LI. PROGRESS OF THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED KINGDOM…

LI. PROGRESS OF THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

1900 - 1920.[215]

I consider it an honor to have been asked to take up the pen from the date 1900, when my dear friend and colleague, the late Helen Blackburn, laid it down after writing the chapter on Great Britain for Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage. I am particularly fortunate in that it falls to my lot to include the year 1918, when Victory crowned our fifty years' struggle in these islands to obtain the Parliamentary franchise for women.

Several circumstances entirely outside our power of control combined to promote the rapid growth of the movement at the beginning of the XXth Century. The chief of these were the South African war, 1899-1902, and the death of Queen Victoria in 1901. The war with the Transvaal was caused by the refusal of President Kruger and his advisers to recognize the principle that taxation and representation should go together. The so-called Uitlanders, who formed a large proportion of the population of the Transvaal and provided by taxation a still larger proportion of its revenue, were practically excluded from representation. This led to intense irritation and ultimately to war. It was, therefore, inevitable that articles in the press and the speeches of British statesmen dealing with the war used arguments which might have been transferred without the alteration of a single word to women's suffrage speeches.

I have described on pages 29 and 30 of Women's Suffrage, a Short History of a Great Movement, the strong impulse which had been given to the electorial activity of British women by the Corrupt Practices Act of 1883, which made paid canvassing illegal and otherwise reduced electorial expenses. Very soon after it came into operation both the chief political parties organized bands of educated women to act as canvassers, election agents, etc., in contested elections. The war stimulated this electorial activity of women. A general election was held in 1900 and in the absence of husbands, sons and brothers in South Africa, many wives, mothers and sisters ran the whole election on their behalf. Several of these were well known anti-suffragists. Even Mrs. Humphry Ward herself, on the occasion of an important anti-suffrage meeting in London, excused her absence on the ground that her presence was required by the exigencies of the pending election in West Herts, where her son was a candidate. Suffragists again were not slow to point the moral--if women were fit (and they obviously were fit) not only to advise, persuade and instruct voters how to vote but also to conduct election campaigns from start to finish, they were surely fit to vote themselves.

The death of Queen Victoria in January, 1901, called forth a spontaneous burst of loyal gratitude, devotion and appreciation from all parties and all sections of the country. Every leading statesman among her councillors dwelt on the extraordinary penetration of her mind, her wide political knowledge, her great practical sagacity, her grasp of principle, and they combined to acclaim her as the most trusted of all the constitutional monarchs whom the world had then seen. How could she be all that they justly claimed for her, if the whole female sex laboured under the disabilities which, according to Mrs. Humphry Ward, were imposed by nature and therefore irremediable? Nevertheless, it must not be supposed, genuine as were these tributes to Queen Victoria's political sagacity, that her example immediately cleared out of the minds of the opponents the notion that women were fitly classed with aliens, felons, idiots and lunatics, as persons who for reasons of public safety were debarred from the exercise of the Parliamentary franchise.

The Parliament returned in 1906 had an immense Liberal majority. There were only 157 Unionist members in the House of Commons against 513 Liberals, Labour men and Nationalists, all of whom were for Home Rule and therefore prepared to support in all critical divisions the new administration which was formed under the Premiership of Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman. The new House contained 426 members pledged to Women's Suffrage. The Premier was himself a suffragist but his Cabinet contained several determined anti-suffragists, notable among whom were Mr. Herbert H. Asquith, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. James Bryce, chief secretary for Ireland (now Lord Bryce), who became British Ambassador to the United States in 1907. The new Prime Minister received a large, representative suffrage deputation in May, 1906, in which all sections of suffragist opinion were represented, and their case was laid before him with force and clearness. In reply he told them that they had made out "a conclusive and irrefutable case" but that he was not prepared to take any steps to realize their hopes. When asked what he would advise ardent suffragists to do he told them to "go on pestering." This advice was taken to heart by the group (a small minority of the whole) who had lately formed in Manchester the organization known as The Women's Social and Political Union, led by Mrs. Pankhurst.

An unforeseen misfortune was the death in 1908 of Sir H. C. Bannerman and the fact that his successor was our principal opponent in the Government, Mr. Asquith. It was not very long before he revealed the line of his attack upon the enfranchisement of women. He informed his party in May, 1908, that his intention was to introduce before the expiration of the existing Parliament a Reform Bill giving a wide extension of the franchise to men and no franchise at all to women. In the previous February a Women's Suffrage Bill which removed all sex disability from existing franchises had passed its second reading in the House of Commons but this apparently had no effect on Mr. Asquith. There were, however, some cracks in his armour. He admitted that about two-thirds of his Cabinet and a majority of his party were favourable to Women's Suffrage and he promised that when his own exclusively male Reform Bill was before the House and had got into committee, if an amendment to include women were moved on democratic lines, his Government, as a Government, would not oppose it. This was at all events an advance on the position taken by Mr. Gladstone upon his Reform Bill of 1884, when he vehemently opposed a women's suffrage amendment and caused it to be defeated.

The emergence of what was afterwards known as "militancy" belongs to this period, dating from the General Election of 1906 and very much stimulated by Premier Bannerman's reply to the deputation in that year and by the attitude of Mr. Asquith. It will ever be an open question on which different people, with equal opportunities of forming a judgment, will pronounce different verdicts, whether "militancy" did more harm or good to the suffrage cause. It certainly broke down the "conspiracy of silence" on the subject up to then observed by the press. Every extravagance, every folly, every violent expression, and of course when the "militants" after 1908 proceeded to acts of violence, every outrage against person or property were given the widest possible publicity not only in Great Britain but all over the world. There was soon not an intelligent human being in any country who was not discussing Women's Suffrage and arguing either for or against it. This was an immense advantage to the movement, for we had, as Sir H. Campbell Bannerman had said, "a conclusive and irrefutable case." Our difficulty had been to get it heard and considered and this "militancy" secured. The anti-suffrage press believed that it would kill the movement and it was this belief which encouraged them to give it the widest possible publicity. The wilder and more extravagant the "militants" became the more they were quoted, described and advertised in every way. The sort of "copy" which anti-suffrage papers demanded was supplied by them in cartloads and not at all by law-abiding suffragists, who were an immense majority of the whole. This can be illustrated by an anecdote. The Constitutional suffragists had organized a big meeting in Trafalgar Square and had secured a strong team of first-rate speakers. The square was well filled and on the fringe of the crowd the following conversation was overheard between two press men who had come to report the proceedings. One said he was going away, the second asked why and the first answered: "It's no good stopping, there's no copy in this; these women are only talking sense!"

The earlier years of militant activity were in my opinion helpful to the whole movement, for up to 1908 the "militants" had only adopted sensational and unusual methods, such as waving flags and making speeches in the lobby of the House and asking inconvenient questions at public meetings. They had suffered a great deal of violence but had used none. From 1908 onwards, however, they began to use violence, stone throwing, personal attacks, sometimes with whips, on obnoxious members of the Government, window smashing, the destruction of the contents of letter-boxes--in one instance the destruction of ballot papers cast in an election. Later arson practised for the destruction or attempted destruction of churches and houses became more and more frequent. All this had an intensely irritating effect on public opinion. "Suffragist" as far as the general public was concerned became almost synonymous with "Harpy." This cause which had not been defeated on a straight vote in the House of Commons since 1886 was now twice defeated; once in 1912 and once in 1913. The whole spirit engendered by attempting to gain by violence or threats of violence what was not conceded to justice and reason was intensely inimical to the spirit of our movement. We believed with profound conviction that whatever might be gained in that way did not and could not rest on a sure foundation. The women's movement was an appeal against government by physical force and those who used physical violence in order to promote it were denying their faith to make their faith prevail.

The difference made a deep rift in the suffrage movement. The constitutional societies felt bound to exclude "militants" from their membership and on several occasions issued strongly-worded protests against the use of violence as political propaganda. The fact that men under similar circumstances had been much more violent and destructive, especially in earlier days when they were less civilized, did not inspire us with the wish to imitate them. We considered that they had been wrong and that "direct action," as it is now the fashion to call coercion by means of physical force, had always reacted unfavorably on those who employed it. While the constitutional societies freely and repeatedly expressed their views on these points, the "militants" not unnaturally retorted by attempting to break up our meetings, shouting down our speakers and provoking every sort of disorder at them. It was an exceptionally difficult situation and that we won through as well as we did was due to the solid loyalty to constitutional and law-abiding methods of propaganda of the great mass of suffragists throughout the country. We quoted the American proverb, "Three hornets can upset a camp meeting," and we determined to hold steadily on our way and not let our hornets upset us. Our societies multiplied rapidly both in numbers and in membership. For instance, the number forming the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies increased from 64 in 1909 to 130 in 1910 and went on increasing rapidly until just before the war in 1914 they numbered more than 600, with a revenue of over 42,000 pounds a year.

More important in many ways than the "militant" movement was the emergence at the General Election in 1906 of the Labour Party. Mr. Keir Hardie, Mr. Philip Snowden and others of its leaders were very strong supporters of women's suffrage and it was not long before the party definitely made the enfranchisement of women on the same terms as men a plank in its platform. In anticipation of the first General Election of 1910, the N.U.W.S.S. addressed the leaders of the three British parties, Conservative, Liberal, and Labour, asking them what they were prepared to do for Women's Suffrage. Mr. Asquith gave his answer at an Albert Hall meeting in December, 1909. He reiterated his intention, if returned to power, of bringing in a Reform Bill, and he promised to make the insertion of a Women's Suffrage amendment an open question for the House of Commons to decide. He added: "The Government ... has no disposition or desire to burke the question; it is clearly an issue on which the new House ought to be given an opportunity to express its views." This meant that the Government whips would not be put on to oppose the enfranchisement of women. Mr. Balfour replied to our memorial that it was a non-party question on which members of the Unionist Party could exercise individual freedom of action. Mr. Arthur Henderson, for the Labour Party, told us that it had already placed the enfranchisement of women on its programme. The Labour Party was not large but it was an important advantage to us to have even a small party definitely pledged to our support. There were two General Elections in 1910, in January and December. The Liberal, Labour and Nationalist group lost heavily in the second of these elections, their majority being reduced from 334 to 124.

The Labour Party between these two elections had lost six seats but they were still forty strong, all definitely pledged to Women's Suffrage in the new Parliament which assembled in January, 1911. Our Bill had been carried on its second reading in 1910 by a majority of 110 but after the second General Election of 1910 it secured on May 5, 1911, a majority of 167; there were 55 pairs, only 88 members of Parliament going into the Lobby against us. The Bill on each of these occasions was of a very limited character; it proposed to enfranchise women-householders, widows and spinsters and would only have added about a million women to the Parliamentary register. It was called the Conciliation Bill, because it sought to conciliate the differences between different types of suffragists in the House of Commons, from the extreme Conservative who only cared for the representation of women of property, to the extreme Radical who demanded the enfranchisement of every woman. A committee was formed to promote the success of this bill in Parliament of which the Earl of Lytton was Chairman and Mr. H. N. Brailsford Hon. Sec. It was believed that the bill represented the greatest common measure of the House of Commons' belief in women's votes. The Labour Party were strongly in favour of a much wider enfranchisement of women but generously waived their own preferences in order, as they believed, to get some sort of representation for women on the Statute Book. Almost immediately after this large majority for the second reading of the Conciliation Bill in May, 1911, an official announcement was made by the Government that Mr. Asquith's promise of the previous November that an opportunity should be afforded for proceeding with the bill in all its stages would be fulfilled in the session of 1912.

We were then in the most favourable position we had ever occupied; the passing of the Women's Suffrage Bill in the near future seemed a certainty. The "militants" had suspended all their methods of violence in order to give the Conciliation Bill a chance, and, as just described, it had passed its second reading debate with a majority of 167 and time for "proceeding effectively" with a similar Bill in all its stages had been promised. All the suffrage societies were working harmoniously for the same Bill and the Women's Liberal Federation were cooperating with the suffrage societies, when suddenly, like a bolt from the blue, Mr. Asquith dealt us a characteristic blow. In reply to a deputation from the People's Suffrage Federation early in November he announced his intention of introducing during the coming session of 1912 the Electoral Reform Bill which he had foreshadowed in 1908; he said that in this Bill all existing franchises would be swept away, plural voting abolished and the period of residence reduced. The new franchise to be created was, he added, to be based on citizenship and votes were to be given to "citizens of full age and competent understanding," but no mention was made of the enfranchisement of women. On being asked what he intended to do about women's votes, he dismissed the subject with the remark that his opinions on the subject were well known and had suffered no change, but he reiterated the promise of "facilities" for the Conciliation Bill in the 1912 Session.

The situation, therefore, was briefly this: An agitation of ever-growing intensity and determination had for some years been carried on by women for their own enfranchisement and no agitation at all had been manifested by men for more votes for themselves; the Prime Minister's response to this situation was to promise legislation giving far larger and wider representation to men and none at all to women. No wonder that he provoked an immediate outburst of militancy! Stones were thrown and windows smashed all along the Strand, Piccadilly, Whitehall and Bond Street, and members of the Government went about in perpetual apprehension of personal assault.

The indignation of the Constitutional suffragists and of the Women's Liberal Federation with Mr. Asquith was quite as real as that of the "suffragettes" but it sought a different method of expression. Some knowledge of this probably reached him, as for the first time in our experience all the suffrage societies and the W.L.F. were invited by the Prime Minister to form a deputation to him on the subject. What we were accustomed to was sending an urgent demand to him to receive us in a deputation and to get his reply that he believed "no useful purpose would be served" by yielding to our request; but now, in November, 1911, he was inviting us to come and see him! Of course we went. His whole demeanor was much more conciliatory than it had ever been before. He acknowledged the strength and intensity of the demand of women for representation and admitted that in opposing it he was in a minority both in his Cabinet and in his party; finally he added that, although his personal opinions on the subject prevented him from initiating and proposing the change which women were pressing for, he was prepared to bow to and acquiesce in the considered judgment of the House of Commons, and he stated that this course was quite in accordance with the best traditions of English public life. The National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, of which I was the mouthpiece, then put the following questions:

(1) Is it the intention of the Government that the Reform Bill shall go through all its stages in 1912?

(2) Will the Bill be drafted in such a way as to admit of amendments introducing women on other terms than men?

(3) Will the Government undertake not to oppose such amendments?

(4) Will the Government regard any amendment enfranchising women, which is carried, as an integral part of the Bill be defended by the Government in all its later stages?

To all these questions, as they were put severally, Mr. Asquith replied "Yes, certainly."

Mr. Lloyd George, who was present, was pressed by the deputation to speak but did so only very briefly. He was known as an opponent of the Conciliation Bill but had voted for it in 1911 because it was so drafted as to admit of free amendment. He made no secret of his conviction that the wider enfranchisement afforded by amendment of the Government measure would, to use his own expression, "torpedo" the Conciliation Bill. Almost immediately after the deputation thus described he sent the following message to the N.U.W.S.S.: "The Prime Minister's pronouncement as to the attitude to be adopted by the Government towards the question seems to make the carrying of a Women's Suffrage Amendment to next year's Franchise Bill a certainty. I am willing to do all in my power to help those who are labouring to reach a successful issue in the coming session. Next year provides the supreme opportunity and nothing but unwise handling of that chance can compass failure."

There was plenty of unwise handling, but not, as I am proud to think, from the constitutional suffragists. The first was the wild outburst of "militancy" already referred to. Mr. Lloyd George was pursued by persistent interruption and annoyance deliberately organised by the Women's Social and Political Union. A meeting he addressed at Bath, mainly devoted to advocacy of Women's Suffrage, on Nov. 24, 1911, was all but turned into a bear garden by these deliberately planned and very noisy interruptions. Not to be outdone in "unwise handling" Mr. Asquith next had his innings. He received an anti-suffrage deputation on Dec. 14, 1911, about three weeks after he had received the suffragists, and in the course of his remarks to them he said: "As an individual I am in entire agreement with you that the grant of the Parliamentary Vote to women in this country would be a political mistake of a very disastrous kind." This went far to invalidate the fair-seeming promises to us given about three weeks earlier. How could a man in the all-important position of Prime Minister pledge himself to use all the forces at the disposal of the Government to pass in all its stages through both houses a measure which might include the perpetration of "a political mistake of a very disastrous kind"? A member of Mr. Asquith's own party who took part in the anti-suffrage deputation interpreted this expression of his chief as an S.O.S. call to his followers in the House to deliver him from the humiliation of having to fulfil the promises he had given us. Every kind of intrigue and trick known to the accomplished parliamentarian was put into operation. Every Irish Nationalist vote was detached from support of the Bill. A description of one of these discreditable devices, among them an attempt to hold up the N.U.W.S.S. to public contempt as purveyors of "obscene" literature, will be found in a book by myself called The Women's Victory and After, published in 1920.

The first result of these intrigues was the defeat of the Conciliation Bill, by 14 votes only, on March 28, 1912. This was hailed as an immense triumph by the anti-suffragists, as indeed in a sense it was, for exactly the same bill had been carried by the same House in 1911 by a majority of 167; but it was a triumph which cost the victors dear, especially when the tricks and perversions of truth came to light by which it had been achieved. From this time forward public opinion was more decided in our favour and the general view was that the Government had treated us shabbily.

The progress made by the Government in pressing forward their Electoral Reform Bill was not rapid. When it was at last introduced it was discovered to be not a Reform Bill, but in the main a Registration Bill. In the second reading debate Mr. Asquith described his Bill as one to enfranchise "male persons only," and said in regard to women that he could not conceive that the House would "so far stultify itself as to reverse the considered judgment it had already arrived at" earlier in the session. It was a "considered judgment" to defeat the Bill by 14 votes in 1912 but not a "considered judgment" to have it carried by 167 in 1911! Sir Edward Grey felt strongly that the House had placed itself in a very undesirable position, but the Conciliation Bill was defeated and Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Lloyd George and the leading suffragists in the Government continued to assure us that the inclusion of Women's Suffrage through an amendment of the Government Bill presented us with by far the best prospect of success we had ever had. We worked as we had never worked before to secure the success of this amendment or series of amendments. The session of 1912 had lasted from January to December without the committee stage of the Government Bill being reached. This interminable session overflowed into 1913 and the debate on the suffrage amendments of the Government Bill was dated to begin on January 24th of that year. On January 23rd, however, in reply to a question, the Speaker [Mr. Lowther] indicated that he would probably be compelled to rule that if the Bill were amended so as to include the enfranchisement of women, he might feel obliged to rule that in this form it was not the same bill of which the second reading had been carried in July, and it would, therefore, have to be withdrawn and re-introduced! This ruling he confirmed on the following Monday, January 27th. Therefore, every one of the fair promises which Mr. Asquith had given us in November, 1911, proved to be absolutely worthless.

I do not accuse Mr. Asquith of anything worse at this stage than blundering. He was manifestly confounded and distressed by the Speaker's ruling. Whether this were due to the naming of the Bill or to Mr. Asquith's own speech on the second reading, "This is a bill to enfranchise male persons only, etc.", we were not able to discover; but the net result was that he found himself in a position in which it was impossible for him to fulfil the promises he had given us. Under these circumstances he did not take the only honorable course open to him, i.e., of sending for us once more and asking us what we should consider a reasonable equivalent for these unredeemed promises. He had made these promises five years back and had repeated them from time to time ever since. Now they were null and void. The only reasonable equivalent would have been the introduction of a Government Reform Bill which included the enfranchisement of women. Probably Mr. Asquith knew that this was what we should urge; for he not only did not send for us but he refused to see us or consult us in any way. He tossed us, without our consent, the thoroughly worthless substitute of a day for a Private Member's Bill, such as we had had experience of time and again ever since 1870. The N.U.W.S.S. indignantly rejected this offer and took no interest in the proposed Bill, which was, however, introduced and given a day for second reading in May, 1913, when it was defeated by a majority of 47.

This discreditable series of incidents did far more harm to the Government than to the suffrage cause, as was very conclusively shown in the press. "Punch," for instance, had a cartoon on Feb. 5, 1913, representing a dance in which Mr. Asquith figured as a defaulting partner in a corner and trying to escape from an indignant woman who said, "You've cut my dance!" This was indicative of the general trend of public opinion.

In the previous year the N.U.W.S.S. had placed a new interpretation on its election policy. This was to support in elections irrespective of party "the best friend of Women's Suffrage." After the defeat of the Conciliation Bill in 1912 when 42 so-called "friends" voted against it, we resolved in the future that the best friend was a man who was not only personally satisfactory but who also belonged to a party which had made Women's Suffrage a plank in its platform. This meant support for the Labour Party and for the development of this policy we raised a special fund called the Election Fighting Fund and took active steps in canvassing and speaking for Labour men whenever they presented themselves as candidates for vacant seats. Our movement had now become the storm centre of English politics. A well known labour leader wrote of the political situation in February, 1913, as follows: "The Women's Suffrage question will now dominate British politics until it is settled. It has within the last few weeks killed a great Government measure and it has done more than that. It has made it impossible for this or any succeeding Liberal Government to deal with franchise reform without giving votes to women. The Labour Party will see to that."

In 1913 the N.U.W.S.S. organised the greatest public demonstration it had ever made. We called it The Pilgrimage. It meant processions of non-militant suffragists, wearing their badges and carrying banners, marching towards London along eight of the great trunk roads. These eight processions, many of them lasting several weeks, stopped at towns and villages on their way, held meetings, distributed literature and collected funds. It was all a tremendous and unprecedented success, well organised and well done throughout. (Described in detail in The Women's Victory.) The Pilgrimage made a very great impression and was favourably commented on in the organs of the press which had never helped us before. We finished The Pilgrimage with a mass meeting in Hyde Park on July 26, where we had seventeen platforms, one for each of our federations. We asked Mr. Asquith and the leaders of other political parties to receive a deputation from The Pilgrimage the following week. They all accepted with the exception of Mr. John Redmond. When Mr. Asquith received us his demeanor was far less unfriendly than it had ever been before. He admitted that the offer of a Private Member's Bill was no equivalent for the loss of a place in a Government Bill. He said: "Proceed as you have been proceeding, continue to the end," and said if we could show that "a substantial majority of the country was favourable to Women's Suffrage, Parliament would yield, as it had always hitherto done, to the opinion of the country."

In May, 1914, suffrage ground was broken in the House of Lords by Lord Selborne and Lord Lytton, who introduced a bill on the lines of the Conciliation Bill, the latter making one of the most powerful speeches in our support to which we had ever listened. The Bill was rejected by 104 to 60, but we were more than satisfied by the weight of the speeches on our side and by the effect produced by them. Another important event which greatly helped our movement in 1914 was the protest of the National Trade Union Congress on February 12th against the Government's failure to redeem its repeated pledges to women and demanding "a Government Reform Bill which must include the enfranchisement of women." This was followed by resolutions passed at the annual conference of the National Labour Party re-affirming its decision "to oppose any further extension of the franchise to men in which women were not included."

There must, according to law, have been a General Election in 1915 and the remarkable progress of the women's cause made us feel confident that a Parliament would be elected deeply pledged to our support. Our friends were being elected and our enemies, including that worst type of enemy, the false friend and the so-called Liberal afraid of his own principles, were being rejected at by-elections in a manner that foreshadowed a great gain to suffrage forces at the General Election. Then suddenly, destroying all our hopes of success and jeopardizing the very existence of representative government and all forms of democracy throughout the world, came the outbreak of war; the entry of our own country and the resulting concentration of the vast majority of the British people, whether men or women, in the gigantic national effort which the successful resistance of such a foe demanded. August 4, 1914, was a heart-breaking day for us. Nevertheless, suffragists from the first faced the facts and saw clearly what their duty was. The "militants" instantly abandoned every sort of violence. A large number of the more active members of their societies formed the Women's Emergency Corps, who were ready to undertake all kinds of national work which the exigencies of the situation demanded. The N.U.W.S.S. Executive Committee meeting on August 3, the day before our own country was actually involved, resolved to suspend immediately all political propaganda for its own ends. Under normal circumstances we should have summoned a Council meeting to discuss the situation and to determine the course to be taken by the Union. This being impossible owing to difficulties connected with railway communication we consulted our societies, then numbering over 500, by post, placing them in possession of our own views, viz.: that ordinary political work would have to be suspended during the war and suggesting that our best course would be to use our staff and organising capacity in promoting forms of work designed to mitigate the distress caused by the war. We felt that our members would desire to be of service to the Nation and that the N.U.W.S.S. had in their organisation a special gift which they could offer to their country. This view was endorsed by our societies with only two dissenting.

On receiving this practically unanimous backing we further proceeded to recommend distinct forms of active service. The Local Government Board had addressed a circular to Lord Mayors and Mayors and Chairmen of Town and County Councils directing them at once to form Local Relief Committees to deal with any kind of distress caused by the war. We suggested to our societies that they should offer their services to help, each in its own district, in this national work. We also opened in different parts of the country forty workrooms in which women thrown out of work by the war found employment. We established bureaux for the registration of voluntary workers and gradually our work spread in all directions; help for the Belgian refugees, the starting of clubs and canteens for soldiers and sailors, clubs for soldiers' wives, work in connection with the Sailors' and Soldiers' Families Association, patrol work in the neighborhood of soldiers' training camps, Red Cross work, conducting French classes for our men in training. A very large number of our societies concentrated on maternity and child welfare work; others in country districts took up fruit picking and preserving in order to conserve the national food supplies. It is really impossible to mention all our various activities. These were included under a general heading adopted at a Provincial Council meeting held in November, 1914, urging "our societies and all members of the Union to continue by every means in their power all efforts which had for their object the sustaining of the vital energies of the Nation so long as such special efforts may be required."

The war work with which the name of the N.U.W.S.S. is most widely known was the formation of the Scottish Women's Hospitals for Foreign Service. This was initiated and organised by the Hon. Sec. of our Scottish Federation, Dr. Elsie Inglis, and was backed by the whole of the N.U.W.S.S. (See Life of Dr. E. Inglis by Lady Frances Balfour.) Meeting at first with persistent snubbing from the Royal Army Medical Corps and the British Red Cross, Dr. Inglis formed her first hospital at the Abbaye de Royaument about thirty miles from Paris, officered entirely by women. Other units on similar lines quickly followed in France and Serbia. Their work was magnificent and was rapidly recognised as such by the military authorities and by all who came in contact with it. These hospitals probably produced by the example of their high standard of professional efficiency and personal devotion a permanent influence on the development of the women's movement in those countries where they were located. They received no farthing of government money but raised the 428,856 pounds, which their audited accounts show as their net total to August 3, 1919, entirely by private subscription from all over the world including, of course, the United States.

The N.U.W.S.S. were very early in the field of women's national work during the war because their members were already organised and accustomed to work together, but it is no exaggeration to say that the whole of the women of the country of all classes, suffragist and anti-suffragist, threw themselves into work for the nation in a way that had never been anticipated by those who had judged women by pre-war standards. Into munition work and all kinds of manufacturing activity they crowded in their thousands. They worked on the land and undertook many kinds of labour that had hitherto been supposed to be beyond their strength and capacity. By what was called the Treasury agreement of 1915 the Trade Unions were induced to suspend the operation of their rules excluding the employment of female labour. They bargained that women should be paid the same as men for the same output and the Government agreed not to use the women as a reservoir of cheap labour. Thus industrial liberty was ensured for women at least so long as the war should last.

All these things combined to produce an enormous effect on public opinion. Newspapers were full of the praises of women; financiers, statesmen, economists and politicians declared that without the aid of women it would be impossible to win the war. The anti-suffragism of Mr. Asquith even was beginning to crumble. In speaking of the heroic death of Edith Cavell in Belgium in October, 1915, he said: "She has taught the bravest men among us a supreme lesson of courage; yes ... and there are thousands of such women and a year ago we did not know it." Almost the whole of the press was on our side. The general tone was that it would be difficult to refuse woman a voice in the control of affairs after the splendid way in which she had justified her claim to it. We old suffragists felt that we were living in a new world where everyone agreed with us. Nevertheless, I do not believe we should have won the vote just when we did if it had not been that, through the action of the Government itself, it was absolutely necessary to introduce legislation in order to prevent the almost total disfranchisement of many millions of men who had been serving their country abroad in the Navy and Army, or in munition or other work which had withdrawn them from the places where they usually resided.

It may be necessary to explain to non-British readers that by far the most important qualification for the Parliamentary franchise in this country before 1918 was the occupation of premises, and before a man could be put on the register of voters it was necessary for its owner to prove "occupation" of these premises for twelve months previous to the last 15th of July. Seven out of every eight voters were placed on the register through this qualification. It was not a property qualification, for the tiniest cottage at a shilling a week could qualify its occupier for a vote if he had fulfilled the condition just described; and a man might be a millionaire without getting a vote if he were not in occupation of qualifying premises. Before the war the register of voters was kept up to date by annual revision. The war, however, made this difficult and the Government in 1915 gave directions that this annual revision should be abandoned. As the war went on, the existing register, therefore, rapidly became more and more out of date. Millions of the best men in the country had become disqualified through their war service by giving up their qualifying premises. The House of Commons again and again postponed the date of the General Election but the occasional by-elections which took place proved that there was no register in existence on which it would be morally possible to appeal to the country. The old, the feeble, the slacker, the crank, the conscientious objector would all be left in full strength and the fighting men would be disfranchised. A Parliament elected on such a register would, Mr. Asquith declared, be wholly lacking in moral authority. Therefore, by sheer necessity the Government was forced to introduce legislation dealing with the whole franchise question as it affected the male voter. A Coalition Government of the Liberal, Conservative and Labour Parties had been formed in 1915. This improved suffrage prospects, for many of the new men joining the Government, more especially Lord Robert Cecil, the Earl of Selborne and the Earl of Lytton, were warm supporters of our cause; while in making room for these newscomers, Mr. Asquith found it possible to dispense with the services of men of the type of Sir Charles Hobhouse, Mr. A. J. Pease and others who were our opponents. The formation of a Coalition Government helped us in another way. Neither of the great parties, Conservative and Liberal, had been unanimous on the women's question and the heads of these parties lived in terror of smashing up their party by pledging themselves to definite action on our side. Mr. Gladstone had broken up the Liberal Party in 1886 by advocating Irish Home Rule, and Mr. Balfour and Mr. Chamberlain had broken up the Conservative Party by advocating Protection in 1903-4. Each of these had, in consequence, a prolonged sojourn in the wilderness of Opposition. But now a Government was formed in which all the parties were represented except the Irish Nationalists, who had refused to join, and therefore our friends in both the old parties could give free rein to their disposition to make Women's Suffrage a reality without dread of bringing disaster on their organisations. The attitude of the N.U.W.S.S. and seventeen other Constitutional Suffrage Societies who had united to form a Consultative Committee, was quite clear as to the line we should take under these circumstances. In various ways and by repeated communications, letters, memorials and deputations we kept the Government informed that if their intentions with regard to the new register were limited simply to replacing upon it the names of the men who had lost their vote through their patriotic service, we should not press our own claim; but if on the other hand the Government determined to proceed by creating a new basis for the franchise, or changing the law in any way which would result in the addition of a large number of men to the register, without doing anything for women, we should use every means in our power within the limits of lawful agitation to bring the case for the enfranchisement of women before Parliament and the country.

Mr. Asquith answered a communication from us on these lines in May, 1916, with the greatest politeness but said that "no such legislation was at present in contemplation." However, within the next fortnight it was in contemplation and the Government made repeated attempts to deal with the situation by the creation of a special register. All the attempts were rejected by the House of Commons, which evidently wanted the subject dealt with on broader and more comprehensive lines. On August 14 Mr. Asquith, in introducing yet another Special Register Bill, announced his conversion to Women's Suffrage! This was an advent of great importance to our movement, for it virtually made the Liberal Party a Suffrage Party, but the Parliamentary difficulty was not removed, for the Government was still nibbling at the question by trying to deal with it by little amendments to the law relating to the registration of voters. At last a way out was devised. Mr. Walter Long, president of the local government board, a typical conservative country gentleman and at that time an anti-suffragist, made the suggestion that the whole question of Electoral Reform, including the enfranchisement of women, should be referred to a non-party Conference, consisting of members of both Houses of Parliament and presided over by the Speaker. Mr. Asquith concurred and Parliament agreed. Women's Suffrage was only one of many subjects connected with Electoral Reform which had to be dealt with by the Conference but it is not too much to say that if it had not been for the urgency of the claim of women to representation the Conference would never have been brought into existence.

The members of this Conference were chosen by the Speaker, who was careful to give equal representation to suffragists and anti-suffragists. Sir John Simon and Sir Willoughby Dickinson, members of the Conference, were very active and skilful in organising the forces in our favour. The Conference was called into being in October, 1916, and began its sittings at once. A ministerial crisis which occurred in December resulted in the resignation of Mr. Asquith and the appointment of Mr. Lloyd George as his successor. The Speaker enquired of the new Prime Minister if he desired the Conference to continue its labours. The reply was an emphatic affirmative. The Conference reported on January 27, 1917. Everyone knows that it recommended by a majority, some said a large majority, the granting of some measure of suffrage to women. Put as briefly as possible the franchise recommended for women was "household franchise," and for the purposes of the bill a woman was reckoned to be a householder not only if she was so in her own right but if she were the wife of a householder. An age limit of thirty was imposed upon women, not because it was in any way logical or reasonable but simply and solely in order to produce a constituency in which the men were not out-numbered by the women.

Some few weeks earlier we had heard on unimpeachable authority that the new Prime Minister was "very keen and very practical" on our question and was prepared to introduce legislation upon it without delay. He no doubt remembered how emphatically he had told us in 1911 of the extreme value of the promises which had been made to us by Mr. Asquith, and how in our meeting in the Albert Hall in the following March he had referred to the doubt which some suffragists had expressed upon the worth of these promises as "an imputation of deep dishonour which he absolutely declined to contemplate." He had in 1911 put into writing and sent as a message to the Common Cause, the official organ of the N.U.W.S.S., a statement of his conviction that Mr. Asquith's promises made the carrying of a Women's Suffrage amendment to next year's franchise bill a certainty and he had offered his personal help to bring this about. It has already been described how all these confident hopes had been brought to nought; but now, December, 1916, within a fortnight of becoming Prime Minister, Mr. Lloyd George let us know that he was not only ready but keen to go forward on practical lines. When Parliament met we asked the Prime Minister to receive a large and representative deputation of women who had worked for their country during the war. Our object was to ask him to legislate at once on the lines recommended by the Speaker's Conference but we were pushing an open door.

The new Prime Minister had arranged to receive us on March 29, 1917, and on the 28th Mr. Asquith had moved a resolution in the House of Commons, and his motion had been agreed to by 341 votes to 62, calling for the early introduction of legislation based on the recommendations of the Speaker's Conference. When our deputation waited on Mr. Lloyd George the following day he was able to inform us that he had already instructed the Government draftsman to draw up a bill on these lines. The debate in the House on March 28 had turned mainly on Women's Suffrage and the immense majority in support of Mr. Asquith's motion was rightly regarded as a suffrage triumph. Every leader of every party in the House of Commons had taken part in the debate and had expressed his support of the enfranchisement of women. The Government whips had not been put on and throughout the debates which followed the Bill was not treated as a Government but as a House of Commons measure. The victory, therefore, was all the more welcome to us because it was the result of a free vote of the House. Mr. Asquith's retraction of his former errors was quite handsome. He said, among other things, that his "eyes which for years in this matter had been clouded by fallacies and sealed by illusions at last had been opened to the truth." It required a European War on the vastest scale that the world had ever known to shake him out of his fallacies and illusions, and many of us felt that it would have been better if a less terrible convulsion had sufficed to awaken him, but still, now he was awakened, he was prompt in owning he had been in the wrong and therefore no more was to be said. The subsequent stages of this Representation of the People Bill were a series of triumphs for the suffrage cause. The second reading debate was taken on May 22d and 23d and again turned almost entirely on the women's question; the majority was 329 to 40. When the Bill was in Committee and the clauses enfranchising women were taken up on June 19 the majority was 385 to 55, or exactly seven to one. On June 20 a last division was made, when the number of anti-suffragists was only 17.

Our friends in the Speaker's Conference had so often impressed on us the danger of departing, even in the direction of obvious improvement, from its recommendations that we had carefully abstained from urging any deviation from them; but when the immense majorities just quoted showed that the Bill and our clauses in it were safe beyond a peradventure, we did press very strongly that the same principle should be applied to Municipal suffrage for women which had already been sanctioned by the House for the Parliamentary Suffrage, namely, that the wives of householders should be recognized as householders, which would entitle them to vote. On November 15 an amendment to this effect was moved but was not accepted by the Government. There were vigorous protests in our favour from all parts of the House and the debate on it was adjourned. During the interval the N.U.W.S.S. and other societies with whom we were cooperating bombarded the leader of the House and the Minister in charge of the bill with letters and telegrams in support of the amendment. These produced a good effect and on November 20, Government opposition having been withdrawn, the amendment was agreed to without a division. Thus without the existence of a single woman voter but on the strength of her coming into existence within the next few months, the women on the Municipal registers of Great Britain and Ireland were increased in number from about one million to over eight-and-a-half millions. And yet Lord Bryce and the other anti-suffragists assured us that the vote would make no difference!

In the House of Commons a third reading of the Representation of the People Bill was taken on December 7 without a division. The Bill was now safely through the Commons but its passage through the Lords had yet to be undertaken. The second reading debate began on December 17 and lasted two days. No one could predict what would happen; Lord Curzon, president of the Anti-Suffrage League, was leader of the House and chief representative of the Government. The Lord Chancellor [Lord Finlay], who is in the chair in House of Lords' debates, was an envenomed opponent. Among other influential Peers whom we knew as our enemies were Lord Lansdowne, Lord Halsbury, Lord Balfour of Burleigh and Lord Bryce. On the other hand we could count on the support of Lord Selborne, Lord Lytton, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, Lord Courtney and Lord Milner. We looked forward to the debate and the divisions in the Lords with considerable trepidation. The Lords have no constituents, they have no seats to fight for and defend. It is therefore impossible to influence them by any electioneering arts but we sent to all the Peers a carefully worded and influentially signed memorandum setting forth the chief facts and arguments in our favour. The second reading of the Bill was taken in the Lords without a division, the most important speech against it being Lord Bryce's; he insisted again and again that the possession of a vote made no difference. Lord Sydenham had the courage (!) to assert that the suffrage movement had made no progress in America, and, while admitting that it had lately been adopted in the State of New York, no doubt thought that he was giving a fair description when he said: "In America ... fourteen States have refused the franchise to women and two, Montana and Nevada, have granted it. The population of the fourteen States is 43,000,000 and that of the two States is 500,000." (Twelve States had fully enfranchised their women.)

The real fight in the House of Lords began on Jan. 8, 1918, when the committee stage was reached. The debate lasted three days and on Clause IV, which enfranchised women, Lord Selborne made an extraordinarily powerful and eloquent speech in its favour. The House was filled and the excitement on both sides was intense. As we were sitting crowded in the small pen allotted to ladies not Peeresses in the Upper House on January 10th we received a cable saying the House of Representatives in Washington had accepted the Women's Suffrage Amendment to the Federal Constitution by the necessary two-thirds majority. This we hailed as a good omen. No one knew what Lord Sydenham thought of it! The most exciting moment was when Lord Curzon rose to close the debate. The first part of his speech was devoted to a description of the disasters which he believed would follow from the adoption of women's franchise but the second part was occupied by giving very good reasons for not voting against it. He reminded their Lordships of the immense majorities by which it had been supported in the House of Commons, by majorities in every party "including those to which most of your Lordships belong.... Your Lordships can vote as you please; you can cut this clause out of the Bill--you have a perfect right to do so--but if you think that by killing the clause you can also save the Bill, I believe you to be mistaken.... The House of Commons will return it to you with the clause re-inserted. Will you be prepared to put it back?..." Before he sat down Lord Curzon announced his intention of not voting at all, for the reason that if he had done otherwise he "might be accused of having precipitated a conflict from which your Lordships could not emerge with credit." The division was taken almost immediately after the conclusion of this speech. Both of the Archbishops and the twelve Bishops present voted for the bill. Our clause was carried by 134 votes to 71, and Women's Suffrage was, therefore, supported in the Lords by nearly two to one. The Lords inserted in it among other things Proportional Representation. It was on this and not on women's suffrage that the final contest took place when it was returned to the Commons, but at last the long struggle of women for free citizenship was ended, having continued a little over fifty years. The huge majorities by which we had won in the House of Commons had afforded our ship deep water enough to float safely over the rocks and reefs of the House of Lords. The Royal Assent was given on Feb. 6, 1918.

The first election at which women voted was held on December 14. Our friends in the Speaker's Conference had aimed at producing a constituency numbering roughly about 10,000,000 men and 6,000,000 women. The actual numbers of both sexes enfranchised by the Act of 1918 turned out to be considerably in excess of this calculation. A Parliamentary return published in November, 1918, showed the following numbers of men and women on the register.

Men. 12,913,166 Naval and Military Voters 3,896,763 16,809,929

Women. 8,479,156 Naval and Military Voters 3,372 8,482,528

At the annual Council meeting of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies held in March, 1918, its object was changed by formal vote. It was no longer necessary to concentrate on Women's Suffrage and we adopted as our object "To obtain all such reforms as are necessary to secure a real equality of liberties, status and opportunities between men and women." No change of name was made until the following year when a revised constitution was adopted and the name was modified in accordance with our present object. We have now become the National Union of Societies for Equal Citizenship and we hope that the letters N. U. S. E. C. will soon become as familiar and as dear to our members as N. U. W. S. S. were in the old days. At the same meeting I retired from the presidency and my friend and colleague, Miss Eleanor Rathbone, was elected in my place.

[216] In 1907 Acts of parliament for England, Wales and Scotland (and one for Ireland in 1911) made women eligible as members of Town, County, Burgh and Borough Councils and as chairmen of these bodies, including the right to be Mayors and Provosts, Aldermen and Baillies, with the limitation that women appointed to an office carrying with it the right to be Justices of the Peace should be incapacitated from so acting. These Acts though non-contentious in the party sense required fourteen years' strenuous work to secure their adoption as Government measures. This was achieved during Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman's premiership, the necessary legislation being announced in the King's Speech as part of the Government programme.

In 1918 the Qualification of Women Act for the United Kingdom made women eligible to the House of Commons. The Bill passed almost without opposition through both Houses and became law in the week ending November 16. As the General Election took place on December 14 there was little time for preparation, nevertheless, there were seventeen women candidates and one, the Countess Makievicz, a Sinn Feiner, was elected but refused to take her seat. The fact that her husband was a foreigner made it doubtful whether she would have been allowed to do so, though an Irishwoman by birth. In 1919 Viscountess Astor was elected for Plymouth.

In 1919 the Sex Disqualification Removal Act for the United Kingdom went some way but not the whole way towards the fulfilment of the pledge given by the Coalition Government of Mr. Lloyd George in December, 1918, "to remove existing inequalities in the law as between men and women." A much more complete bill had been introduced by the Labour Party early in the session, which passed through all its stages in the House of Commons notwithstanding Government opposition but was defeated in the House of Lords and the Government changeling substituted. This Act, though it did not give women the parliamentary vote on the same terms as men nor admit them to the civil service on equal terms, and though the clause specifically conferring on them eligibility to the House of Lords was cut out, contained, nevertheless, important provisions in the direction of equality. It allowed them to sit on juries, be Justices of the Peace, sworn in as police officers, enter the legal profession and made it possible for the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge to admit women to membership and degrees on equal terms with men.

The only important advance in education after 1900 was the throwing open to women by the Governing Body of Trinity College, Dublin, of degrees, membership and all privileges pertaining thereto in 1903. All the universities in the United Kingdom, with the exception of Oxford and Cambridge, have been for many years open to women and in November, 1919, a Royal Commission was appointed to enquire into their financial resources and into the administration and application of these resources. On the commission, Miss Penrose of Somerville College, Oxford, and Miss B. A. Clough of Newnham College, Cambridge, the women's colleges, were appointed as members. An Act of Parliament later enabled both universities to grant membership, degrees and all privileges to women. Oxford availed itself of these powers without delay. Cambridge in December, 1920, refused to do so by a large vote, but it will ultimately have to open its doors.

FOOTNOTES:

[215] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett, J.P., LL.D., who has been prominently connected with the movement for women's suffrage in Great Britain for nearly fifty years and was President of the National Association from 1904, when it was re-organized, until after the victory was won in 1918.

[216] Accompanying this chapter was a complete list of laws in the interest of women enacted by the Parliament beginning in 1902, prepared by Miss Chrystal Macmillan, M.A., B.Sc. The lack of space which has compelled the omission of similar laws from all of the State chapters makes it necessary in this one. Three of importance politically are given.--Ed.

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LII. WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN BRITISH COLONIES

In granting the complete franchise to a part of her women in 1918 Great Britain followed all of her self-governing colonies, which, with the exception of South Africa, had given the full suffrage on the same terms as exercised by men. New Zealand, Australia and Canada gave Municipal suffrage at early dates, extending from 1867 in New South Wales to 1894 in the Northwest Territories of Canada.

NEW ZEALAND.

New Zealand was the first country in the world to give full suffrage to women, its Parliament in 1893 conferring the franchise on all persons over 21. In case of women, however, this did not include the right to sit in Parliament, and, although efforts to secure this right were made at intervals during all the following years, the bill for it several times passing the Lower House, they were not successful until 1919. The unvarying record has been that the registration and vote of women have nearly averaged those of men and in some instances have exceeded them. In the election of 1919 the registration of men was 355,000; of women, 328,320. New Zealand is noted for its advanced legislation.

AUSTRALIA.

In 1901 the six States of Australia federated in a commonwealth with a National Parliament and one of its earliest acts in June, 1902, was to confer the complete universal suffrage on women and eligibility to this body. About 800,000 women were thus enfranchised. This action had been preceded by the granting of the State suffrage by the Legislatures in South Australia in 1894 and in West Australia in 1899 and this was done in New South Wales in August, 1902. Women received the State suffrage in Tasmania and Queensland in 1905, Victoria in 1908. South Australia was the only one that gave the right to sit in the Legislature with the State suffrage. This eligibility was not conferred until 1919 in New South Wales and Victoria; 1920 in West Australia and does not yet exist in Tasmania and Queensland. One must be a property owner to be a municipal voter or office holder.

Australia has largely substituted advanced legislation for women for the English Common Law. The statistics relating to the voting of women follow closely those of New Zealand. There never has been a proposal to take away the political privileges of women, which could be done by an Act of Parliament. On the contrary during the years when the contest for woman suffrage was being carried on in Great Britain its Parliament was more than once urged by that of Australia to grant it. In 1917, when the struggle was at its height, the strongest possible memorial was adopted by the National Parliament of Australia, which said:

Appreciating the blessings of self-government in Australia through adult suffrage, and appreciating the desire of Your Majesty's Government to vindicate the claims of the small nations to self-government, we are confident that Your Majesty will recognize the justice of the same claim in the case of the small nation of women in Your Majesty's kingdom--women who, in this great crisis in the history of the British Empire ... have proved themselves as worthy soldiers as those on the battlefield, and as worthy of the protection of the ballot, which is conceded to men.... We are deeply interested in the welfare of the women of the Empire and we again humbly petition Your Majesty to endow them with that right of self-government for which they have petitioned for nearly three-quarters of a century.

The most prominent statesmen of Australia and New Zealand in their visits to Great Britain, Canada and the United States have given testimony as to the benefits of woman suffrage.

DOMINION OF CANADA.

When Volume IV of this History was written in 1900 four pages sufficed for an account of woman suffrage in Canada. It was confined to a Municipal or School franchise or both in the Provinces for widows and spinsters, and in some of them married women were included. This privilege began in Ontario in 1884 and the situation remained unchanged until 1916, when the World War, which brought the full enfranchisement of women in many countries, began to have its effect in Canada. For the large amount of valuable material from which the following brief résumé is made the History is indebted to Dr. Augusta Stowe Gullen, a leader of the woman suffrage movement. Its foundation was laid in 1878 and following years by the mother of Dr. Gullen, the pioneer woman physician, Dr. Emily Howard Stowe, a friend and contemporary of Susan B. Anthony[217]. Dr. Stowe was a founder and the first president of the Dominion Women's Enfranchisement Association, which secured many privileges for women.

The first woman suffrage society was organized in 1883 in the city council chamber of Toronto with the Mayor in the chair. Mrs. Donald McEwan was made president and other officers were Dr. Stowe, Miss Mary McDonnell and Dr. James L. Hughes, afterwards Inspector of Schools. Petitions were sent to the Dominion Parliament and bills presented but when in the late 90's the Electoral Act was changed to make the voters' list for its members coincide with the lists in the Provinces, the latter became in a large measure the battle ground, although the efforts for a national law were not discontinued. The movement for Prohibition had a strong influence in the granting of woman suffrage in the Provinces and it was hastened by the splendid war work of the women.

The first Provincial Legislature to enfranchise women was that of Manitoba, Jan 27, 1916. A convention of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union as early as July, 1902, passed a resolution to press the work for it and later in the year the Labor Party endorsed equal suffrage through its paper, The Voice, and its officers affiliated with the suffrage club. Dr. Amelia Yeomans was a devoted worker. In 1906 when there was a prospect that the Municipal vote would be taken away from married women property owners, the Liberal party convention made its retention a plank in their platform but the Conservative Legislature abolished it. In 1907 it was restored. In 1913 the women succeeded in getting a full suffrage bill before one House of the Legislature, which was defeated by 21 to 14 votes. The next year the Liberal Party pledged itself to give the complete franchise if it won the election. It did so and the women rolled up a big petition as a backing. Premier Norris and the Cabinet supported the bill. The Executive Board of the Political Equality League were invited to seats on the floor of the House the day of the third reading and the bill giving women equal suffrage and eligibility was passed amid great enthusiasm by unanimous vote.

The suffragists of Alberta began extensive work in 1910 to have the Municipal franchise possessed by widows and spinsters extended to married women and the agitation was continued to include the full suffrage. Following the example of Manitoba Premier A. L. Sifton announced on Feb. 24, 1916, before the Legislature opened, that the Government would introduce a woman suffrage bill of the widest scope. The bill passed in Alberta in March with the full approval of press and people and the suffragists met at once in the home of Mrs. Nellie McClung at Edmonton to arrange for taking up their new duties. Mrs. O. C. Edwards had been a ceaseless worker here and in Saskatchewan. In 1914 the first woman Judge in Canada, Mrs. Jamieson, president of the Local Council of Women of Calgary, was appointed by the Attorney General as Commissioner of the Juvenile Court. In February, 1918, two women, Mrs. L. M. McKinney and Miss Roberta McAdams, a Lieutenant on the staff of the Canadian military hospital in Orpington, Kent, were elected to the Legislature, the first women legislators in the British Empire.

In 1910 the women of Saskatchewan sent in petitions, some of them endorsed by city councils, asking Municipal suffrage for married women, but the Government refused it. In opening the Legislature on Mar. 14, 1916, Lieutenant Governor Lake said: "In future years the one outstanding feature of your program will be the full enfranchisement of women." The suffragists of the Province had been organized about five years and the president of the Franchise Board, Mrs. F. A. Lawton, had presented to Premier Scott a petition signed by 10,000 names to show that public sentiment was in favor of this action. He answered that he could give them a definite answer and, as he had already announced, their request would be granted. He said that although Manitoba had been the first to give women the suffrage those of Saskatchewan would be the first to have a chance to use it. At an early and full meeting of the Legislature a number of members spoke in favor of it and it passed practically without opposition. In 1919 Mrs. M. O. Ramsden was elected to the Legislature.

In 1902 a petition for woman suffrage was presented to the Government in British Columbia and refused. Another effort was made in 1903 but the subject was not brought before the Legislature until 1906, when it defeated a bill. In 1908 it took away the Municipal franchise from women householders. The women's clubs in Victoria secured 1,000 names in three days protesting against this action. Mr. Naden, Liberal member from Greenwood, introduced a bill restoring it, supported by his party, but it was defeated. The Council of Women, at its November meeting, adopted a resolution "to do all in its power to promote the woman suffrage cause." It was the first Local Council in Canada to endorse this cause and later held two public meetings in its interest. In 1910 extensive work was done to regain the Municipal franchise. In 1911 nine important amendments to the very reprehensible laws concerning women and children were submitted to the Legislature by the Council through the Attorney General and one was passed. In the autumn the Political Equality Club was re-organized in Victoria, Mrs. Gordon Grant, president, and in December at a Provincial Conference in Vancouver she assisted in organizing one there; Mrs. Lashley Hall, president--later Mrs. C. Townley--and Miss Lily Laverock, secretary. The two societies organized a large deputation to wait upon the Attorney General and solicit better property laws for women, equal guardianship of children for mothers, the right taken away from fathers to dispose of their guardianship by will and other equally needed laws. They also memorialized the Legislature for the full Provincial suffrage for women. On Feb. 15, 1913, fifty women in the Province presented a petition of 10,000 names to the Premier, asking that suffrage on equal terms with men be given to women and on the 19th he answered that as a matter of Government policy it was impossible.

The agitation increased and continued until the full enfranchisement of women in the three great Provinces to the east brought the question to a climax. Even then, however, it was not allowed to be settled by the Legislature, as it had been in those Provinces, but on April 14, 1916, Premier Bowser stated that the Elections Act, which provided for allowing a vote to soldiers over 18, would include women and would be submitted to a referendum of the electors. This was done by the Legislature, which met May 31, and the election took place September 15. The amendment was carried by an immense majority in every district, about two to one, and later this was increased by the large favorable majority of the absent soldiers, who were entitled to vote. It went into effect March 1, 1917. The area of Canadian territory in which women were now enfranchised extended from Ontario to the Pacific Ocean. In 1919 Mrs. Ralph Smith, widow of the Minister of Finance, was elected to the Legislature and in 1921 she was made Speaker, the first instance on record.

The struggle for woman suffrage in Canada was now centered in the Province of Ontario, where it began in 1883, and it was largely carried on during much of the time by the Dominion Women's Enfranchisement Association, which had been incorporated in 1889. Dr. Augusta Stowe Gullen became its president in 1903, after the death of her mother, Dr. Emily Howard Stowe, and held it until 1911. While its principal object was the Dominion or National franchise for all women it was for years at the head of the effort for the Provincial suffrage in Ontario. In 1905, in connection with the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, it organized a very representative deputation to wait upon the Premier to ask that the Municipal vote possessed by widows and spinsters be extended to married women. He said that 'neither he nor any other statesman had placed woman where she was; that the Infinite was at work and woman being a part of the Divine plan her place was assigned by a greater power.' In 1906 a deputation from the association, headed by Dr. Stowe Gullen, with Dr. Margaret Gordon and Mrs. Flora McDonald Denison as speakers, called on the Mayor and Council of Toronto and asked them to pass a resolution for the extension of this Municipal franchise. They did so and sent it by this deputation to the Legislature. As a result a bill for it was introduced and after a day's fun and sarcasm in the House it was defeated by 69 to 2.

In 1907 the Dominion Association at its annual meeting changed its name to the Canadian Suffrage Association. In 1908 it decided not to memorialize the Government but to make greater efforts to organize and for this purpose Mrs. Denison, vice-president and official organizer, visited Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. On March 24, 1909, the association sent a deputation of 1,000 of its members to the House of Parliament to ask for full suffrage for the women of Ontario. Dr. Stowe Gullen presented with a strong argument a petition which represented 100,000 names and many important organizations, among them the Women's University Clubs, Women Teachers' Association, Medical Alumnae of the University of Toronto, Progressive Club, Trades and Labor Council, International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Woman's Christian Temperance Union and Dominion Temperance Association. There were prominent men and women speakers. Sir James Whitney, the Premier, answered adversely. The crowds were so great that Cabinet ministers could not gain admittance but all this demonstration resulted in no action. Allan Studholme, Labor member from East Hamilton, introduced a bill for woman suffrage, which was defeated.

In 1910 all the members throughout the Province were written to or interviewed by suffragists, but the woman suffrage bill of the labor members was defeated. Through the efforts of Mrs. Denison, Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst and Mrs. Philip Snowden of England came to Toronto and lectured in Massey Hall to immense audiences. Dr. Gordon attended the annual meeting of the National Council of Women in Halifax and presented a motion that "the Council place itself on record in favor of the enfranchisement of women." This was seconded by Dr. Rachel Todd in behalf of the Medical Alumnae, University of Toronto. After much discussion it was carried and this large and influential organization was brought into the movement. The Local Council of Toronto adopted a resolution to the same effect.

In 1911 the association organized another deputation to wait upon the Premier March 4, who were introduced by William Munns, the secretary. The bill introduced by Mr. Studholme, seconded by W. Proudfoot, Liberal from Center Huron after three days' discussion was lost. Before the Provincial elections the association sent a letter to all candidates and twenty-five answered that they would vote for woman suffrage if elected. In June Dr. Stowe Gullen resigned the presidency and Mrs. Denison was chosen in her place and Mrs. William Munns was elected secretary. Mrs. Denison, who was an ardent suffragist, an indefatigable worker and a fine organizer, edited a page in the Toronto Sunday World each week devoted to woman suffrage, which was of immeasurable value. She represented the association at the meetings of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Copenhagen in 1906 and in Budapest in 1913. This last year she organized a delegation and went with them to take part in the suffrage parade in Washington, D. C., March 3.

In 1912 three suffrage bills were introduced. A resolution was moved by Mr. Marshall, Liberal, from Lincoln, seconded by Mr. Bowman, Liberal whip, but no bill was passed. Bills were presented every year only to be voted down by the Conservative Government. N. W. Rowell, the Liberal leader, pledged the support of his party in a non-partisan measure but in vain.

In 1912 Mrs. Denison secured for a deputation an interview with Sir Robert L. Borden, Prime Minister of Canada, to ask that the Dominion Parliament should grant a national franchise to women. He stated the difficulties in the way, as the Election Act provided that the Provincial lists of voters were in force for the election of the members of the Dominion Parliament and if the Provinces did not first grant the suffrage to women the cost and work would be required of preparing new lists of the women voters. He said that each Province must enfranchise its women before the Federal Government could act and no Province had done so at this time.

In 1914 Dr. Gordon, president of the Toronto Suffrage Society, organized an influential deputation from its members which asked the city council to submit to the voters at the approaching local election the question of extending to married women the Municipal franchise now possessed by widows and spinsters simply to ascertain their opinion. This was done and the measure was carried by a majority of 13,713. During 1914, 1915 and 1916 Dr. Gordon sent a letter to the councils of the other cities, towns, villages and rural communities asking them to hold a referendum or to pass a resolution in favor of this extension and send it to the Government. The letters were followed by a successful campaign in the municipalities by the society. As a result 33 referenda were held, all giving favorable majorities, and about 160 other municipal governments memorialized the Ontario Legislature in favor. Dr. Gullen published an open letter describing these efforts. They had no effect on the Legislature nor did it make any concessions to the women even in the way of much needed better laws, for which they petitioned.

At the annual meeting of the Canadian Suffrage Association, October 30 Mrs. Denison resigned the presidency and Dr. Gordon was elected. On the 31st the members put on record the work of its beloved founder and one of the originators of the National Council of Women by presenting a bronze bust of Dr. Emily Howard Stowe to the city of Toronto. It was officially received by the Mayor and placed in the main corridor of Municipal Hall, the first memorial of this kind to any woman in Canada.

This year the National Council of Women took a firm stand and urged that each Province fully enfranchise its women and asked the Dominion Parliament to grant the Federal vote to women. In 1915 the Ontario society sent another deputation to the Legislature to ask for the Municipal franchise and reminded the Premier, Sir William Hearst, of the favorable verdict that had been given by the voters. He answered that "it had not been proved that the influence of women for good would be increased by the possession of the franchise." When asked if he would submit the question of their full suffrage to the voters of the Province he replied that this would mean only a vote by the men and he was most desirous to ascertain the wishes of the women! No attention was paid to either request. In 1916 the association again went to the Legislature with a petition but Mr. Studholme's bill was defeated. This year came the complete enfranchisement of women in all the Provinces between Ontario and the Pacific Ocean. The women of Canada had given their full share of the work and sacrifices demanded by the war for two years but in the Province of Ontario not the slightest recognition had been shown of their right to a voice in the Government.

The franchise societies and the W. C. T. U. canvassed the whole Province, circulating a monster petition for the full Provincial franchise. A group of women in Toronto organized an Anti-Suffrage Association and called a public meeting at which the suffragists were denounced for "pressing their claims when all the thought and effort of the Government should be given to the demands of the war." Up to 1917 neither the Liberal nor Conservative party had shown the least favor to woman suffrage but now the former, which was out of power, made it a plank of its platform and its leader, N. W. Rowell, on February 20 at the opening of Parliament moved an amendment to the speech from the throne providing for the full enfranchisement of women in Ontario. It was declared out of order by Premier Hearst. A few days later J. W. Johnson of Belleville, a private member, introduced a bill for woman suffrage. On February 27 this bill was indorsed for the Conservative Government by Premier Hearst, who said: "Having taken our women into partnership with us in our tremendous task I ask, 'Can we justly deny them a share in the government of the country, the right to have a say about the making of the laws they have been so heroically trying to defend?' My answer is, 'I think not.'"

Thus without discussion this act of justice for which women had petitioned since 1903 was granted by a single word. Mr. Rowell and the Liberals united with the Conservatives and the bill was passed Feb. 27, 1917. Although passed by a Union Government it was largely due to the incessant efforts of the Liberal members in the past.

While in Quebec and a few of the small Provinces the suffrage was still withheld from women it now so largely prevailed that their national enfranchisement by the Dominion Parliament seemed the next inevitable step. During 1917 Sir Robert Borden made a visit to England and the war front. Although it was estimated that in some of the Provinces one man in every fourteen had enlisted, he returned fully convinced that "conscription" would be necessary and this would require a referendum to the voters. Quebec would vote solidly against it, as would certain elements in the other Provinces. A Fusion party was formed in the Parliament and under tremendous pressure a War Time Election Act was passed in September. It disfranchised during the war Doukhobors and Mennonites, conscientious objectors, those born in enemy countries not naturalized before 1902 and some others. It enfranchised certain women in all the Provinces and Yukon and the Northwest Territories, which send a member to the Parliament, in the following words: "Every female who, being a British subject and qualified as to age, race and residence as required of a male, is the wife, widow, mother, sister or daughter of any person, male or female, living or dead, who is serving or has served without Canada in any of the military forces, or within or without in any of the naval forces of Canada or Great Britain in the present war...."

It was estimated that this Act would enable about 600,000 women to vote when the question of "conscription" was submitted and leave about 1,000,000 unable to do so although having the Provincial franchise. It raised a storm of protest from those who were not included and who doubted that this arbitrary action would result in securing conscription. Sir Robert Borden had no doubts but based his faith on the belief that those women having relatives in the war would vote to compel other men to go and he said at the time: "We are now verging on the point at which women must be entitled to the same voice in directing the affairs of this country as men, and as far as I am concerned I commit myself absolutely to that proposition, but in working it out it is necessary to take into account certain considerations." With this concession the women had to be satisfied. The general campaign came on in November 1917, with "conscription" the issue on which the Government appealed for return to power. The election took place in December and the Union Government carried the four Western Provinces, Ontario and New Brunswick, receiving almost the full vote of the women. The Opposition carried Quebec, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island.

During the campaign the Premier several times pledged himself and his Government to equal suffrage for women and it was generally recognized that if they were re-elected this pledge would be redeemed at an early date. This action was urged by the Labor members. On Feb. 15, 1918, the Government announced the extension of the full suffrage to the women of Canada as a part of its policy and its consideration of the measure at the approaching session of Parliament. Later the War Cabinet invited all of the large organizations of women in the Dominion to send representatives to a conference with the Government in Ottawa on March 1. There was a very large response and the delegates were welcomed by the Governor General, the Duke of Devonshire, with a tribute to the conduct of women during the war. The President of the Privy Council, N. W. Rowell, outlined the work of the Conference and the confidence felt by the Government in the continued assistance of women. They were assured by various members of the Government of the desire for their suggestions on all matters connected with the carrying on of the war. The conference lasted for a week and the women submitted their recommendations, the first of which was that women should be permitted to take a fuller share in the responsibilities of government. All of these were respectfully and cordially received by the members of the Cabinet.

The Parliament opened on March 18. The Duke of Devonshire read the speech from the throne to galleries crowded with women and said in the course of it: "A bill for extending the franchise to women, with suitable provisions respecting naturalization, will be submitted and commended to your consideration."

Sir Robert Borden introduced the bill March 21 and an extended discussion took place in the House on the 23rd. There was no real opposition, although the members from Quebec were not friendly, saying that it was not wanted there by men or women. Sir Wilfred Laurier favored woman suffrage but thought it should be conferred only by the Provinces. The Premier spoke at length in moving the second reading. It passed without division and again on the third reading April 12, 1918, when the full Parliamentary or Federal suffrage was conferred on every woman who fulfilled the following conditions: (1) Is a British subject; (2) is of the full age of 21 years or upwards; (3) possesses the qualifications which would entitle a male person to vote at a Dominion election in the Province in which the woman is seeking to vote, provided that a married woman or a daughter living at home with her parents shall be deemed to have any necessary property or income qualifications if her husband or either of her parents is so qualified. A woman is banned if married to an enemy alien. This Act superseded the War Time Election Act.[218] The following year this Parliament passed an Act enabling a wife to retain her nationality.[219]

In New Brunswick in 1908, led by Mrs. Fiske, Mrs. Hathaway and Miss Peters, the suffragists memorialized the Legislature to extend the full suffrage to women but a bill for this purpose was defeated. In 1909 a bill to give it to taxpaying widows and spinsters passed the Upper House and after much discussion in the Lower House was postponed. In 1915 married women were included in the Municipal franchise possessed by widows and spinsters. These efforts were continued from year to year and finally after the Dominion franchise had been conferred, the Elections Act was amended by the Legislative Assembly on April 17, 1919, to confer complete universal suffrage on women.

On May 20, 1919, the Council of Yukon Territory amended its Election Law to read: "In this Ordinance, unless the context otherwise requires, words importing the masculine gender include females and the words 'voter' and 'elector' include both men and women ... and under it women shall have the same rights and privileges as men."

Bills to give the full suffrage to women in Nova Scotia were many times defeated. In 1916, when all the western provinces were enfranchising their women, the Lower House of the Legislature passed a bill for it and later rescinded it on the excuse that it was not desired by the women. This put them on their mettle and they took action to convince the lawmakers that they did want it. The suffrage society was re-organized and a resolution was adopted by the executive board of the Local Council of Women and sent to every member of the Legislature. A joint independent committee was created with Mrs. Charles Archibald chairman and suffrage groups were formed within many organizations of women. All the members of the Government were interviewed and many promised support and the two Government newspapers were favorable. Before the committee had time to put in a bill one was drafted by Supreme Court Justice Russell and introduced by R. H. Graham. The women filled the galleries at its second reading and it passed without opposition and was referred to the Law Amendments Committee, of which the Attorney General was chairman. It gave a public hearing and the women crowded the Assembly Chamber upstairs and downstairs and nine short speeches were made by women. The Premier and Attorney General said it was the best organized hearing and best presented case that had come before a House Committee in twenty-five years. The Bill was left with the committee with the assurance that it would be well cared for--and then it was postponed indefinitely! The excuse was that there had been no demand from the country districts! By another year, however, it was too late for such tactics and when Lieutenant Governor McCallum Grant opened the Legislature with the speech from the throne on Feb. 21, 1918, he announced that the electoral franchise would be given to women. The amended Franchise Act went through the Lower House without opposition; had its second reading in the Senate April 29 and the third May 3, and received the royal assent May 23. This added the State suffrage to the Federal, which had been conferred the preceding month.

Widows and spinsters in the Province of Quebec had Municipal and School suffrage from 1892. In 1903 in the city council of Montreal an amendment to the charter was moved to take it away. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union held several large public meetings to oppose such action addressed by prominent men. The press published articles and letters of protest and it was voted down. In 1910 the first suffrage society was formed in Montreal with Mrs. Bullock president. In 1914 a deputation of Montreal women presented a petition to the Premier, Sir Lorner Guoin, asking that women might sit on school boards and that the Municipal franchise be extended to married women. No action was taken. After the Federal Suffrage was granted in 1918 by the Dominion Parliament, which included the women of Quebec, a bill was introduced in its Legislature to grant them the Provincial franchise, which was voted down. Similar bills were defeated in 1918 and 1920 and Quebec remains the only Province in Canada where women do not possess the State franchise in addition to the National.

NEWFOUNDLAND.

When the Provinces of Canada united in a Confederation Newfoundland was the only one that declined to enter it and remained independent. Therefore, when the Dominion suffrage was conferred by the Parliament in 1918 it did not include the women of this island. This was keenly felt by many of them and they made efforts to have its Legislature grant them the Provincial franchise but without success. In 1921 the Woman Suffrage League determined to make an organized effort and collected a petition of 10,000 names, representing every district, and presented it to the Legislature. From the first the Premier, Sir Richard Anderson Squires, was hostile and this was the case with most of the Cabinet, but Minister of Marine Coaker showed a friendly spirit; Minister of Justice Warren introduced the bill and Mr. Jennings, chairman of the Board of Public Works, agreed to bring it up for action. After the sending of many deputations to the Executive Members of the Government the women were astonished at being told one day that these members had held a meeting and it had been arranged that the Premier himself should introduce the bill as a Government measure. Seven went with Mr. Jennings by pre-arrangement to the Premier's office and meeting Mr. Coaker he said: "Your bill goes through all right, the Premier has his orders." Some provisions had been attached to the bill--non-eligibility to office, no voting power until the next general election and an age limit of 30 years. The Premier promised to have the Government reduce this to 25 and they were compelled to agree. Then he impressed upon them that the bill would go through as a Government measure, declaring: "I will pass it this session, whether the House closes in one month or three--what I say goes!"

Some time afterwards the women read in an account of the House proceedings that the Premier had said in answer to a question that the bill was not a Government measure. An official letter was at once sent from the Woman Suffrage League, reminding him of his promise, to which he made no answer. They obtained an interview with him at which he treated them very discourteously and denied all responsibility for the bill after its second reading. They could get no satisfaction from any member of the Government. The bill was not reported from the committee for weeks and when at last brought before the House in August it was turned over to a Select Committee of five, three of them pronounced anti-suffragists, and was not heard of again.

SOUTH AFRICA.

At the present time South Africa has the distinction of being the only English-speaking nation that has not enfranchised its women. There seems to have been some agitation for a vote by the Boer women in early days but a "movement" for it was definitely begun in 1895, when at the annual conference of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Cape Colony at Kimberley, woman suffrage was made one of their official departments of work. In 1902 a Woman's Enfranchisement League was formed in Durban, Natal, and in a few years one in Cape Town, Cape Colony, followed by others in seven or eight towns. In 1904 M. L. Neithling moved in the Legislative Council of Cape Colony a resolution to enfranchise widows and spinsters with the required property and educational qualifications, which was discussed but not voted on. In 1907 Dr. Viljoen presented one to extend the suffrage to women on the same terms as to men. The division showed 24 in favor of it, twelve from each party.

In 1909 the Enfranchisement Leagues of Durban, Cape Town, Johannesburg and Pretoria united in sending four delegates to the International Woman Suffrage Alliance meeting in London. This year representatives of Cape Colony, Natal, Transvaal and Orange Free State met in a national convention to prepare a constitution for the Union of South Africa and the suffrage leagues sent a numerously signed petition asking that it include the franchise of women. This was rejected and they were told to "await a more convenient season." The women were much aroused and early in 1910 the Women's Citizen Club of Cape Town and the Women's Reform Club of Johannesburg were formed. In the summer of 1911 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, accompanied by Dr. Aletta Jacobs, president of the National Association of The Netherlands, made a tour of 4,000 miles in South Africa, remaining 76 days. They were present when the delegates from eleven suffrage societies met and organized the Women's Enfranchisement Association of the Union of South Africa and it soon had twenty-two branches. The visits of the international president with the suffragists of the different localities gave them much courage and inspiration and thenceforth she was in close touch with them, conferring and advising.

The new association presented a monster petition to the Parliament in 1912 and Mr. Andrews of the Transvaal introduced a woman suffrage bill, which after two days' debate was defeated by 70 to 30 votes. In 1914 Mr. Wyndham's bill did not reach a vote. In 1917 Mr. Rockey's was defeated by 63 to 28. In 1918 a woman suffrage clause in the new Electoral Bill was defeated by 54 to 39. All this time the splendid service and sacrifice of the women during the long years of the war was being lauded, while St. Paul's definition of their "sphere" was being quoted as a reason for not giving them the suffrage.

In January, 1919, a conference took place in Cape Town and it was decided that the three suffrage associations unite immediately and form a standing committee of their parliamentary secretaries through which intensive work could be done with the Parliament. On April 1 Mr. Wyndham introduced the following motion: "In the opinion of this House the sex qualification for the exercise of the parliamentary franchise should be removed." It simply affirmed the principle but was strenuously debated without regard to party lines and finally carried by a vote of 44 to 42. No further action was taken. Mrs. Laura Ruxton, parliamentary secretary, attended the convention of the Government Party to present the question, addressed it and the resolution to put a woman suffrage plank in the platform was carried by 72 to 58. The Unionist, Labor and South African parties accepted it, the Nationalist Party alone refusing it. At a banquet in Bloemfontaine Premier Botha appealed to the Parliament, saying that in view of the great services of women during the war the men would be compelled to give them the franchise. He died soon afterwards and petitions from the most representative citizens then began to pour in upon his successor, General Smuts.

In 1920 Daniel McLaren Brown presented a resolution that in the opinion of this House the time has arrived when the right of voting for members of Parliament and the Provincial Councils should be extended to women. After a two days' debate it passed on May 3 by 66 ayes, 39 noes, a majority of 27 as against two a year before. Mr. Brown then introduced a bill conferring this right. A deputation of 500 women carried an immense petition for it to the Parliament and it passed first reading by 66 to 47. Although Premier Smuts had supported it as "a great and necessary reform" and promised it every chance he declined to make it a Government measure or give any facilities for second reading. Mr. Brown and his House Committee and the Hon. Secretary, Mr. Mullineux, worked valiantly for the bill but it got no further, although eight of the Cabinet ministers were in favor of it and the Government Party had endorsed it. It is the almost insurmountable objection to the colored vote which is the chief factor in preventing women's enfranchisement.

The Parliament of Rhodesia gave full State suffrage to women in April, 1919, and that of the British East African Protectorate in July, 1919. In both this carried eligibility to office and a woman was elected to the Parliament of Rhodesia in 1920. In several of the States women have the Municipal franchise and have been elected to the city council.

INDIA.

There has been remarkable progress in the enfranchisement of women in India, although it has been for the most part since 1920, with which this volume of the History closes. The Women's Indian Association ranks with other women's organizations in the British Dominions and has branches throughout the country. There are many political reform organizations and almost without exception they are willing to include women in any rights obtained. Increased opportunities for their education have been opened and there are hundreds of women university graduates. In several cities the limited municipal vote that men have is shared by women and they are eligible to the council. In 1917 Great Britain announced that self-government would be given to the people of India and the Women's Indian Association and other agencies began a strenuous campaign to have women included. In 1918 the Women's Indian Association had suffrage resolutions introduced in many provincial conferences and national congresses of men and they were usually passed by large majorities. The British Parliament sent a committee to India to collect evidence as to the amount of franchise that should be included in the proposed Government Bill and distinguished men and women appeared before it in behalf of women, among them Mrs. Annie Besant, president of the National Home Rule League of India, which was strongly in favor of woman suffrage. Contrary to all the evidence the committee reported against it. Mass meetings of women in India were held in protest. In 1919 eminent women and men were sent to London to present the case to Parliament. They were cordially greeted by the British suffragists and given every possible assistance. A petition was sent to the Government of India Committee by the Women Citizen's Union of the British Dominions, where in all but South Africa women were now fully enfranchised.

All were in vain and woman suffrage was not included in the India Reform Bill but the question was left to the decision of the governing bodies that had been created. The women then had to begin campaigns throughout India, mass meetings, petitions, even processions and lobbying. In May, 1921, the Madras Presidency, one of the largest divisions of the country, gave the complete franchise to women and it was followed soon afterwards by the great Bombay Presidency, whose Legislative Council voted for it by 52 to 25, and by that of Burmah. Each State has its Legislative Council and a number of these have given the vote to women. The movement is active for it throughout India.

FOOTNOTES:

[217] See History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III, page 832.

[218] On Dec. 6, 1921, Miss Agnes McPhail was elected to the House of Commons for Southeast Grey.

[219] This Act was heralded far and wide, as it was unprecedented. In 1920, giving as a reason that the Act had been only a war measure, it was repealed bodily by the Parliament and the old Act substituted with a few amendments that did not by any means give the privileges afforded by the new one. It was generally believed that this was done under the direct influence of England.

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LIII. WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN MANY COUNTRIES

When Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage was written in 1900 four pages contained all the information that could be obtained in regard to woman suffrage outside of the United States and Great Britain and her colonies. At the time the first International Council of Women was held in Washington, in 1888, under the auspices of the National Woman Suffrage Association of the United States, Great Britain was the only other country that had an organization for this purpose. At the writing of the present volume in 1920 there are comparatively few countries in the world having a constitutional form of government where women are not enfranchised. The only two of influence in Europe are France and Italy; the others are Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, Greece and Turkey. Women do not vote in Oriental countries. This is also true of Mexico, Central and South America.

FINLAND.[220]

The first country in Europe to give equal suffrage to women was Finland in 1906, when it was a Grand Duchy of Russia with its own Diet or Parliament, whose bills required the sanction of the Czar to become laws. Girls were admitted to the full privileges of the university in 1878 and in the student organization they were on a footing of perfect equality. Important positions and even places in the civic administration were open to women. As early as 1863 the Diet gave the local or Municipal vote to taxpaying women in the country and in 1872 to those in the towns, but not eligibility to office. In 1897 the Finnish Women's Association presented a petition to the Diet for full suffrage, which did not reach second reading. Its president, Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg, had attended the World's Congress of Women during the Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893 and become intimately acquainted with Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. May Wright Sewall and other noted suffragists in the United States. In 1899 the sword of Russia descended, the constitution of Finland was wrecked and her autonomy, religion, customs, language, everything sacred was threatened.

The real movement for the full enfranchisement of women began in 1904, when bills were introduced in the Diet. In the autumn the president of the Woman's Alliance Union, Miss Annie Furuhjelm, returned from the inspiration of the great International Council of Women in Berlin and the forming of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance. With the political oppression now existing the women were feeling a strong desire to share in the responsibility for the fate of the country. Under the auspices of the Union the first public meeting for woman suffrage was held in Helsingfors on November 7, attended by more than a thousand women of all classes and all parties. Resolutions were passed that the complete suffrage should be extended to every citizen and a petition demanding it should be sent to the Diet. For the first time the Union included eligibility to office in its demands. Forty-seven addresses of sympathy signed by hundreds of women were received from different parts of the country. From this time the Union devoted all its energies to the movement for the franchise.

In another year the Russo-Japanese War was over and Russia was in the midst of a revolution. In October, 1905, the long pent-up forces of Finland broke the barriers and a "national strike" was inaugurated. Women were members of the central committee elected at a mass meeting to manage it. Those in the highest ranks of society had for the past year been members of a secret organization extending over the country raising funds, smuggling literature and daily risking their lives. For five days not a wheel turned and no work was done except under the most urgent necessity. There was perfect order and at intervals deputations of men and women went to the Russian Governor General in Helsingfors asking for the restoration of Finnish autonomy. At last the Government at St. Petersburg yielded, as all its forces were required in Russia. Meetings of women were then held in all parts of the country to elect delegates to another mass meeting in Helsingfors on December 7, where amid great enthusiasm a resolution was carried demanding full suffrage and eligibility for every citizen twenty-four years old.

On May 28, 1906, this reform was passed by the Diet without objection. It was taken to the Czar by the eminent Senator Mechelin, who assured him that the nation demanded it, and he gave his assent. The Diet consisted of four chambers--nobles, clergy, burghers (taxpayers in towns and cities) and peasants who were landowners. It was now reorganized in a single chamber of 200 members. The first election took place March 15, 16, 1907, and 19 women were chosen, among them the Baroness Gripenberg by the Old Finnish Party. Miss Furuhjelm belongs to the comparatively small National Swedish Party, which elects few candidates. She was elected in 1913 and has been continuously re-elected. Following are the numbers of women members of Parliament: 1907--19; 1908--25; 1909--21; 1910--17; 1911--14; 1913--21; 1916--24; 1917--18; 1919--17. From the beginning the women members have introduced bills for much needed reforms, for the care of children, protection of wives and mothers, benefit of working women and many for social welfare. While the Czar was in power these were all vetoed. Since then, with their small number and the great questions that have pressed upon the Parliament, they have found it difficult to secure domestic legislation but they have united with the men in passing many bills of a political nature.

In 1917 a law gave to every man and woman 21 years old Municipal suffrage, without paying taxes, and eligibility to office and a number of women have been elected to city and rural councils. The Czar had hitherto vetoed this bill. In 1919, after a period of the greatest strife and sorrow, caused by the World War, Finland severed all connection with Russia and became an independent republic. In a new constitution adopted at this time the word "citizen" was used instead of "man" and all legal disqualifications of women were removed. Both the men and women of Finland at last are free.

NORWAY.

The second country and the first independent Government in Europe to enfranchise women was Norway. With characteristic caution and conservatism this was done by degrees, beginning with the Municipal vote for taxpayers, followed by the complete franchise, and then the removal of the taxpaying qualification for the former and at last for the full suffrage. The president of the National Association through all the years has been Mrs. F. M. Qvam of Stenkjaer, county of N. Trondhjem, to whom the women have given undivided allegiance. The History is indebted to Mrs. Qvam for most of the following information. In sending it she wrote: "The last twenty years are like an Adventure of a Thousand Nights for suffragists. What was sown and seemed lost has sprouted and brought the greatest victories around the world. May women now be able to do at least a little of the good that the workers for the suffrage have dreamt that it would bring to the nations." Its results in Norway certainly have realized that dream, as they have effected many beneficial changes in the laws.

The first demand for woman suffrage at a public meeting, so far as known, was made in 1869 by Mr. Qvam, a barrister. The pioneer of the organized movement was Miss Gina Krog, who, after having written and lectured on the subject for years, founded the Christiania Woman Suffrage Union in 1885. She was moved to do this by reading the early volumes of the History of Woman Suffrage, published about this time and sent by Miss Susan B. Anthony to the university at Christiania. Miss Krog edited Nylande, a monthly devoted to the interests of women, and continued as president twelve years. She was succeeded by Miss Rogstad. In 1886 bills were presented to the Parliament in connection with an extension of the male suffrage. In 1888 the first large public meeting was held. These were continued, petitions were collected, bills were presented at every session, one in 1893 receiving a majority but not the necessary two-thirds. Women from other parts of the country became interested and on Feb. 12, 1898, the National Woman Suffrage Association was organized; Mrs. Qvam was elected president. The association is still doing a vast amount of work in the interest of women and children. There was never an active working membership in the association of more than 2,500 but whenever petitions were needed for an advanced step the signatures poured in by the thousands and the Executive Committee was always assured of a large support. In 1899 the names signed to a petition for equal suffrage numbered 12,000.

As the grant of universal suffrage to men had been made only the preceding year it was too much to expect it for women at once but through the assistance of Liberals and Radicals with the help of many Conservative members, and the efforts of women themselves, the Municipal suffrage was given by the Parliament in May, 1901, to the following: All who pay taxes to State or Municipality on an income of 400 kroner in the towns and 300 (about $71) in the country districts, or have complete or partial joint property with a husband who pays such tax. The amount was so small that a considerable proportion received this vote. It carried eligibility to the municipal councils and this year 98 women were elected and 160 "substitutes." The National Executive Committee conducted an active campaign of literature and lectures to rouse the women to exercise their new privilege, and it continued to ask for the full suffrage. In 1905 the momentous question arose of separation from Sweden. The women made every effort to be permitted to vote in the referendum but in vain. The National Suffrage Association then undertook the task of obtaining the personal signatures of women to a petition in favor of separation and on August 22 the Executive Committee presented it with an address to the president of the Storthing with the statement that it was signed by 300,000 women, a very large proportion of the adults. All the members arose in tribute to the women.

As a result of this action by the National Association its petition in 1906 was received with much sympathy. During the summer before the next Storthing was to be elected the Executive Committee carried on a most strenuous campaign. The president and other members went to the political meetings of all parties to secure endorsement. They called attention to the granting of universal suffrage to women by the Parliament of Finland in May of that year. The fifty branches throughout the country held meetings and sent appeals. In August, when the campaign was at its height, the International Woman Suffrage Alliance held a most successful congress in Copenhagen, which was enthusiastically commented on by the Danish press and that of Norway adopted an entirely different attitude from this time. The Lefts and the Socialists, who had put the plank in their platforms, elected a majority of the Storthing but from January to June the women were in the greatest suspense and those in the different constituencies were working on their members. Finally on June 14, 1907, after only two hours' debate, the complete franchise with full eligibility was conferred on women by 96 to 23 votes, only 82 being needed.

This grant was made to the taxpaying women who had the Municipal franchise and it was then the work of the National Association to have it made universal. On June 7, 1910, it succeeded in having the taxpaying qualification removed for the Municipal suffrage, and on June 11, 1913, a paragraph was added to the constitution which provided that "all men and women 25 years of age, who have been domiciled in Norway five years shall be entitled to the complete franchise and eligibility." Over half the total number of voters are women. Women may be Premier, State officers, Judges, magistrates, sheriffs, professors in the university, even the theological department, and are eligible to all public offices with equal pay. The constitutional arrangement for electing members of Parliament has been an obstacle to the election of women but it has now been remedied. Five had been elected as "substitutes" or "proxies" to take the place of absent members. Hundreds have been elected to city councils and to juries, which are elected for fixed periods. The only positions from which they are excluded are those of a military character, the Cabinet, the diplomatic corps, the clergy and officials of the State church.

DENMARK.

Although Danish women had long had the highest educational advantages and considerable freedom under the laws they had no suffrage up to the time the International Woman Suffrage Alliance held its congress in Copenhagen in 1906. The following women had gone to the meeting in Berlin in 1904 when this Alliance was organized: Mrs. Johanne Münter, Mrs. Charlotte Norrie, Mrs. Vibetha Salicath, Mrs. Charlotte Eilersgaard, Misses Rasmussen, Eline Hansen and Anna Hude. They reported its proceedings to the Woman Suffrage Association of Denmark, formed in 1899, of which Mrs. Louise Norlund was president, and it then affiliated with the Alliance and invited it to hold its next congress in Copenhagen. At the time it met this association comprised fourteen societies and they had worked chiefly for the Municipal franchise. In 1906 the Kvindesamfund, organized in 1871 to work for the general cause of women and advocating the franchise, adopted as part of its regular program Municipal and full suffrage and joined the Woman Suffrage Association. As early as 1888 it had presented to the Rigsdag a petition by women all over the country asking the Municipal franchise for single women, which the Lower House was willing to grant but the Upper House ignored. The interest died out for awhile but in 1904 and 1905 the Lower House again favored this limited grant and in the winter of 1906 both Houses received delegates from the society but no action was taken.

The congress of the Alliance in 1906, which lasted over a week, was a revelation of the size and strength of the movement for woman suffrage and the great ability of women. It was cordially recognized by the press and people and a great impetus was given to the work in Denmark. That year a liberal Rigsdag was elected and a suffrage campaign was made by the association. In 1907 the Parliament gave a vote to women for public boards and the right to be elected to them and the Upper House abandoned its opposition to enfranchising married women. A strong movement was developed among women and many new suffrage societies were formed. On April 20, 1908, the Parliament gave to single women who pay taxes and to married women whose husbands are taxpayers the Municipal franchise and eligibility. This was a beginning and the Suffrage Association distributed 18,000 circulars to women in Copenhagen before the elections the following March urging them to go to the polls. Seventy per cent. of those entitled to vote did so and seven were elected to the city council. In all districts 127 were elected.

There was a growing demand for a revision of the constitution and in October the association sent in a petition that this should include the complete enfranchisement of women. There was at this time national agitation for election reforms, for direct election of the Upper House, for lowering the voting age from 30 to 25, and this went in with the other demands. By 1911 the National Association had 144 sections with 12,000 members and maintained a press bureau, supplying 60 papers. Another association, the Landsforbundet, had 100 branches and 11,000 members, and published a paper, and there were many outside groups. Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the International Suffrage Alliance, stopped in Copenhagen on her way to its congress in Stockholm in June and addressed a mass meeting under the auspices of the two large associations.

With all parties in favor of giving the full suffrage to women and public sentiment favoring it the bill was caught in the maelstrom of agitation for a revised or new constitution and the Rigsdag refused to consider it separately. Finally the bill for a new constitution including woman suffrage passed the Lower House by a vote of 95 to 12. It was sent to the Upper House, referred to a committee and there it remained while the controversy raged over the constitution. This was still the situation when the World War broke out in 1914 and it was April, 1915, before an entire new constitution passed both Houses by an enormous majority. It provided for universal suffrage with eligibility for men and women, no taxpaying qualifications, the age to be 29 with gradual reduction to 25. A general election at once took place on this issue, the new Rigsdag immediately adopted the constitution the required second time and on June 5 it was signed by the King. The women voted for the first time at a general election in 1918 and nine, representing all parties, were elected to the Rigsdag, five to the Upper and four to the Lower House. They voted a second time in 1920 and eleven were elected. They have obtained laws for equal pay, the opening of all positions to women and equal status in marriage.

ICELAND.

Iceland was a dependency of Denmark with its own Parliament, the Althing. In 1881 a bill was passed, presented by Skuli Thorvoddsen, a member and an editor, giving to widows and spinsters who were householders or maintained a family or were self-supporting, a vote for parish and town councils, district boards and vestries, at the age of 25, which became law in 1882. In 1895 the Woman's Alliance was formed and a petition of 3,000 women was collected and sent to the Althing asking it to consider suffrage for married women and increased property rights, which it ignored. In 1906 Mrs. Briet Asmundsson, the leader of the woman's movement, attended the congress of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Copenhagen, and, returning to Reykjavik, the capital, organized in January, 1907, the Association for Women's Rights. In four months 12,000 signatures had been obtained to a petition for full suffrage for women and eligibility to all offices. Mr. Thorvoddsen introduced the bill, which was not considered, but one was passed giving the Municipal franchise and eligibility to all women in the Reykjavik and one other district, which became law Jan. 1, 1908. The association carried on a vigorous campaign and four women were elected to the council of Reykjavik. Its president then made a two months' tour of the country and organized five branches. At all political meetings the women had resolutions presented for equal suffrage and eligibility, which were usually carried unanimously. On April 15 a law was passed extending Municipal suffrage and eligibility to all women.

In 1911 women were made eligible to all State offices, including those of the church, and a constitutional amendment was passed granting the complete franchise. It had to pass a second Althing and political questions arose which were all absorbing until 1914. Then the amendment passed but a compromise had to be made fixing the age for women at 40, to be lowered annually, under much protest, but Premier Eggers refused to submit it to the King of Denmark for his sanction. It had to wait until another took the office and finally was signed June 19, 1915, two weeks after the women of Denmark were fully enfranchised. In 1918 a referendum was taken, in which women voted, on making Iceland an independent State having a personal union with Denmark and the same King, which resulted favorably. A new Althing was elected Nov. 15, 1919, and a new constitution adopted which gave to women full suffrage at 25, the same age as to men.

SWEDEN.

The story of Sweden is especially interesting as the women were the first in Europe to have the Municipal vote and among the last to have the Parliamentary. In 1862 widows and spinsters who had paid taxes had a vote for all officers except members of the Parliament. In 1909 they were made eligible for the offices. Later this franchise was enlarged to admit married women, and in 1918 it was made universal for men and women of 23 without taxpaying requirements. This chapter is indebted for much of the information in it to Mrs. Anna B. Wicksell, who was a delegate from Sweden to Berlin in 1904, when the International Woman Suffrage Alliance was formed and is now a vice-president. Mrs. Wicksell gained international fame when her Government appointed her a delegate to the League of Nations meeting at Geneva in 1920-21 and she was placed on the Mandates Commission.

The first bill to give women full suffrage and eligibility was presented in the Second Chamber by F. D. Borg, an enlightened member, in 1884 and ridiculed by Parliament and press. In 1902 Carl Lindhagen offered a bill calling on the Government to investigate the subject. The first organized movement among the women was the forming of a society in Stockholm this year and an address to Parliament with 5,641 signatures urging this bill. It was rejected by 111 to 64 in the Second Chamber (Lower House) and without a division in the First. In 1904 his bill, endorsed by 30 members, received 115 noes, 93 ayes and no vote in the First Chamber. In 1905, endorsed by 57, it had 89 noes, 30 ayes in the First Chamber and the Second rejected it by 109 to 88. The suffrage societies had multiplied and now there were 63.

A National Suffrage Association was formed in 1904, which still exists. It carried on the work for seventeen years, under the presidency of Miss Anna Whitlock, Dr. Lydia Wahlstrom, Miss Signe Bergman and Dr. Karolina Widerström. When success finally crowned its efforts it had 240 branches and 15,000 members. With the great difficulties of securing names in this country of widely scattered people the petitions collected and sent to Parliament were remarkable, the last one in 1914 having 350,000 signatures. Among the women who were conspicuous in long and arduous service besides the presidents were Mrs. Ann M. Holmgren, Dr. Gulli Petrini, Mrs. Frigga Carlberg and Mrs. Gloria Hallberg. Miss Selma Lagerlöf assisted on great occasions. Men who for years were most valuable workers were Stockholm's burgomaster, Carl Lindhagen, and the three Prime Ministers, Karl Staaf, Nils Edén and Hjalmer Brantung. Two of the most conspicuous opponents were Mr. Lindeau and Mr. Trygger, through fear that the Social Democratic Party would gain.

The years 1905-1906 saw much advance, as the separation from Norway took place and the question of the enlargement of male suffrage was to the fore. The women made strenuous but unsuccessful efforts to have the Parliament include women but the bill for men was rejected. It did, however, by a majority even in the Upper House, order an investigation of woman suffrage where it existed. Societies were organized from the Sound to Lapland. King Oscar received a deputation and in answer to the address of Miss Gertrud Adelborg expressed his sympathy but said the Government could not endanger the desired suffrage for men. In 1907 a petition from 142,128 women was presented to the Parliament. The Labor Party made woman suffrage a part of their program, the Lindhagen group supported it, a number of bills were brought in but all was in vain. At a woman suffrage mass meeting in 1908 in Stockholm thousands were turned away. Meetings were held throughout the country. The Liberals and Social Democrats put woman suffrage in their programs. At the opening of Parliament the King's speech contained a few favorable words. Leading members conferred with the Executive Committee of the National Suffrage Association, with the result that it arranged a meeting at the Grand Hotel with many members of Parliament present, who were addressed by prominent women and seemed much impressed, but all suffrage bills were lost.

The well-organized suffragists then went actively into the campaign and worked to defeat their opponents. As a result a majority was elected to the Second Chamber in favor of giving the suffrage to women. A deputation of 35 was granted an audience by the new King, Gustav V, and he expressed the hope that the time was near when their claims could be regarded. In February, 1909, the Government's bill embodying universal suffrage for men finally passed both Chambers and it included eligibility to the municipal offices for the women who could vote for them, which the suffrage association had worked for. The next April the first woman suffrage bill was passed by the Second Chamber. In 1910 37 women were chosen for the councils in 34 towns, which partly elect the First Chamber.

The situation looked so favorable that the National Association invited the International Woman Suffrage Alliance to hold its congress in Stockholm in 1911 for the effect which this large and important body would have on public sentiment. After this had been arranged, the Swedish women learned to their disappointment and indignation that the Government did not propose to introduce a woman suffrage bill this year, as they wished first to see the effect of the new universal franchise law for men. Besides, the investigation of woman suffrage was not completed! A representative Men's League for Woman Suffrage was formed. A new Second Chamber was to be elected and as the suffrage bill would have to be acted upon by two Parliaments there would have to be a wait of several years. A bill was presented and passed the Lower House but all progressive legislation was blocked by the First Chamber. During the campaign the women worked vigorously for the election of Liberal and Social Democratic candidates, who had woman suffrage on their program, 29 women speaking on their party platforms at 217 meetings. They formed a large majority of the new Government and a Liberal Cabinet was formed. The First Chamber was dissolved and in the new one, instead of a negligible few, there were 64 Liberals and Social Democrats to 86 Conservatives. In his speech on opening the new Parliament in 1912 the King announced that he would present a bill giving to women suffrage and eligibility on the same conditions as possessed by men. On April 2 the Government brought in this bill which was carried in the Lower House by 140 to 66; defeated in the Upper by 86 to 58. This year 64 women councillors were elected. The women strengthened their organization, added to their monster petitions, held their mass meetings and then in 1914 came the War!

In the flood-tide of democracy which resulted the existence of the kingdom itself was threatened. The First Chamber of nobles and landed proprietors was forced to abandon its conservatism. The Reform Bill proposed in December, 1918, at an extra session, abolished plural voting, gave universal Municipal suffrage, made women eligible to County Councils and provided for the Parliamentary franchise for them. At the session of 1919 the bill was laid before the Parliament and on May 24 it was passed by both Chambers without opposition. On the 29th great celebrations were held in Stockholm and other cities and at the old university town of Upsala the speakers were the Archbishop, Dr. Selma Lagerlöf and Prime Minister Brantung.

It was not all ended, however, for the measure had to pass a second Parliament, although this was a mere matter of form. The elections took place in the autumn of 1920. On Jan. 26, 1921, without debate, the law was sanctioned by the new Parliament and two days later it was promulgated by the King. It gives complete, universal suffrage to women. In September the election occurred in which women took part and five were elected to the Parliament, one of them to the First Chamber, which so many years stood between women and their political rights.

THE NETHERLANDS.

The story of woman suffrage in the Netherlands is one of intense, unceasing work for a quarter of a century. The old constitution did not specifically exclude women and in 1882 Dr. Aletta Jacobs, the first woman physician, who had been studying in England and met the suffrage leaders, applied to be registered for an election. This was refused and she carried the case through the highest court with a decision against her. It was in effect that by the letter of the law she was eligible but the spirit of the law intended to exclude women. In 1885 a new constitution was made which definitely excluded women but made a further extension of the suffrage to men, who had not asked for it. It required a long, hard effort to organize for woman suffrage, as there was almost no sentiment for it, but on Feb. 5, 1894, the Vereeniging voor Vrouwenkiesrecht was formed of women in different places with Mrs. Versluys-Poelman, president. She held the office eight years and then Dr. Jacobs, who had been president of the Amsterdam branch during this time, was elected and served till the contest was finished in 1918. It is to Dr. Jacobs this chapter is indebted for the information it contains. This was the only association of a national character until 1908, when the Bond voor Vrouwenkiesrecht came into existence. When the work ended it had 80 branches and about 10,000 members. The former had 160 branches and over 25,000 members and reorganized in the Netherlands Society of Women Citizens to work for the legal and economic equality of women.

At first the press was hostile, all political parties were opposed except a small group of Constitutional Democrats and no member of Parliament would introduce the question. The work had to begin from the bottom with personal interviews with the members, watching the bills relating to women and children, showing the need of women's influence, etc. In 1904 Dr. Jacobs, Misses Johanna W. A. Naber and E. L. van Dorp, Mrs. von Loenen de Bordes, Mrs. Rutgers Hoitsema and Mrs. Hengeveld Garritson were present at the organization of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Berlin, as was Miss Martina Kramers, who was elected Secretary, and the Dutch national association became auxiliary. From that time it went into direct political work, in 1905 presenting to the Queen and the Prime Minister its request that in a proposed revision of the constitution the words men and women be used after citizens. The Commission that drafted it in 1907 recommended suffrage and eligibility for women. The association, expecting a campaign, had invited the International Alliance to hold its congress in Amsterdam in June, 1908. It proved to be one of the most brilliant and successful ever held and was enthusiastically received by the press and the public. An active Men's League for Woman Suffrage was formed.

From that time the question of woman suffrage was on a constantly rising tide. A liberal Parliament had been elected and it was to consider giving the vote to women. Appeals were made through the members from the fifty branches of the association and through public meetings and much outdoor propaganda was carried on in little boats. There was no cessation of the work and as a result leaders of the four political parties declared themselves in the Parliament in favor of the enfranchisement of women, but in 1909 a Conservative Government was elected and the revision was withdrawn. This year the Lutheran and Mennonite churches gave women a vote on all matters. In 1913 the Cabinet announced its own revision of the constitution. Early in 1914 the association memorialized the Premier and the Queen, sent letters to all the electors and carried on the most strenuous work. Its meetings in every town and city were crowded and in a short time a petition signed by 165,000 women was presented to the Parliament. Then the War broke forth and everything was at a standstill.

In 1915 the suffragists were roused by the announcement that the constitution would positively be revised. In June they held a big demonstration in Amsterdam, in which trade unions and political parties participated. It was evident that the country was back of the demand for woman suffrage. Although street processions were forbidden, the burgomaster, a suffragist, allowed it. In The Hague a large one took place in September, when the Parliament opened, the burgomaster yielding to the entreaties of the women that if the Government was going to bring in a new constitution in the midst of the War, which so much concerned women, they should be allowed to express themselves. It was preceded by an immense meeting and a resolution calling for woman suffrage was passed; thousands of women massed in front of the Parliament House and Dr. Jacobs and a deputation carried it in to the Speaker, who promised to do all in his power for them. During all the weeks while the discussion raged the members had to pass through two rows of silent women wearing broad sashes with the name of the association on them. Women filled the seats inside and the Speaker offered his private box to Dr. Jacobs and her friends. Prime Minister Cort van Linden threatened that if a vote were permitted on woman suffrage he would withdraw the whole constitution. The members of Parliament were so afraid they would lose universal male suffrage that they gave up this amendment and the constitution was adopted without it. It did, however, make the valuable concession that it should be possible for the Parliament to grant the suffrage to women at any time without submitting it to the voters as part of the constitution. It also contained the remarkable provision that women should be eligible to election to the Parliament and all representative bodies, although they had not a scrap of suffrage.

The exclusion of women was received with the disapproval of the country and in the election campaign of 1918 the demand of all the non-clerical parties was for woman suffrage. At the opening of Parliament H. P. Marchant, leader of the Constitutional Democrats, introduced a bill for the complete enfranchisement of women. Early in November, 1918, all Europe was alarmed by the revolution in Russia and The Netherlands was threatened. There was a demand for woman suffrage at once as a deterrent. The Government agreed and took up Mr. Marchant's bill but the danger passed and nothing was done. By February, 1919, the suffragists were obliged to hold another mass meeting and demonstration at The Hague and assure the Government that they would rouse the country. The Speaker then brought in the bill, which was discussed in April, and on May 9 universal suffrage for women on the same terms as possessed by men was accepted by a vote of 64 to 10 by the Second Chamber. The following July it passed the First Chamber with five dissenting votes and was signed by the Queen on September 8.

In 1918 a woman had been elected to the Second Chamber and in 1920 one was elected to the First Chamber, and there were 36 on County Councils and 88 on Municipal councils, chosen by men before women had yet voted.

BELGIUM.

On November 23, 1918, five days after the armistice which ended the World War the National Federation for Woman Suffrage in Belgium resumed its activities with an open letter to the Labor Party, referring to their manifesto for universal suffrage and reminding them that this included women. A little later it addressed an appeal to the newly established Government and started a petition. In the midst of the war King Albert and Queen Elizabeth had expressed themselves in favor of the enfranchisement of women but when he opened the first Parliament after it was over he recommended only equal, universal suffrage for men. Notwithstanding the unfavorable conditions the petition soon had 35,000 signatures and was sent to the Parliament. By midwinter of 1919 the question was one of heated controversy among the parties, which continued. By April the petition had reached 175,000. The Catholics favored woman suffrage, the Liberals and Socialists opposed it, fearing the influence of the church. To avoid a dissolution of the Parliament a compromise was finally effected by which the parliamentary vote was given to "all widows of soldiers and civilians killed by the enemy, or, where there is no widow, to the mother"; and to "all women condemned or imprisoned for patriotic acts during the enemy occupation." This enfranchised about 30,000 women and was only to be in effect until a Constituent Assembly should be elected which would revise the electoral law.

Meanwhile a bill for the Municipal or Communal franchise for women was introduced. Plural voting for men was abolished; a general election took place November 16 and the new Parliament met in December. The necessary two-thirds vote for the Parliamentary suffrage for women seemed impossible but the three parties were virtually pledged to give the Municipal. After three months of controversy and suspense this Communal franchise was granted in the Chamber of Deputies on March 3, 1920, to all women 21 years of age, by vote of 120 to 37. All the Catholics voted in favor; all the Liberals but two against it--Burgomaster Max and Paul Hymans, Minister of Foreign Affairs; the Socialist vote was divided, 45 of the 56 in favor. It was accepted in the Senate April 14 by 60 to 33.

The commission on revising the constitution refused by 11 to 9 votes to include the Parliamentary franchise for women but recommended unanimously their eligibility to sit in both chambers. This was accepted in June by the Deputies by 142 to 10 votes. On July 1 they rejected by a vote of 89 to 74 a bill giving the complete suffrage to women. On July 28 they voted by a large majority for a clause that any future Parliament might do this by a two-thirds vote without a revision of the constitution.

LUXEMBURG.

Under the Treaty of Peace after the war Luxemburg became an independent government with its own Parliament. There was a temporary Constituent Assembly and on May 8, 1919, without even an effort by women, this body adopted universal suffrage, without distinction of sex, by a vote of 39 to 11. All inhabitants 21 years of age are electors and after 25 are eligible for the Parliament and Communal Councils. On September 28 men and women voted on the country's future form of government and decided by a four-fifths vote to have an independent monarchy with an elected Parliament. A month later the elections for it took place. One of the two women candidates was elected.

RUSSIA.

It would be difficult to relate the story of woman suffrage in Russia. In the villages and among the peasants women had long voted at the local elections either as proxies of the husband or by right of owning property, and among the nobility and wealthy classes they could vote through male proxies. There was little national suffrage even among men and the Revolution after the Russo-Japanese war was a struggle for representation. In March, 1905, a Russian Union of Defenders of Women's Rights was started in Moscow and spread among different classes throughout Russia. It became a part of the general movement for liberty, was well organized and its demands were many but the first one was for a Constituent Assembly elected by universal, secret ballot. It united with the great political Union of Unions, which officially recognized the equal rights of women in all respects in July, 1905, and before the end of the year this had been done by many municipalities.

Everything was stopped by the Revolution and that was followed by the establishment of the Douma. All that women hoped for from it was wrecked when it was dissolved. Their Union at this time had 79 branches and 10,000 members and had collected and used $50,000 for its work. The struggle was continued but two years later not 1,000 members could be found. In December, 1908, the first Women's Congress in Russia was held in St. Petersburg, welcomed by the Mayor and addressed by members of Parliament and eminent women, and was favorably received. Many women's societies were formed but worked under great difficulties. Woman suffrage bills came before the Douma and it passed one giving the Municipal franchise, after striking out eligibility, but the Czar did not sign it. A bill for adult suffrage was taken up and Professor Miliukov made a brilliant plea for enfranchising women but it was not passed and the suffrage had not been granted to women at the beginning of the war in 1914.

In the second revolution in 1917 women took practically the same part as men and in the Provisional Government which was the result there was no question as to their equal rights in suffrage and office holding. They were elected to the City Council of St. Petersburg and put on all public committees. Then came the counter revolution and chaos. From the beginning of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in 1904 Russian delegates, women of great ability, had come to its congresses with their reports but at the first meeting after the war, in Geneva in 1920, there was no word. When Russia eventually secures a stable government it probably will make no distinction between the political rights of men and women.

GERMANY.

When the International Woman Suffrage Alliance met in Budapest in June, 1913, delegates were present from affiliated societies in twenty-one countries; national associations from several had applied for admission and committees had been formed in several others. Over a hundred fraternal delegates were sent from organizations in twelve countries having woman suffrage as one of their objects or as the only one. In every direction the prospect looked encouraging and then one year later the great War burst upon the world! The first thought of the suffrage leaders was that the work of years had been swept away and after the War it would have to be commenced again. They did not dream that as a result of the War would come victories for equal suffrage that it would have required many years to win. These victories began with the enfranchisement of the women of Great Britain and Ireland in February, 1918, as described in another chapter, the direct result of the War. On the Continent woman suffrage came first where it had been least expected--in Germany and Austro-Hungary. In some of the German States women landowners could vote by male proxies. Each of the 22 States had its own King and Parliament and made its own laws and all men of 25 could vote for the Reichstag or Lower House of the Imperial Parliament but this privilege was largely nullified by a system of plural voting. In Prussia and Bavaria, the two largest States, women were not allowed to attend political meetings or form political organizations, and those for suffrage came under this head. The first attempt to form a suffrage society was made in Hamburg, one of the three "free cities," in 1901 and it was followed by others in the other two "free cities," Frankfort and Bremen, and in the southern States, where these restrictions did not exist. In 1902 these societies were united in a National Association, of which Dr. Anita Augspurg was president. Its members kept up an agitation for the Municipal vote, carrying the question into the courts, and they also petitioned the Reichstag for the full suffrage.

The International Council of Women met in Berlin in 1904, the largest meeting of women ever held in any country, and the organizing at this time of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance aroused universal interest. In the election of the new Reichstag in 1906 the suffrage societies took an active part and in 1907 it repealed the old law forbidding women to attend political meetings and form political associations, the new law going into effect in May, 1908. The suffragists celebrated with an immense meeting in Frankfort, addressed by Mrs. Pethick Lawrence and Miss Annie Kenney of England, who roused great enthusiasm. Suffrage associations were then organized in the various States, which began to work with their own Parliaments. Through lectures, literature and organizing the effort was continued, the women joining and working with the political parties, especially the Social Democratic, which espoused their cause. In 1912 forty petitions for the Municipal suffrage in Prussia were presented to its Diet by women. A Woman's Congress was held in Munich and for the first time in Germany a procession of women marched through the streets. In 1911 differences in questions of policy which had been increasing had resulted in the forming of a second National Association. The two united in 1916 under the presidency of Mrs. Marie Stritt, former president of the National Council of Women of Germany and secretary of the International Alliance. In March, 1918, Mrs. Stritt wrote to the International Suffrage News: "We German women have at present no reason to rejoice over the progress of our cause but we have followed with all the greater joy the unexpected success of our sisters in other countries."

In 1920 Mrs. Stritt, now a member of the city council in Dresden, wrote for this History as follows: "Although throughout the more than four years of war the women worked eagerly for the suffrage through their organizations, demanding it in public meetings and petitioning legislative bodies, they did not get it by their own efforts but by the Revolution in November, 1918, at the end of the war. In August, 1919, their rights were confirmed unanimously by all parties in the new constitution. They received the suffrage and eligibility for the Reichstag, and for the Parliaments of the States and local bodies--universal, equal, direct and secret and applied exactly on the same terms as to men. Women are by the constitution eligible to all State and Government offices. In the first elections, in January, 1920, 39 were elected to the National Assembly, 117 to the State Parliaments in Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, etc., and 1,400 to local bodies. Twenty were elected to the Diet of Prussia."

Dr. Alice Salamon, of Berlin, secretary of the International Council of Women, wrote: "From the first day of the Revolution, when suffrage was proclaimed for all men and women from the age of 20, it was accepted as the most natural thing in the world. It was neither questioned nor opposed by any political or professional groups. All political parties resolutely accepted woman suffrage as a fact and issued electoral platforms in which they declared themselves for the full partnership of women in political life."

In the autumn of 1919 the National Union for Woman Suffrage held a convention in Erfurt and by unanimous vote dissolved, considering that its work had been accomplished. The members then devoted their efforts to abolishing the many legal, civil and social discriminations against women.

AUSTRIA.

The situation in Austria was much the same as in Germany except that from a very early date women taxpayers had some small franchise rights, but in 1906, when by a peaceful revolution men secured universal suffrage for themselves, the new constitution took even those away from women which they had. Although large numbers of women had stood shoulder to shoulder with the Progressives and Social Democrats in their struggle for suffrage, when the latter succeeded in getting control of both branches of the Parliament they refused to grant any voting rights to women. The Austrian Government had never allowed women to attend political meetings or form suffrage societies. It was not until 1905 that they dared even to form a Woman Suffrage Committee and while the men were demanding their own rights it sent a petition to the Parliament that these should be granted to women also. In 1907, after the new régime was under way, they sent another petition signed by 4,000 men and women asking for the repeal of the above obnoxious law. It was refused and the Supreme Court sustained the refusal.

The women did not relax their efforts. Mass meetings were held in Vienna and the provincial capitals under the auspices of the Woman Suffrage Committee and other committees were formed. They published a monthly paper and many of the newspapers took up their cause. In 1910 they sent a deputation to the Premier and Minister of Internal Affairs, which was sympathetically received, and the latter said that not only ought the law to be repealed but women should have the Municipal franchise. A Socialist Deputy brought the matter of the law before the Constitutional Committee, which reported it to the Chamber, where the sentiment was almost unanimous for its repeal. It went to the Upper House but before it could be sanctioned the Parliament was dissolved. In the autumn of 1913 a new Law of Assemblies was passed from which the section so bitterly opposed was omitted and in fact the women had been defying it. They began at once a nation-wide suffrage organization, which affiliated with the International Alliance. The next year the country was immersed in a World War which continued over four years. At the end of it the Government passed into the hands of the people. The new constitution provided that all women over 20 should have full suffrage and eligibility to all offices, national and State, on the same terms as men. For the first elections the following February the Austrian Union of Suffrage Societies and the National Council of Women worked together and it was estimated that 2,000,000 women voted; eight were elected to the National Constituent Assembly, twelve to the city council of Vienna and 126 to other municipal councils.

HUNGARY.

Women were not prohibited from political activities in Hungary as in Austria and when the International Woman Suffrage Alliance was formed in Berlin in 1904 Rosika Schwimmer came from Budapest with a report that in 1900 Francis Kossuth and Louis Hentaller were advocating woman suffrage in the Parliament and in 1903 women were working with men for political reforms. By 1905 a Woman Suffrage Association was formed, auxiliary to the International, mass meetings were held and petitions were sent to the Parliament. In 1906 Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the international president, and Dr. Aletta Jacobs, president of the Netherlands National Association, visited Budapest and addressed enthusiastic meetings. Later Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg of Finland and Mrs. Dora Montefiore of England did the same. Strenuous agitation was kept up, meetings, processions, demonstrations, and half a million leaflets were distributed. The Government was to discuss a Reform Bill in 1908 and a determined effort was made to keep the women out of the House of Parliament as spectators. Mrs. Catt paid another visit that year and gave ten lectures in eight cities. Eloquent women speakers went to the aid of the Hungarian women from Berlin, Munich, Berne, Turin and Rotterdam. In 1910 the conservative National Council of Women added a woman suffrage committee and a Men's League for Woman Suffrage of representative men was formed. There were suffrage societies in 87 cities and towns composed of all classes. The women were badly treated by all political parties and excluded from their meetings, the Radicals and Social Democrats being their strongest opponents. The struggle continued with sometimes a favorable and sometimes an unfavorable Government and always the contest by men for their own universal suffrage.

In 1913, through the remarkable efforts of Rosika Schwimmer, the International Suffrage Alliance held its congress in Budapest with delegates from all over the world. It was a notable triumph, welcomed by the dignitaries of the State and city; its meetings for seven days crowded to overflowing and every possible courtesy extended. The demand that women should have the vote seemed to have become universal. Then came the War and all was blotted out for years. When it was over in 1918 internal revolution followed and out of it came a Republic but without stability. A law was enacted giving suffrage to all men of 21 but only to women of 24 who could read and write. Women voted under it in 1919 and one was elected to the Parliament but the law has not yet been written into a permanent constitution.

BOHEMIA.

Bohemian women suffered the disadvantages of those of Austria and could not attend political meetings or form suffrage societies, although by an old law taxpayers and those belonging to the learned professions could vote by a male proxy for the members of the Diet of the Kingdom, and were eligible themselves after the age of 30. They had a Woman Suffrage Committee and petitioned the Diet to include women in the new electoral law of 1907 but it received word from Vienna that nothing must be done. By 1911 a Woman Suffrage Committee was doing a good deal of active suffrage work and women's organizations were being formed in the political parties but the Social Democratic was the only one that favored equal suffrage. For a number of years the women endeavored to secure the nomination of a woman candidate for the Bohemian Diet but were always unsuccessful. Finally in 1912 the Social Democratic and a section of the Liberal party each nominated a woman and by the most heroic effort and a combination of fortunate circumstances the latter, Mrs. Vikova-Kuneticka, a prominent writer and suffragist, was elected on June 13. The Governor of the district, doubting her eligibility, delayed issuing the certificate; the Diet did not meet; the War came on and after it ended Bohemia assumed her own government with equal rights for women, and she took her seat.

In the newly organized country of Czecho-Slovakia woman suffrage prevailed throughout and in 1920 thirteen women were elected to the Lower and three to the Upper House of the National Parliament. The new Parliament of Jugo-Slavia voted against woman suffrage.

* * * * *

It is practically impossible to give an accurate account of the situation in regard to the suffrage and office-holding of women in the re-alignment which took place in central and southeastern Europe after the war. The States which were formed with new or changed boundaries all began with the declaration of absolute democracy, equal suffrage for men and women and eligibility to all offices. At their first elections women in some of them were elected to the Parliaments and city councils of the new régime. Poland, restored, gave universal suffrage, and elected eight to the Parliament. Its women are strongly organized and very capable. It is not possible to foretell the future of these experiments in democracy. It has been reported from time to time that the suffrage had been given to women in Bulgaria, Roumania and Serbia and then denied but at present they do not seem to be exercising it. (1920.)

SWITZERLAND.

Switzerland, like France, is a republic only in name, as women are wholly disfranchised. It is now the only country where the question of woman suffrage has to be submitted to the individual voters. To give women the franchise for the Federal Council that body must submit the question to all the voters, and to give it in each Canton of the 22 for its Council, this body must submit the question to all the voters in the Canton. It never has been submitted by the Federal Council, which holds that it must first be granted in the Cantons. Whenever they have voted on it they have defeated it, the agricultural population being especially hostile. There are many organizations of women, the most important of which ask for the suffrage. The largest of them, the National Council of Women, with 20,000 members from all kinds of societies, was very slow to recognize the value of the vote but in January, 1919, when a revision of the constitution was expected, it took official action and unanimously adopted suffrage work.

Mme. Chaponnière-Chaix (who is now president of the International Council of Women), Mme. Saulner and Mlle. Camille Vidart were present at the forming of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Berlin in 1904 to represent a group in Geneva. In May, 1908, a Central Woman Suffrage Committee was formed in Berne of societies in seven cities and it was admitted to membership in the Alliance. In January, 1909, a National Association was organized with M. de Morsier, a Deputy of the Council of the Geneva Canton, as president and lectures and organizing commenced. The work was continued and small gains were made. Vaud, Geneva, Neuchâtel, Bâle-Ville and Berne gave women a vote in the State church. They can sit on school boards in these Cantons and Zurich. They can vote for and serve on the tribunaux de prud'hommes--industrial boards--in two or three Cantons, these rights granted by the Councils. The universities and the professions are open to women.

Work for woman suffrage was at an end during the War and after it was over there was not the disposition to enfranchise women that prevailed in other countries of Europe but it was taken up by the liberal parties. The suffragists entered upon vigorous efforts to have the rights of women included in the proposed revision of the national constitution. On March 17, 1919, in response to large petitions, the Council of Neuchâtel by a vote of 60 to 30 submitted the question of woman suffrage to the voters. In June the National Suffrage Association held its annual meeting in this Canton with a large attendance and its president, Mlle. Emily Gourd, gave an account of an active year's work. A petition signed by 157 women's societies asked the Federal Council to put woman suffrage in the revised national constitution. There was a spirit of hopefulness that a new régime was at hand, as many Cantons were considering the question.

The vote was taken in Neuchâtel June 28, 29, 1919. A dishonorable campaign had been made by the opponents, financed by the liquor trade, and the result in the entire Canton was 12,017 noes, 5,346 ayes. In the town it stood 1,647 noes, 831 ayes; in the industrial and Socialist town of Chaux de Fonds it was 2,400 noes, 1,800 ayes. The Federal Council refused all appeals to submit the question, although it was discussed in the First Chamber. In October the Council of Basle by 63 to 24 voted to submit the proposition. The Council of Zurich also sent it to the voters, adding eligibility to office. On February 8, 1920, the vote in the Canton of Zurich was 88,249 noes; 21,608 ayes. In that of Basle it was 12,455 noes; 6,711 ayes. The peasants were solidly opposed and the workingmen voted against it.

The suffragists then concentrated upon Geneva and set out to get a petition from 2,500 electors, which would compel the Council of the Canton to submit the proposition. In June, 1920, the International Woman Suffrage Alliance held in Geneva its first congress after the war. Delegates were present from all over the civilized world. Twenty-one countries had now enfranchised women. From every point of view it was one of the most successful it had ever held and it was expected to influence the referendum on woman suffrage. The year was crowded with work and the 2,500 names were not obtained until November. It was February, 1921, before the Council of the Canton discussed the petition and then it was referred to a Special Commission, where it was held until September 21 before the proposal to give full suffrage and eligibility to women was submitted to the voters. The election took place October 17 and resulted in 14,166 noes; 6,629 ayes.

ITALY.

Woman suffrage in some form had been a number of times before the Italian Parliament and it was advocated by many of the eminent university women. At the first congress of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Copenhagen in 1906 Professor Teresa Labriola, a lecturer on law in the University of Rome, came to tell of efforts during the past year to awaken interest in the question of votes for women, due largely to the demand of men for universal suffrage. Some women had tried to have their names placed on the election lists, as the electoral law did not prohibit it, but the courts decided against them. A petition signed by a large number of women was presented to the House of Deputies and some of these advocated a law to give women the suffrage but Premier Giolitti held that full civil rights must first be given to them. In 1908 congresses of women were held, committees formed and a National Committee for Woman Suffrage was sufficiently organized to send a delegate to the meeting of the International Alliance in Amsterdam and be accepted as an auxiliary. Later it became a National Federation for Woman Suffrage. By 1909 suffrage committees had been established in many cities, public meetings held and propaganda work done. The National Committee had taken a very active part in the elections of March to have Deputies selected who favored giving the franchise to women, under the direction of its president, Countess Giacinta Martini, and vice-president, Professor Labriola. The press was obliged to take up the question, led by the Giornale d'Italia. In 1910 a Men's League for Woman Suffrage was formed with a membership of prominent men. A bill was brought before the Chamber to abolish marital authority, admit women to the legal profession and give them a vote in local government. Premier Sonnino was in sympathy but his Cabinet fell.

The National Suffrage Union by 1912 had 10,000 members and took vigorous part in the municipal elections. As a result many Municipal Councils adopted resolutions calling on the Deputies to pass a woman suffrage bill. In 1912 the Chamber was discussing a bill to extend the vote to illiterate men and one was introduced to give it to women, which was defeated through the influence of Premier Giolitti, but the balloting showed that it was not a party question. His government was continued in power by a large vote at the next election. The King in opening Parliament promised a bill to give civil rights to women. The breaking out of the War in 1914 ended all hope of favorable action but agitation and organization did not cease. Large suffrage congresses were held in Rome in 1916 and 1917, the latter opened with an eloquent address by Keeper of the Seals Sacchi, who was to introduce a Reform Bill for women but it was not done.

After the War Italy shared in the world-wide movement toward improving the position of women. The long-delayed Sacchi bill was introduced. It very largely removed the civil disabilities of women, which were many; abolished the authority of the husband, which was absolute; gave women the right to control their property, enter the professions, fill public offices and have equal guardianship of their children. On March 25, 1919, the Senate Commission recommended the passing of the bill without change, which was done in July by a vote of 58 to 17. On April 23, 29, 1920, an immense suffrage congress was held in Milan, opened by Dr. Margherita Ancona and addressed by prominent men of all parties. This was followed by others and there was a strong public demand for the enfranchisement of women. A bill was presented July 30, sponsored by sixteen prominent Deputies of all parties, to give women the vote on the same terms as men but they were not to use it until after the approaching general election, as there would not be time to make new lists. This Martini bill was referred to a special committee of Signor Martini, Signor Gasparotto and Signor Sandrini and it was due to their excellent management that it went through with such speed on September 6. It was favored by Premier Nitti, some brilliant speeches were made and it passed by 174 ayes, 55 noes. Before the great rejoicing was over, before the bill could be acted on by the Senate, the Government was defeated and the Parliament was dissolved. Italy soon, like other European countries, was threatened with revolution. Ministers rose and fell; politics was in a chaotic state. This situation has continued to a considerable degree and women are still without the suffrage (1921).

FRANCE.

For many years there were detached groups in France working for political rights for women but it was not until 1909 that any effort at national organization was made. Then in February a National Committee was formed of one member from each society with Mme. Jeanne E. Schmahl, a well-known worker for the rights of women, as chairman. The National Council of Women of France, an influential body, gave its assistance. Mme. Schmahl went to the meeting of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in London the following April, which recognized the committee as a National Association and accepted it as an auxiliary. It immediately began organizing branches in the Provinces, and received especial help from the universities. Professional women, those in public service and wage-earning women joined the association, which soon had over 3,000 members. The right had been given to working women to vote in the election of Trade Councils. As far back as 1906 M. Dussaussoy had proposed a bill to the Chamber of Deputies giving to all women a vote for Municipal, District and General Councils. In March, 1910, M. Buisson, chairman of the Parliamentary Committee for Universal Suffrage, reported in favor of this bill and added full suffrage. In June, at the request of the new association, 163 Deputies signed a petition that the report should be taken up at once. A remarkable sentiment in favor was disclosed.

Mme. V. Vincent, a pioneer in the woman movement, became president of the association, which was called the French Union for Woman Suffrage. By the time the International Alliance held its congress in Budapest in June, 1913, Mme. Marguerite de Witt Schlumberger, a very capable executive, had been elected president and the report of the secretary, Mme. C. V. Brunschvicg, of the progress made along many lines filled five printed pages. The Municipal suffrage bill had been taken up by the Chamber of Deputies in December, 1912, and then, as usually happened in all countries, some electoral reform in the interest of men crowded it out. The Union now numbered 10,000 members and held a national meeting each year. More requests came for speakers than could be answered.

The War begun in 1914 put an end to all hope of parliamentary action but after it ended the expectation throughout the world was that the magnificent courage and efficiency of French women during the four-and-a-half years would be rewarded with full enfranchisement. The Union took up the question at once and met the fullest cooperation in the Chamber of Deputies. The debate opened in May, 1919, and continued through three sessions. It commenced with the bill for the Municipal franchise but at the beginning of the third session this passed to an amendment, conferring the same complete universal suffrage possessed by men. The Chamber was undecided when M. Viviani and M. Briand, former Prime Ministers, in strong speeches called for the amendment. Their powerful influence turned the scale and on May 20 by 377 ayes, 97 noes, the Deputies voted for the amendment amidst the greatest enthusiasm. It had to be ratified by the Senate, a non-progressive body not elected by popular vote but by District and Municipal Councillors in each Commune.

With much anxiety the women turned to the Senate and after interviews with individual members succeeded in obtaining a hearing before the Commission, or Committee, on Adult Suffrage, June 12. They presented an eloquent appeal, signed officially by the Union of Suffrage Societies with 80 branches; the National Council of Women with 150 and several other large organizations of women, and gave a copy to each member. It was received in cold silence and they knew that not more than half-a-dozen of the 27 members were favorable. The elections were approaching and the commission would not report the subject to be discussed in the Senate. After the election the new Chamber of Deputies considered in September a proposal to the Senate to hold a discussion on the woman suffrage bill, which was passed by a vote of 340 to 95. It had no effect and the commission not only refused to lay the measure before the Senate but rejected one to give the franchise to woman relatives of the men who were killed in the war. The Radical members fear that to give women a vote would strengthen the power of the Catholic church; the Conservatives fear that the political emancipation of women would diminish the influence of the clergy. Thus the situation remains in the so-called Republic.

OTHER COUNTRIES IN EUROPE.

At the meeting of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Geneva in 1920 the president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, called attention in her address to the fact that Greece and Spain in Europe, Argentina and Uruguay in South America and the island of Cuba had made enough progress in organization for woman suffrage within a few years to be accepted as auxiliaries.

GREECE. While the Peace Treaty was being framed at Paris in 1919 Premier Venizelos received a deputation of leading suffragists from many countries, expressed his sympathy with the movement and gave them the names of women in Athens with whom to take up the question of organization. On Jan. 23, 1920, he stated to the Parliament in Greece that the Government was prepared to give the suffrage to women as soon as they to some extent requested it. This was followed in March by the forming in Athens of a League for the Rights of Women and later by branches in Crete, Thessaly and Corfu. A petition for political and civic rights, in which other societies of women joined, was sent to the Parliament. The Lyceum Club, one of the oldest and most influential in Greece, arranged a great congress of women to meet in October to consider measures for the advancement of women along all lines, including that of suffrage. Then the Venizelos Government was overthrown by a plebiscite, the King returned and the congress was deferred until April, 1921. At that time a hundred societies of women sent delegates. It was opened by Premier Gounaris and the King and Queen were present. Woman suffrage was the leading feature and several Cabinet Ministers announced the intention of the Government to confer it. Queen Sophia decorated Madame Parron, president of the congress, and thanked her for devoting her life to the progress of Greek women. There have been the usual delays but the women will probably be enfranchised in the not distant future.

SPAIN. The women of Spain labor under great disadvantages in trying to obtain the franchise, as the Catholic church, which is all-powerful, is not in favor of it. The King and Queen are friendly and a number of the statesmen are ready to assist. The Cabinet in 1919 proposed a bill which would give a vote to all women over 23 years old and it was placed on the program of the Republican party. There are eight or ten suffrage societies in different cities united in a Supreme Feminist Council, which holds congresses and has presented to the Parliament petitions signed by thousands of women asking for complete political and legal equality. It is an auxiliary of the International Alliance.

There have been attempts to organize for woman suffrage in Portugal. Travellers in various districts of Turkey report that in some of them women are permitted to vote and hold office.

Before the outbreak of the War there was some suffrage among the property owning women in the Jewish colonization of Palestine. After it was taken by General Allenby the Jewish Provisional Assembly called to arrange for a National Constituent Assembly provided that women as well as men should vote for it. There was opposition from the orthodox but the liberal element prevailed. They vote and belong to the political organizations and also have their own, which work for the improvement of the civil and legal position of women. They have united in a national organization and become auxiliary to the International Woman Suffrage Alliance. Women have been elected to city councils and even to the National Assembly.

When Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt visited China in 1912 she found that women had taken part in the revolution and not only had voted for the new Parliament but had been elected to it. These privileges were afterwards taken away but they organized societies to get them again. Mrs. Catt kept in touch with these societies and in 1913 they were accepted as auxiliary to the Alliance. They are still keeping up the struggle for political rights.

There is only the nucleus of a movement for woman suffrage in Japan but some of the statesmen favor it and women's societies petition for it. Under the auspices of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union a beginning has been made toward organization. Women are not allowed to attend political meetings and their position is very restricted but this year (1921) they have done a great deal of public work for peace. The Japanese Government is progressing rapidly and the results will eventually be seen in an improved status of women.

SOUTH AMERICA. Women occupy an advanced position in Argentina in education, in business and in organized work. They have had during the past twenty years an excellent training through the National Council of Women and they have exercised much influence in public affairs. They were slow in entering the movement for woman suffrage but by 1920 they were sufficiently organized under the presidency of Dr. Alicia Moreau, to send a representative to the congress of the International Alliance in Geneva in June and be received as an auxiliary. Large meetings have been held in Buenos Aires. There is much favorable sentiment in the Parliament, where bills have been introduced.

The woman suffrage movement is well advanced in Uruguay under the presidency of Dr. Paulina Luisi, who attended the Geneva congress, where her association entered the International Alliance. The president of the Republic, Dr. Baltaser Brum, is an ardent advocate of woman's enfranchisement and is using his best efforts for it. A bill was introduced by Dr. Aralya for the complete emancipation of women, which did not pass. Later one for the Municipal franchise was presented by Deputy Alfco Brum, brother of the president, which it is believed will ultimately be accepted. There is a suffrage society in Chili, one in Paraguay and one in Brazil, where the Senate in 1920 defeated a bill.

The Central American Constituent Assembly, the legislative body of the new Federation of Central American States, has approved woman suffrage. There is to be a Pan American Suffrage Congress of Women in the United States in 1922, which doubtless will give a great impetus to the cause in the Central and South American countries.

MEXICO. The constitution made for Mexico after the last revolution gave the suffrage to all citizens without distinction of sex and women have voted in Yucatan but the elections throughout the country have not been settled enough for them to exercise their right. There are suffrage societies among the different classes of women and the wage-earners are especially insistent on having a voice in the Government. The President is quoted as having said that the time when women will vote is near at hand.

FOOTNOTES:

[220] The History is indebted for the material in this division to Miss Annie Furuhjelm of Helsingfors, member of Parliament, vice-president of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance and president of the Woman's Alliance Union of Finland formed in 1892.

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