other evidence, historical or linguistic. He will consider customs and implements, and yet remember that customs may be borrowed, and implements are often of foreign pattern. Language affords him the most enticing criterion, but one of the most deceptive. It is a matter of observation that when two peoples of different tongues meet together, they may mingle their blood through marriage, combine their customs, and adopt each other’s utensils and ornaments; but the two languages will not structurally unite: one will supplant the other. The language may thus be more single in source than the people speaking it; though, conversely, people of the same race, by reason of special circumstances, may not speak the same tongue. Hence linguistic unity is not conclusive evidence of unity of race.

[145] As to the Celts in Gaul and elsewhere, and the early non-Celtic population of Gaul, see A. Bertrand, La Gaule avant les Gaulois (Paris, 1891); La Religion des Gaulois (Paris, 1897); Les Celtes dans les vallées du Pô et du Danube (in conjunction with S. Reinach); D’Arbois de Jubainville, Les Premiers Habitants de l’Europe (second edition, Paris, 1894); Fustel de Coulanges, Institutions politiques de l’ancienne France (Paris, 1891); Karl Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, Bde. I. and II.; Zupitza, “Kelten und Gallier,” Zeitschrift für keltische Philologie, 1902.

[146] See ante, Chapter II.

[147] The Latin literature produced by their descendants in the fourth century is usually good in form, whatever other qualities it lack. This statement applies to the works of the nominally Christian, but really pagan, rhetorician and poet, Ausonius, born in 310, at Bordeaux, of mingled Aquitanian and Aeduan blood; likewise to the poems of Paulinus of Nola, born at the same town, in 353, and to the prose of Sulpicius Severus, also born in Aquitaine a little after. In the fifth century, Avitus, an Auvernian, Bishop of Vienne, and Apollinaris Sidonius continue the Gallo-Latin strain in literature.

[148] Without hazarding a discussion of the origin of the Irish, of their proportion of Celtic blood, or their exact relation to the Celts of the Continent, it may in a general way be said, that Ireland and Great Britain were inhabited by a prehistoric and pre-Celtic people. The Celts came from the Continent, conquered them, and probably intermarried with them. The Celtic inflow may have begun in the sixth century before Christ, and perhaps continued until shortly before Caesar’s time. Evidences of language point to a dual Celtic stock, Goidelic and Brythonic. It may be surmised that the former was the first to arrive. The Celtic dialect spoken by them is now represented by the Gaelic of Ireland, Man, and Scotland. The Brythonic is still represented by the speech of Wales and the Armoric dialects of Brittany. This was the language of the Britons who fought with Caesar, and were subdued by later Roman generals. After the Roman time they were either pressed back into Wales and Cornwall by Angles, Jutes, and Saxons, or were absorbed among these conquering Teutons. Probably Caesar was correct in asserting the close affinity of the Britons with the Belgic tribes of the Continent. See the opening chapters of Rhys and Brynmor-Jones’s Welsh People; also Rhys’s Early Britain (London, 1882); Zupitza, “Kelten und Gallier,” Zeitschrift für keltische Phil., 1902; T. H. Huxley, “On some Fixed Points in British Ethnology,” Contemporary Review for 1871, reprinted in Essays (Appleton’s, 1894); Ripley, Races of Europe, chap. xii. (New York, 1899).

[149] The Irish art of illumination presents analogies to the literature. The finesse of design and execution in the Book of Kells (seventh century) is astonishing. Equally marvellous was the work of Irish goldsmiths. Both arts doubtless made use of designs common upon the Continent, and may even have drawn suggestions from Byzantine or late Roman patterns. Nevertheless, illumination and the goldsmith’s art in Ireland are characteristically Irish and the very climax of barbaric fashions. Their forms pointed to nothing further. These astounding spirals, meanders, and interlacings, combined with utterly fantastic and impossible drawings of the human form, required essential modification before they were suited to form part of that organic development of mediaeval art which followed its earlier imitative periods.

Irish illumination was carried by Columba to Iona, and spread thence through many monasteries in the northern part of Britain. It was imitated in the Anglo-Saxon monasteries of Northumbria, and from them passed with Alcuin to the Court of Charlemagne. Through these transplantings the Irish art was changed, under the hands of men conversant with Byzantine and later Roman art. The influence of the art also worked outward from Irish monasteries upon the Continent, St. Gall, for example. The Irish goldsmith’s art likewise passed into Saxon England, into Carolingian France, and into Scandinavia. See J. H. Middleton, Illuminated Manuscripts (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1892), and the different view as to the sources of Irish illuminating art in Muntz, Études iconographiques (Paris, 1887); also Kraus, Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, i. 607-619; Margaret Stokes, Early Christian Art in Ireland (South Kensington Museum Art Hand-Books, 1894), vol. i. p. 32 sqq., and vol. ii. pp. 73, 78; Sophus Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde, vol. ii. chap. xiv. (Strassburg, 1898).

[150] The classification of ancient Irish literature is largely the work of O’Curry, Lectures on the Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish History (Dublin, 1861, 2nd ed., 1878). See also D. Hyde, A Literary History of Ireland, chaps. xxi.-xxix. (London, 1899); D’Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction à l’étude de la littérature celtique, chap. préliminaire (Paris, 1883). The tales of the Ulster Cycle, in the main, antedate the coming of the Norsemen in the eighth century; but the later redactions seem to reflect Norse customs; see Pflugk-Hartung, in Revue celtique, t. xiii. (1892), p. 170 sqq.

[151] This comparison with Homeric society might be extended so as to include the Celts of Britain and Gaul. Close affinities appear between the Gauls and the personages of the Ulster Cycle. Several of its Sagas have to do with the “hero’s portion” awarded to the bravest warrior at the feast, a source of much pleasant trouble. Posidonius, writing in the time of Cicero, mentions the same custom among the Celts of Gaul (Didot-Müller, Fragmenta hist. Graec. t. iii. p. 260, col. 1; D’Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction, etc., pp. 297, 298).

[152] Probably first written down in the seventh century. Some of the Cuchulain Sagas are rendered by D’Arbois de Jubainville, Épopée celtique; they are given popularly in E. Hull’s Cuchulain Saga (D. Nutt, London, 1898). Also to some extent in Hyde’s Lit. Hist., etc.

[153] See the famous Battle of the Ford between Cuchulain and Ferdiad (Hyde, Lit. Hist. of Ireland, pp. 328-334). A more burlesque hyperbole is that of the three caldrons of cold water prepared for Cuchulain to cool his battle-heat: when he was plunged in the first, it boiled; plunged into the second, no one could hold his hand in it; but in the third, the water became tepid (D’Arbois de Jubainville, Épopée celtique, p. 204).

[154] Certain interpolated Christian chapters at the end tell how Mældun is led to forgive the murderers--an idea certainly foreign to the original pagan story, which may perhaps have had its own ending. The tale is translated in P. W. Joyce’s Old Celtic Romances (London, 1894), and by F. Lot in D’Arbois de Jubainville’s Épopée celtique, pp. 449-500.

[155] Perhaps no one of the Ulster Sagas exhibits these qualities more amusingly than The Feast of Bricriu, a tale in which contention for the “hero’s portion” is the leading motive. Its personae are the men and women who constantly appear and reappear throughout this cycle. In this Saga they act and speak admirably in character, and some of the descriptions bring the very man before our eyes. It is translated by George Henderson, Vol. II. Irish Texts Society (London, 1899), and also by D’Arbois de Jubainville in his Épopée celtique (Paris, 1892).

[156] For example, in a historical Saga the great King Brian speaks, fighting against the Norsemen: “O God ... retreat becomes us not, and I myself know I shall not leave this place alive; and what would it profit me if I did? For Aibhell of Grey Crag came to me last night, and told me that I should be killed this day.”

[157] “Deirdre, or the Fate of the Sons of Usnach,” is rendered in E. Hull’s Cuchulain Saga; Hyde, Lit. Hist., chap, xxv., and D’Arbois de Jubainville, Épopée celtique, pp. 217-319. The Pursuit of Diarmuid and Grainne was edited by O’Duffy for the Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language (Dublin, Gill and Son, 1895), and less completely in Joyce’s Old Celtic Romances (London, 1894).

[158] Cf. Hyde, o.c., chaps. xxi. xxxvi.

[159] The Voyage of Bran, edited and translated by Kuno Meyer, with essays on the Celtic Otherworld, by Alfred Nutt (2 vols., David Nutt, London, 1895). A Saga usually is prose interspersed with lyric verses at critical points of the story.

[160] On Tara, see Index in O’Curry’s Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish; also Hyde, Literary History, pp. 126-130. For this story, see O’Grady, Silva Gaedelica, pp. 77-88 (London, 1892); Hyde, pp. 226-232.

[161] See D’Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction à la lit. celtique, pp. 259-271 (Paris, 1883).

[162] See D’Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction, etc., p. 129 sqq.; Bertrand, La Religion des Gaulois, chap. xx. (Paris, 1897). Also O’Curry, o.c. passim.

[163] For this whole story see H. Zimmer, “Über die frühesten Berührungen der Iren mit den Nordgermanen,” Sitzungsbericht der Preussischen Akad., 1891 (1), pp. 279-317.

[164] For the life of Saint Columba the chief source is the Vita by Adamnan, his eighth successor as abbot of Iona. It contains well-drawn sketches of the saint and much that is marvellous and incredible. It was edited with elaborate notes by Dr. W. Reeves, for the Irish Archaeological Society, in 1857. His work, rearranged and with a translation of the Vita, was republished as Vol. VI. of The Historians of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1874). The Vita may also be found in Migne, Patrologia Latina, 88, col. 725-776. Bede, Ecc. Hist. iii. 4, refers to Columba. The Gaelic life from the Book of Lismore is published, with a translation by M. Stokes, Anecdota Oxoniensia (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1890). The Bodleian Eulogy, i.e. the Amra Choluim chille, was published, with translation by M. Stokes, in Revue celtique, t. xx. (1899); as to its date, see Rev. celtique, t. xvii. p. 41. Another (later) Gaelic life has been published by R. Henebry in the Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie, 1901, and later. There is an interesting article on the hymns ascribed to Columba in Blackwood’s Magazine for September 1899. See also Cuissard, Rev. celtique, t. v. p. 207. The hymns themselves are in Dr. Todd’s Liber Hymnorum. Montalembert’s Monks of the West, book ix. (vol. iii. Eng. trans.), gives a long, readable, and uncritical account of “St. Columba, the Apostle of Caledonia.”

[165] The Irish monastery was ordered as an Irish clan, and indeed might be a clan monastically ordered. At the head was an abbot, not elected by the monks, but usually appointed by the preceding abbot from his own family; as an Irish king appointed his successor. The monks ordinarily belonged to the abbot’s clan. They lived in an assemblage of huts. Some devoted themselves to contemplation, prayer, and writing; more to manual labour. There were recluses among them. Besides the monks, other members of the clan living near the “monastery” owed it duties and were entitled to its protection and spiritual ministration. The abbot might be an ordained priest; he rarely was a bishop, though he had bishops under him who at his bidding performed such episcopal functions as that of ordination. But he was the ruler, lay as well as spiritual. Not infrequently he also was a king. Although there was no common ordering of Irish monasteries, a head monastery might bear rule over its daughter foundations, as did Columba’s primal monastery of Iona over those in Ireland or Northern Britain which owed their origin to him. Irish monasteries might march with their clan on military expeditions, or carry on a war of monastery against monastery. “A.D. 763. A battle was fought at Argamoyn, between the fraternities of Clonmacnois and Durrow, where Dermod Duff, son of Donnell, was killed with 200 men of the fraternity of Durrow. Bresal, son of Murchadh, with the fraternity of Clonmacnois, was victor” (Ancient Annals). This entry is not alone, for there is another one of the year 816, in which a “fraternity of Colum-cille” seems to have been worsted in battle, and then to have gone “to Tara to curse” the reigning king. See Reeve’s Adamnan’s Life of Columba, p. 255. Of course Irish armies felt no qualms at sacking the monasteries and slaying the monks of another kingdom. The sanctuaries of Clonmacnois, Kildare, Clonard, Armagh were plundered as readily by “Christian” Irishmen as by heathen Danes. In the ninth century, Phelim, King of Munster, was an abbot and a bishop too; but he sacked the sacred places of Ulster and killed their monks and clergy. See G. T. Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church; Killen, Eccl. Hist. of Ireland, vol. i. p. 145 sqq.

[166] The title of saint is regularly given to the higher clergy of this period in Ireland.

[167] “The History of Ireland by Geoffrey Keating” in the original Gaelic with an English translation, by Comyn and Dineen (Irish Texts Society. David Nutt, London, 1902-1908).

[168] This means that he copied a manuscript belonging to Finnian.

[169] The Life of Colomb Cille from the Book of Lismore.

[170] Adamnan.

[171] B.G. iv. 1-3; vi. 21-28. For convenience I use the word Teuton as the general term and German as relating to the Teutons of the lands still known as German. But with reference to the times of Caesar and Tacitus the latter word must be taken generally.

[172] These views are set forth brilliantly, but with exaggeration, by Fustel de Coulanges, in L’Invasion germanique, vol. ii. of his Institutions politiques, etc. (revised edition, Paris, 1891).

[173] Apoll. Sid. Epist. viii. 6 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 58, col. 697).

[174] See Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law; and Pollock, English Law before the Norman Conquest, Law Quarterly Review.

[175] The ancient Anglo-Saxon version is Anglo-Saxon through and through. The considerable store of Latin (or Greek) words retained by the “authorized” English version (for example, Scripture, Testament, Genesis, Exodus, etc., prophet, evangelist, religion, conversion, adoption, temptation, redemption, salvation, and damnation) were all translated into sheer Anglo-Saxon. See Toller, Outlines of the History of the English Language (Macmillan & Co., 1900), pp. 90-101. Some hundreds of years before, Ulfilas’s fourth century Gothic translation had shown a Teutonic tongue capable of rendering the thought of the Pauline epistles.

[176] See the “Beowulf” translated in Gummere’s Oldest English Epic (Macmillan & Co., 1909).

[177] This is the closing sentence of Alfred’s Blossoms, culled from divers sources. Hereafter (Chapter IX.) when speaking of the introduction of antique and Christian culture there will be occasion to note more specifically what Alfred accomplished in his attempt to increase knowledge throughout his kingdom.

[178] See e.g. in Otfried’s Evangelienbuch, post, Chapter IX.

[179] For example: skidunga (Scheidung), saligheit (Seligkeit), fiantscaft (Feindschaft), heidantuom (Heidentum). By the eighth century the High German of the Bavarians and Alemanni began to separate from the Low German of the lower Rhine, spoken by Saxons and certain of the Franks. The greater part of the Frankish tribes, and the Thuringians, occupied intermediate sections of country and spoke dialects midway between Low German and High.

[180] Text in Piper’s Die älteste Literatur (Deutsche National Lit.).

[181] On the Waltari poem, see Ebert, Allgemeine Gesch. der Literatur des Mittelalters, Bd. iii. 264-276; also K. Strecker, “Probleme in der Walthariusforschung,” Neue Jahrbücher für klass. Altertumsgesch. und Deutsche Literatur, 2te Jahrgang (Leipzig, 1899), pp. 573-594, 629-645. The author is called Ekkehart I. (d. 973), being the first of the celebrated monks bearing that name at St. Gall. The poem is edited by Peiper (Berlin, 1873), and by Scheffel and Holder (Stuttgart, 1874); it is translated into German by the latter, by San Marte (Magdeburg, 1853), and by Althof (Leipzig, 1902).

[182] The description of Siegfried’s love for Kriemhild is just touched by the chivalric love, which exists in Wolfram’s Parzival, in Gottfried’s Tristan, and of course in their French models. See post, Chapter XXIII. For example, as he first sees her who was to be to him “beide lieb und leit,” he becomes “bleich unde rôt”; and at her greeting, his spirit is lifted up: “dô wart im von dem gruoze vil wol gehoehét der muot.” And the scene is laid in May (Nibelungenlied, Aventiure V., stanzas 284, 285, 292, 295).

[183] A convenient edition of the Kudrun is Pfeiffer’s in Deutsche Klassiker des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1880). Under the name of Gudrun it is translated into modern German by Simrock, and into English by M. P. Nichols (Boston, 1899).

[184] Kudrun, viii. 558. Whatever may have been the facts of German life in the Middle Ages, the literature shows respect for marriage and woman’s virtue. This remark applies not only to those works of the Middle High German tongue which are occupied with themes of Teutonic origin, but also to those--Wolfram’s Parzival, for example--whose foreign themes do not force the poet to magnify adulterous love. When, however, that is the theme of the story, the German writer, as in Gottfried’s Tristan, does not fail to do it justice.

Willmans, in his Leben und Dichtung Walthers von der Vogelweide (Bonn, 1882), note 1{a} on page 328, cites a number of passages from Middle High German works on the serious regard for marriage held by the Germans. Even the German minnesingers sometimes felt the contradiction between the broken marriage vow and the ennobling nature of chivalric love. See Willmans, ibid. p. 162 and note 7.

[185] Kudrun, xx. 1013.

[186] Kudrun, xxx. 1632 sqq.

[187] As to the Parzival, and Walter’s poems, see post, Chapters XXIV. XXVI.

[188] Ante, Chapter I.

[189] It is not known when Teutons first entered Denmark and the Scandinavian peninsula. Although non-Teutonic populations may have preceded them, the archaeological remains do not point clearly to a succession of races, while they do indicate ages of stone, bronze, and iron (Sophus Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde). The bronze ages began in the Northlands a thousand years or more before Christ. In course of time, beautiful bronze weapons show what skill the race acquired in working metals not found in Scandinavia, but perhaps brought there in exchange for the amber of the Baltic shores. The use of iron (native to Scandinavia) begins about 500 B.C. A progressive facility in its treatment is evinced down to the Christian Era. Then a foreign influence appears--Rome. For Roman wares entered these countries where the legionaries never set foot, and native handicraft copied Roman models until the fourth century, when northern styles reassert themselves. The Scandinavians themselves were unaffected by Roman wares; but after the fifth century they began to profit from their intercourse with Anglo-Saxons and Irish.

[190] It is said that some twenty-five thousand Arabian coins, mostly of the Viking periods, have been found in Sweden.

[191] See Vigfusson and Powell, Corpus poeticum Boreale, i. 238.

[192] There is much controversy as to the date (the Viking Age?) and place of origin (Norway, the Western Isles, or Iceland?) of the older Eddic poems; also as to the presence of Christian elements. The last are denied by Müllenhoff (Deutsche Altertumskunde, Bd. v., 1891) and others; while Bugge finds them throughout the whole Viking mythology (Home of the Eddic Poems, London, D. Nutt, 1899), and Chr. Bang has endeavoured to prove that the Voluspa, the chief Eddic mythological poem, was an imitation of the Christian Sibyl’s oracles (Christiania Videnskabsselskabs Forhanlinger, 1879, No. 9; Müllenhoff, o.c. Bd. v. p. 3 sqq.). Similar views are held in Vigfusson and Powell’s Corpus poeticum Boreale (i. ci.-cvii. and 427). These scholars find Celtic influences in the Eddic poems. The whole controversy is still far from settlement.

As for English translations of the Edda, that by B. Thorpe (Edda Samundar) is difficult to obtain. Those of the Corpus poeticum Boreale are literal; but the phraseology of the renderings of the mythological poems is shaped to the theory of Christian influence. A recent translation (1909) is that of Olive Bray (Viking Club), The Elder or Poetic Edda, Part I. The Mythological Poems.

[193] The best account of the Sagas, in English, is the Prolegomena to Vigfusson’s edition of the Sturlunga Saga (Clarendon Press, 1878). Dasent’s Introduction to his translation of the Njáls Saga (Edinburgh, 1861) is instructive as to the conditions of life in Iceland in the early times. W. P. Ker’s Epic and Romance (Macmillan & Co., 1897) has elaborate literary criticism upon the Sagas. The following is Vigfusson’s: “The Saga proper is a kind of prose Epic. It has its fixed laws, its set phrases, its regular epithets and terms of expression, and though there is, as in all high literary form, an endless diversity of interest and style, yet there are also bounds which are never over-stepped, confining the Saga as closely as the employment and restrictions of verse could do. It will be best to take as the type the smaller Icelandic Saga, from which indeed all the later forms of composition have sprung. This is, in its original form, the story of the life of an Icelandic gentleman, living some time in the tenth or eleventh centuries. It will tell first of his kin, going back to the settler from whom he sprung, then of his youth and early promise before he left his father’s house to set forth on that foreign career which was the fitting education of the young Northern chief. These wanderjahre passed in trading voyages and pirate cruises, or in the service of one of the Scandinavian kings, as poet or henchman, the hero returns to Iceland a proved man, and the main part of the story thus preluded begins. It recounts in fuller detail and in order of time his friendships and his enmities, his exploits and renown, and finally his death; usually concluding with the revenge taken for him by his kinsmen, which fitly winds up the whole. This tale is told in an earnest, straightforward way, as by a man talking, in short simple sentences, changing when the interest grows into the historic present, with here and there an ‘aside’ of explanation put in.... The whole composition, grouped around a single man and a single place, is so well balanced and so naturally unfolded piece by piece, that the great art shown therein often at first escapes the reader.”

[194] The Story of Burnt Njal (Njáls Saga or Njála), trans. by Dasent (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1861). A prose narrative interspersed with occasional lyric verses is the form which the Icelandic Sagas have in common with the Irish. In view of the mutual intercourse and undoubted mingling of Norse and Celtic blood both in Ireland and Iceland, it is probable that the Norse Saga-form was taken from the Irish. But, except in the Laxdæla Saga (trans. by Mrs. Press in the Temple Classics, Dent, 1899), one seems to find no Celtic strain. The Sagas are the prose complement of the poetic Edda. Both are Norse absolutely: fruit of one spirit, part of one literature, a possession of one people. As to racial purity of blood in their authors and fashioners, or in the men of whom the tales are told, that is another matter. Who shall say that Celtic blood and inherited Celtic gifts of expression were not the leaven of this Norse literature? But whatever entered into it and helped to create it, became Norse just as vitally as, ages before, every foreign suggestion adopted by a certain gifted Mediterranean race was Hellenized, and became Greek. In Iceland, in the Orkneys and the Faroes, Viking conditions, the Viking spirit, and Norse blood, dominated, assimilating, transforming and doubtless using whatever talents and capacities came within the vortex of Viking life.

It may be added that there is merely an accidental likeness between the Saga and the Cantafable. In the Saga the verses are the utterances of the heroes when specially moved. One may make a verse as a short death-song when his death is imminent, or as a gibe on an enemy, whom he is about to attack. In the Cantafable--Aucassin and Nicolette, for example--the verses are a lyric summary of the parts of the narrative following them, and are not spoken by the dramatis personae. The Cantafable (but not the Sagas) perhaps may be traced back to such a work as Boëthius’s De consolatione, which at least is identical in form, or Capella’s De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii. The De planctu naturae of Alanus de Insulis (post, Chapter XXXII. 1) plainly shows such antecedents.

[195] Story of Gisli the outlaw, trans. by Dasent, chap. ix. (Edinburgh, 1866).

[196] The Story of Burnt Njal, chap. i., trans. by Dasent.

[197] The Story of Grettir the Strong (Grettis Saga), chaps. 32-35, trans. by Magnusson and Morris (London, 1869). See also ibid. chaps. 65, 66. These accounts are analogous to the story of Beowulf’s fights with Grendal and his dam; but are more convincing.

[198] The stories of the Kings of Norway, called the Round World (Heimskringla), by Snorri Sturluson, done into English by Magnusson and Morris (London, 1893). Snorri Sturluson (b. 1178, d. 1241) composed or put together the Heimskringla from earlier writings, chiefly those of Ari the Historian (b. 1067, d. 1148), “a man of truthfulness, wisdom, and good memory,” who wrote largely from oral accounts.

[199] The Story of Egil Skallagrimson, trans. by W. C. Green (London, 1893).

[200] These poems are in the Saga, and will be found translated in Mr. Green’s edition. They are also edited with prose translations in C.P.B., vol. i. pp. 266-280. With Egil one may compare the still more truculent, but very different Grettir, hero of the Grettis Saga. The Story of Grettir the Strong, trans. by Magnusson and Morris (2nd ed., London, 1869).

[201] Bede, Hist. Ecc. i. 13. Moreover, the chief partisan of Pelagius (a Briton) was Coelestinus, an Irishman whose restless activity falls in the thirty years preceding the mission of Palladius.

[202] As for the Irish Church in Ireland, there were many differences in usage between it and the Church of Rome. In the matters of Easter and the tonsure the southern Irish were won over to the Roman customs before the middle of the seventh century, and after that the Roman Easter made its way to acceptance through the island. Yet still the Irish appear to have used their own Liturgy, and to have shown little repugnance to the marriage of priests. The organization of the churches remained monastic rather than diocesan or episcopal, in spite of the fact that “bishops,” apparently with parochial functions, existed in great numbers. Hereditary customs governed the succession of the great abbots, as at Armagh, until the time of St. Malachy, a contemporary of St. Bernard. See St. Bernard’s Life of Malachy, chap. x.; Migne 182, col. 1086, cited by Killen, o.c. vol. i. p. 173. The exertions of Gregory VII. and Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, did much to bring the Irish Church into obedience to Rome. Various Irish synods in the twelfth century completed a proper diocesan system; and in 1155 a bull of Adrian IV. delivered the island over to Henry II. Plantagenet. Cf. Killen, Eccl. Hist. of Ireland, vol. i. pp. 162-222.

[203] The works of St. Columbanus or Columban, usually called of Luxeuil, are printed in Migne’s Patrologia Latina, 80, col. 209-296. The chief source of knowledge of his life is the Vita by Jonas his disciple: Migne, Pat. Lat. 87, col. 1009-1046. It has been translated by D. C. Munro, in vol. ii. No. 7 (series of 1895) of Translations, etc., published by University of Pennsylvania (Phila. 1897). See also Montalembert, Monks of the West, book vii. (vol. ii. of English translation).

[204] The article of H. Zimmer, “Über die Bedeutung des irischen Elements für die mittelalterliche Cultur,” Preussische Jahrbücher, Bd. 59, 1887, presents an interesting summary of the Irish influence. His views, and still more those of Ozanam in Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs, chap, v., should be controlled by the detailed discussion in Roger’s L’Enseignement des lettres classiques d’Ausone à Alcuin (Paris, 1905), chaps. vi. vii. and viii. See also G. T. Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, Lect. XI. (London, 1892, 3rd ed.); D’Arbois de Jubainville, Introduction à l’étude de la littérature celtique, livre ii. chap. ix.; F. J. H. Jenkinson, The Hisperica Famina (Cambridge and New York, 1909). Obviously it is unjustifiable (though it has been done) to regard the scholarship of gifted Irishmen who lived on the Continent in the ninth century (Sedulius Scotus, Eriugena, etc.) as evidence of scholarship in Ireland in the sixth, seventh, or eighth century. We do not know where these later men obtained their knowledge; there is little reason to suppose that they got it in Ireland.

[205] See the narrative in Green’s History of the English People.

[206] There is no positive evidence that Augustine painted the terrors of the Day of Judgment in his first preaching. But it was a chief part of the mediaeval Gospel, and never absent from the soul of Augustine’s master, Gregory. The latter set it forth vividly in his letter to Ethelbert after his baptism (Bede, Hist. Ecc. i. 32).

[207] Bede, Hist. Ecc. iii. 22, tells how a certain noble gesith slew his king from exasperation with the latter’s practice of forgiving his enemies, instead of requiting them, according to the principles of heathen morality.

[208] Bede, Hist. Ecc. i. 30. Well known are the picturesque scenes surrounding the long controversy as to Easter between the Roman clergy and the British and Irish. The matter bulks hugely in Bede’s book, as it did in his mind.

[209] Bede ii. 13.

[210] E.g. as in Bede iii. 1.

[211] One may bear in mind that practically all active proselytizing Christianity of the period was of a monastic type.

[212] A.D. 709. Hist. Ecc. v. 19, where another instance is also given; and see ibid. v. 7.

[213] See the pieces in Thorpe’s Codex Exoniensis, e.g. the “Supplication,” p. 452.

[214] Ecc. Hist. iv. 22.

[215] Bede, Hist. Ecc. iii. 19; v. 12, 13, 14. Of these the most famous is the vision of Fursa, an Irishman; but others were had by Northumbrians. Plummer, in his edition of Bede, vol. ii. p. 294, gives a list of such visions in the Middle Ages.

[216] On Aldhelm see Ebert, Allegemeine Ges. des Lit. des Mittelalters; and Roger, L’Enseignement des lettres classiques, etc., p. 288 sqq.

[217] This is noticeable in his Commentary on the Gospel of John, Migne, Pat. Lat. 92, col. 633 sqq.

[218] Migne, Pat. Lat. 91, col. 9. In another prefatory epistle to the same bishop Acca, Bede intimates that he has abridged the language of the Fathers: he says it is inconvenient always to put their names in the text. Instead he has inscribed the proper initials of each Father in the margin opposite to whatever he may have taken from him (in Lucae Evangelium expositio, Migne 92, col. 304).

[219] Migne 90, col. 258; ibid. col. 422. I have not observed this statement in Isidore.

[220] All of these are in t. 90 of Migne.

[221] His writings fill about five volumes (90-95) in Migne’s Patrol. Latina. A list may be found in the article “Bede” in the Dictionary of National Biography. Beda der Ehrwürdige, by Karl Werner (Vienna, 1881), is a good monograph.

[222] Ante, Chapter IV.

[223] The Works of King Alfred the Great are translated from Anglo-Saxon in the Jubilee edition of Giles (2 vols., London, 1858). The Pastoral Care and the Orosius are translated by Henry Sweet in the publications of the Early English Text Society. W. J. Sedgefield’s translation of Alfred’s version of the Consolations of Boëthius is very convenient from the italicizing of the portions added by Alfred to Boëthius’s original. The extracts given in the following pages have been taken from these editions.

[224] Boëthius’s words, which Alfred here paraphrases and supplements are as follows: “Tum ego, scis, inquam, ipsa minimum nobis ambitionem mortalium rerum fuisse dominatam; sed materiam gerendis rebus optavimus, quo ne virtus tacita consenesceret” (De consol. phil. ii. prosa 7).

[225] The substance of this bracketed clause is in Boëthius--the last words quoted in the preceding note.

[226] Toward the close of his life Alfred gathered some thoughts from Augustine’s Soliloquies and from other writings, with which he mingled reflections of his own. He called the book Blossoms. He says in his preface: “I gathered me then staves and props, and bars, and helves for each of my tools, and boughs; and for each of the works that I could work, I took the fairest trees, so far as I might carry them away. Nor did I ever bring any burden home without longing to bring home the whole wood, if that might be; for in every tree I saw something of which I had need at home. Wherefore I exhort every one who is strong, and has many wains, that he direct his steps to the same wood where I cut the props. Let him there get him others, and load his wains with fair twigs, that he may weave thereof many a goodly wain, and set up many a noble house, and build many a pleasant town, and dwell therein in mirth and ease, both winter and summer, as I could never do hitherto. But He who taught me to love that wood, He may cause me to dwell more easily, both in this transitory dwelling ... and also in the eternal home which He has promised us” (Translation borrowed from The Life and Time of Alfred the Great, by C. Plummer, Clarendon Press, 1902). These metaphors represent Alfred’s way of putting what Isidore or Bede or Alcuin meant when they spoke in their prefaces of searching through the pantries of the Fathers or culling the sweetest flowers from the patristic meadows. See e.g. ante, Chapter V. and post, Chapter X.

[227] Far into the Frankish period there were many heathen in northern Gaul and along the Rhine: Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, I. Kap. i. (second edition, Leipzig, 1898). Cf. Vacandard, “L’Idolatrie en Gaule au VI{e} et au VII{e} siècles,” Rev. des questions historiques, 65 (1899), 424-454.

[228] Mon. Germ. hist. Auctores antiquissimi, tom. i. Cf. Ebert, Ges. des Lit. des Mittelalters, i. 452 sqq.

[229] Cf. ante, Chapter VI.

[230] In those of its lands which were granted immunity from public burdens, the Church gradually acquired a jurisdiction by reason of its right to exact penalties, which elsewhere fell to the king.

[231] The synod of 549 declared (ineffectually) for the election of bishops, to be followed by royal confirmation.

[232] Hauck, Kirchenges. Deutschlands, Bd. I. Buch ii. Kap. ii.; Möller, Kirchengeschichte, Bd. II. p. 52 sqq. (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1893).

[233] Carloman went at first to Rome, and built a monastery, in which he lived for a while. But here his contemptum regni terreni brought him more renown than his monk’s soul could endure. So, with a single companion, he fled, and came unmarked and in abject guise to Monte Cassino. He announced himself as a murderer seeking to do penance, and was received on probation. At the end of a year he took the vows of a monk. It happened that he was put to help in the kitchen, where he worked humbly but none too dexterously, and was chidden and struck by the cook for his clumsiness. At which he said with placid countenance, “May the Lord forgive thee, brother, and Carloman.” This occurring for the third time, his follower fell on the cook and beat him. When the uproar had subsided, and an investigation was called before the brethren, the follower said in explanation, that he could not hold back, seeing the vilest of the vile strike the noblest of all. The brethren seemed contemptuous, till the follower proclaimed that this monk was Carloman, once King of the Franks, who had relinquished his kingdom for the love of Christ. At this the terrified monks rose from their seats and flung themselves at Carloman’s feet, imploring pardon, and pleading their ignorance. But Carloman, rolling on the ground before them (in terram provolutus) denied it all with tears, and said he was not Carloman, but a common murderer. Nevertheless, thenceforth, recognized by all, he was treated with great reverence (Regino, Chronicon, Migne, Pat. Lat. 132, col. 45).

[234] For example, immunity (from governmental taxation and visitation) might attach to the lands of bishops and abbots, as it might to the lands of a lay potentate. On the other hand, the lands of bishops and abbots owed the Government such temporal aid in war and peace as would have attached to them in the hands of laymen. Such dignitaries had high secular rank. The king did not interfere with the appointment and control of the lower clergy by their lords, the bishops and abbots, any more than he did with the domestic or administrative appointments of great lay functionaries within their households or jurisdictions.

[235] There are numerous editions of the Heliand: by Sievers (1878), by Rückert (1876). Very complete is Heyne’s third edition (Paderborn, 1883). Portions of it are given, with modern German interlinear translation, in Piper’s Die älteste Literatur (Deutsche Nat. Lit.), pp. 164-186. Otfrid’s book is elaborately edited by Piper (2nd edition with notes and glossary, Freiburg i. B., 1882). See also Piper’s Die älteste Literatur, where portions of the work are given with modern German interlinear translation. Compare Ebert, Literatur des Mittelalters, iii. 100-117.

[236] The Heliand uses the epic phrases of popular poetry: they reappear three centuries later in the Nibelungenlied.

[237] Ante, Chapter I.

[238] Ante, Chapter VI.

[239] Ante, Chapter IX.

[240] E.g. Charles Martell and Pippin drove the Saracens from Narbonne--not Charlemagne, to whom these chansons ascribe the deed.

[241] The dates are 801 and 765.

[242] Historical atlases usually devote a double map to the Empire of Charlemagne, and little side-maps to the Merovingian realm, which included vast German territories, and for a time extended into Italy.

[243] A part of the serious historian’s task is to get rid of “epochs” and “renaissances”--Carolingian, Twelfth Century, or Italian. For such there should be substituted a conception of historical continuity, with effect properly growing out of cause. Of course, one must have convenient terms, like “periods,” etc., and they are legitimate; for the Carolingian period did differ in degree from the Merovingian, and the twelfth century from the eleventh. But it would be well to eliminate “renaissance.” It seems to have been applied to the culture of the quattrocento, etc., in Italy sixty or seventy years ago (1845 is the earliest instance in Murray’s Dictionary of this use of the word), and carries more false notions than can be contradicted in a summer’s day.

[244] The architecture, sculpture, and painting of the Carolingian time continued the Christian antique or Byzantine styles. Church interiors were commonly painted, a custom coming from early Christian mosaic and fresco decoration. Charlemagne’s Capitularies provided for the renovation of the churches, including their decorations. No large sculpture has survived; but we see that there was little artistic originality either in the illumination of manuscripts or in ivory carving. The royal chapel at Aix was built on the model of St. Vitale at Ravenna, and its columns appear to have been taken from existing structures and brought to Aix.

[245] Charlemagne’s famous open letters of general admonition, de litteris colendis and de emendatione librorum, and his admonitio generalis for the instruction of his legates (missi), show that the fundamental purpose of his exhortations was to advance the true understanding of Scripture: “ut facilius et rectius divinarum scripturarum mysteria valeatis penetrare.” To this end he seeks to improve the Latin education of monks and clergy; and to this end he would have the texts of Scripture emended and a proper liturgy provided; and, as touching the last, he refers to the efforts of his father Pippin before him. The best edition of these documents is by Boretius in the Monumenta Germaniac historica.

[246] As to the stylistic qualities of Carolingian prose and metre see post, Chapters XXXI., XXXII.

[247] Alcuin’s works are printed conveniently in tomes 100 and 101 of Migne’s Patrologia Latina. Extracts are given, post, Chapter XXXI., to indicate the place of Carolingian prose in the development of mediaeval Latin styles.

[248] Printed in Migne 101, col. 849-902. Alcuin adopted for his Grammar the dialogue form frequent in Anglo-Saxon literature; and from his time the question and answer of Discipulus and Magister will not cease their cicada chime in didactic Latin writings.

[249] Migne 101, col. 857. See Mullinger, Schools of Charles the Great, p. 76 (an excellent book), and West’s Alcuin, chap. v. (New York, 1892).

[250] As in his Disputatio Pippini (the son of Charlemagne), Migne 101, col. 975-980, which is just a series of didactic riddles: What is a letter? The guardian of history. What is a word? The betrayer of the mind. What generates language? The tongue. What is the tongue? The whip of the air--and so forth.

[251] De orthographia, Migne 101, col. 902-919.

[252] Migne 101, col. 919-950. Mullinger, o.c. pp. 83-85.

[253] Migne 101, col. 951-976.

[254] Migne 101, col. 956.

[255] Migne 101, col. 11-56.

[256] Migne 101, col. 613-638.

[257] Migne 100, cols. 737, 744.

[258] An important person. He was born at Mainz about 776. Placed as a child in the convent of Fulda, his talents and learning caused him to be sent at the age of twenty-one to Alcuin at Tours for further instruction. After Alcuin’s death in 804, Rabanus returned to Fulda and was made Principal of the monastery school. In 822 he was elected Abbot. His labours gained for him the title of Primus praeceptor Germaniae. Resigning in 842, he withdrew to devote himself to literary labours; but he was soon drawn from his retreat and made Archbishop of Mainz. He died in 856. While archbishop, and also while abbot, Rabanus with spiteful zeal prosecuted that rebellious monk, the high-born Saxon Gottschalk, who, among other faults, held too harsh views upon Predestination. His works are published in Migne, Pat. Lat. 107-112.

Rabanus has left huge Commentaries upon the books of the Old and New Testaments, in which he and his pupils gathered the opinions of the Fathers. He also added such needful comment of his own as his “exiguity” of mind permitted (Praef. to Com. in Lib. Judicum, Migne 108, col. 1110). His Commentaries were superseded by the Glossa ordinaria (Migne 113 and 114) of his own pupil, Walafrid Strabo, which was systematically put together from Rabanus and those upon whom he drew. It was smoothly done, and the writer knew how to eliminate obscurity and prolixity, and in fact make his work such that it naturally became the Commentary in widest use for centuries. The dominant interest of these commentators is in the allegorical significance of Scripture, as we shall see (Chapter XXVII.). On Rabanus and Walafrid, see Ebert, Allge. Gesch. der Lit. des Mittelalters, ii. 120-166.

[259] De cleric. inst. iii. 26 (Migne 107, col. 404).

[260] Ibid. iii. 18.

[261] Ibid. iii. 20 (Migne 107, col. 397).

[262] Migne III, col. 9-614.

[263] Raban’s excruciating De laudibus sanctae crucis shows what he could do as a virtuoso in allegorical mystification (Migne 107, col. 137-294).

[264] De cleric. inst. iii. 16 (Migne 107, col. 392).

[265] De cleric. inst. iii. 25 (Migne 107, col. 403).

[266] Compare his De magicis artibus, Migne 110, col. 1095 sqq.

[267] Migne 107, col. 419 sqq.

[268] Migne 120, col. 1267-1350.

[269] Ratramnus, De corpore, etc. (Migne 121, col. 125-170).

[270] On the Carolingian controversies upon Predestination and the Eucharist, see Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, vol. iii. chap. vi.

[271] Migne 119, col. 102. Florus called his tract “Libellus Flori adversus cuiusdam vanissimi hominis, qui cognominatur Joannes, ineptias et errores de praedestinatione,” etc. Florus was a contemporary of Eriugena.

[272] Migne 106.

[273] Hincmar, Ep. 23 (Migne 126, col. 153).

[274] Migne 122, col. 357.

[275] De div. nat. i. 69 (Migne 122, col. 513).

[276] One may say that the work of Eriugena in presenting Christianity transformed in substance as well as form, stood to the work of such a one as Thomas Aquinas as the work of the Gnostics in the second century had stood toward the dogmatic formulation of Christianity by the Fathers of the Church. With the Church Fathers as with Thomas, there was earnest endeavour to preserve the substance of Christianity, though presenting it in a changed form. This cannot be said of either the Gnostics or Eriugena.

[277] See Prantl, Ges. der Logik, ii. 20-36.

[278] Claudius died about 830. His works are in tome 104 of Migne.

[279] Migne 104, col. 147-158.

[280] Compare Agobard’s Ep. ad Bartholomaeum (Migne 104, col. 179).

[281] Liber contra judicium Dei (Migne 104, col. 250-268). Here the powerful Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, is emphatically on the opposite side, and argues lengthily in support of the judicium aquae frigidae, in Epist. 26, Migne 126, col. 161. Hincmar (cir. 806-882) was a man of imposing eminence. He was a great ecclesiastical statesman. The compass and character of his writings is what might be expected from such an archiepiscopal man of affairs. They include edifying tracts for the use of the king, an authoritative Life of St Remi, and writings theological, political, and controversial. As the writer was not a profound thinker, his works have mainly that originality which was impressed upon them by the nature of whatever exigency called them forth. They are contained in Migne 125, 126.

[282] Liber de imaginibus sanctorum (Migne 104, col. 199-226).

[283] These writings are also in vol. 104 of Migne.

[284] See Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, i. 130-142 (5th ed.). Writings known as Annales drew their origin from the notes made by monks upon the margin of their calendars. These notes were put together the following year, and subsequently might be revised, perhaps by some person of larger view and literary skill. Thus the Annals found in the cloister of Lorsch are supposed to have been rewritten in part by Einhart.

[285] There were two great earlier examples of such histories: one was the Historia Francorum of Gregory of Tours, the author of which was of distinguished Roman descent, born in 540 and dying in 594; the other was Bede’s Church History of the English People, which was completed shortly before its author’s death in 735. In individuality and picturesqueness of narrative, these two works surpass all the historical writings of the Carolingian time.

[286] In Mon. Germ. hist. scrip. ii.; also Migne, vol. 116, col. 45-76; trans, in German in Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit (Leipzig). See also Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, i., and Ebert, Ges. der Lit. ii. 370 sqq.

[287] In both these respects a contrary condition had made possible the endurance of the Roman Empire. Its territories in the main were civilized, and were traversed by the best of roads, while many of them lay about that ancient common highway of peoples, the Mediterranean. Then the whole Empire was leavened, and one part made capable of understanding another, by the Graeco-Roman culture.

[288] Within his hereditary domain, Hugh had the powers of other feudal lords; but this domain, instead of expanding, tended to shrink under the reigns of the Capetians of the eleventh century.

[289] In Conrad’s reign “Burgundy,” comprising most of the eastern and southern regions of France, and with Lyons and Marseilles, as well as Basle and Geneva within its boundaries, was added to the Empire.

[290] Papal elections were freed from lay control, and a great step made toward the emancipation of the entire Church, by the decree of Nicholas II. in 1059, by which the election of the popes was committed to the conclave of cardinals.

[291] For the matter of clerical celibacy, and the part played by monasticism in these reforms, see post, Chapter XV.

[292] Gregory VII., Ep. iv. 2 (Migne 148, col. 455).

[293] Ep. viii. 21 (Migne 148, col. 594).

[294] Migne 148, col. 407, 408. Cf. post, Chapter XXXIII.

[295] As between the Empire and the Papacy the particular struggle over investitures was adjusted by the Concordat of Worms (1122), by which the Church should choose her bishops; but the elections were to be held in the presence of the king, who conferred, by special investiture, the temporal fiefs and privileges. For translations of Gregory’s Letters and other matter, see J. H. Robinson’s Readings in European History, i. 274-293.

[296] See post, Chapter XII. The copying of manuscripts was a lucrative profession in Italy.

[297] Tetralogus, Pertz, Mon. Germ, scriptores, xi. 251.

[298] The clerical schools were no less important than the lay, but less distinctive because their fellows existed north of the Alps. Cathedral schools may be obscurely traced back to the fifth century; and there were schools under the direction of the parish priests. In them aspirants for the priesthood were educated, receiving some Latin and some doctrinal instruction. So the cathedral and parochial schools helped to preserve the elements of antique education; but they present no such open cultivation of letters for their own profane sake as may be found in the schools of lay grammarians. The monastic schools are better known. From the ninth century they usually consisted of an outer school (schola exterior) for the laity and youths who wished to become secular priests, and an inner school (interior) for those desiring to become monks. At different times the monastery schools of Bobbio, Farfa, and other places rose to fame, but Monte Cassino outshone them all.

As to the schools and culture of Italy during the early Middle Ages, see Ozanam, Les Écoles en Italie aux temps barbares (in his Documents inédits, etc., and printed elsewhere); Giesebrecht, De literarum studiis apud Italos, etc. (translated into Italian by C. Pascal, Florence, 1895, under the title L’ Istruzione in Italia nei primi secoli del Medio-Evo); G. Salvioli, L’ Istruzione publica in Italia nei secoli VIII., IX., X. (Florence, 1898); Novati, L’ Influsso del pensiero latino sopra la civilità italiana del Medio-Evo (2nd ed., Milan, 1899).

[299] See post, Chapter XXXIII., III.

[300] At Salerno, according to the Constitution of Frederick II., three years’ preliminary study of the scientia logicalis was demanded, because “numquam sciri potest scientia medicinae nisi de scientia logicali aliquid praesciatur” (cited by Novati, L’ Influsso del pensiero latino, etc., p. 220). Just as Law and Medical Schools in the United States may require a college diploma from applicants for admission.

[301] On Constantine see Wüstenfeld, “Übersetzungen arabischer Werke,” etc. Abhand. Göttingen Gesellschaft, vol. 22 (1877), pp. 10-20, and p. 55 sqq. Also on the Salerno school, Daremberg, Hist. des sciences médicales, vol. i. p. 254 sqq.

[302] Traube, “O Roma nobilis,” _Abhand. philos.-philol. Classe Bayer. Akad._ Bd. 19, p. 301. This poem probably belongs to the tenth century. “Archos” is mediaeval Greek for “The Lord.”

[303] The Rationes dictandi, a much-used book on the art of composing letters, comes from the hand of one Alberic, who was a monk at Monte Cassino in the middle of the eleventh century. He died a cardinal in 1088. The ars dictaminis related either to drawing legal documents or composing letters. See post, Chapter XXX., II.

[304] See E. Bertaux, L’Art dans l’Italie méridionale, i. 155 sqq. (Paris, 1904).

[305] The poems of Alphanus are in Migne, Pat. Lat. 147, col. 1219-1268.

[306] “Ad Romualdum causidicum,” printed in Ozanam, Doc. inédits, p. 259.

[307] Printed in Giesebrecht, De lit. stud. etc.

[308] Printed by Dummler in Anselm der Peripatetiker, pp. 94-102. See also the rhyming colloquy between Helen and Ganymede, of the twelfth century, printed in Ozanam, Documents inédits, etc., p. 19.

[309] On Liutprand see Ebert, Ges. der Lit. iii. 414-427; Molinier, Sources de l’histoire de France, i. 274. His works are in the Monumenta Ger., also in 136 of Migne. The Antapodosis and Embassy to Constantinople are translated into German in the Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit.

[310] See Antapod. vi. 1 (Migne 136, col. 893).

[311] Antapod. i. 1 (Migne 136, col. 791).

[312] Migne 136, col. 837.

[313] Legatio Constantinopolitana (Migne 136, col. 909-937).

[314] Migne, Pat. Lat. 136, col. 1283-1302.

[315] See Ebert, Allgem. Ges. iii. 370, etc.; Novati, L’Influsso del pensiero latino, etc., p. 31 sqq.; and Migne, Pat. Lat. 136.

[316] See Novati, L’Influsso, etc., pp. 188-191. The passage is from the vituperative polemic of a certain Ademarus (Migne, Pat. Lat. 141, col. 107-108).

[317] Dummler, “Gedichte aus Abdinghof,” in Neues Archiv, v. 1 (1876), p. 181 (cited by Novati, p. 192).

[318] Dummler, Anselm der Peripatetiker, p. 36 sqq.; cf. Hauréau, Singularités historiques, p. 179 sqq.

[319] The account is from Radolphus Glaber, Historiarum libri, ii. 12.

[320] On Damiani’s views of classical studies, see Opusc. xi., Liber qui dicitur Dominus vobiscum, cap. i. (Migne 145, col. 232); Opusc. xlv., De sancta simplicitate (ibid. col. 695); Opusc. lviii., De vera felicitate et sapientia (ibid. col. 831). For the life and works of this interesting man see post, p. 262 sqq., and post, Chapter XVI.

[321] Vita Anselmi, 1247 (cited by Ronca, p. 227).

[322] Another great politico-ecclesiastical Italian was Lanfranc (cir. 1005-1089), whose life was almost exactly contemporaneous with that of Hildebrand. He was born in high station at Pavia, and educated in letters and the law. Seized with the desire to be a monk, he left his home and passed through France, sojourning on his way, until he came to the convent of Bec in Normandy, in the year 1042. A man of practical ability and a great teacher, it was he that made the monastery great. Men, lay and clerical, noble and base, came thronging to hear him: Anselm came and Ives of Chartres, both future saints, and one who afterwards as Pope Alexander II. rose before Lanfranc, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and said: “Thus I honour, not the Archbishop of Canterbury, but the master of the school of Bec, at whose feet I sat with other pupils.” William the Conqueror made Lanfranc Primate of England and prince-ruler of the land in the Conqueror’s absence.

[323] Petri Damiani Ep. i. xvi. (Migne 144, col. 236). Damiani’s works are contained in Migne 144 and 145. Alexander II. was pope from 1061 to 1073, when he was succeeded by Hildebrand.

[324] Migne, Pat. Lat. 145, col. 961, 967.

[325] Opusculum, xxxvi. (Migne 145, col. 595). It is also bad to be an abbot, as Damiani shows in plaintive and almost humorous verses:

“Nullus pene abbas modo Valet esse monachus, Dum diversum et nocivum Sustinet negotium: Et, quod velit sustinere, Velut iniquus patitur

* * *

“Spiritaliter abbatem Volunt fratres vivere, Et per causas saeculares Cogunt illum pergere; Per tam itaque diversa Quis valet incedere?” De abbatum miseria rhythmus (Migne, Pat. Lat. 145, col. 972).

[326] Lib. v. Ep. iv.; cf. Jer. xiii.

[327] Ep. iv. 11 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 144, col. 313).

[328] He died in 1072, a year before Hildebrand was made pope.

[329] Opusc. xvii., De coelibatu; Opusc. xviii., Contra intemperantes clericos; Opusc. xxii., Contra clericos aulicos, etc.

[330] Lib. iv. Ep. 5 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 144, col. 300).

[331] Lib. v. Ep. 3 (Migne 144, col. 343).

[332] Lib. v. Ep. 2 (Migne 144, col. 340). Damiani’s Rhythmus poenitentis monachi (Migne, Pat. Lat. 145, col. 971) expresses the passionate remorse of a sinful monk.

[333] Post, Chapter XIX.

[334] Lib. vii. Ep. 18 (Migne 144, col. 458).

[335] Much is contained in the eighth book of his letters. The third letter of this book is addressed to a nobleman who did not treat his mother as Peter would have had him. The whole family situation is given in two sentences: “But you may say: ‘My mother exasperates me often, and with her rasping words worries me and my wife. We cannot endure such reproaches, nor tolerate the burden of her severity and interference.’ But for this, your reward will be the richer, if you return gentleness for contumely, and mollify her with humility when you are sprinkled with the salt of her abuse” (Migne, Pat. Lat. 144, col. 467). Some sentences from this letter are given post, Chapter XXXI., as examples of Latin style.

The next letter is addressed to the same nobleman and his wife on the death of their son. It gently points out to them that his migration to the coelestia regna, where among the angels he has put on the garment of immortality, is cause for joy.

[336] Opusc. ix., De eleemosyna (Migne 145, col. 207 sqq.).

[337] Opusc. ix., De eleemosyna, cap. i.

[338] Seneca, De vita beata, 20.

[339] Lib. viii. Ep. 8 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 144, col. 476). Cf. ante, p. 260.

[340] Extracts will be given post, Chapter XVI., together with Damiani’s remarkable Life of Romuald.

[341] Migne 158, col. 50 sqq.

[342] Anselm was born in 1033 and died in 1109. His works are in Migne 158, 159. See also Domet de Vorges, S. Anselme (Les grands Philosophes, 1901).

[343] “Districtio ordinis,” Vita, i. 6. This indicates that liberal studies were not favoured in Cluny at this time, cir. 1060.

[344] In a convent where there is an abbot, the prior is the officer directly under him.

[345] Ante, Chapter X.

[346] Cur Deus homo, i. 1 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 158, col. 361).

[347] In the Cur Deus homo, i. 2, Anselm has his approved disciple state the same point of view: “As the right order prescribes that we should believe the profundities of the Christian Faith, before presuming to discuss them by reason, so it seems to me neglect if after we are confirmed in faith we do not study to understand what we believe. Wherefore, since by the prevenient grace of God, I deem myself to hold the faith of our redemption, so that even if I could by no reason comprehend what I believe, there is nothing that could pluck me from it, I ask from thee, as many ask, that thou wouldst set forth to me, as thou knowest it, by what necessity and reason, God, being omnipotent, should have assumed the humility and weakness of human nature for its restoration.”

[348] There is indeed an early treatise, De grammatico (Migne 158, col. 561-581), in which Anselm seems to abandon himself to dialectic concerned with an academic topic. The question is whether grammaticus, a grammarian, is to be subsumed under the category of substance or quality; dialectically is a grammarian a man or an incident?

[349] Cf. Kaulich, Ges. der scholastischen Philosophie, i. 293-332; Hauréau, Histoire de la philosophie scholastique, i. 242-288; Stöckl, Philosophie des Mittelalters, i. 151-208; De Wulf, History of Medieval Philosophy, 3rd ed. (Longmans, 1909), p. 162 sqq., and authorities.

[350] The locus classicus is Proslogion, cap. 2.

[351] Cur Deus homo, i. 12.

[352] Ibid. i. 5.

[353] Ibid. i. 7.

[354] Examples of Anselm’s prose are given post, Chapter XXXI.

[355] On Gerbert see Lettres de Gerbert publiées avec une introduction, etc., par Julien Havet (Paris: Picard, 1889; I have cited them according to this edition); Œuvres de Gerbert, ed. by Olleris (Clermont and Paris, 1867); also in Migne, Pat. Lat. 139; Richerus, Historiarum libri IV. (especially lib. iii. cap. 55 sqq.); Mon. Germ. script. iii. 561 sqq.; Migne, Pat. Lat. 138, col. 17 sqq. Also Picavet, Gerbert, une pape philosophe (Paris: Leroux, 1897); Cantor, Ges. der Mathematik, i. 728-751 (Leipzig, 1880); Prantl, Ges. der Logik, ii. 53-57 (Leipzig, 1861).

[356] Ep. 12.

[357] Mon. Germ. scriptores, iii. 686.

[358] Ep. 44.

[359] Presumably Gerbert’s German-speaking scholars are meant.

[360] Ep. 45, Raimundo monacho.

[361] Ep. 46, ad Geraldum Abbatem.

[362] I.e. on the affairs of the monastery of Bobbio.

[363] A Greek doctor of Augustus’s time, who wrote on the diseases of the eye.

[364] Ep. 130.

[365] Ep. 167 (in Migne, Ep. 174).

[366] Richer, Hist. iii. 47, 48.

[367] Several of his compositions are extant.

[368] Richer, Hist. iii. 48-53.

[369] Richer, Hist. iii. cap. 55-65.

[370] See post, Chapter XXXV. If one should hesitate to find a phase of the veritable Gerbert in Richer’s report of the disputation with Otric, one may turn to Gerbert’s own philosophic or logical Libellus--de rationali et ratione uti (Migne 139, col. 159-168). It is addressed to Otto II., and the opening paragraph recalls to the emperor the disputation which we have been following. The Libellus is naturally more coherent than the disputation, in which Otric’s questions seem intended rather to trip his adversary than to lead a topic on to its proper end. It is devoted, however, to a problem exactly analogous to the point taken by Otric, that the term rational was not as broad as the term mortal. For the Libellus discusses whether the use of reason (ratione uti) can be predicated of the rational being (rationale). The concept of the predicate should be the broader one, but here it might seem less broad, since all reasonable beings do not exercise reason. The discussion closely resembles the dispute in the character of the intellectual interests disclosed, and its arguments are not more original than those employed against Otric. Disputation and Libellus alike represent necessary endeavours of the mind, which has reached a certain stage of tuition and development, to adjust itself with problems of logical order and method.

[371] Post, Chapter XV.

[372] Cf. Sackür, Die Cluniacenser, ii. 330 sqq.; Pfister. Études sur le règne de Robert le Pieux, p. 2 sqq. (the latter takes an extreme view).

[373] Aimoin’s Vita Abbonis, cap. 7 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 139, col. 393). The same volume contains most of Abbo’s extant writings, and those of Aimoin. On Abbo see Sackür, Die Cluniacenser, ii. 345 sqq.

An incredibly large number of students are said to have attended Abbo’s lectures. His studies and teaching lay mainly in astronomy, mathematics, chronology, and grammar. The pupil Aimoin cultivated history and biography, compiling a History of the Francs and a History of the miracles of St. Benedict, the latter a theme worthy of the tenth century. One leaves it with a sigh of relief, so barren was it save for its feat of gestation in giving birth to Gerbert.

[374] Jotsaldus, Vita Odilonis (Migne 142, col. 1037).

[375] Odilo, Vita Maioli (Migne 142, col. 951).

[376] See Taylor, Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, p. 74 sqq. One may compare the influence of Cicero’s De amicitia on the De amicitia Christiana of Peter of Blois (cir. 1200), Migne 207, col. 871-898.

[377] Vita Odilonis, chaps. vi.-xiii. (Migne 142, col. 909 sqq.).

[378] Bellum Gallicum, vi. 13.

[379] Migne 143, col. 1290.

[380] For a description of these works, see post, Chapter XXX. II.

[381] The substance of this sketch of the school of Chartres is taken chiefly from the Abbé Clerval’s exhaustive study, “Les Écoles de Chartres au moyen âge,” Mémoires de la Société archéologique d’Eure-et-Loir, xi., 1895. For the later fortunes of this school see post, Chapter XXX.

[382] The Histories of Gerbert’s pupil Richer are somewhat better, and show an imitation of Sallust.

[383] Cf. Molinier, Les Sources de l’histoire de France, v., lxix.

[384] Post, Chapters XXXIV.-XLII.

[385] Born 1078; king from 1108-1137.

[386] Ante, Chapter X.

[387] Ante, Chapter IX.

[388] On Notker see Piper, Die älteste Litteratur (Deutsche Nat. Lit.), pp. 337-340.

[389] Ante, Chapter XI., where something was said of Liutprand also. Ratherius was a restless intriguer and pamphleteer, a sort of stormy petrel, who was born in 890 near Liège. In the course of his career he was once bishop of that northern city, and three times bishop of Verona, where he died, an old man of angry soul and bitter tongue. Two years and more had he passed in a dungeon at Pavia--a sharpening experience for one already given overmuch to hate. There he compiled his rather dreary six books of Praeloquia (Migne 136, col. 145-344), preparatory discourses, perhaps precursive of another work, but at all events containing moral instruction for all orders of society. It was in the nature of a compilation, and yet touched with a strain of personal plaint, which sometimes makes itself clearly audible in words that show this work to have been its author’s prison consolatio: “Think what anguish impelled me to it, what calamity, what necessity showed me these paths of authorship. Dread of forgetting was my first reason for writing. Buried under all sorts of the rubbish of wickedness, surrounded by the darkness of evil, and distracted with the clamours of affairs, I feared that I should forget, and was delighted to find how much I could remember. Books were lacking, and friends to talk with, while sorrow gnawed the soul; so I used this book of mine as a friend to chat with, and was comforted by it as by a companion. Nor did I worry, asking who will read it; since I knew me for its reader, and as its lover, if it had none other” (Praeloq. vi. 26; Migne 136, col. 342). On Ratherius see Ebert, Ges. der Lit., iii. 375 sqq.

[390] Vita Brunonis, caps. 4, 6.

[391] Vita Brunonis, cap. 8.

[392] Cf. post, Chapter XXXII., III.

[393] Enough will be found regarding Hrotsvitha and her works in Ebert, Allgem. Ges. der Lit., iii. 285-329.

[394] Vita Bernwardi, 6 (Migne 140, col. 397), by Thangmar, who was Bernward’s teacher and outlived him to write his Life.

[395] Migne 141, col. 1229.

[396] See Froumundus, Ep. 9, 11, 13 (Migne 141, col. 1288 sqq.). A number of his poems are published by F. Seiler, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, Bd. 14, pp. 406-442.

[397] Migne 141, col. 1292. I am not sure that I have caught Froumund’s meaning.

[398] Mon. Ger. Scriptores, v. 134 sqq. (Migne, Pat. Lat. 146, col. 1027 sqq.).

[399] Vita Hermanni (Migne 143, col. 29).

[400] The writings of Hermannus Contractus are in Migne, Pat. Lat. 143. The poem is reprinted from Du Meril’s Poésies populaires; a more complete text is in Bd XI. of the Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum.

[401] Ante, Chapter XII., 1.

[402] Prantl, Ges. Logik, ii. 83.

[403] Cf. Endres, “Othloh’s von St. Emmeram Verhältnis zu den freien Kunsten,” Philos. Jahrbuch, 1904.

[404] Liber visionum.

[405] Othloh’s works are all in tome 146 of Migne’s Patrologia Latina.

[406] Ante, Chapter XII. 11.

[407] Ante, Chapters VIII., IX.

[408] Printed in Migne, Pat. Lat. 139, col. 871 sqq. and elsewhere. For editions see Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, 6th ed. i. 485.

[409] Post, Chapter XVI.

[410] Cf. Taylor, Ancient Ideals, chaps. xv., xvi.; Classical Heritage, chaps. ii., iii.

[411] Hosea i.-iii.

[412] Sulpicius Severus, Epist. iii.

[413] These words occur in Jerome’s famous letter (Ep. xiv.), in which he exhorts the wavering Heliodoras to sever all ties and affections: “Do not mind the entreaties of those dependent on you, come to the desert and fight for Christ’s name. If they believe in Christ, they will encourage you; if they do not,--let the dead bury their dead. A monk cannot be perfect in his own land; not to wish to be perfect is a sin; leave all, and come to the desert. The desert loves the naked. O desert, blooming with the flowers of Christ! O solitude, whence are brought the stones of the city of the Great King! O wilderness rejoicing close to God! What would you, brother, in the world,--you that are greater than the world? How long are the shades of roofs to oppress you? How long the dungeon of a city’s smoke? Believe me, I see more of light! Do you fear poverty? Christ called the poor “blessed.” Are you terrified at labour? No athlete without sweat is crowned. Do you think of food? Faith fears not hunger. Do you dread the naked ground for limbs consumed with fasts? The Lord lies with you. Does the infinite vastness of the desert fright you? In the mind walk abroad in Paradise. Does your skin roughen without baths? Who is once washed in Christ needs not to wash again. And in a word, hear the apostle answering: The sufferings of the present time are not to be compared with the glory to come which shall be revealed in us!”

[414] In my Classical Heritage, pp. 136-197, I have given an account of the origins of monasticism, and of its distinctive western features. There I have also set out the Rule of Benedict, with sketches of the early monastic character.

[415] Cyprian said in the third century, addressing himself to Christian virgins: “Dominus vester et caput Christus est ad instar ad vicem masculi” (De habitu virginum, 22). To realize how near to the full human relationship was this wedded love of Christ, one should read the commentaries and sermons upon Canticles. Those of a later time--St. Bernard’s, for example--are the best, because they sum up so much that had been gathering fervour through the centuries. One might look further to those mediaeval instances that break through mysticism to a sensuousness in which the man Christ becomes an almost too concrete husband for ecstatic women. See post, Chapter XIX.

[416] The whole Christian love, first the love of God and then the love of man, is felt and set forth by Augustine. “Thou hast made us toward thee, and unquiet is our heart until it rests in thee.... That is the blessed life to rejoice toward thee, concerning thee and because of thee.... Give me thyself, my God.... All my plenty which is not my God is need.” With his love of God his love for man accords. “This is true love, that cleaving to truth we may live aright; and for that reason we contemn all mortal things except the love of men, whereby we wish them to live aright. Thus can we profitably be prepared even to die for our brethren, as the Lord Jesus Christ taught us by His example.... It is love which unites good angels and servants of God in the bond of holiness, joins us to them and them to us, and subjoins all unto God.” These passages are from the Confessions and from the De Trinitate.

[417] Cf. Classical Heritage, p. 123 sqq.

[418] Augustine, Epp. 155, c. 13.

[419] Ante, Chapter V.

[420] Ante, Chapter IX.

[421] Alcuin, Ep. 40 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 100, col. 201).

[422] Cf. Odo’s Collationes, in Migne 133, and Chapter XII. II., ante. Gregory was Odo’s favourite author.

[423] Before Constantine’s reign there had been few Christian basilicas; Christian art was sepulchral, drawing upon the galleries of the Catacombs, in meagre and monotonous designs, the symbols of the soul’s deliverance from death. These designs were antique in style and poor in execution.

[424] See Taylor, Classical Heritage, chap. x. sec. 2.

[425] See Classical Heritage, p. 267, and cf. ibid. chap. ix. sec. 1.

[426] See post, Chapter XXXII. II.

[427] The account of the evolution of the hymn from the prose sequence is given post, Chapter XXXII. III.

[428] Further illustrations of the mediaeval emotionalizing of Latin Christianity could be made from the history of certain Christian conceptions, angels for example:--the Old and New Testaments and the Apocrypha contain the revelation of their functions; next, their natures are defined in the works of the Fathers and the Celestial Hierarchy of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. The matter is gone over at great length, and their nature and functions logically perfected, by the schoolmen of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. But, all the while, religious feeling, popular credences, and the imagination of poet and artist went on investing with beauty and loveliness these guardian spirits who carried out God’s care of man. Thus angels became the realities they were felt to be.

[429] Hartmann belongs to that great group of courtly German poets whose lives surround the year 1200. He was the translator of Chrètien de Troye’s Erec and Ivain. See Bech’s Hartmann von Aue (Deutsche klassiker). The verses quoted can hardly be rendered; but the meaning is as follows:

“My joys were never free from care until the day which showed me the flowers of Christ which I wear here (i.e. the Crusader’s cross). They herald a summer-time leading to sweet pastures of delight. God help us thither! The world has treated me so that my spirit yearns therefor;--well for me! God has been good to me, so that I am released from cares which tie the feet of many, chaining them here, while I in Christ’s band with blissful joys fare on.”

These lines carry that same yearning of the simple soul for heaven, its home, which was expressed, some centuries before, in Otfried’s Evangelienbuch (ante, Chapter IX.). The words and their connotations (augenweide, wünneclich) are utterly German. Yet the author lived in a literary atmosphere of translation from the French.

[430] Post, Chapter XXV.

[431] The makers of love poems borrowed expressions from poems to the Virgin. Cf. Wilmanns, Leben und Dichtung Walter’s Von der Vogelweide, p. 179. Touches of mortal passion sometimes appear in the adoration of men for the Blessed Virgin. See Caesar of Heisterbach, vii. 32 and 50, and viii. 58. Of course, many suggestions were drawn also from the antique literature. See post, Chapter XXXII. IV. The subject of courtly and romantic love will come up properly for treatment in Chapter XXIII.

[432] One will bear in mind that much mediaeval phraseology goes back to the Fathers. For example, in monkish vilification of woman there is no phrase more common than janua diaboli, and it was Tertullian’s, who died in the first part of the third century.

[433] For the different meanings of the term clericus see Du Cange, Glossarium, under that word.

[434] For the meanings of this term also see Du Cange, Glossarium, under that word.

[435] Regular clergy are the monks, who live under a regula.

[436] Dialogus miraculorum, ed. J. Strange, iv. i. (Cologne, 1851). Of course Caesar was a monk.

[437] Ante, Chapter XIV.

[438] See Sackur, Die Cluniacenser, etc., passim, and Bd. II. 464 (Halle, 1892).

[439] On the differences between Cluny and Citeaux see Vacandard, Vie de St Bernard, chap. iv. (2nd ed., Paris, 1897), and Zöckler, Askese und Mönchtum, 2nd ed. pp. 406-415 (Frankfurt a. M., 1897).

[440] Migne, Pat. Lat. 166, col. 1377-1384.

[441] In fact, paragraph 15 provides that at the Chapter accusations against an abbot shall be brought only by an abbot.

[442] It is interesting to observe how much of Stephen of Bourbon’s description of the Poor of Lyons applies to Franciscan beginnings, and how much more of it would have applied had not St. Francis possessed the gift of obedience among his other virtues. Stephen was a Dominican of the first half of the thirteenth century, and himself an inquisitor. Thus he describes these misled people: “The Waldenses are called after the author of this heresy, whose name was Waldensis. They are also called the Poor of Lyons, because there they first professed poverty. Likewise they call themselves the Poor in Spirit, because the Lord says: ‘Blessed are the poor in spirit....’ Waldensis, who lived in Lyons, was a man of wealth, but of little education. Hearing the Gospels, and curious to understand their meaning, he bargained with two priests that they should make a translation in the vulgar tongue. This they did, with other books of the Bible and many precepts from the writings of the saints. When this townsman had read the Gospel till he knew it by heart, he set out to follow apostolic perfection, just as the Apostles themselves. So, selling all his goods, in contempt of the world, he tossed his money like dirt to the poor. Then he presumed to usurp the office of the Apostles, and preached the Gospels in the open streets. He led many men and women to do the same, exercising them in the Gospels. He also sent them to preach in the neighbouring villages. These ignorant men and women running through villages, entering houses, and preaching in the open places as well as the churches, drew others to the same ways.”

Up to this point we are close to the Franciscans. But now the Archbishop of Lyons forbids these ignorant irregular evangelists to preach. Their leader answers for them, that they must obey God rather than man, and Scripture says to preach the Gospel to every creature. Thus they fell into disobedience, contumacy, and incurred excommunication, says Stephen (Anecdotes, etc., d’Étienne de Bourbon, edited by Lecoy de la Marche (Soc. de l’Histoire de France, Paris, 1877), cap. 342).

[443] The rôle of Franciscans and Dominicans in the spread of philosophic knowledge in the thirteenth century will be considered post, Chapter XXXVII. Chapter XVIII., post, is devoted to the personal qualities of Francis.

[444] Peter Damiani, De contemptu saeculi, cap. 32 (Migne 145, col. 287).

[445] On Damiani, see ante, Chapter XI. IV.

[446] Peter Damiani, Opusc. xi., Dominus vobiscum, cap. 19 (Migne 145, col. 246).

[447] Peter Damiani, De contemptu saeculi, cap. 25 (Migne 145, col. 278).

[448] Peter Damiani, De perfectione monachi, caps. 2, 3 (Migne 145, col. 294).

[449] De perfectione monachi, cap. 8 (Migne 145, col. 303).

[450] De perf. mon. cap. 13 (Migne 145, col. 307).

[451] De ins. ord. eremitarum, cap. 26 (Migne 145, col. 358). On the distraction from the vita contemplativa involved in an abbot’s duties see Damiani’s verses, De abbatum miseria, ante, Chapter XI. IV.

For such as have feeling for these matters, I give the following extracts from Damiani’s Opusc. xiii., De perfectione monachi, caps. 12, 13: “Let the brother love fasting and cherish privation, let him flee the sight of men, withdraw from affairs, keep his mouth from vain conversation, seek the hiding-place of his mind wherein with his whole strength he burns to see the face of his Creator; and let him pant for tears, and beset God for them with daily prayer. For the dew of tears cleanses the soul from every stain and makes fruitful the meadows of our hearts so that they bring forth the sprouts of virtue. For often as under an icy frost the wretched soul sheds its foliage, and, grace departing, it is left to itself barren and stripped of its shortlived blossoms. But anon tears given by the Tester of hearts burst forth, and this same soul is loosed from the cold of its slothful torpor, and becomes green again with the renewed leafage of its virtues, as a tree in spring kindled by the south wind.

“Tears, moreover, which are from God, with fidelity approach the tribunal of divine hearing, and quickly obtaining what they ask, assure us of the remission of our sins. Tears are intermediaries in concluding peace between God and men; they are the truthful and the very wisest (doctissimae) teachers in the dubiousness of human ignorance. For when we are in doubt whether something may be pleasing to God, we can reach no better certitude than through prayer, weeping truthfully. We need never again hesitate as to what our mind has decided on under such conditions.

“Tears,” continues Damiani, “washed the noisomeness of her guilt from the Magdalen, saved the Apostle who denied his Lord, restored King David after deadly sin, added three years to Hezekiah’s life, preserved inviolate the chastity of Judith, and won for her the head of Holophernes. Why mention the centurion Cornelius, why mention Susanna? indeed were I to tell all the deeds of tears, the day would close before my task were ended. For it is they that purify the sinner’s soul, confirm his inconstant heart, prepare joy out of grief, and, breaking forth from our eyes of flesh, raise us to the hope of supernal beatitude. For their petition may not be set aside, so mighty are their voices in the Creator’s ears. Before the pious Judge they hesitate at nothing, but vindicate their claim to mercy as a right, and exult confident of having obtained what they implore.

“O ye tears, joys of the spirit, sweeter than honey, sweeter than nectar! which with a sweet and pleasant taste refresh minds lifted up to God, and water consumed and arid hearts with a flood of penetrating grace from heaven. Weeping eyes terrify the devil; he fears the onslaught of tears bursting forth, as one would flee a tempest of hail driven by the fury of all the winds. As the torrent’s rush cleanses the river-bed, the flowing tears purge the weeper’s mind from the devil’s tares and every pest of sin.”

[452] De inst. ord. er. cap. 1 (Migne 145, col. 337).

[453] The Vita Romualdi is printed in Migne 144, col. 950-1008.

[454] Romuald died in 1027; lustrum here may mean four years, which would bring the time of writing to 1039.

[455] Vita Romualdi, caps. 8, 9. Damiani does not say this here, but quite definitely suggests it in cap. 64. The lives of these eastern hermits were known to Romuald; hermits in Italy had imitated them; and the connection with the knowledge of the Orient was not severed. See Sackur, Die Cluniacenser, etc., i. 324 sqq. Thus for their models these Italian hermits go behind the Regula Benedicti to the anchorite examples of Cassian and the East. Cf. Taylor, Classical Heritage, p. 160. A good example was St. Nilus, a Calabrian, perhaps of Greek stock. As Abbot of Crypta-Ferrata in Agro-Tusculano, he did not cease from his austerities, and still dwelt in a cave. He died in 1005 at the alleged age of ninety-five. His days are thus described: from dawn to the third hour he copied rapidly, filling a τετραδεῖον (quaternion) each day. From the third to the sixth hour he stood before the Cross of the Lord, reciting psalms and making genuflections; from the sixth to the ninth, he sat and read--no profane book we may be sure. When the ninth hour was come, he addressed his evening hymn to God and went out to walk and study Him in His works. See his Vita, from the Greek, in Acta sanctorum, sept. t. vii. pp. 279-343, especially page 293.

[456] Vita Romualdi, cap. 13.

[457] Ibid. cap. 20.

[458] Vita Romualdi, cap. 51.

[459] Vita Romualdi, cap. 35.

[460] Ibid. cap. 40.

[461] Ibid. cap. 45.

[462] Vita, caps. 49, 50.

[463] The Syrian region famous for its early anchorites.

[464] Vita Romualdi, cap. 64.

[465] Cf. Sackur, Die Cluniacenser, i. 328 note.

[466] Vita Romualdi, 69.

[467] Peter Damiani, Vitae SS. Rodulphi et Dominici loricati, cap. 8 (Migne 144, col. 1015.)

[468] Ibid. cap. 10 (Migne 144, col. 1017).

[469] This story is told in all the early lives of Bruno, the Vita antiquior, the Vita altera, and the Vita tertia (Migne, Pat. Lat. 152, col. 482, 493, and 525). These lives, especially the Vita altera, are interesting illustrations of the ascetic spirit, which, as might be expected, also moulds Bruno’s thoughts and his understanding of Scripture. All of which appears in his long Expositio in Psalmos (Migne, Pat. Lat. 152). To us, for example, the note of the twenty-third (in the Vulgate the twenty-second) psalm is love; to Bruno it is disciplinary guidance: the Lord guides me in the place of pasture, that is, He is my guide lest I go astray in the Scriptures, where the souls of the faithful are fed; I shall not want, that is an understanding of them shall not fail me. Thy rod, that is the lesser tribulation; thy staff, that is the greater tribulation, correct and chastise me.

[470] Guigo was born in 1083 at St. Romain near Valence, of noble family (like most monks of prominence). There was close sympathy between him and St. Bernard, as their letters show. Cf. post, Chapter XVII.

[471] Migne 153, col. 601-631.

[472] A bibliography of what has been written on Bernard would make a volume. His own writings and the Vitae and Acta (as edited by Mabillon) are printed in Migne, tomes 182-185. The Vie de Saint Bernard, by the abbé Vacandard, in two volumes, is to be recommended (2nd ed., Paris, 1897).

[473] Vita prima, iii. cap. 1 (Migne, Pat. Lat. 185). This Vita was written by contemporaries of the saint who knew him intimately. But one must be on one’s guard as to these apparently close descriptions of the saints in their vitae; for they are commonly conventionalized. This description of Bernard, excepting perhaps the colour of his hair, would have fitted Francis of Assisi.

[474] Vita prima, iii. 3. Bernard himself said that his aim in preaching was not so much to expound the words (of Scripture) as to move his hearers’ hearts (Sermo xvi. in Cantica canticorum). That his preaching was resistless is universally attested.

[475] See, e.g., Vacandard, o.c. chap. i.

[476] Post, Chapter XLIII.

[477] Vita prima, i. cap. 11. This William became Abbot of St. Thierry and one of Bernard’s biographers.

[478] E.g. Ep. 107.

[479] Ep. 2.

[480] Ep. 110 (this is the whole letter).

[481] Ep. 112 (the entire letter). The Latin of this letter is given post, Chapter XXXI.

[482] Ep. 111.

[483] Ep. 152, ad Innocentium papam, A.D. 1135.

[484] Ep. 170, ad Ludovicum. Written in 1138.

[485] Ep. 191.

[486] Cf. post, Chapter XXXVI. I., regarding this instance of Bernard’s zeal. His position is critically set out in Wilhelm Meyer’s “Die Anklagesätze des h. Bernard gegen Abaelard,” Göttingische gelehrte Nachrichten, philol. hist. Klasse, 1898, pp. 397-468.

[487] Ep. 196, ad Guidonen; cf. Ep. 195 (A.D. 1140). See for the Latin of this letter post, Chapter XXXI.

[488] Ep. 147, to Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny (A.D. 1138).

[489] Ep. 101, ad religiosos; cf. also Ep. 136.

[490] Ep. 300.

[491] Vita prima, lib. vii. cap. 15.

[492] It was Bernard’s third absence in Italy.

[493] Ep. 144, ad suos Clarae-Vallenses.

[494] Vita prima, lib. iii. cap. 7.

[495] Sermo xxvi. in Cantica.

[496] “Finem verborum indicunt lacrymae; tu illis, Domine, finem modumque indixeris.”

[497] Ante, Chapter XVI.

[498] As Augustine before him. Cf. Taylor, The Classical Heritage, etc., pp. 129-131.

[499] Ep. 11, ad Guigonem. Bernard adds that when Paul says that flesh and blood shall not inherit the kingdom of God, it is not to be understood that the substance of flesh will not be there, but that every carnal necessity will have ceased; the love of flesh will be absorbed in the love of the spirit, and our weak human affections transformed into divine energies.

[500] Migne, Pat. Lat. 182, col. 973-1000.

[501] Love, fear, joy, sorrow.

[502] Migne 183, col. 785-1198.

[503] Sermo xx. in Cantica.

[504] Sermo lxxix. in Cantica.

[505] Sermo lxxxiii. in Cantica. This is nearly the whole of this sermon. Bernard’s sermons were not long. See post, Chapter XXXVI. II., as to Bernard’s use of the symbolism of the kiss.

[506] Post, Chapter XIX.

[507] The present chapter is intended as an appreciation of the personality of Francis; incidents of his life are used for illustration. I have endeavoured to confine myself to such as are generally accepted as authentic, and to those parts of the sources which are confirmed by corroborative testimony. The reader doubtless is aware that the sources of Franciscan history are abundant, but that there is still much critical and even polemic controversy touching their trustworthiness. Of the Speculum perfectionis, edited by Sabatier, I would make this remark: many of its narratives contain such wisdom and human truth as seem to me to bring them very close to the acts and words of some great personality, i.e. Francis. This is no sure proof of their authenticity, and yet is a fair reason for following their form of statement of some of the incidents in Francis’s life, the human value of which perhaps appears narrowed and deflected in other accounts.

The chief sources for the life of St. Francis of Assisi are first his own compositions, edited conveniently under the title of Opuscula sancti patris Francisci Assisiensis, by the Franciscans of Quarrachi (1904). They have been translated by P. Robinson (Philadelphia, The Dolphin Press, 1906). Next in certainty of authenticity come the two Lives by Celano, i.e. Vita prima S. Francisci Assisiensis, auctore B. Thoma de Celano, ejus discipulo, Bollandi Acta sanctorum, tome 46 (Oct. tome 2), pp. 683-723; also edited by Canon Amoni (Rome, 1880); Vita secunda seu appendix ad Vitam primam, ed. by Amoni (Rome, 1880). Better editions than Amoni’s are those of Edouard d’Alençon (Rome, 1906), and H. G. Rosedale (Dent, London, 1904). Of great importance also is the Legenda trium sociorum (Leo, Rufinus, Angelus), Bollandi Acta sanctorum, t. 46 (Oct. t. 2), pp. 723-742; also ed. by Amoni (Rome, 1880). (Amoni’s texts differ somewhat from those of the Bollandist.) It is also edited by Pulignani (Foligno, 1898), and edited and hypothetically completed from the problematical Italian version, by Marcellino da Civezza and Teofilo Domenichelli (Rome, 1899). Perhaps most vivid of all the early sources is the so-called Speculum perfectionis seu S. Francisci Assisiensis legenda antiquissima auctore fratre Leone, as edited by Paul Sabatier (Paris, 1898). It has been translated into English several times. Its date and authenticity are still under violent discussion. One may conveniently refer to the article “Franciscan Literature” in the Edinburgh Review for January 1904, and to P. Robinson’s Short Introduction to Franciscan Literature (New York, 1907) for further references, which the student must supplement for himself from the mass of recent literature in books and periodicals touching the life of Francis and its sources. See also Fierens, La Question franciscaine, etc. (Louvain, 1909). Among modern Lives, that of Sabatier is probably known to all readers of this note. The Lives by Bonghi and Le Monnier may be referred to. Gebhard’s Italie mystique is interesting in connection with Francis.

[508] Consciousness of direct authority from God speaks in the saint’s unquestionably authentic Testament: “And after the Lord gave me some brothers, no one showed me what I ought to do, but the Most High himself revealed to me that I ought to live according to the model of the holy Gospel.” It is also rendered with picturesque vehemence in a scene (Speculum perfectionis, ed. Sabatier, ch. 68) which may or may not be authentic. At a general meeting of the Order, certain wise brethren had persuaded the Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia to advise Francis to follow their counsel, and had adduced certain examples from the monastic rule of Benedict and others. “When the Cardinal had related these matters to the blessed Francis, in the way of admonition, the blessed Francis answered nothing, but took him by the hand and led him before the assembled brothers, and spoke to the brothers in the fervour and power of the Holy Spirit, thus: ‘My brothers, my brothers, the Lord called me in the way of simplicity and humility, and showed me in truth this way for myself and for those who wish to believe and imitate me. And therefore I desire that you will not name any rule to me, neither the rule of St. Benedict, nor that of St. Augustine or St. Bernard, or any other rule or model of living except that which was mercifully shown and given me by the Lord. And the Lord said that He wished me to be a new covenant (pactum) in the world, and did not wish us to live by any other way save by that knowledge.’”

[509] These songs (none of which survive) were apparently in the langue d’oïl and not in the langue d’oc. The phrases used by the biographers are lingua francigena (1 Cel. i. 7) and lingua gallica (III. Soc. iii.) or gallice cantabat (Spec. perf. vii. 93).

[510] In fact this is vouched for in III. Soc. i.

[511] St. Martin of Tours had done the same.

[512] III. Soc. v. par. 13, 14.

[513] III. Soc. vi. par. 20.

[514] “Sancta paupertas,” “domina paupertas” are the phrases. The first is used by St. Bernard.

[515] III. Soc. viii.; 1 Cel. ix.

[516] III. Soc. viii.; see 1 Cel. x. and 2 Cel. x.

[517] Spec. per. 3, 9, 19, 122. How truly he also felt their spirit is seen in the story of his words, at a somewhat later period, to a certain Dominican: “While he was staying at Siena, a certain doctor of theology, of the order of the Preachers, himself an humble and spiritual man, came to him. When they had spoken for a while about the words of the Lord, this master interrogated him concerning this text of Ezekiel: ‘If thou dost not declare to the wicked man his wickedness, I will require his soul of thy hand’ (Ezek. iii. 18). And he added: ‘I know many indeed, good father, in mortal sin, to whom I do not declare their wickedness. Will their souls be required at my hand?’

“To whom the blessed Francis humbly said that it was fitting that an ignorant person like himself should be taught by him rather than give answer upon the meaning of Scripture. Then that humble master replied: ‘Brother, albeit I have heard the exposition of this text from a number of the wise, still would I willingly make note of your understanding of it.’

“So the blessed Francis said: ‘If the text is to be understood generally, I take it to mean that the servant of God ought by his life and holiness so to burn and shine in himself, that the light of his example and the tenor of his holy conversation would reprove all wicked men. Thus I say will his splendour and the odour of his reputation declare their iniquities to all,’” Spec. perf. 53; also 2 Cel. iii. 46.

[518] As to the acquisition of the Portiuncula see Spec. perf. 55, and on Francis’s love of it see Spec. perf. 82-84, 124.

[519] 1 Cel. xi.

[520] This seems to be true of Francis’s great Exemplar.

[521] Spec. perf. 69; 2 Cel. iii. 124; III. Soc. 25.

[522] Francisci admonitiones, xx.

[523] Spec. perf. 62; 2 Cel. iii. 71.

[524] Spec. perf. 61; see 1 Cel. 19.

[525] 2 Cel. iii. 81; Spec. perf. 39.

[526] Spec. perf. 50.

[527] Spec. perf. 54; 2 Cel. iii. 84.

[528] Spec. perf. 44.

[529] Spec. perf. 64; III. Soc. 39; 2 Cel. iii. 83; cf. Admon. iii.

[530] Cf. Spec. perf. 22 and 23; 2 Cel. iii. 23.

[531] III. Soc. xii. 50, 51.

[532] Spec. perf. 18; cf. 2 Cel. iii. 20.

[533] Spec. perf. 25; 2 Cel. iii. 22.

[534] Spec. perf. 95; 2 Cel. iii. 65. But Francis condemned all vain and foolish words which move to laughter (Admon. xxi.; Spec. perf. 96).

[535] Spec. perf. 93; 2 Cel. iii. 67.

[536] Spec. perf. 34.

[537] Cf. Spec. perf. 108; 2 Cel. 132.

[538] Spec. perf. 27, 28, 33; cf. 2 Cel. i. 15; ibid. iii. 30 and 36.

[539] Spec. perf. 101. This is one of the apparently unsupported stories of the Speculum, that none would like to doubt.

[540] 2 Cel. iii. cap. 101.

[541] One is tempted to amuse oneself with paradox, and say: Not he of Vaucluse, who ascended a mountain for the view and left a record of his sentiments, but he of Assisi, who loved the sheep, the birds, the flowers, the stones, and fire and water, was “the first modern man.” But such statements are foolish; there was no “first modern man.”

[542] Spec. perf. 113.

[543] 1 Cel. xxi. 58.

[544] 1 Cel. cap. xxviii.

[545] 1 Cel. cap. xxix.

[546] 2 Cel. iii. 101. These matters are set forth more picturesquely in the Speculum perfectionis; if authentic, they throw a vivid light on this wonderful person. Here are examples:

“Francis had come to the hermitage of Fonte Palumbo, near Riete, to cure the infirmity of his eyes, as he was ordered on his obedience by the lord-cardinal of Ostia and by Brother Elias, minister-general. There the doctor advised a cautery over the cheek as far as the eyebrow of the eye that was in worse state. Francis wished to wait till brother Elias came, but when he was kept from coming Francis prepared himself. And when the iron was set in the fire to heat it, Francis, wishing to comfort his spirit, lest he be afraid, spoke to the fire: ‘My Brother Fire, noble and useful among other creatures, be courteous to me in this hour, since I have loved and will love thee for the love of Him who made thee. I also beseech our Creator, who made us both, that He may temper thy heat so that I may bear it.’ And when his prayer was finished he made the sign of the cross over the fire.

“We indeed who were with him then fled for pity and compassion, and the doctor remained alone with him. When the cautery was finished, we returned, and he said to us: ‘Fearful and of little faith, why did you flee? I tell you truly I felt no pain, nor any heat of the fire. If it is not well seared he may sear it better.’

“The astonished doctor assured them all that the cautery was so severe that a strong man, let alone one so weak, could hardly have endured it, while Francis showed no sign of pain” (Spec. perf. 115). “Thus fire treated Francis courteously; for he had never failed to treat it reverently and respect its rights. Once his clothes caught fire, and he would not put it out, and forbade a brother, saying: ‘Nay, dearest brother, do no harm to the fire.’ He would never put out fire, and did not wish any brother to throw away a fire or push a smoking log away, but wished that it should be just set on the ground, out of reverence to Him whose creature it is” (ibid. 116).

“Next to fire he had a peculiar love for water, wherein is figured holy penitence and the tribulation with which the soul’s uncleanness is washed away, and because the first washing of the soul is through the water of baptism. So when he washed his hands he would choose a place where the water which fell would not be trodden on. Also when he walked over rocks, he walked with trembling and reverence for the love of Him who is called the ‘Rock’; and whenever he repeated that psalm, ‘Thou hast exalted me upon a rock,’ he would say with great reverence and devotion: ‘Under the foot of the rock thou hast exalted me.’”

“He directed the brother who cut and fetched the fire-wood never to cut a whole tree, so that some part of it might remain untouched for the love of Him who was willing to work out our salvation upon the wood of the cross.

“Likewise he told the brother who made the garden, not to devote all of it to vegetables, but to have some part for flowering plants, which in their seasons produce Brother Flowers for love of Him who is called the ‘Flower of the field and the Lily of the valley.’ He said indeed that Brother Gardener always ought to make a beautiful patch in some part of the garden, and plant it with all sorts of sweet-smelling herbs and herbs that produce beautiful flowers, so that in their season they may invite men seeing them to praise the Lord. For every creature cries aloud, ‘God made me for thy sake, O man.’ We that were with him saw that inwardly and outwardly he did so greatly rejoice in all created things, that touching or seeing them his spirit seemed not to be upon the earth, but in heaven” (ibid. 113).

“Above all things lacking reason he loved the sun and fire most affectionately, for he would say: ‘In the morning when the sun rises every man ought to praise God who created it for our use, because by day our eyes are illumined by it; in the evening, when night comes, every man ought to give praise on account of Brother Fire, because by it our eyes are illumined by night. For all of us are blind, and the Lord through those two brothers lightens our eyes; and therefore for these, and for other creatures which we daily use, we ought to praise the Creator.’ Which indeed he did himself up to the day of his death” (ibid. 119).

[547] Translated from the text as given in E. Monaci’s Crestomazia italiana dei primi secoli. Substantially the same text is given in Spec. perf. 120.

[548] The mediaeval term apex mentis is not inapt.

[549] Assurance of the soul’s communion, and even union, with God is the chief element of what is termed mysticism, which will be discussed briefly in connection with scholastic philosophy, post, Chapter XXXVI. II. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries those who experienced the divine through visions, ecstasies, and rapt contemplation, were not as analytically and autobiographically self-conscious as later mystics. Yet St. Theresa’s (sixteenth century) mystical analysis of self and God (for which see H. Delacroix, Études d’histoire et de psychologie du mysticisme, Paris, 1908) might be applied to the experiences of St. Elizabeth of Schönau or St. Hildegard of Bingen.

[550] Ante, Chapter XIII. II.

[551] Neither Othloh’s visions, nor those to be recounted, were narratives of voyages to the other world. The name of these is legion. They begin in Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, and continue through the Middle Ages--until they reach their apotheosis in the Divina Commedia. See post, Chapter XLIII.

[552] Migne, Pat. Lat. 195.

[553] The works of St. Hildegard of Bingen are published in vol. 197 of Migne’s Pat. Lat. and in vol. viii. of Pitra’s Analecta sacra, under the title Analecta Sanctae Hildegardis opera Spicilegio Solesmensi parata (1882). Certain supplementary passages to the latter volume are published in Analecta Bollandiana, i. (Paris, 1882). These publications are completed by F. W. E. Roth’s Lieder und die unbekannte Sprache der h. Hildegardis (Wiesbaden, 1880). The same author has a valuable article on Hildegard in Zeitschrift für kirchliche Wissenschaft, etc., 1888, pp. 453-471. See also an article by Battandier, Revue des questions historiques, 33 (1883), pp. 395-425. Other literature on Hildegard in Chevalier’s Répertoire des sources historiques du moyen âge, under her name.

Her two most interesting works, for our purposes at least, are the Scivias (meaning Scito vias Domini), completed in 1151 after ten years of labour, and the Liber vitae meritorum per simplicem hominem a vivente luce revelatorum (Pitra, o.c. pp. 1-244), begun in 1159, and finished some five years later. Extracts from these are given in the text. Other works show her extraordinary intellectual range. Of these the Liber divinorum operum simplicis hominis (Migne 197, col. 741-1038) is a vision of the mysteries of creation, followed by a voluminous commentary upon the world and all therein, including natural phenomena, human affairs, the nature of man, and the functions of his mind and body. It closes with a discussion of Antichrist and the Last Times. The work was begun about 1164, when Hildegard finished the Liber vitae meritorum, and was completed after seven years of labour. She also wrote a Commentary on the Gospels, and sundry lives of saints, and there is ascribed to her quite a prodigious work upon natural history and the virtues of plants, the whole entitled: Subtilitatum diversarum naturarum creaturarum libri IX. (Migne 197, col. 1118-1351); and probably she composed another work on medicine, i.e. the unpublished Liber de causis et curis (see Pitra, o.c., prooemium, p. xi.). Preger’s contention (Geschichte der deutschen Mystik, i. pp. 13-27, 1874) that the works bearing Hildegard’s name are forgeries, never obtained credence, and is not worth discussing since the publication of Pitra’s volume.

[554] Analecta Sanctae Hildegardis opera Spicilegio Solesmensi parata, p. 523; cf. ibid. p. 561; also Ep. 27 of Hildegard in Migne 197, col. 186.

[555] These questions and Hildegard’s solutions are given in Migne 197, col. 1038-1054, and the letter in Pitra, o.c. 399-400.

[556] Pitra, o.c. 394, 395.

[557] By visio as used here, Hildegard refers to the general undefined light--the umbra viventis lucis, in which she saw her special visions.

[558] Pitra, o.c. 332.

[559] This is from the prologue to the Scivias, Pitra, o.c. 503, 504 (Migne 197, 483, 484). Guibert in his Vita speaks of Hildegard as indocta and unable to penetrate the meaning of Scripture nisi cum vis internae aspirationis illuminans eam juvaret, Pitra, o.c. 413. Compare Hildegard’s prooemium to her Life of St. Disibodus (Pitra, o.c. 357) and the preface to her Liber divinorum operum (Migne 197, 741, 742).

[560] Guibertus to Radilfus, a monk of Villars (Pitra, o.c. 577) apparently written in 1180.

[561] Pitra, o.c. pp. 1-244.

[562] Pitra, o.c. pp. 8-10. The translation is condensed, but is kept close to the original.

[563] Ibid. p. 13.

[564] Pitra, o.c. p. 24.

[565] Ibid. p. 51 sqq.

[566] Pitra, o.c. p. 92 sqq.

[567] Ibid. p. 131 sqq. Of course, one at once thinks of the punishments in Dante’s Inferno, which in no instance are identical with those of Hildegard, and yet offer common elements. Dante is not known to have read the work of Hildegard.

[568] Pitra, o.c. pp. 230-240. I am not clear as to Hildegard’s ideas of Purgatory, for which she seems to have no separate region. In the case of sinners who have begun, but not completed, their penances on earth, the punishments described work purgationem, and the souls are loosed (ibid. p. 42). In Part III. of the work we are considering, the paragraphs describing the punishments are entitled De superbiae, invidiae, inobedientiae, infidelitatis, etc., poenis purgatoriis (ibid. p. 130). But each paragraph is followed by one entitled De poenitentia superbiae, etc., and the poenitentia referred to is worked out with penance in this life. Consequently it is not quite clear that the word purgatoriis attached to poenis signifies temporary punishment to be followed by release.

In a vision of the Last Times (ibid. p. 225) Hildegard sees “black burning darkness,” in which was gehenna, containing every kind of horrible punishment. She did not then see gehenna itself, because of the darkness surrounding it; but heard the frightful cries. Cf. Aeneid, vi. 548 sqq.

[569] This is the view expounded so grandly by Hugo of St. Victor in his De sacramentis, post, Chapter XXVIII.

[570] Migne 197, col. 433. All this is interesting in view of the many figures of the Church and Synagogue carved on the cathedrals, most of them later than Hildegard’s time. The “Synagogue” of sculpture has her eyes bound, the sculpturesque expression of eyelessness. The rest of Hildegard’s symbolism was not followed in sculpture.

[571] Migne 197, col. 437 sqq. Cf. St. Bernard, Sermo xix. in Cantica.

[572] Migne 197, col. 449.

[573] Notice the supra-terrestrial term, which can hardly be translated so as to fit an actual wall.

[574] Migne 197, col. 583. Compare this vision with the symbolic interpretation of the cathedral edifice, post, Chapter XXIX.

[575] Cf. St. Bernard’s treatment of this matter, ante, Chapter XVII.

[576] In a Middle High German Marienleben, by Bruder Phillips (13th century) the young virgin is made herself to say to God:

“Du bist min lieber priutegam (bridegroom), Dir gib ich minen magetuom (maidenhood), Du bist min vil schoener man.

“Du bist min vriedel (lover) und min vriunt (ami); Ich bin von diner minne entzundt.”

Bobertag, Erzählende Dichtungen des späteren Mittelalters, p. 46 (Deutsche Nat. Litt.).

[577] Vita B. Mariae Ogniacensis, per Jacobum de Vitreaco, Bollandi, Acta sanctorum t. 21 (June t. iv. pp. 636-666). Jacques had good reason to canonize her bones, since one of them, in his saddle-bags, had saved his mule from drowning while crossing a river in Tuscany.

[578] Cant. ii. 5. The translation in the English Revised Version is: “Stay me with cakes of raisins, comfort me with apples; for I am sick of love.” The phrases of Canticles, always in the words of the Latin Vulgate, come continually into the minds of these ecstatic women and their biographers. The sonorous language of the Vulgate is not always close to the meaning of the Hebrew. But it was the Vulgate and not the Hebrew that formed the mediaeval Bible, and its language should be observed in discussing mediaeval applications of Scripture.

[579] “Dum esset Rex in accubitu suo,” Cant. i. 11, in Vulgate; Cant. i. 12, in the English version, which renders it: “While the King sitteth at His table.”

[580] Vita B. Mariae, etc., par. 2-8. Since we are seeing these mediaeval religious phenomena as they impressed contemporaries, it would be irrelevant to subject them to the analyses which pathological psychology applies to not dissimilar phenomena.

[581] It is reported of St. Catharine of Siena that she would go for weeks with no other food than the Eucharist.

[582] I am drawing from her Vita by her contemporary, Thomas of Cantimpré, Acta SS., Bollandi, t. 21 (t. 3 of June), p. 234 sqq.

[583] Cf. Canticles iii. 2; Vita, lib. iii. par. 42.

[584] Cant. iii. 1, 7; i. 16.

[585] Vita, lib. iii. pars. 9, 11. It is well known how great a love of her Lord possessed St. Elizabeth of Hungary, and how she sent her children away from her, that she might not be distracted from loving Him alone. The vision which came to her upon her expulsion from the Wartburg, after the death of her husband, King Louis of Thuringia, is given as follows, in her own words, according to the sworn statement of her waiting-women: “I saw the heaven open, and that sweet Jesus, my Lord, bending toward me and consoling me in my tribulation; and when I saw Him I was glad, and laughed; but when He turned His face, as if to go away, I cried. Pitying me, He turned His serene countenance to me a second time, saying: ‘If thou wishest to be with me, I wish to be with thee.’ I responded: ‘Thou, Lord, thou dost wish to be with me, and I wish to be with thee, and I wish never to be separated from thee’” (Libellus de dictis quatuor ancillarum, Mencken, Scriptores Rerum Germ. ii. 2020 A-C, Leipzig, 1728). The German sermon of Hermann von Fritzlar (cir. 1340) tells this vision in nearly the same words, putting, however, this phrase in Elizabeth’s mouth: “Our Lord Jesus Christ appeared to me, and when He turned from me, I cried, and then He turned to me, and I became red (blushed?), and before I was pale” (Hildebrand, Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge, p. 36, Deutsche Nat. Lit.).

[586] Offenbarungen der Schwester Mechthild von Magdeburg oder das fliessende Licht der Gottheit, ed. by P. G. Morel, Regensburg, 1869. See Preger, Gesch. der deutschen Mystik, i. 70, 91 sqq. Preger points out that the High-German version of this work, which we possess, was made from the Low-German original in the year 1344. Extracts from Mechthild’s book are given by Vetter, Lehrhafte Literatur des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, pp. 192-199; and by Hildebrand, Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge, pp. 6-10 (Deutsche Nat. Lit.).

[587] We pass over these portions of Mechthild’s book which exemplify the close connection between ecstatic contemplation and the denunciation of evil in the world.

[588] Mechthild constantly uses phrases from the courtly love poetry of her time.

[589] Das fliessende Licht, etc., i. cap. 3. Hildebrand, o.c. p. 6, cites this apposite verse from the thoughtful and knightly Minnesinger, Reimar von Zweter:

“Got herre unuberwundenlich, Wie uberwant die Minne dich! Getorste ich, so spraech ich: Si wart an dir so sigerich.”

[590] Das fliessende Licht, etc., i. 38-44.

[591] “I would gladly die of love, might that be my lot; for Him whom I love I have seen with my bright eyes standing in my soul” (ibid. ii. cap. 2).

[592] Cf. ii. 22.

[593] See i. 10; ii. 23.

[594] i. 13.

[595] ii. 4.

[596] iii. 1, 10.

[597] It is quite true that in the earliest Christian times the marriage of priests was recognized, and continued to be at least connived at until, say, the time of Hildebrand. Yet the best thoughtfulness and piety from the Patristic period onward had disapproved of priestly marriages, which consequently tended to sink to the level of concubinage, until they were absolutely condemned by the Church.

[598] Anecdotes, etc., d’Étienne de Bourbon, ed. by Lecoy de la Marche, p. 249 (Soc. de l’Histoire de France, t. 185, Paris, 1877). This story refers to the years 1166-1171.

[599] Many bishops and abbots held definite secular rank; the Archbishop of Rheims was a duke, and so was the Bishop of Langres and Laon; while the bishops of Beauvais and Noyon were counts. In Germany, the archiepiscopal dukes of Cologne and Mainz were among the chief princes of the land.

[600] There were, however, some (naturally shocking) instances of inheritance, as where the Bishop of Nantes in 1049 admitted that he had been invested with the bishopric during the lifetime of his father, the preceding bishop. See Luchaire, in vol. ii. (2), pp. 107-117 of Lavisse’s Hist. de France, for this and other examples of episcopal feudalism.

[601] Sermo in Cantica, 33, par. 15 (Migne 183, col. 958-959). With this passage from St. Bernard, one may compare the far more detailed picture of the luxury and dissolute ways of the secular clergy in France given in the Apologia of Guido of Bazoches (latter part of the twelfth century). W. Wattenbach. “Die Apologie des Guido von Bazoches,” Sitzungsberichte Preussichen Akad., 1893, (1), pp. 395-420.

[602] Ed. by T. Wright (Camden Society, London, 1841).

[603] The poem called De ruina Romae. It begins, “Propter Syon non tacebo.”

[604] Post, Chapter XXVI.

[605] The “Bible” of Guiot is published in Barbazan’s Fabliaux, t. ii. (Paris, 1808). It is conveniently given with other satirical or moralizing compositions in Ch. V. Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen âge d’après quelques moralistes du temps (Paris, 1908).

[606] Salimbene gives an amusing picture of our worthy Rigaud hurrying to catch sight of the king at a Franciscan Chapter. Post, Chapter XXI.

[607] Regestrum visilationum archiepiscopi Rothomagensis, ed. Bonnin (Rouen, 1852). It is analyzed by L. V. Delisle, in an article entitled “Le Clergé normand” (Bib. de l’École des Chartes, 2nd ser. vol. iii.).

[608] Reg. vis. p. 9.

[609] R. V. p. 10.

[610] R. V. p. 18.

[611] R. V. pp. 19-20.

[612] R. V. p. 222.

[613] R. V. p. 379.

[614] R. V. p. 154.

[615] See e.g. R. V. pp. 159, 162, 395-396.

[616] R. V. p. 109.

[617] R. V. p. 73.

[618] R. V. pp. 43-45.

[619] R. V. p. 607.

[620] In Pfeiffer’s ed. No. 159. See also ibid. 162.

[621] The above is drawn from the “Vita Sancti Engelberti,” by Caesar of Heisterbach, in Boehmer, Fontes rerum Germanicarum, ii. 294-329 (Stuttgart, 1845). E. Michael, Culturzustände des deutschen Volkes während des 13{n} Jahrhunderts, ii. 30 sqq. (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1899), has an excellent account drawn mainly from the same source.

[622] The Dialogi miraculorum of Caesar of Heisterbach, and the Exempla of Étienne de Bourbon (d. 1262) and Jacques de Vitry (d. 1240) present a huge collection of such stories. For the early Middle Ages, the decades just before and after the year one thousand, the mechanically supernatural view of any occurrence is illustrated in the five books of Histories of Radulphus Glaber, an incontinent and wandering, but observing monk, native of Burgundy. Best edition by M. Prou, in Collection des textes, etc. (Paris, Picard, 1886); also in Migne, Pat. Lat. 142. An interesting study of his work by Gebhart, entitled, “Un Moine de l’an 1000,” is to be found in the Revue des deux mondes, for October 1, 1891. Glaber’s fifth book opens with some excellent devil stories. As there was a progressive enlightenment through the mediaeval centuries, such tales gradually became less common and less crude.

[623] Anecdotes historiques d’Étienne de Bourbon, par. 422, ed. by Lecoy de la Marche (vol. 185 of Société de l’Histoire de France), Paris, 1877; cf. ibid. par. 383.

[624] Dialogus miraculorum, iii. 2. Similar stories are told in ibid. iii. 3, 15, 19.

[625] Exempla of Jacques de Vitry, ed. by T. F. Crane, pp. 110-111, vol. 26 (Folk-lore Society, London, 1890).

[626] Dialogus miraculorum, vii. 34. Caesar’s seventh book has many similar tales.

[627] Ed. in eight volumes by Gaston Paris and U. Robert for the Société des Anciens Textes Français.

[628] Étienne de Bourbon tells this same story in his Latin; Anecdotes historiques etc., p. 114.

[629] See Étienne de Bourbon, o.c. pp. 109-110, 120.

[630] Étienne de Bourbon, o.c. p. 119.

[631] Étienne de Bourbon, o.c. p. 83.

[632] The chief part of the “Chronica Fr. Salembenis Parmensis” was printed in 1857 in the Monumenta Historica ad provincias Parmensem, etc. The manner of its truncated editing has ever since been a grief to scholars. The portions omitted from the Parma edition, covering years before Salimbene’s time, are printed by Clédat, as an appendix to his Thesis, De Fr. Salimbene, etc. (Paris, 1878). Novati’s article, “La Cronaca di Salimbene” in vol. i. (1883) of the Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, pp. 383-423, will be found enlightening as to the faults of the Parma editor. A good consideration of the man and his chronicle is Emil Michael’s Salimbene und seine Chronik (Innsbruck, 1889), with which should be read Alfred Dove’s Die Doppel Chronik von Reggio und die Quellen Salimbene’s (Leipzig, 1873). A short translation of some of the more or less autobiographical parts of Salimbene’s narrative, by T. L. K. Olyphant, may be found in vol. i. of the Translations of the Historical Society, pp. 449-478 (London, 1872); and much of Salimbene is translated in Coulton’s From St. Francis to Dante (London, 1907).

[633] Parma edition, p. 3.

[634] P. 31.

[635] The Latin is a little strong: “Non credas istis pissintunicis, idest qui in tunicis mingunt.”

[636] These qualities led Salimbene to accept the teachings of Joachim and the Evangelium eternum (post, pp. 510 sqq.).

[637] Parma ed. pp. 37-41. This coarse story is given for illustration’s sake; there are many worse than it in Salimbene. Novati prints some in his article in the Giornale Storico that are amusing, but altogether beyond the pale of modern decency.

[638] This in fact became the later legend of Eccelino.

[639] Pp. 90-93.

[640] He whose Regesta we have read, ante Chapter XX.

[641] Parma ed. pp. 93-97.

[642] Post, Chapter XXII.

[643] Cf. Tocco, L’Eresia nel medio evo, pp. 449-483 (Florence, 1884).

[644] From Novati, o.c. pp. 415, 416. Cf. pp. 97 sqq. of the Parma ed.

[645] For further interesting allusions to the prophecies of Merlin, see Salimbene, pp. 303, 309 sqq.

[646] Pp. 104-109.

[647] Cf. Joinville’s account, post, Chapter XXII.

[648] P. 225.

[649] Pp. 179, 180.

[650] P. 324.

[651] See Bourgain, La Chaire française au XII{e} siècle; Lecoy de la Marche, La Chaire française au XIII{e} siècle.

[652] Certain kinds of literature, in nature satirical or merely gross, portray, doubtless with grotesque exaggeration, the ways and manners of clerks and merchants, craftsmen and vile serfs, as well as those of monks and bishops, lords and ladies. A notable example is offered by the old French fabliaux, which with coarse and heartless laughter, rather than with any definite satirical intent, display the harshness, brutality, the degradation and hardship of the ways of living coming within their range of interest. In them we see the brutal and deceived husband, the wily clerk, the merchant with his tricks of trade, the vilain, raised above the brute, not by a better way of life as much as by a certain native wit. The women were reviled as coarsely as in monkish writings; but a Rabelaisian quality takes the place of doctrinal prurience. In weighing the evidence of these fabliaux their satirical nature should be allowed for. Cf. Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen âge d’après quelques moralistes du temps (Paris, 1908); also the Sermons of Jacques de Vitry; Pitra, Analecta novissima spicilegii Solesmensis, t. ii., and Haurèau upon the same in Journal des savants, 1888, p. 410 sqq.

[653] Such immunities were common before Charlemagne. Cf. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, ii. 243-302.

[654] Gesta regum Anglorum, iii. (Migne 179, col. 1213).

[655] Taken from the note to p. 274 of Gautier’s Chevalerie.

[656] See Du Cange, Glossarium, under “Miles,” etc.; where much information may be found uncritically put together.

[657] Cf. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, ii. 202-216.

[658] The way that miles came to mean knight, has its analogy in the etymological history of the word “knight” itself. In German and French the words “Ritter” and “chevalier” indicate one who fought on horseback. Not so with the English word “knight,” which in its original Anglo-Saxon and Old-German forms (see Murray’s Dictionary) as cniht and kneht might mean any armed follower. It lost its servile sense slowly. “In 1086 we read that the Conqueror dubbade his sunu Henric to ridere; this ... is the next year Englished by cniht” (Kington-Oliphant, Old and Middle English, p. 130; Macmillan, 1878).

[659] We naturally use the term “free” with reference to modern conditions, where law and its sanctions emanate, in fact as well as theory, from a stable government. But in these early feudal periods where a man’s life and property were in fact and theory protected by the power of his immediate lord, to whom he was bound by the strongest ties then recognized, to be “free” might be very close to being an unprotected outlaw.

[660] In these respects it exhibits analogies to monkhood, which likewise was recruited commonly from the upper classes of society.

[661] See Gautier, La Chevalerie, p. 256 sqq.; Du Cange, under the word “Miles.”

[662] Cf. Gautier, o.c. 296-308. It must be remembered that an abbot or a bishop might also be a knight and so could make knights. See Du Cange, Glossarium, “Abbas” (abbates miletes).

[663] On this blow, called in Latin alapa, in French accolée, in English accolade, see Du Cange under “Alapa,” and Gautier, o.c. pp. 246-247, and 270 sqq.

[664] Chanson de Roland, 2344 sqq. Lines 2500-2510 speak of Charlemagne’s sword, named Joiuse because of the honour it had in having in its hilt the iron of the lance which pierced the Saviour.

[665] Gautier, Chevalerie, pp. 290, 297. Examples of these ceremonies may be found as follows: the actual one of the knighting of Geoffrey Plantagenet of Anjou by Henry I. of England, at Rouen in 1129, in the Chronicle of Johannis Turonensis, Historiens de France, xii. p. 520; Gautier, Chevalerie, p. 275. Gautier gives many examples, and puts together a typical ceremony, as of the twelfth century, in Chev. p. 309 sqq. Perhaps the most famous account of all is that of the poem entitled Ordene de Chevalerie (thirteenth century), published by Barbazan, Fabliaux, etc., i. 59-82 (Paris, 1808). It relates how a captive Christian knight bestowed the order of chivalry, i.e. knighthood, upon Saladin. See other accounts cited in Du Cange under “Miles.”

[666] Not war as we understand it, where with some large purpose one great cohesive state directs its total military power against another; but neighbourhood war, never permanently ended. When not actually attacking or defending, men were anticipating attack, or expecting to make a raid. Perhaps nothing better suggests the local and neighbourly character of these feudal hostilities than the most famous means devised by the Church to mitigate them. This was the “Truce of God,” promulgated in the eleventh century. It forbade hostilities from Thursday to Monday and in Lent. Whether this ordinance was effective or not, it indicates the nature of the wars that could stop from Thursday to Monday!

[667] Courtly, chivalric, or romantic, love as an element of knightly excellence is so inseverably connected with its romantic literature that I have kept it for the next chapter.

[668] The following remarks upon the regula of the Templars, and the extracts which are given, are based on the introduction and text of La Règle du Temple, edited by Henri de Curzon for the Société de l’Histoire de France (Paris, 1886).

[669] The phraseology of the Latin regula often follows that of the Benedictine rule.

[670] Chaps. 33, 35.

[671] Chaps. 40, 41.

[672] Chap. 42.

[673] Chaps. 46, 48.

[674] Chap. 62 Latin regula and chap. 14 of French regle.

[675] Chap. 51.

[676] Chap. 58 of the Latin, chap. 11 of the French. The chapters of the French translation do not follow the order of the Latin.

[677] Page 167 of de Curzon’s edition.

[678] See in de Curzon’s edition, sections 431, 436, 448, 454, and 657 sqq.

[679] It would seem as if military discipline, as moderns understand it, took its rise in these Templars and Hospitallers.

[680] See e.g. de Curzon’s edition, sections 419, 420, 574.

[681] Raimundus de Agiles, Hist. Francorum qui ceperunt Jerusalem, cap. 38-39. (Migne 155, col. 659).

[682] On these poems see Pigeonneau, Le Cycle de la Croisade (St. Cloud, 1877); Paulin Paris, in Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 22, pp. 350-402, and ibid. vol. 25, p. 507 sqq.; Gaston Paris, “La Naissance du chevalier au Cygne,” Romania, 19, p. 314 sqq. (1890).

[683] “Vita Ludovici noni auctore Gaufrido de Belloloco” (Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, t. xx. pp. 3-26).

[684] The Testament of St. Louis, written for his eldest son, is a complete rule of conduct for a Christian prince, and indicates St. Louis’ mind on the education of one. It has been printed and translated many times. Geoffrey of Beaulieu gives it in Latin (chap. xv.) and in French at the end of the Vita. It is also in Joinville.

[685] One sees here the same religious anxiety which is so well brought out by Salimbene’s account of St. Louis, ante, Chapter XXI.

[686] The founder of the College of the Sorbonne.

[687] Chroniques de J. Froissart, ed. S. Luce (Société de l’Histoire de France). The opening of the Prologue. It seemed desirable to render this sentence literally. The rest of my extracts are from Thomas Johnes’s translation, for which I plead a boyhood’s affection. For a brief account of Froissart’s chief source (Jean le Bel), with excellent criticism, see W. P. Ker, “Froissart” (Essays on Medieval Literature, Macmillan and Co., 1905).

[688] Froissart, i. 210.

[689] Froissart, i. 220.

[690] Froissart, i. 290.

[691] Yet the matter was fit for legend and romance; and a late impotent chanson de geste was formed out of the career of du Guesclin.

[692] On the chansons de geste see Gaston Paris, Littérature française au moyen âge; Leon Gautier in Petit de Julleville’s Histoire de la langue et de la littérature française, vol. i.; more at length Gautier, Épopées nationales, and Paulin Paris in vol. 22 of L’Histoire littéraire de France; also Nyrop, Storia dell’ epopea francese nel medio evo. Ample bibliographies will be found in these works.

[693] On the field of Roncesvalles, Roland folds the hands of the dead Archbishop Turpin, and grieves over him, beginning:

“E! gentilz hum chevaliers de bon aire, ...” (Roland, line 2252).

[694] Leon Gautier, in his Chevalerie, makes the chansons de geste his chief source.

[695] 1006-1016.

[696] 1051 sqq. and 1700 sqq.

[697] 1851-1868.

[698] 1940-2023.

[699] 2164 sqq.

[700] Raoul de Cambrai, cited by Gautier, Chevalerie, p. 75.

[701] Unless indeed Oberon, the fairy king, be a romantic form of the Alberich of the Nibelungen (Gaston Paris).

[702] See Gaston Paris, Lit. française, etc., chaps. iii. and v.; and Émile Littré in vol. 22 of the Histoire littéraire de la France. For examples of these romans, see Langlois, La Société française au XIII{e} siècle d’après dix romans d’aventure (2nd ed., Paris, 1904).

[703] Chrétien, Cligés, line 201 sqq.

[704] The Old French from vol. ii. of P. Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, p. 96. One sees that the coronation is a larger knighting, and kingship a larger knighthood.

[705] Romans de la Table Ronde, iii. 96. This scene closely parallels that between Bernier and Raoul de Cambrai, instanced above.

[706] See the first part of vol. iii. of Romans de la Table Ronde, especially pp. 113-117.

[707] It would be easy to go on drawing illustrations of the actual and imaginative elements in chivalry, until this chapter should grow into an encyclopedia. They could so easily be taken from many kinds of mediaeval literature in all the mediaeval tongues. The French has barely been touched upon. It affords an exhaustless store. Then in the German we might draw upon the courtly epics, Gottfried of Strassburg’s Tristan or the Parzival of Wolfram von Eschenbach; or on the Nibelungenlied, wherein Siegfried is a very knight. Or we might draw upon the knightly precepts (the Ritterlehre) of the Winsbeke and the Winsbekin (printed in Hildebrand’s Didaktik aus der Zeit der Kreuzzüge, Deutsche Nat. Litt.). And we might delve in the great store of Latin Chronicles which relate the mediaeval history of German kings and nobles. In Spanish, there would be the Cid, and how much more besides. In Italian we should have latter-day romantic chivalry; Pulci’s Rotta di Roncisvalle; Boiardo’s Orlando innamorato; Ariosto’s Orlando furioso; still later, Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata, which takes us well out of the Middle Ages. And in English there is much Arthurian romance; there is Chevy Chace; and we may come down through Chaucer’s Knight’s Tale, to the sunset beauty of Spenser’s Fairie Queen. This glorious poem should serve to fix in our minds the principle that chivalry, knighthood, was not merely a material fact, a ceremony and an institution; but that it also was that ultra-reality, a spirit. And this spirit’s ideal creations--the ideal creations of the many phases of this spirit--accorded with actual deeds which may be read of in the old Chronicles. For final exemplification of the actual and the ideally real in chivalry, the reader may look within himself, and observe the inextricable mingling of the imaginative and the real. He will recognize that what at one time seems part of his imagination, at another will prove itself the veriest reality of his life. Even such wavering verity of spirit was chivalry.

[708] See Gaston Paris in Journal des savants, 1892, pp. 161-163. Of course the English reader cannot but think of the brief secret marriage between Romeo and Juliet.

[709] Marriage or no marriage depends on the plot; but occasionally a certain respect for marriage is shown, as in the Eliduc of Marie de France, and of course far more strongly in Wolfram’s Parzival. In Chrétien’s Ivain the hero marries early in the story; and thereafter his wife acts towards him with the haughty caprice of an amie; Ivain, at her displeasure, goes mad, like an ami. The romans d’aventure afford other instances of this courtly love, sometimes illicit, sometimes looking to marriage. See Langlois, La Société française au XIII{e} siècle d’après dix romans d’aventure.

[710] On Provençal poetry see Diez, Poesie der Troubadours (2nd ed. by Bartsch, Leipzig, 1883); id., Leben und Werke der Troubadours; Justin H. Smith, The Troubadours at Home (New York and London, 1899); Ida Farnell, Lives of the Troubadours (London).

[711] Cf. Gaston Paris, t. 30, pp. 1-18, Hist. lit. de la France; Paul Meyer, Romania, v. 257-268; xix. 1-62. “Trouvère” is the Old French word corresponding to Provençal “Troubadour.”

[712] On this work see Gaston Paris, Romania, xii. 524 sqq. (1883); id. in Journal des savants, 1888, pp. 664 sqq. and 727 sqq.; also (for extracts) Raynouard, Choix des poésies des Troubadours, ii. lxxx. sqq.

[713] On origins and sources see, generally, Gaston Paris, Tristan and Iseult (Paris, 1894), reprinted from Revue de Paris of April 15, 1894; W. Golther, Die Sage von Tristan und Isolde (Munich, 1887).

[714] Cf. generally, J. L. Weston, The Legend of Sir Lancelot du Lac (London, 1901, David Nutt).

[715] See Gaston Paris, Romania, xii. 459-534.

[716] Paulin Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, iv. 280 sqq.

[717] See Paulin Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, iv. Guinevere’s woman-mind is shown in the following scene. On an occasion the lovers’ sophisticated friend, the Dame de Malehaut, laughs tauntingly at Lancelot:

“‘Ah! Lancelot, Lancelot, dit-elle, je vois que le roi n’a plus d’autre avantage sur vous que la couronne de Logres!’

“Et comme il ne trouvait rien à répondre de convenable, ‘Ma chère Malehaut, dit la reine, si je suis fille de roi, il est fils de roi; si je suis belle, il est beau; de plus, il est le plus preux des preux. Je n’ai donc pas à rougir de l’avoir choisi pour mon chevalier’” (Paulin Paris, ibid. iv. 58).

[718] Galahad’s mother was Helene, daughter of King Pelles (roi pêcheur), the custodian of the Holy Grail. A love-philter makes Lancelot mistake her for Guinevere; and so the knight’s loyalty to his mistress is saved. The damsel herself was without passion, beyond the wish to bear a son begotten by the best of knights (Romans, etc., v. 308 sqq.).

[719] “For what is he that may yeve a lawe to lovers? Love is a gretter lawe and a strengere to himself than any lawe that men may yeven” (Chaucer, Boece, book iii. metre 12).

[720] As in Chrétien’s Cligés, 6751 sqq., when Cligés is crowned emperor and Fenice becomes his queen, then: De s’amie a feite sa fame--but he still calls her amie et dame, that he may not cease to love her as one should an amie. Cf. also Chrétien’s Erec, 4689.

[721] See also Gawain’s words to Ivain when the latter is married--in Chrétien’s Ivain, 2484 sqq.

[722] As a matter of fact, in those parts of Wolfram’s poem which are covered by Chrétien’s unfinished Perceval le Gallois, the incidents are nearly identical with Chrétien’s. For the question of the relationship of the two poems, and for other versions of the Grail legend, see A. Nutt, Studies in the Legend of the Holy Grail (Folk-Lore Society Publications, London, 1888); Birch-Hirshfeld, Die Graal Sage; Einleitung to Piper’s edition of Wolfram von Eschenbach, Stuttgart, Deutsche Nat. Litteratur; Einleitung to Bartch’s edition in Deutsche Klassiker des Mittelalters (Leipzig, 1875). These two editions of the poem are furnished with modern German glossaries. There is a modern German version by Zimmrock, and an English translation by Jessie L. Weston (London, D. Nutt, 1894).

[723] In other versions of the Grail legend there is much about the virgin or celibate state, and also plenty of unchastity and no especial esteem for marriage.

[724] The Fisher King (roi pêcheur) was the regular title of the Grail kings. See e.g. Pauline Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, t. i. p. 306.

[725] E.g. the love-potion in the tale of Tristan.

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