Chapter XXV…

Chapter XXV

The Covenanting Struggle.

THE moment had come for the King and his advisers in England to manifest their wisdom. Two lines of action were open to them, either unconditionally to withdraw the Liturgy, or at once to overwhelm all opposition. Charles was not inclined to adopt the first; and though quite unprepared to enforce the second, yet he clung to it, and only slowly and with difficulty became aware that his power was not commensurate with his will. The prevailing condition of the national mind was but imperfectly understood at headquarters in London; the King himself had merely looked at a few unimportant circumstances on the surface of society, and from these concluded that the Scots would offer little opposition to the introduction of the Liturgy. In the Large Declaration the King stated the reasons which he had for believing that his commands would be obeyed, and that the Liturgy would be received. These in effect were, that the nobles, and his Scottish subjects generally, who resorted to England, attended the churches in that country without finding any fault or quarrelling with the service; that the English Liturgy had been regularly read in the Chapel Royal at Holyrood since the year 1617, and had been attended by all classes without dislike; that it had been used by the bishops while conferring orders, and for several years back it had been read in some of the cathedral churches, and in the new College of St. Andrews; that for years many families had used it in private, and that when he was in Scotland, it had been read in all the churches which he attended. That inasmuch as the Scottish Liturgy was in substance the same as the English one, he never expected that a charge of popery or superstition would be brought against a Liturgy which had been compiled by the bishops and other divines, who, in Queen Mary’s reign, had preferred banishment and death to submission to Rome, and which since had been cherished by the English clergy, who had done much to oppose popery.¹ But expectations founded on these reasons ought not to have misled the King and his counsellors. Apart from political adversaries, resistance of another character might easily have been anticipated, from the manner in which the Liturgy itself was introduced, and from the nature of the book. It had been long known that the Presbyterians did not recognise any ecclesiastical supremacy in the King, or even any special right in the sovereign to interfere with religion, without the concurrence of the Church, and therefore it should have been foreseen, that they would certainly oppose the important alterations introduced by the authority of the King. The tone of the King’s despatches distinctly manifest his view of the matter, which in effect was this――everyone in Scotland had done something wrong, or neglected to do what they should have done; his Majesty alone, under God, was thoroughly in the right, and therefore his will must be obeyed. But this misguided King was rudely brought to feel that there were stronger and more resolute minds and wills in Britain than his own.

¹ Pages 19‒21.

Meanwhile the agitation and excitement had greatly increased throughout the kingdom. Differences had also arisen among the members of the Privy Council; the bishops blamed the lords, and the lords blamed the bishops for what had happened, instead of presenting a united front to the opposition. While the Government were thus frittering away their energies, petitions against the Liturgy began to be drawn up and presented. The first one came from Fife, headed by Alexander Henderson, which was followed by another from Glasgow. Henderson, minister of Leuchars, in name of himself and his brethren, presented a petition to the Privy Council on the 23rd of August, 1637. This document stated that the moderator of their presbytery had ordered them to receive two copies of the new Liturgy, and they had expressed their readiness to receive one copy, that they might ascertain what it contained, before they consented to use it. But this proposal was not accepted, and therefore they entreated the Lords of the Council to suspend the charge against them, for the following reasons:――1. Because the Liturgy is neither warranted by the authority of the General Assembly nor by any act of Parliament; 2. Because the liberties of the true Church, and the form of religion and worship received at the Reformation, and universally practised since, were warranted by the acts of the General Assembly, and by several Acts of Parliament; 3. Because the Church of Scotland was a free and independent Church, and her own ministers were best able to discern what was in harmony with the Reformation, and calculated to promote the good of the people; 4. Because it was notorious that disputes, divisions, and trouble had arisen in the Church about a few of the many ceremonies contained in this Liturgy, which, when examined, had been found to depart far from the worship of this Church, and in some most essential points to draw near to the Church of Rome; 5. Because, since the Reformation, the people have always been taught a different doctrine, and they would not likely be willing to agree to such changes, even though their pastors were willing to submit. The Lords of the Council then passed an act declaring that there had been a misunderstanding touching the intention of the former acts: as they had only meant that ministers should buy copies of the Liturgy, and nothing more; but this was inconsistent with the tenor of their former acts, and with the proclamation prefixed to the Liturgy itself. At the same time the Council addressed a letter to the King, informing him of the discontent and of the clamour against the Liturgy in all parts of the country; and that they had agreed to let the matter rest till further instructed by his Majesty, after he should have summoned to his presence some of their own number.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 19, 449‒450; Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., pages 227‒229.

The King replied on the 10th of September. He declined to call any of the councillors to London, but expressed his displeasure that they had not caused the Liturgy to be read, and that they had been remiss in not bringing those who raised the tumult in July to condign punishment. He insisted that every bishop should cause the Liturgy to be read in his own diocese.

By this time a large number of petitions against the Liturgy had been circulated throughout the country; and on the 20th of September many of them were presented to the Council. The movement was rapidly gaining strength; as about twenty of the nobles, many of the gentry, and the chief men of the towns had joined it. A great number of people had assembled at Edinburgh, and the Earl of Sutherland presented a general petition to the Council, in name of the nobility, the barons, the ministers, and the burgesses. It urged that the introduction of the Liturgy would disturb the peace of the kingdom, and earnestly requested the Council to report to the King the real state of affairs, and to endeavour to persuade him to desist from interfering with their religion. The Council were sorely perplexed, hesitated, and wist not what to do; at last, they declined answering the petitions till they received instructions from the King. In a letter to the King, the Council stated that more than sixty-eight petitions had been presented against the Liturgy; they also requested the Duke of Lennox, who was then leaving for London, to inform the King of the true state of matters, and the difficulties which had unhappily arisen.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 21‒22, 33, 453; Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., pages 233‒235.

On the 9th of October, 1637, the King informed the Council that he had postponed an answer to the petitions. About the middle of this month a greater number of people than before met at Edinburgh to await the King’s answer, and with the view of inducing the magistrates to join them; while six fresh petitions from two hundred parishes were presented. A favourable and wise answer from the King might still have dissipated all alarm. On the 17th of the month, the reply was announced in the form of three proclamations at the Cross of Edinburgh. The first stated that nothing would be done that day touching Church affairs, and the multitude of petitioners and strangers were commanded to leave the capital within twenty-four hours; the second ordered the seat of government and the courts of law to be removed to Linlithgow (a move which had been tried before); and the third denounced a book, which had been popular, viz., “A Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies obtruded upon the Church of Scotland,” all copies of which were ordered to be brought in to the Council, and publicly burned.¹

¹ Large Declaration, pages 32‒34; Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., page 236.

The citizens of Edinburgh and the people then assembled there were deeply offended, and directly resolved to disobey the proclamations, and not to separate till they had established a rallying-point. The next morning, while the Bishop of Galloway was on his way to the Council-house, a mob attacked him and pursued him to the door; while the crowd surrounded the Council-house, and loudly demanded that the obnoxious lords should surrender. The Council dispatched a messenger to the magistrates, asking their help, but he found that they were in the same plight as the Council. A part of the mob had stationed themselves around the town house, and some of them forced their way into the lobbies, and threatened that unless the magistrates joined the burgesses in opposing the Liturgy, they would burn the building. When this became known to the Privy Council, the High Treasurer and the Earl of Wigton forced their way through the multitude to the town-house. After a brief consultation, it was agreed that the magistrates should do all in their power to disperse the crowds; they accordingly announced to the seething multitude that they had acceded to the demands of the people, and were ready to join in their petitions against the Liturgy. The Treasurer and his followers now thought that they might venture to return to the Council-house; but as soon as they appeared on the street, they were assailed with hootings and jeers. The lords assured the excited people that they would urge their requests upon the King, but this was received with scornful hissing. Then a rush was made, and the Treasurer was thrown to the ground, and his hat, cloak, and staff of office were torn from him, while he was in danger of being trodden to death; but some of his companions got him to his feet, and the pressure of the crowd half carried him and his friends to the Council-house door, where they immediately disappeared. In a short time the magistrates joined the Council, and then the authorities were beset, many of them trembling for their lives. At last it was resolved to send for the nobles who had already declared themselves against the Liturgy, and by their exertions the crowd was dispersed, and the councillors got in safety to their homes.¹

¹ Large Declaration, pages 34‒38; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 37‒38.

Meantime, the nobles, the gentry, the ministers, and others opposed to the Liturgy, had been engaged deliberating on the form of a complaint against the bishops, which was to be presented to the Council. Two forms were prepared, one by Henderson and Lord Balmerino, the other by Dickson and Lord Loudon. The latter was adopted, and immediately signed by about twenty-four earls and lords, by upwards of a hundred of the gentry, and by many of the ministers. The subscribers of this document stated, that by the tenor of the late proclamations they had been forced to remonstrate against the archbishops and bishops of the kingdom, who having been entrusted by the King with the government of the Church, had framed and enjoined two books――the Canons and the Liturgy; and that, in the Liturgy, not only were the seeds of divers superstitions sown――idolatries, and false doctrines, but also the English service-book was abused, especially in the communion, in a manner quite contrary to the intentions of the blessed Reformers of religion in England; while in the Book of Canons the observance of the Liturgy was enforced under the penalty of excommunication, and many regulations were enacted tending directly to foster superstition and error. And therefore, from their duty to God, to their King, and to their country, they craved that the matter should be tried, according to the laws of the kingdom; and that meanwhile the bishops should not be suffered to sit as judges. The Council promised to forward this petition to the King.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 35‒37.

The opposition party before separating, resolved to meet again on the 15th of November. In the interval they were to exert themselves to the utmost to ensure as large a meeting of the people as possible to receive an answer to their former petitions.

On the appointed day many earnest men arrived in Edinburgh, the influx of people being greater than ever, while the Earls of Rothes, ♦Cassillis, Eglinton, Home, and others, mingled with the crowd. The Privy Council, fearing a repetition of the former tumults, held a conference with some of the leaders of the petitioners at Linlithgow on the 14th of November. The councillors complained that the multitude of people congregated at Edinburgh threatened to break the peace of the kingdom, and that these meetings were illegal. The nobles, on the side of the petitioners, insisted on their right to meet and to present their grievances; but to remove any cause of complaint, they suggested that their party were ready to act by representatives, and thus render crowded meetings unnecessary. The Council agreed to this proposal, and perhaps unwittingly lent its aid to the embodiment of a power in the nation which was quickly to supersede its own. The opposition party’s scheme soon assumed a definite form. Four permanent committees were appointed: the first comprising all the nobles who had joined the movement; the second consisting of two representatives from each of the counties; the third embracing one minister from each presbytery; and the fourth including one or two deputies from each burgh. These committees sat at different tables in the Parliament House――hence in history they were called the “Tables;” and together they represented the community. For business and effective action each of the committees elected four representatives, and these united formed a select deliberative body of sixteen members, appointed to sit constantly in Edinburgh, with instructions to assemble the larger body of representatives when any critical emergency appeared. At first they merely took charge of the petitions, and urged them upon the attention of the government;¹ but they soon began to feel themselves strong enough to formulate proposals and plans for the party, and proceeded to issue mandates which were more respected and better obeyed than the proclamations of the King and his Council. They virtually assumed the functions of rulers, and the real control of affairs soon fell into their hands.

♦ “Casillis” replaced with “Cassillis”

¹ Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., page 243; Baillie’s _Letters and Journals_, Volume I., pages 40, 42.

Though the troubles which the King’s policy had raised in Scotland were thus forced upon his attention, even yet he but dimly understood the character of the movement. Accordingly he deemed it sufficient to dispatch the Earl of Roxburgh to negotiate; and then issued a proclamation intimating to his faithful subjects that he had delayed answering their petitions owing to the tumultuous and violent acts done in Edinburgh in contempt of his royal authority. He was graciously pleased to protest that he abhorred all popery, and that he had no intention of doing anything contrary to the laws of Scotland. This was not likely to pacify a people almost ripe for rebellion; accordingly the movement continued to develop and gather vigour.

On the 21st of December, 1637, the representatives of the Tables appeared before the Privy Council, and demanded that their petitions should be heard. Lord Loudon boldly restated their grievances touching the Book of Canons, the Liturgy, the Court of High Commission, and the bishops, who, it was asserted, were the authors of all these innovations. As the bishops were the chief delinquents, and directly interested parties, it was claimed that they should not be allowed to sit as judges upon the matters in dispute between the government and the petitioners. The Council’s hands being tied by orders from the court, they remitted the whole matter for the determination of the King. The following is a part of Loudon’s speech before the Council:――“A more weighty and stately cause than this, for which we now appear before your lordships, was never pleaded before any judge on earth: being for the defence of the true religion and established laws, on which depends the welfare both of Church and Commonwealth, our condition of life, of liberty, and temporal estate in this transitory world, and our eternal happiness in the world to come; our duty to God Almighty, the supreme King of kings, and our allegiance and duty to our sovereign lord and master the King.... And in respect that, by the whole strain of our supplications and complaints, given in to your lordships, the archbishops and bishops are our direct parties, as contrivers, devisers, introducers, maintainers, and urgers of the Books ... and other unlawful innovations and just grievances complained of by us, we crave that the matter may be put to trial, and the bishops taken order with, according to the laws of the realm, and not suffered to sit as judges, until our cause be tried and decided according to justice; so these prelates being the only parties, of whom we have at this time justly complained, must be declined as our judges, seeing that they cannot be both judge and party, according to the loveable laws of this kingdom. And our declaration ought to be sustained as relevant against them, notwithstanding that they have purposely absented themselves at this time, because if the matter and action depending shall not be decided at present, but shall happen, by answer or letter from his Majesty, to be remitted back to the Council, the chancellor and bishops who are councillors will be judges in the complaint given in against themselves; and the chancellor, with six or seven of the bishops, making up a quorum of the Council, may determine and dispose of our cause and petitions, now depending, as well as they passed an act of Council for approving the Liturgy before it was either printed or seen.”¹

¹ Large Declaration, page 46. Baillie’s _Letters and Journals_, Volume I., pages 455‒458.

The government and the King were now sadly perplexed; and about the beginning of 1638, Traquair, the Lord Treasurer of Scotland, was called to London. He found that the King was extremely ignorant of the real state of affairs in Scotland. Those whom he trusted were partly responsible for this; but the King himself was unwilling to be informed as to difficulties which he had himself helped to create. Some consultation was held concerning what was next to be done; but the idea of yielding to the opinions and sentiments of the people was never entertained by the King. In the end it was resolved to adhere to the Liturgy and the Court of High Commission, and to condemn and ignore all that had been objected against them, in order that the royal prerogative might be maintained. Popular meetings and demonstrations were to be prohibited and suppressed, while his Majesty took the responsibility of the Liturgy upon himself. The Treasurer returned with his instructions in the middle of February.¹

¹ Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, page 33, 1677; Stafford’s Letters, Volume II.

The Privy Council and the Court of Session were then at Stirling, and a proclamation in accord with the royal conclusions was issued on the 19th of February. But the representatives of the Tables had been informed of this, and Lindsay and Home were there before the Treasurer himself. Accordingly, when the heralds had performed their part by proclaiming his Majesty’s will, Lindsay and Home immediately took instruments in the hands of a notary, and protested that they should still have a right to petition the King; that they would not recognise the bishops as judges in any court; that they should not incur any loss for not observing such canons, rites, and proclamations as were contrary to Acts of Parliament and to Acts of the General Assembly; that if any disturbance should arise, it should not be imputed to them; that their requests proceeded from conscience, with no object save the preservation of the Reformed Religion, and the laws and liberties of his Majesty’s ancient kingdom. This protest was in name of the nobles, the barons, the ministers, and the burgesses, appointed to attend the King’s answer to their humble petitions. Similar protests on the part of the petitioners were entered at Linlithgow and Edinburgh, and wherever the royal proclamation was issued.¹

¹ Large Declaration, pages 48‒52.

The crisis was at hand. The opposition party felt that they could not recede, and therefore it was necessary for them to look to the future. Their only hope of successfully resisting the King was to unite on some common principle and end, easily understood, and capable of touching the sympathies, emotions, and the religious feelings of the people, and thus combine them together for action. At this stage an old custom suggested itself to them, as appropriate to the circumstances and the emergency. It was proposed, as in bye-gone days, that every adherent of the cause should be bound as one man by a solemn covenant. This kind of engagement, as we have seen, reached far back in the history of Scotland, under the name of “bonds of manrent,” by which the aristocracy leagued themselves together for mutual defence, or for performing some exploit, as the defeat of an enemy, the imprisonment or the murder of their King. On this occasion, the party opposed to the King’s measures met at Edinburgh about the end of February, 1638, and agreed to revive the Confession and Covenant of 1581, which at that time was signed by James VI., his government and the people, throughout the kingdom.¹ To prepare the minds of the people, several of the ministers of Edinburgh preached in favour of renewing the Covenant. The framing of the famous document itself was entrusted to Alexander Henderson and Johnston of Warriston; and the Earls of Rothes, Loudon, and Balmerino were selected to revise it. This national Covenant consisted of three parts: the first was a copy of the Confession of 1581; the second contained a summary of the various Acts of Parliament which condemned Roman Catholicism, and ratified the Reformed Church; the third was the new Covenant or bond, by which the subscribers swore, in the name of the “Lord their God,” that they would remain in the profession of their religion; that they would defend it to the utmost of their power from all errors and corruptions; that they would stand by the King’s person in support of the true religion, the liberties, and the laws of the kingdom; and that they would stand by each other in defence of the same against all persons whatsoever. When the first draft of the Covenant was submitted to the committees, there were differences of opinion about it. Some thought that they could not bind themselves together for mutual defence without incurring treason; but after a long discussion, and some alterations having been made, a general agreement was obtained.²

¹ Mackintosh’s History of Civilisation in Scotland, Volume I., pages 372‒73; Volume II., pages 89, 177, 228.

² Peterkin’s Records of the Church of Scotland; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 52‒54. At first Baillie had scruples, and he caused some of the articles of the Covenant to be modified, but after his concurrence in the general agreement, he says:――“What will be next, the Lord only knows, we are to humble ourselves in fasting and prayer.” Ibid., page 54. This Confession and Covenant is usually printed in the same volume with the Westminster Confession.

The Covenanters had now assumed a new position in the kingdom. They had cast aside the character of humble petitioners to the authorities, and began openly to exercise the functions of government themselves. They had become a compact and well organised body, ready to act upon the people in the most effective manner, by appealing to their religious convictions and feelings, to their national pride and passion, and to their hopes and fears.

When everything had been prepared for securing the adhesion of the people, it was resolved to inaugurate the new scheme at Edinburgh, on the 28th February, 1638. A multitude of the people had then congregated in the Greyfriars’ Church and Churchyard; and there they were addressed in glowing terms on the preservation of their religion, the true Presbyterian polity, their duty to God and their country, till their feelings and emotions were raised to such a high pitch of enthusiasm, that they firmly believed their everlasting happiness depended on maintaining the purity of the reformed faith. Such was the feeling of the people, when, at two in the afternoon, the Earls of Rothes and Loudon, Henderson and Dickson, ministers, and Johnston of Warriston, appeared with the Covenant. Henderson having opened this part of the proceedings with prayer, Loudon addressed the assemblage; and then all were asked to come forward and sign the Covenant. The Earl of Sutherland was the first to sign, being followed by Sir Andrew Murray; thereafter crowds surrounded the table, and when those in the church had signed the Covenant, it was taken out to the graveyard and placed on a flat gravestone. There the enthusiasm reached its greatest height, men and women being equally eager to subscribe their names. The brave work went on for several hours, till every inch of the long roll of parchment was covered. Night at last closed the scene. “It was a day wherein the arm of the Lord was revealed――a day wherein the princes of the people were assembled to swear fealty and allegiance to that great King whose name is the Lord of Hosts.” Henderson described it as――“The day of the Lord’s power, wherein they had seen His people most willingly offer themselves in multitudes, like the dew of the morning.”¹

¹ Wilson’s _Defence of the Reformation Principles of the Church of Scotland_; Rothes’ Relation.

The following day copies of the Covenant were circulated in Edinburgh, the citizens almost universally signing it, while other copies were immediately sent throughout the kingdom. Efforts were made to arouse the enthusiasm of the people, and many with uplifted hands subscribed and swore to maintain the Covenant. Commissioners were sent to Glasgow and to Aberdeen, the only places where serious opposition was expected. The Professors of the University of Glasgow, and some of the ministers who held the doctrine of non-resistance, were opposed to the Covenant, and refused to subscribe. The doctors of the University of Aberdeen also spoke and wrote boldly against the Covenant, and in spite of the efforts of a deputation from the South, very few of the citizens of Aberdeen could be induced to sign it; they asserted that it was an unlawful combination against established authority. Pamphlets were published on both sides of the question, and the controversy was hotly maintained for a time. But this war of words was shortly hushed amid the general unanimity of the other parts of the kingdom. Such was the energy and tact of the leaders of the movement, that within two months nearly all the inhabitants of Scotland had given in their adherence to the Covenant, except those above mentioned, the courtiers, the bishops and their fraction of adherents.¹

¹ _The Answers of some Brethren of the Ministry to the Replies of the Ministers and Professors of Aberdeen_, 1638; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 62‒64, 66, et seq. It may be noted that, immediately after the Covenant was sworn at Edinburgh, the leaders of the party communicated with their friends in London, and sent them copies of the Covenant.

The Privy Council, already alarmed, were sitting at Stirling while the Covenant was being carried about the streets of Edinburgh for signatures, and great was their embarrassment at the determined opposition of the Presbyterians. After four days’ deliberation they agreed to send Sir John Hamilton, the Justice Clerk, to London, to inform the King that the whole nation was in a state of excitement; that the Book of Canons, the Liturgy, and the High Commission, and the modes in which they had been introduced, were the causes of all the turmoil; and that His Majesty should, “as an act of singular justice,” inquire into these grievances of his subjects. The Earls of Traquair and Roxburgh also wrote to the King, distinctly informing him that the dread of religious innovation had raised a conflagration amongst all classes of the people which was daily becoming more vehement, and that no force in the kingdom could suppress it. As religion was the pretext, they suggested that it would be well for the King to free his subjects from their fears by withdrawing the Book of Canons and the Liturgy, and then he would be in a better position to punish the insolence of those who persisted in kicking against his authority. In the month of April, several members of the Privy Council and nobles were called to the Court, while some of the bishops were already there; the King, therefore, had a good opportunity of knowing the real state of Scotland. If anything more was needed to inform him, it was supplied in a paper forwarded to the Scottish Lords at court, containing a clear statement of the grievances of the Covenanters. This document expressly stated that the recalling of the Book of Canons and the Liturgy would not be sufficient to restore peace; it demanded that the High Commission should be utterly abolished, and complained of the Perth Articles, of the civil offices, and of the seats in parliament held by the bishops, and the oaths exacted from ministers. The Covenanters requested that a lawful and free General Assembly and a Parliament should be summoned as in former times, to redress the grievances of the people, to settle commotions, and to pacify the minds of the nation.

The Justice Clerk and other Scottish Councillors suggested soothing remedies, and the position of matters was earnestly discussed. At last the King called to his closet the Archbishops of Canterbury and St. Andrews, the Bishops of Galloway, Brechin, and Ross, and the Marquis of Hamilton, and measures of repression were resolved upon. At this meeting the King announced his intention to send the Marquis of Hamilton to Scotland as High Commissioner with power to settle the troubles of the nation.¹

¹ Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, pages 34‒43; Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., pages 252‒261. There is evidence that Hamilton had a better grasp of the difficulties than the King; yet even the Marquis had not a very complete appreciation of the hardness of the task which he undertook when he entered on the mission of defeating the aims of the Covenanters.

A proclamation was prepared to be sent with Hamilton to Scotland. In it the King promised not to press the Canons and the Liturgy, except in a fair and legal way; that he would limit the High Commission, and that he would overlook all that was past, if his subjects would renounce and disclaim their factious bonds, and return to their loyal duty; but those who declined to do this would be treated as rebels and traitors. The King’s instructions to Hamilton were signed on the 16th of May, 1638, and were in accord with the contents of the proclamation just indicated. They extended to twenty-eight articles, the last of which was in these terms:――“If you cannot, by the means prescribed by us, bring back the refractory and seditious to due obedience, we do not only give you authority, but command all hostile acts whatsoever to be used against them, they having deserved to be used in no other way by us, but as a rebellious people; for the doing whereof we will not only save you harmless, but account it as acceptable service done us.”

Meanwhile the Covenanters were proceeding with their work. They had little confidence in the word of the King, as he had already shown that his opinions and feelings were entirely against them. Several of the presbyteries had relieved the constant moderators of their duties, while some of the uncovenanted ministers were removed from their churches. In some cases, the clergy who clung to Episcopacy and refused to take the Covenant, were mobbed and maltreated, but the majority of the Covenanters disapproved of such proceedings, though they were not always able to prevent outrages.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 70‒71; Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, pages 43‒51.

Early in June, 1638, three months after the first signing of the Covenant, the Marquis of Hamilton arrived in Scotland. It was evident from the King’s instructions to him, that there was no intention of granting the demands of the Covenanters, and the Marquis soon discovered that his instructions were entirely futile. All the southern counties were under the control of the Covenanters. They had already ordered supplies of arms, and threatened to seize the Castle of Edinburgh. The Crown could place little reliance on the Privy Council, as some of its members were associated with the discontented nobles. Lord Lindsay told Hamilton that the people would never relinquish the Covenant; that Episcopacy must be modified, if not abolished; and that if a Parliament and General Assembly were not summoned by the King’s authority, the Covenanters would take matters into their own hands. So Hamilton did not venture to publish the royal proclamation, as he had no means of enforcing it. He wrote to the King, stating that his Majesty should be prepared either to concede all the demands of his subjects, or to suppress the movement by force. Charles replied that his preparations were progressing, that the Castles of Edinburgh and Stirling should be secured, and meantime he instructed Hamilton to flatter the Covenanters with any hopes he pleased, to gain time, until he should be in a position to suppress them: for said Charles――“I will rather die than yield to their impertinent and damnable demands; for it is all one to yield to be no king in a very short time.” On the 20th of June, the King informed Hamilton that his warlike preparations were well advanced. Arms for 14, 000 foot, and 2000 horse, had been ordered, and his ships were ready. Other communications passed between the King and Hamilton, the result being thus stated by Charles himself:――“I will only say, that so long as this Covenant is in force, whether it be with or without explanations, I have no more power in Scotland than as a Duke of Venice, which I will rather die than suffer; yet I command the giving ear to their explanations or anything to win time. Lastly, my resolution is to come myself in person, accompanied like myself, sea forces, nor Ireland, shall not be forgotten.”¹

¹ Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, pages 52‒61.

Hamilton saw that he could do nothing to restore the confidence of the nation, and resolved to return to London for fresh instructions. Before leaving, he issued, in an amended form, the King’s proclamation, which had now assumed something of an apologetic strain in defence of the King’s action. It was published at the Cross of Edinburgh, on the 4th of July, and when the royal herald concluded, the representatives of the Covenanters immediately began to read their protest. The proclamation had no effect in appeasing the Covenanters. Touching this royal proclamation, Baillie says: “It was heard by a world of people with great indignation: we all do marvel that ever the Commissioner could think to give satisfaction to any living soul by such a declaration, which yet he often professed with confidence of that paper before it was heard; there must be some mystery here which is not yet open. This declaration cannot be the one which his grace brought with him, that was thought certainly to contain a command of surrendering our Covenant; but of our Confession is no syllable; yet this has apparently been drawn up here very lately by the bishops and statesmen who are trusted, with the consent as it seems of the Commissioner, for the date of it is but six or seven days, at Greenwich, before it was proclaimed at Edinburgh.”¹

¹ Large Declaration, pages 95‒106. Letters and Journals, Volume I., page 91.

Before the Marquis departed, the leaders of the Covenanters intimated to him, that if he did not return by the 5th of August with a favourable answer to their demands, they would consider themselves entitled to take whatever steps they thought fit. He left on the 6th of July, and did not return till the 8th of August. During his absence the Covenanting party were actively engaged in strengthening and completing their organisation; and excepting Aberdeen, they had almost the entire nation on their side. In the Northern and Western districts some of the ministers were unwilling to subscribe the Covenant, but the influence of the local nobles tended to overcome their scruples.¹

¹ Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., page 277; Rothes’ Relation.

When Hamilton arrived at Court, after some deliberation the King, with the advice of Laud, issued new instructions to his commissioner. On his return to Scotland, he was empowered under limits to summon a General Assembly and a Parliament; he was to endeavour to arrange that the bishops should have votes in the Assembly, and if possible that one of them should be moderator of the Assembly; he was to protest against the abolition of bishops, but might permit them to be tried if accused of definite crimes. He was further to insist that no laymen should have votes in electing the ministers from the presbyteries to the General Assembly. With the aim of counteracting the effects of the Covenant, it was proposed that the King should sign the Confession of 1560, and publish it with a bond to be subscribed by all his subjects, by which they were to swear to maintain the Confession, and to defend the King’s person, and the laws and liberties of the kingdom. But this movement to withdraw the people from the national Covenant completely failed.¹

¹ Large Declaration, pages 111, 113‒117; Burnet’s _Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, pages 65‒68.

On Hamilton’s return to Scotland, he found that the demands of the Covenanters had rather increased, and that they could not agree to the limits which his instructions required. If they were to have a General Assembly, the scope of its proceedings must be left, they said, to the judgment of its members; while they had resolved that both elders and ministers should have votes in the election of the members of the Assembly. Further they declared that they would not consent to be fettered beforehand――their Assembly must be free; and hinted to the Royal Commissioner that it might be called by themselves without waiting for the King’s authority. The Marquis thus finding that no concessions could be obtained from the Covenanters, again proposed to visit the court and consult with the King; and having promised to return an answer by the 20th of September, he left for London.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 99‒101; Large Declaration, pages 117‒122.

The King and Hamilton met at Oatlands, and on the 9th of September, new instructions for the Royal Commissioner were signed. The weakness of the King’s policy, and the utter folly of many of his proposals touching the difficulties in Scotland, had become painfully manifest. But to crown his folly, he now consented to sign the negative Confession of 1581, which formed the first part of the Covenant, as if this royal act, after what had already happened, would raise the confidence of the people in their King. The Privy Council were ordered to sign it themselves, and to command all his Majesty’s subjects to follow the example of their King and at once subscribe it; for if they must have a Covenant, it was his pleasure that they should accept this one alone.¹

¹ Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, pages 72‒75; Large Declaration, pages 134‒135.

Hamilton arrived in Edinburgh on the 17th of September, and a meeting of the Council was immediately held. The King’s proposals were placed before the meeting, and the councillors agreed to subscribe the negative Confession as required, and passed an act expressing their satisfaction. They also resolved that the King’s concessions should be proclaimed. Accordingly, it was announced at the Cross of Edinburgh that a General Assembly was appointed to meet at Glasgow on the 21st of November, 1638, and a Parliament at Edinburgh on the 15th of May, the following year. All the people were commanded to follow the good example of the King and his Council, by subscribing the negative Confession and bond for the defence of religion and law. But this move completely failed to entrap the Covenanters; and they protested as usual against the proclamation. Thus, for a short time, there were two Covenants in the field competing for popular support, the King’s one and the Tables’ one; both were canvassed vigorously throughout the kingdom, both sides reproaching each other with employing coercion and discreditable means to procure signatures. While these covenanting operations were proceeding, every town and every parish became excessively excited, and people readily believed anything that seemed to favour their own party. The King’s Covenant was signed by a majority of the judges, by many in Angus, in Aberdeen, and by some in Glasgow. It was reported that twenty-eight thousand in all had signed it, of which twelve thousand were obtained through the influence of the Marquis of Huntly; but it failed to secure anything approaching to the amount of support accorded by the people to the National Covenant.¹

¹ Large Declaration, pages 137‒153, et seq.; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 103‒108; Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, pages 79‒83.

The nation was now wistfully looking forward to the approaching General Assembly, on which so great an issue depended. The leaders and the committee of the Covenanters were actively and earnestly engaged in preparing for the proper constitution of the Assembly. In the end of August directions had been sent to the Presbyteries how to proceed; and minute instructions were subsequently despatched to them touching the mode of electing their representatives, along with a copy of the Act of Assembly of 1597, concerning the number of members which each Presbytery was entitled to send to the Assembly. They got a form of commission, and in short, the committees of the Tables managed the elections in such a way that the most ardent of the Presbyterian ministers were returned as members, and the leading lay Covenanters as ruling elders. Their organisation was so complete, and their energy so effective, that the supporters of Episcopacy gave up the contest in despair.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 469‒472; Large Declaration.

But one serious difficulty yet remained, the trial of the bishops. As the Covenanters had no legal power to cite the bishops to appear before the Assembly, they requested Hamilton to grant a warrant for summoning them, but he refused this on the ground that it was enough if he refrained from placing any obstacle in the way of their being brought to a fair trial. Indeed, the bishops’ declinature had already been revised by the King, and was intended to be used, not merely as a bar to their trial, but also as a pretext for dissolving the Assembly itself. The Covenanters then asked the judges of the Court of Session to grant a summons against the bishops, but they replied that such causes were beyond their jurisdiction. The leaders of the Covenanters, however, had determined not to be baffled for lack of legal forms and precedents. A libel was framed and signed by a long list of nobles, burgesses, and ministers, and brought before the Presbytery of Edinburgh; and this body, after considering the matter, remitted it to the coming Assembly.¹

¹ Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., pages 297‒300; Burnet’s Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, page 88; _Large Declaration_, pages 209‒220.

This libel against the bishops consisted of two chief parts, the one containing charges against them as a body, and the other special charges against each of the bishops personally; the latter, however, being only founded on common report, were never intended to be proved. It is the first, or the historical part of the libel, which has any real value, as the charges in it contained matters which could be proved or disproved on historic grounds. Thus they were accused of breaking the cautions agreed to in the General Assembly of 1600, concerning ministers’ votes in Parliament and other points; of violating several points of the Book of Discipline, and of the Book of Fasting; of teaching doctrines contrary to the Reformation Confession of Faith; of exacting unlawful oaths from entrants to the ministry; of assuming the position of diocesan bishops, taking consecration and claiming the power of ordination and jurisdiction in virtue of an unwarrantable office; of introducing the Book of Canons, the Liturgy, and the High Commission, and so causing great dissension between the King and his subjects. This part of the indictment against the bishops could easily be supported by a mass of unimpeachable evidence, but it is needless to enter into its details. When the Covenanters made grave charges against the personal character of the bishops, their action cannot be so clearly justified.

The Covenanters had prepared for mustering in force, and as the day of the meeting of the Assembly approached, men began to flock into Glasgow from all quarters of the country. On the 16th of November, the western nobles arrived with their vassals and friends; and the following day the eastern nobles, gentry, and ministers entered the city. Hamilton, as Royal Commissioner, accompanied by the Lords of the Privy Council, arrived on the 17th; and the city of the west presented a scene of unusual bustle. For the next three days, both parties were intently engaged in strengthening themselves for the contest.¹

¹ Baillie says――“On Friday, the 16th of November, we in the west, as we were desired, came into Glasgow.... We were informed that the commissioner and his councillors were to take up the town with a great number of their followers; so that the nearest noblemen and gentlemen were desired to come in that night well attended. The town did expect and provide for huge multitudes of people, and put on their houses and beds excessive prices.... On Saturday the most of the Eastland noblemen, barons, and ministers came in. In the afternoon, my Lord Commissioner, with most of the Council, came in; my Lord Rothes, Montrose, and many of our folks went to meet his grace: much good speech was among them; we, protesting that we would crave nothing but what clear scripture, reason, and law would evince; his grace answering, nothing reasonable should be denied.”――Letters and Journals, Volume I., page 121.

After much preliminary arrangement, the Assembly met on the 21st of November, 1638, in the Cathedral Church. The members of the Assembly consisted of one hundred and forty ministers, ninety-eight ruling elders from presbyteries and burghs, and two professors not ministers. Among the elders, there were seventeen nobles, nine knights, twenty-five landed proprietors, and forty-seven burgesses, all men of some local standing,――thus the total number of members was two hundred and forty.¹ Burnet says――“There were about two hundred and sixty commissioners; besides that, from every presbytery there were also assessors, from some two, three, four, or more, who had no vote, but only to give advice; so that in all they made a great number.”

¹ Peterkin’s Records of the Church of Scotland; _Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, page 98.

The first day was occupied with religious services and matters of form. The second day, the Covenanters insisted that the election of moderator was the first thing to be done in order to constitute the Assembly, but the Royal Commissioner and his party argued that a moderator should not be chosen till the commissions of the members were examined, that it might be known who were properly entitled to vote. When it appeared that Hamilton would be defeated on this point, he proposed to read a paper presented to him in the name of the bishops against the Assembly, but the proposal was met with shouts of dissent. A stormy debate ensued, followed by protests and counter-protests, which continued till every one was wearied. After this, Henderson, minister of Leuchars, was chosen moderator, and Johnston of Warriston appointed clerk. Johnston was well versed in the law, a man of keen judgment, and an ardent Covenanter. Several days were passed in examining the commissions of the members, and other disputed points, while some sharp debating took place, in which the Royal Commissioner had to encounter the leading disputants of the Assembly.

On the 27th of November, the bishops’ declinature of the Assembly’s authority was again urged by Hamilton, and this time it was read by the Clerk of the Assembly, amidst jeers and laughter. Hamilton spoke and argued on the weight and importance of the document, and some parts of it were debated. The next day, the moderator put the question――Whether the Assembly found itself a competent judge of the bishops? The Royal Commissioner then rose and said: If the Assembly proceed to censure the office of the bishops, he must immediately withdraw, as the King’s sanction could not be given to this. He spoke earnestly touching the admission of lay elders as members of the Assembly, to which he strongly objected; referred to the irregular form in which the bishops had been cited, and asserted that the Assembly had no right to act as their judges. Speeches were delivered from the other side on the freedom of the Assembly; to which the Commissioner replied, by arguing that the election of the members had been controlled by the Tables, that for months before the Assembly, the orders of the Committees of the Tables had been obeyed by all; and, at last, in the King’s name he declared the Assembly dissolved, and departed. But immediately a protest was read that his absence should not prevent the Assembly from proceeding with the work which it had undertaken. It was then put to the vote, whether they should adhere to their protest, and continue the Assembly, and it was agreed almost unanimously to continue it to the end. The next important question was, whether the Assembly was competent to judge the bishops, and this too was answered unanimously in the affirmative, as also that it was proper to proceed with their trial.

Thereafter the Assembly went on rapidly with its business. All the acts of the Assemblies since 1605, including the five Articles of Perth, were annulled. Acts were passed condemning the Book of Canons, the Liturgy, the Book of Ordination, the High Commission, and Episcopacy. The bishops themselves were tried and condemned, though none of them were present in the Assembly. Probation of the libels against them was referred to a committee; with the result that they were all deposed, and eight of them excommunicated. The nation did not want bishops, and that was deemed an all-sufficient reason for casting them out. They had always allied themselves with the despotic tendencies and arbitrary proceedings of the Crown; they were in reality the tools of the King: they belonged to him, and not to the people; they were intended to be, and had been, to the utmost of their power, the pliant ministers of the royal will, not the servants of the nation, and hence the suddenness and completeness of their fall.

As the Assembly had abolished Episcopacy, it naturally followed that the Presbyterian polity should be restored, with its appropriate organisation. Acts were passed concerning the visitation of colleges and schools, and for planting schools in the country; acts forbidding ministers to accept civil offices, for repressing popery and superstition, and for the better observance of Sunday; acts for dealing with those who spoke or wrote against the Covenant, prohibiting the printing of books touching Church affairs without the warrant of Archibald Johnston, Clerk to the Assembly and legal adviser of the Church; and many other acts. Finally, on the 20th of December, the Assembly agreed to address a letter to the King justifying their proceedings and requesting his approval. The meeting then closed its work by appointing the next General Assembly to meet at Edinburgh in July 1639.¹

¹ Peterkin’s Records of the Church of Scotland; _Large Declaration_, pages 234‒324; Baillie’s _Letters and Journals_, Volume I., pages 123‒176; Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., pages 301‒316.

Presbyterians have long looked back to the General Assembly of 1638, as the date of their Second Reformation, though it cannot be compared to the Revolution of 1560. Its proceedings were somewhat violent, like all revolutionary movements which are the result of the preceding and existing states of society――the outcome of its dominant thought and sentiment and feeling. As explained in the second volume, the degree of violence connected with a revolutionary change originated amongst the people, depends upon the state of their civilisation at the time of its occurrence.¹ In this instance, the amount of violence which ultimately flowed from the hostile movement in Scotland against the King and his government was not by any means entirely attributable to the Scots; as England, Ireland, and even more distant lands participated in the struggle.

¹ Mackintosh’s History of Civilisation in Scotland, Volume II., pages 94‒95.

The firm establishment of Presbyterianism in Scotland was the end and aim of the Covenanters, and the movement was watched with interest by the adherents of a similar polity in England. Indeed, in the circumstances of Europe at the time, the cause of the Scots appeared to be the cause of Protestantism, which had so recently been everywhere placed at a disadvantage by the defeat of Nordlingen. In 1637 the arms of the Catholics had asserted their supremacy on the Rhine and in the Netherlands; and the marked advance which Catholicism was once more making roused the Protestant spirit to the utmost vigilance.

We are now arrived at the time when an intimacy sprang up and mutual relations were formed between the Covenanters and a vigorous party opposed to the policy of the King in England, both being prompted by a common dislike to Episcopacy. The ruling motive in the policy of Charles I., was to maintain and complete the Tudor principles of government in Church and State in England, and to extend them to Scotland. The Scots met him in an attitude of opposition as yet unexampled in any other monarchy. He hoped, and had vainly tried, to crush them by the strength of his influence in England. The results of his action were that the movement spread to England itself.

The origin and cause of the Covenanting struggle having been indicated at some length, it would be superfluous to burden this work with the details of the civil war which ensued, save in so far as is requisite for a proper understanding of the sequence of leading events.

After the conclusions of the Glasgow Assembly, civil war became inevitable, and both parties actively prepared for it. The Covenanters began to buy arms and to enlist men. At this time, fortunately for them, the fury of the war on the Continent was abated; and many Scotchmen who had been engaged in it, were returning home, where the signs of the coming contest were already unmistakable. One of the most distinguished of these military adventurers was General Alexander Leslie, who became leader of the Covenanting armies. He was a man of comparatively humble birth, but in the German wars he had attained to rank, and gained much experience. He speedily organised a Scottish army, and equipped it for the field. The Covenanters seized the Castles of Edinburgh and Dumbarton, and other important posts, and made every preparation for the approaching conflict.¹

¹ Spalding’s Memorials of the Troubles, Volume I., page 130; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 111, 195‒198.

The King had ordered his army to muster and meet him at York, in April, 1639; and though the English clergy naturally contributed largely to the support of the army, still the war was unpopular. Charles proposed to lead his army in person, and sent a fleet into the Firth of Forth, under the command of the Marquis of Hamilton, to interrupt trade, to threaten Leith, and to favour the rising in the north under the Marquis of Huntly, who had received a royal commission of lieutenancy on the 16th of March.

Huntly mustered his followers, and on the 25th of March he was at Inverurie with a force of five thousand men. When he received tidings that the Covenanters were marching to the north under the command of the Earl of Montrose, Huntly knew that without assistance from England, he could not face the enemy. He called a council of war, and on its advice, disbanded his troops, leaving Aberdeen open to the Covenanters. A number of the leading citizens, accompanied by some of the Doctors, fled from the city to offer their services to the King; while others found refuge in houses in the vicinity of the town. Montrose marched into Aberdeen on the 30th of March at the head of six thousand men; and the Covenanters of the surrounding country joined him with other three thousand men. Leaving a garrison in the city, he advanced on Inverurie, where he quartered his troops on the opponents of the Covenant. Huntly, seeing no hope of aid from the South, then sought an interview with Montrose; and on the 5th of April a compromise was effected, by which the Catholics, who were not to be pressed to sign the Covenant, agreed to maintain the laws and liberties of Scotland. Huntly was permitted to return to Strathbogie. A few days after, he was invited to Aberdeen, under a safe conduct signed by Montrose and the other leaders, and arrived there on the 12th of April. Montrose’s object was soon apparent. He had entrapped Huntly, and made him a prisoner. The Marquis and his eldest son, Lord Gordon, were immediately conveyed to Edinburgh. On arriving at the capital, Huntly was pressed to take the Covenant, but replied, “for my own part, I am in your power; and resolved not to leave that foul title of traitor as an inheritance upon my posterity. You may take my head from my shoulders, but not my heart from my Sovereign.” Thus the King’s hope of a rising in his favour in the North was blasted.

In fact, ere Charles arrived at York the whole of Scotland was in the hands of the Covenanters. In the end of May, the Covenanting army was encamped at Dunse Law, while Charles had advanced to Berwick, and posted his force on the opposite side of the Tweed. The two armies thus lay for some days watching each other, both seeming unwilling to strike. The Covenanters knew their advantages, but if they could have induced the King to grant their requests without battle, they would have been glad. In the words of Baillie:――“We sought no crowns; we aimed not at lands and honours; we desired but to keep our own in service of our prince, as our ancestors had done; we loved no new masters. Had our throne been vacant, and our votes sought for the filling of Fergus’s chair, we would have died ere any other had sitten down on that fatal marble but Charles alone.” He gives an interesting account of the Scottish Covenanting army as it lay encamped. “It would have done you good to have cast your eyes athort our brave and rich Hill, as I oft did, with great pleasure and joy; for I was there among the rest, being chosen preacher by the gentlemen of our shire, who came late with my Lord Eglinton. I furnished to half-a-dozen good fellows muskets and pikes, and to my boy a broadsword. I carried myself, according to custom, a sword, and a couple of Dutch pistols at my saddle; but I promise, for the offence of no man, except a robber by the way; for it was our part to pray and preach for the encouragement of our countrymen, which I did to the utmost of my power cheerfully. Our hill was garnished on the top, towards the south and east, with our mounted cannon, nearly to the number of forty, great and small. Our regiments lay on the sides of the hill, almost round about: the place was not a mile in circle, a pretty round rising in a declivity, without steepness, to the height of a bowshot; and on the top somewhat plain; about a quarter of a mile in length, and as much in breadth, and capable of containing tents for forty thousand men.... Our captains, for the most part, were barons or gentlemen of good note; our lieutenants almost all soldiers who had served abroad in good charges; every company had, flying at the captain’s tent-door, a brave new colour, stamped with the Scottish arms, and this――‘For Christ’s Crown and Covenant,’ in golden letters.... The councils of war were held daily, in the castle at the foot of the hill; the ecclesiastical meetings in Rothes’ tent. The general came nightly for the setting of the watch on their horses. Our soldiers were lusty and full of courage; the most of them stout young ploughmen; and a great cheerfulness in the face of all: the only difficulty was to get money to pay them. None of our gentlemen were any the worse of lying some weeks together in their cloak and boots on the ground, or standing all night in arms in the greatest storm.

“Our soldiers grew in experience of arms, in courage, and in favour daily; every one encouraged another; the sight of the nobles and their beloved pastors daily raised their hearts; the good sermons and prayers, morning and evening, under the roof of heaven, to which their drums did call them for bells; the remonstrance very frequent of the goodness of their cause, of their conduct hitherto, by a hand clearly divine; and also Leslie, his skill and fortune, made them all as resolute for battle as could be wished. We were afraid that emulation among the nobles might have done harm, when they should be met in the fields; but such was the wisdom and authority of that old, little, crooked soldier, that all, with an incredible submission, from the beginning to the end, gave over themselves to be guided by him, as if he had been Great Solomon. Certainly the obedience of the nobles to that man’s orders was as great as their forefathers’ wont to be to their king’s commands: yet this was the man’s understanding of our Scots humours, that gave out, not only to the nobles, but to the meanest gentleman, his directions in a very homely and simple form, as if they had been but the advices of their neighbour and companion; for, as he rightly observed, a difference should be used in commanding soldiers of fortune and of volunteers; and of the latter the greater part of our camp consisted.

“Had you lent your ear in the morning, or especially at even, and heard in the tents the sound of some singing psalms, some praying, and some reading scripture, you would have been refreshed. True, there was swearing, and cursing, and brawling in some quarters, whereat we were grieved; but we hoped, if our camp had been a little settled, to have taken some way of dealing with these disorders.”¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., page 215. Letters, Volume I., pages 211‒214, 245. Baillie himself made his will before he joined the army.

Negotiations were shortly after opened, which led to the following arrangement: the King published a declaration, stating that the religious matters in dispute were to be referred to a General Assembly to be held at Edinburgh on the 6th of August, 1639, and to a Parliament to meet on the 20th of the same month. The King promised to recall his fleet and disband his army; the Covenanters were to disband their forces within forty-eight hours, to restore the castles to the Crown, and to hold no public meetings except those authorised by the law. This treaty was accompanied with explanations which afterwards caused much dispute. Peace was proclaimed in the English and in the Scottish camps, on the 18th of June; but mutual confidence between the King and the Scots was not fully restored.¹

¹ Balfour’s Annals, Volume II., pages 324‒332; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 218‒221; Rushworth, III., 944.

The General Assembly met at Edinburgh, on the 12th of August, 1639, and the Earl of Traquair attended as Royal Commissioner. The Assembly again condemned Episcopacy in clear and emphatic terms, and the King’s Commissioner concurred. The Covenanters now felt themselves strong, and the proceedings of the committees appointed by the Glasgow Assembly, touching the deposition of ministers, were approved, with a statement that those deposed merely for signing the bishops’ declinature, or receiving the Liturgy, might be restored on their repentance and submission. The Assembly renewed the Covenant, and requested the Commissioner and the Privy Council to pass an act commanding every one in the nation to subscribe it. The Council agreed to this, and passed the desired enactment. Thus the Covenant was becoming an instrument of intolerance. On the 30th of August, the last day of the Assembly, the members presented a petition to the Royal Commissioner against a book entitled “Large Declaration Concerning the Late Tumults in Scotland,” lately published in the King’s name. They requested the King to recall this book, and to grant authority to summon and bring to Scotland all Scotsmen, who were known or suspected to have been concerned in its composition, especially Walter Balcanqual. The Commissioner promised to place the petition before the King, and to report the result.¹ The Assembly appointed its next meeting to be held at Aberdeen, in July 1640.

¹ Peterkin’s Records. The book which gave so much offence to the Assembly is the one often referred to in the notes of the preceding pages of this volume――Large Declaration: it is well known to all students of Scottish history, and it contains valuable historical papers and documents about the troubles in Scotland; though, of course, it presented many remarks and reflections which were extremely offensive to the Covenanters.

Parliament met on the day after the Assembly rose, but it accomplished very little. Bills concerning the abolition of Episcopacy passed the Lords of the Articles, but they were not brought up for the sanction of the House. Time passed, and messages went between the Royal Commissioner and the King. Charles’s fatal policy of always insisting on retaining something, which he imagined might be of use to him in the future, led him to maintain the position, that he would not consent to any act of Parliament rescinding the existing laws by which Episcopacy had been established. This frustrated the object for which Parliament had met. At length Parliament was prorogued to the 14th of November, and then till the 2nd of June, 1640, nothing having been settled. The Covenanters rightly thought that the King was trifling with the important matters in dispute, and thus the causes of dissension were continued and intensified.

Charles again resolved to chastise the rebellious Scots. He still desired to act as a despotic King, and hoped to extinguish all opposition in Scotland. He summoned his English Parliament, which met in April, 1640. A majority of this Parliament refused to grant supplies till they had obtained redress of their grievances; but rather than submit, the King dissolved Parliament in anger, after a session of three weeks. Charles now decided to raise money and an army by other modes――such as benevolences, forced loans, commission of array, or in any other way by which he could muster a force to fight against the Scots. But difficulties were fast thickening around him, and when the 2nd of June came, he again sent a Commissioner to prorogue the Scottish Parliament. In carrying this out, however, a formal mistake was made, which the Estates instantly seized upon; and accordingly they proceeded to business. They enacted that henceforward the nobles, the barons, and the burgesses should be considered as constituting the three Estates of the kingdom, and all former acts permitting churchmen to sit and vote in Parliament were repealed. The Acts of the last General Assembly were ratified; and it was commanded that all His Majesty’s subjects should sign the Covenant. It was also enacted that a Parliament should meet every three years; and before separating they appointed a permanent committee of the Estates, to act when Parliament was not sitting.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume V., pages 288‒292, 299‒303. This parliament condemned the King’s _Large Declaration_, “as full of untruths and lies, derogatory to his Majesty’s honour and to his loyal subjects,” and they ordered the authors of it to be punished, according to the laws of the kingdom. Page 302.

The General Assembly met at Aberdeen in the end of July, 1640; but no commissioner appeared to represent the King. The Aberdeen doctors and several other northern ministers were tried before the Assembly, and some of them deposed from the ministry. Acts were passed against the revilers of the Covenant; against witches and charmers; and for abolishing the monuments of idolatry. The Assembly had also under consideration the practice of private meetings, but there was a difference of opinion on this point among the members. Ultimately an act was passed for the regulation of family worship, by which private meetings, if held at improper hours, or composed of more than one family, were forbidden.¹

¹ Peterkin’s Records; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., pages 248‒255.

But the Covenanters did not trust merely to the acts of the Assembly and of Parliament to secure their rights and further their ends. Throughout the spring and summer they had been actively engaged in organising their army; and had even sought to strengthen themselves by soliciting the assistance of France. In the north war was already declared against all the enemies of the Covenant. The Scots sent two manifestoes into the North of England, one a broadside for popular distribution, and the other in the form of a small pamphlet, in which they protested that the matter should be brought to an issue; as they could not afford to continue in arms for an indefinite period. Therefore, they were coming to England to ask redress of their grievances from the King; although they could scarcely hope for redress from him, but rather from a Parliament. Copies of the Scottish manifesto were freely circulated in London on the 12th of August; and Charles at a Council held on the 16th of August, announced his intention to proceed in person to York, and to assume the command of his disorganised army. On the 20th the King began his march from London to York, which he reached on the 23rd. His army consisted of about twenty-two thousand foot and three thousand cavalry, but they were neither well disciplined nor well led. On the 21st of August a Scottish army of twenty-five thousand men under the command of General Leslie, advanced southward, and crossed the Tweed at Coldstream. As soon as they entered English territory, a manifesto was issued explaining the object of the expedition and justifying it. The Scots advanced and forced the passage of the Tyne, defeating the royal troops; and on the 30th they took Newcastle and occupied it. They next advanced on Durham, and occupied the line of the Tees. On the 4th of September the Scots petitioned the King to listen to their grievances, and with the concurrence of the English Parliament to arrange a lasting peace. Charles ordered Hamilton, the Secretary for Scotland, to intimate to the Scots that the King had summoned the Peers to meet at York on the 24th of September; and if they would then express their demands more definitely, he would give them a fitting answer; and meantime he desired them not to advance farther. In reply the Scots restated their demands thus;――that his Majesty would be pleased to ratify the acts of the last Parliament; that the Castle of Edinburgh, and other fortresses, should be occupied only for the security and defence of the country; that Scotsmen in England and Ireland should not be molested for having signed the Covenant; that the incendiaries, who had caused the troubles, should be brought to trial; that the expense incurred by the war, should be refunded, with the advice and concurrence of the English Parliament.

About this time, a number of the English nobles also petitioned the King to summon a Parliament. His difficulties daily increasing he offered to negotiate with the Scots, and summoned the English Parliament to meet at Westminster, on the 3rd of November, 1640. This assemblage was afterwards known as the Long Parliament. Within a few weeks after it met, Stafford was impeached.

The Commissioners appointed by the King and by the Covenanters met at Ripon on the 2nd of October, 1640, and agreed that the Scottish army should remain inactive at Newcastle; for this they were to receive eight hundred and fifty pounds a-day. Thus matters remained for some time, till the place of negotiation was transferred to London. After the 26th of October, the Scottish commissioners and the ministers who accompanied them, took an active interest in the policy of the English Parliamentary party. After long and very difficult treating, terms of peace were agreed upon, and ratified on the 10th of August, 1641. The main points of the agreement were that the acts of the Parliament of 1640 should be ratified; that the Castle of Edinburgh and other fortresses should be restored and used for the defence of the kingdom, with the advice of Parliament; that the King should not appoint men to office who had been declared disqualified by Parliament. “And whereas unity in religion and uniformity in Church government has been desired by the Scots, as a special means of preserving peace between the two kingdoms, his Majesty, with the advice of both Houses of Parliament, does approve of the affection of his subjects of Scotland, in their desire of having conformity of Church government between the two nations; and as the Parliament has already taken into consideration the reformation of Church government, so they proceed therein in due time as shall best conduce to the glory of God, the peace of the Church, and the good of both kingdoms.”¹ The Scots desired the abolition of Episcopacy in England, and their Commissioners argued for a union in religion between the two Kingdoms. On the 17th of May 1641, this matter was debated in the House of Commons, and a resolution in favour of conformity in Church government was carried. Yet, the House of Commons, though willing to overthrow Episcopacy, had no enthusiasm for Scottish Presbyterianism. At this time, the King wished to please the Scots, and make them contented, and thereby to separate their cause from that of the English. To promote this end, he resolved to visit Scotland. Accordingly he arrived in Edinburgh on the 14th of August, 1641.

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume I., page 263; _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, Volume V., page 341 _et seq._, pages 371‒382.

The Estates had been sitting in Edinburgh since the middle of July; and the King attended a meeting of the House on the 18th of August, and delivered a speech. He spoke of the differences which had arisen between him and his subjects, and of his anxiety to settle them; of his love to his native country, which had caused him to face and to overcome many difficulties in order to be there at that time. He referred to the royal power which had descended to him through one hundred and eight descents, and which they had so often professed to maintain. In short, he said, “the end of my coming is to perfect all that I have promised; and withal to quiet those distractions which have, and may fall out amongst you; and this I am resolved fully and cheerfully to do; for I can do nothing with more cheerfulness than to give my people content and a general satisfaction.”¹

¹ Balfour’s Annals, Volume III., pages 40‒41; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume V., page 362 et seq.

Parliament sat long, and occupied itself with many things. It passed three hundred and nine acts, which touched upon many points of a personal and social character, as well as political and religious matters. It enacted that no one should sit in Parliament till he gave in his adherence to the Covenant. The acts of the Parliament of June 1640, were ratified, and received the royal assent; the prerogatives of the Crown were diminished; and in several points, the constitution of Parliament itself was changed. The King seems to have thought that he would be able to manage the English, if he could only pacify the Scots. He left Edinburgh for England on the 18th of November. But the breach between him and his English subjects was daily widening. His interference with the freedom of the members of Parliament aroused intense excitement, and he found the city of London an unsafe place for him. Accordingly he removed his court thence to York in the spring of 1642.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume V., pages 338‒660.

The Covenanters might now have been satisfied, as they had obtained all that they demanded; but other views and aims had entered into their minds, and they desired to give their principles a wider range of application, therefore when the opportunity for this presented itself, it was natural for them to embrace it. While England was entering on the struggle of civil war――the Parliamentary party and the King’s party each preparing for the contest――it was impossible for the Scots to remain passive observers of the momentous conflict.¹

¹ Carlyle, in his Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, gives a vivid sketch of the proceedings of the King at this time. “January 10, 1642, the King and his court quit Whitehall, the five members and parliament proposing to return to-morrow, with the whole city in arms round them. He left Whitehall; never saw it again till he came to lay down his head there.

“On the 9th of March, 1642, he is at York, where his Hull Magazine, gathered for service against the Scots, is lying near; where a great Earl of Newcastle and other northern potentates will help him; where at least London and its parliament, now grown so fierce, is far off.

“There we will leave him, attending Hull Magazine in vain; exchanging messages with his parliament, messages, missives, printed and written papers without limit. Law-pleadings of both parties before the great tribunal of the English nation, each party striving to prove itself right, and within the verge of Law; preserved still in acres of typography, once thrilling alive in every fibre of them; now a mere torpor, readable by few creatures, not rememberable by any. It is too clear his Majesty will have to get himself an army, by commissions of array, by subscriptions of loyal plate, pawning of crown jewels, or how he can. The parliament by all methods is endeavouring to do the like. London subscribed horses and plate, every kind of plate, even to women’s thimbles, to an unheard of amount; and when it came to actual enlisting, in London alone there were four thousand enlisted in one day. The reader may meditate that one fact. Royal messages, parliamentary messages, acres of typography thrilling alive in every fibre of them――these go on slowly abating, and military preparations go on steadily increasing till the 23rd of October next. The King’s commissions of array for Leicestershire came out on the 12th of June, commissions for other counties followed at convenient intervals; the parliament’s ordinance for the militia, rising cautiously pulse after pulse towards clear emergence, had attained completion the week before. The question puts itself to every English soul, which of these will you obey?――and in all questions of English ground, with swords getting out of their scabbards, and yet the constable’s baton still struggling to rule supreme, there is a most confused solution of it going on.”――Volume I., pages 163‒164.

The General Assembly met at St. Andrews on the 27th of July, 1642, the Earl of Dunfermline presenting himself as royal Commissioner. Another power requested the friendship of the Assembly, the English Parliament having addressed a message to it, touching their quarrel with the King. Success had rapidly enlarged the scheme of the Scotch Presbyterians; as flattering opportunities appeared to be opening before their view, they began to assume an aggressive attitude, and to entertain hopes of establishing their polity throughout England. A powerful party in England was intently bent on overthrowing Episcopacy, and the Parliamentary leaders easily secured the assistance of the Covenanters. In the Assembly’s answer to the English Parliament, the question was stated at length; by a union of the Churches of the two kingdoms, they might hope for a time when war and heresy should cease in the Island, and truth and peace reign supreme. The Assembly appointed a large committee, including a number of the nobles and the most distinguished ministers, with power to forward the work which the Church had undertaken, to consult with the King, and with the Parliament, and if necessary, to prepare a confession, a catechism, a directory, and a form of polity. This commission was renewed in subsequent Assemblies. At the same time, the Assembly despatched an address to the King, professing their loyalty, but urging unity in religion, and uniformity in Church government.¹

¹ Peterkin’s Records; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume II., pages 50‒55.

The letters of the Assembly were quickly answered, both by the King and by the Parliamentary party. The latter announced the agreement of their views with those of the Scots. They desired to see unity of religion throughout his Majesty’s dominions; they stated that Episcopacy was wrong in itself, and ought to be abolished; they intimated their intention of calling an Assembly of learned divines to deliberate on the subject, and invited some of the Scottish ministers to London to assist at this Assembly on the 5th of November, 1642. This was exceedingly satisfactory to the Covenanters. Shortly after, the English Parliament passed an act abolishing Episcopacy; but, when Parliament overthrew one form of Church polity, it did not establish another in England¹――a result which the Covenanters failed to foresee. Their sympathies went with the Puritans and the Parliamentary party; but, knowing as they did the feeling of the King, they naturally distrusted him. Thus they became closely associated with the leaders of the Long Parliament. There was still, however, a small party in Scotland who remained loyal to the King.

¹ Peterkin’s Records; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume II., page 55.

The swell of feeling among the Scots, joined with their deepest religious sentiments and convictions, rose higher and higher; and it was resolved to hold a convention of the Estates. The King at first refused his consent; but the Estates met at Edinburgh on the 22nd of June, 1643, and Charles then agreed to sanction it, if it would keep within prescribed limits. The convention, however, declared itself free to do anything which it thought fit. This meeting was attended by a larger number of members than usually assembled in a Scotch Parliament; and the people were prepared for it by a solemn fast. A remonstrance was read from the Commission of the General Assembly, stating the dangers to which religion and the kingdom were exposed, and urging that the nation should put itself in a position of defence, and that they should look upon the cause of their brethren in England as their own, and assist the English Parliament. This proposal was well received; but the King’s party attempted to advance his interest. There followed a hot and long debate on the question, as to whether the Scots should actively intermeddle in the affairs of England.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume II., pages 75‒80. This minister says――“At the day, June 22nd, was a most frequent meeting of Estates, never a parliament so great; all the barons and burghs were for the Commonweal”――that is, for assisting the English parliament. _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, Volume VI., pages 3‒4, 6, 8, 9, 13‒15, 24, 36‒38, et seq.

The General Assembly met at Edinburgh on the 2nd of August, 1643, and Sir Thomas Hope, the Lord-Advocate, appeared as the royal Commissioner. On the opening day the members of the Assembly prepared themselves for their task by fasting. On the 7th of August, four Commissioners from the Long Parliament, one of whom was Sir Henry Vane, landed at Leith, and a few days after they were introduced to the Assembly. They stated in the Assembly that they warmly appreciated the energy of the Scottish Church in extinguishing popery; that they were anxious to have this reform completed among themselves; that they had already removed the High Commission, expelled the bishops from the House of Lords, abolished Episcopacy, and summoned an Assembly of divines, which had now met at Westminster. They therefore earnestly entreated the Scots to assist their brethren in England, then so hardly pressed by the King’s forces, and exposed to the utmost peril. The proposals of the English were much discussed in committee; but there were differences of opinion in the Assembly. Some of the members thought that they should mediate between the King and the parliament, without committing themselves; but the opposite arguments of Johnston of Warriston and others at last prevailed, and they agreed to cast in their lot with the leaders of the Long Parliament. More debate took place concerning the tenor of the agreement. The English commissioners proposed that a civil league between the two nations should be formed, but the Scots would listen to nothing save a religious covenant. The English then suggested that toleration should be given to the Independents, as far as England was concerned; but the Assembly would not agree to tolerate anything, except presbyterianism in both kingdoms. After a long debate, the document known as the “Solemn League and Covenant” was laid before the Assembly, and unanimously accepted. The Estates also sanctioned it in August, 1643. All the parties to this Covenant bound themselves to preserve the reformed religion in Scotland, and to labour for the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and of Ireland, in doctrine, in worship, in discipline, and in polity, according to the word of God and the example of the best reformed Churches; to struggle to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms to the closest uniformity in religion, faith, polity, and form of worship; and without respect of persons, to endeavour to extinguish popery, episcopacy, heresy, schism, profaneness, and everything opposed to sound doctrine and the power of godliness; and with equal constancy to endeavour to preserve the rights and privileges of the parliaments and the liberties of the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the King’s person and authority, that it may be manifest to the world that they had no intention of diminishing his Majesty’s just power and greatness. With the same faithfulness they promised to pursue and bring to condign punishment all incendiaries and malignants who hindered the reformation of religion, divided the King from his people, or one of the kingdoms from the other, or formed factions among the people to defeat the ends of this League and Covenant.¹

¹ Peterkin’s Records; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume II., pages 88‒90, 95; _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, Volume VI., pages 41‒43.

The Solemn League and Covenant was carried to London, the 22nd of September, 1643, being appointed for signing it. On that day the members of the House of Commons, the House of Lords, and the Westminster Assembly of divines signed the League and Covenant; and it was afterwards subscribed by many in every county of England. “The House of Commons and the Assembly of divines take the Covenant, the old Scotch Covenant, slightly modified now into a Solemn League and Covenant, in St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster. They lifted up their hands seriatim, and then stept into the chancel to sign. Oliver Cromwell signs, and next after him young Sir Henry Vane. There signed in all about 220 honourable members that day. The whole parliamentary party, down to the lowest constable or drummer in their pay, generally signed. It was the condition of assistance from the Scots, who were now calling out all fencible men from sixteen to sixty, for a third expedition into England. A very solemn covenant, a vow of all the people, of the awfulness of which we in these days of Custom-house oaths, loose regardless talk, cannot form the smallest notion. Duke Hamilton, seeing his painful Scotch diplomacy end all in this way, flies to the King at Oxford,――is there put under arrest, sent to Pendennis Castle near the Land’s End.” The immediate result of this League was that a Scottish army of twenty thousand men crossed the Tweed, to assist the Parliamentary army, and to seek conformity of religion amid the scenes of civil war.¹

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume II., pages 99, 102; Carlyle’s Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, Volume I., page 189.

The theocratic ideas which I noticed in the second volume, had now attained their greatest influence; the government of Scotland had become a sort of theocracy. The power of the King was gone; the power of the Estates was partly in abeyance; the General Assembly being the ruling body. The ministers and elders constantly asserted that they derived their authority from Jesus, the King and the Head of His Church. Every act assumed a religious character; the war was religious, which was proved by the fact that in the Old Testament the wars of God’s people were called the wars of the Lord; and the hand of the Lord of Hosts was on the side of the Covenanters. These ideas were associated with the old Jewish exclusiveness and intolerance; and the Covenanters were apt to regard themselves as the chosen people, and their own Church as the only true one: to be a good Christian, it was necessary to be a Covenanter. Romanism and Episcopacy were equally hateful to them; and being firm and settled in their own convictions and opinions, they gave no countenance to toleration.¹

¹ Peterkin’s Records; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 66‒68, 70, et seq.

Seven Scotsmen attended the Assembly of divines at Westminster as Commissioners from the Church of Scotland, viz.:――Henderson, Baillie, Rutherford, and Gillespie, ministers; and Lord Maitland, Johnston of Warriston, and Lord Cassillis. It has to be observed, that the Assembly of divines, as constituted by the English Parliament, had no authority in Scotland. The Scotch Commissioners declined to sit in the Assembly as voting members; they preferred to take the position of representatives of the Church of Scotland, and in London there was a committee from the Scotch Estates to instruct and support them. As representing Scotland, they might propose any point to the Assembly; but their nation could not be compromised by the conclusions of the Assembly. During their attendance at the Assembly, the Scots acted with vigour and wisdom.

Baillie’s account of their introduction to the Assembly, and of their proceedings in it, is interesting. “On Monday morning, the 20th of December, 1643, we sent to both Houses of Parliament for a warrant for our sitting in the Assembly. This was readily granted, and by Mr. Henderson presented to the Prolocutor, who sent out three of their ministers to convey us to the Assembly. Here no mortal man may enter to see or hear, let be to sit, without a written order from both Houses of Parliament. When we were brought in, Dr. Twisse made a long harangue for our welcome, after so long and hazardous a voyage by sea and land in so unseasonable a time of the year. When he ended, we sat down in those places which we have since kept.... We sit commonly from nine in the morning to one or two in the afternoon.... Ordinarily there were present about three score of the divines. These are divided into three committees; in one whereof every man is a member. No man is excluded who pleases to come to any of the three. Every committee, as the Parliament gives order in write to take any purpose into consideration, takes a portion, and in the afternoon meeting prepares matters for the Assembly, sets down their minds in distinct propositions, and backs their propositions with texts of Scripture.... No man is called upon to speak, but who stands up of his own accord, and speaks as long as he pleases without interruption.... They follow the forms of their Parliament.

“When our commissioners came up, they were desired to sit as members of the Assembly; but they wisely declined to do so, since they came up as Commissioners for our National Church to treat for uniformity, they required to be dealt with in that capacity. They were willing as private men to sit in the Assembly, and upon occasion to give their advice on debated points; but, for the uniformity, they required that a committee might be appointed from the Parliament and the Assembly to treat with them on this subject. All this, after some sharp enough debates, was granted.” In regard to the office of ruling elders――laymen, “many a very brave dispute have we had upon them these ten days. I marvel at the great learning, quickness, and eloquence, together with the great courtesy and discretion in speaking, of these divines.... This is a point of high consequence, and upon no other we expect so great difficulty, except alone on Independency; wherewith we purpose not to meddle in haste till it please God to advance our army, which we expect will much assist our arguments.

“It was my advice, which Mr. Henderson presently applauded and gave me thanks for it――to eschew a public rupture with the Independents till we were more able for them. As yet a presbytery to these people is conceived to be a strange monster. It was for our good therefore, to go on hand and hand so far as we did agree against the common enemy, hoping that in our differences, when we behoved to come to them, God would give us light. In the meantime we would essay to agree upon the Directory of Worship, wherein we expected no small help from these men to abolish the great idol of England――the Service book――and to erect in all the parts of worship a full conformity to Scotland in all things worthy to be spoken of.”¹

¹ Letters and Journals, Volume II., pages 107‒110, 111, 117.

The great difficulty was Church government. The Assembly of divines proposed the presbyterian scheme; but the Long Parliament adopted it only on the condition of its subordination to Parliament. The Independents though few in number were powerful in Parliament; owing to their strength of will, their intellect, and their energy of character, they wielded much influence both in the army and in the senate. The politicians of the Long Parliament, though they had abolished Episcopacy, were unwilling to give independent power to any form of Church organisation. The Scots Covenanters then began to see that there was little hope of establishing their polity over the British dominions. When the Westminster Assembly closed in 1648 its great scheme of Church government practically ended with it.

This Assembly was constituted by an ordinance of the Long Parliament, on the 12th of June, 1643; Parliament named the members, and when difficulties and disputes arose, they were to be referred to Parliament. The Assembly sat long, and executed much laborious work; the general drift of which, when completed, was decidedly Calvinistic. They framed “A Form of Church Government,” “A Directory for Public Worship,” “A Confession of Faith,” and two Catechisms. The Directory was brought to Scotland by Baillie and Gillespie, and the General Assembly, in 1645, sanctioned it, enjoining it to be observed by all the ministers of the kingdom. The Westminster Confession of Faith was adopted by the General Assembly in 1647, and in the following year the Assembly sanctioned the Larger and Shorter Catechisms. The Scotch Parliament ratified this Confession and the acts of the General Assembly.¹

¹ Abridgements of the Acts of the General Assembly, 138, 345; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., page 364, in the year 1649. No mention is made in the Act of the Assembly “of the old Confession of 1560. It may be supposed that the Assembly held both their old Confession and their new to be true, and therefore consistent with each other; but this is not stated. Whether in any sense they held the old Confession to be still binding is a more difficult matter. As the new one is to be a Confession for the three kingdoms, it may be argued that the old Scottish Confession might still continue as a municipal or domestic authority; but as the change is founded on the obligation to uniformity in religion, the presumption seems rather in favour of the exclusive authority of the new Creed.”――Innes’ _Law of Creeds in Scotland_, page 63.

But it should be mentioned that this Confession and the Catechisms were not sent into Scotland for observance by any command of the Assembly of divines, or by any authority in England; the Church of Scotland examined and approved them of her own accord. The body of doctrine contained in this Confession, and abridged in the Longer and the Shorter Catechisms, has long been the Creed of the Church of Scotland; and has largely influenced the opinions and the character of the people.

While the Covenanters’ army was in England assisting the English Parliamentary party, the government of Scotland was managed by a committee of the Estates and the commission of the General Assembly. Some of the nobles and others formed a Royalist party. The Earl of Montrose who had been for some years an ardent Covenanter, now turned round to the King’s side; and was commissioned by his Majesty to raise the royal standard in Perthshire, in August, 1644. He was soon at the head of three thousand men, many of whom were Irish Roman Catholics. His short career and exploits have often been detailed at length, and can only be concisely handled here; besides, his temporary victories over undisciplined bodies of men merely added to the suffering of the war, and had little influence on the main stream of history.

Montrose’s force consisted of one thousand five hundred men, Irish and Scots, who sailed from Ireland under Alaster Macdonald, and landed in Ardnamurchan early in July 1644, and a number of Highlanders who rose at the call of Montrose to fight for the King. Montrose concentrated his men at Blair Athole. There were three bodies of armed men in the field against him. Argyle was advancing from the west, another army was stationed at Aberdeen, and a third, under Lord Elcho, consisting of the men of Fife and the lower parts of Perthshire, to keep him in check if he attempted to advance along the valley of the Tay. Lord Elcho had about six thousand men, including seven hundred horse and some artillery, and they were drawn up in the valley three miles west of Perth to oppose the advance of Montrose. They were accompanied by Covenanting preachers, who endeavoured to stir up their enthusiasm. Montrose had three thousand men, and he knew well how to use them to the best advantage. He drew up his men three deep and extended his line to the utmost, and presented a front as long as the enemy’s. On the afternoon of September 1st, 1644, he attacked the Covenanters under Lord Elcho, and the first onset of the Highlanders threw them into confusion, and in an instant Elcho’s army was routed and flying in all directions. Two thousand of the Covenanters were slain in the pursuit. In the evening Montrose was master of Perth.

On the 4th, Montrose commenced his march for Aberdeen. In his progress northward, the Earl of Airlie and some of the gentry of Angus joined his standard, and added to his force a small party of horsemen. The Marquis of Huntly could not make up his mind to follow Montrose, while two of his sons, Lord Gordon, the eldest, and Lord Lewis, the youngest, were in the Covenanting army through the influence of their mother’s brother――Argyle. The Covenanting force of two thousand foot and five hundred horse were posted on the side of a height in advance of the city. On the morning of the 13th of September, Montrose reached the vicinity of Aberdeen, on the west side of the town. He summoned the magistrates to surrender the town, but they declined. He then prepared for battle, and placed his horse on the wings of his line. Montrose began the attack, and after a severe engagement, the Covenanters were completely defeated and fled in confusion. Montrose’s army entered the town, massacred the unarmed citizens on the streets, and sacked the city. This proceeding greatly heightened the hatred of the Lowland people against Montrose.

He appealed to the Gordons for assistance, but they refused to move, and he was forced to betake himself to the hills as Argyle was in pursuit of him. Montrose marched westward to Rothiemurchus, and there buried the cannon which he had taken at Aberdeen, and thence he winded his way back to Blair Athole. But Argyle was advancing behind him, so Montrose moved eastward, and then turned westward, crossed the Dee and Don, and took up a position at Fyvie Castle. Argyle thought that he had at last an opportunity of crushing his enemy. The Castle was then surrounded on the north, the west, and the south by bogs, through which only a narrow strip of ground allowed approach to an enemy; so Argyle made his attack on the eastern side, where there were no obstacles. Montrose posted his men on a hilly ridge, and when Argyle’s men advanced to the attack, they were warmly received, and after a severe contest were driven back. This gave Montrose an opportunity of retiring, Argyle following him to Blair Athole, and back again from west to east, but he failed to overtake his foe. Argyle then returned to Edinburgh and delivered up his commission to the Committee of Estates.

The Macdonalds and other clansmen advised Montrose to make a raid into the territories of Argyle, and plunder his valleys round Inveraray. On the 13th of December, 1644, Montrose entered the district of Argyle and proceeded to waste it. Cattle and sheep were destroyed, and homesteads burnt to the ground; no quarter was given, and every man of the name of Campbell who fell into their hands was ruthlessly slain. Leaving a desert behind him, he marched slowly through the valley of the great lakes. When he reached Loch Ness he ascertained that his progress was barred by the Earl of Seaforth, at the head of five thousand men, mustered from the northern counties. Montrose had Seaforth’s army before him, while Argyle had summoned two Lowland regiments to his assistance, and with these and the remnant of his own clansmen who had escaped, he took up his position with three thousand men at Inverlochy. Thus it appeared that Montrose was at last caught in a trap――an army in front of him and another in his rear. He had only about one thousand five hundred men around him, yet he at once resolved to attack Argyle. In order to prevent the Campbells from retreating, he turned to the left, and advanced through the rugged pass of Corryarrick. On the night of the 1st of February, 1645, by the bright light of the moon, Montrose saw the Campbells in front of him, between the mountain and the shore.

On the morning of the 2nd February, Argyle had no alternative but fight, as his enemy was too near for retreat. Argyle had dislocated his shoulder by a fall from his horse, and he was easily persuaded to take refuge in a vessel lying in the loch, while he gave the command of his army to Sir Duncan Campbell of Auchinbreck, an experienced soldier. Montrose had a small company of horsemen, and at the moment when he began the attack, he ordered the trumpeter to sound the cavalry charge, which carried dismay into the enemy’s ranks. He then led his whole force against Argyle’s centre. For a short time the Campbells fought bravely; but at last they wavered, broke, and fled in utter confusion. To the Lowland men quarter was given, but to the Campbells no quarter, and about one thousand five hundred of them were slain under the eyes of Argyle. For some time the Campbells ceased to be a power in the western Highlands. Montrose was greatly elated by the victory, and imagined that he would soon subdue the whole kingdom.

Shortly after the battle, Montrose marched in pursuit of Seaforth, who had blocked his way at the north-eastern end of the lakes, but Seaforth fled. Montrose marched round, and when he reached Elgin Lord Gordon and Lewis Gordon, Huntly’s sons, joined him, and their followers supplied him with a small body of cavalry. Seaforth and Sir James Grant joined Montrose at Elgin, and thus saved their estates from plunder: but the lands and farmhouses of the Covenanters from Inverness to Kintore were ruthlessly plundered and destroyed. On the 11th of February the Scotch Parliament declared Montrose and his chief supporters to be guilty of treason. He then marched southward, and when he reached Forfarshire, he found his advance checked by Baillie and Hurry. Much time was spent in manœuvring. At last Baillie marched away and entered Fife. Instead of following him Montrose proceeded to Dunkeld, where his army rapidly melted away, many of the Highlanders returning home. In a short time he was left with only six hundred foot and two hundred horse. On the 3rd of April he commenced to march on Dundee, and on the 4th he forced an entrance into the town, and the sack was immediately begun. In the midst of the tumult, tidings came that Baillie and Hurry with their whole force were rapidly advancing to the relief of the town. To fight them was impossible; but Montrose drew off his men from the prey on which they were intent, and marched out of the eastern gate as Baillie was entering the western one. Forming his one hundred and fifty horsemen as a rearguard, he placed two hundred of his best men in the last ranks of the foot, to face about and support the horsemen in case of an attack. Baillie followed close on Montrose, and before nightfall he made a charge which was repelled, but he resolved to out-general his enemy. While Montrose and his small party were running onward in the dark towards Arbroath, Baillie was rapidly advancing to the left of their line of march, with the intention of cutting them off from the hills to the north-east, in order to hold them against the sea when they reached Arbroath. After a short time, however, Montrose wheeled to the right and slipped past Baillie. At last Baillie discovered his enemy’s tactic, and started in pursuit on the right track. He came in sight of the enemy separated about three miles from the shelter of the hills. Montrose’s men were tired out and had fallen asleep on the ground; but when Baillie’s cavalry approached, the officers managed to rouse a sufficient number to present a front to the enemy, compelling the hostile horsemen to withdraw and enabling his small party to escape to the hills.

For some time Montrose wandered about Perthshire with very few followers, and had again to begin the work of collecting a force. On the 20th of April, 1645, Aboyne joined him at Balquhidder. Baillie was watching the Highlands from Perth, and Hurry had gone north to muster the adherents of the Covenant for an attack upon the Gordons. Montrose moved northward and Macdonald rejoined him on the march, and in the upper stretch of the valley of the Dee he met Lord Gordon at the head of a company of horsemen. He was again between the two hostile armies, and to save the lands of the Gordons from plunder, he resolved to attack Hurry. Montrose advanced toward the upper region of the valley of the Spey; but when Hurry ascertained that his enemy was descending the valley of the Spey, he formed his plan. With the aim of drawing Montrose into a hostile quarter, Hurry marched from Inverness to meet him near Elgin, and upon his approach, retreated so skilfully that Montrose was unable to injure him. On the night of the 8th of May, Montrose had reached the village of Auldearn, intending to follow Hurry the following morning; but ere dawn on the morning of the 9th, Hurry had fronted round, and intended by a rapid march to surprise Montrose; and, if an untoward incident had not occurred, it seems probable that he would have effected his object; but the night was rainy and wetted the powder in the muskets of Hurry’s soldiers, some of whom fired a volley to clear the barrels. It so happened that Macdonald’s sentinels heard the sound, and thus Montrose had time to post his army in battle array, which he did admirably. The battle was severe, and was long and fiercely contested; the greater part of Hurry’s infantry stood their ground and were slain on the field.

Yet this battle was not decisive, for Montrose had soon to contend against forces more numerous than his own. Baillie advanced from Athole northward, crossed the Dee with two thousand men, and was joined in Strathbogie by Hurry with a hundred horsemen, the remnant of the army defeated at Auldearn. Montrose’s force was greatly diminished, and being unable to fight, he advanced up the valley of the Spey for safety. Baillie remained in the north to ravage Huntly’s lands. After a time Montrose had again increased his force, and marching in search of Baillie, he found him in a strong position at Keith. He did not venture to attack him, but marched southward, crossed the Don, and halted at Alford, Baillie following him. On the 2nd of July Montrose placed his men in battle array on an elevated position. Baillie crossed the river and prepared for battle. The engagement began and raged furiously with no apparent success on either side; but at last Montrose was victorious and no quarter was given to the vanquished Covenanters. For some time after the battle Montrose made little progress with his scheme of conquering the kingdom for Charles I., as he had only reached Fordoun on his way southward in the middle of July. The Parliament was transferred to Perth on the 24th of July to attend to the arrival of the new levies of men for the army; and Montrose crossed the Tay with the object of annoying them as much as possible. He manœuvred round Perth for some time, and retired without effecting anything of importance.

On the 24th of August the battle of Kilsyth was fought, in which Montrose completely defeated the Covenanters under Baillie and the nobles. Upwards of five thousand of the Covenanters were slain in the battle and pursuit. This was Montrose’s last victory, and henceforth his real difficulties and the utter futility of his career became painfully apparent. His vision of a great army of the Lowland Scots, weary of the tyranny of Parliament and the Church, rallying under the standard of the King’s Lieutenant, vanished like a dream. He had disappointed the expectations of his actual followers, and they mourned and returned to their homes. All his fond hopes were soon to be blasted. His weakness was that he utterly failed to understand the real problem of his day, and the spirit and feeling of the great majority of his countrymen.

David Leslie on the 6th of September crossed the Border, from England to join issue with Montrose. He encountered the great hero of six victories at Philiphaugh on the morning of the 13th of September 1645, and completely routed him and his army. After his defeat Montrose lingered about the Highlands; and in May 1646, Charles I. ordered him to disband his followers, and go into France. On the 3rd of September he escaped from Scotland and proceeded thither.

Since the battle of Marston Moor, on the 2nd of July, 1644, in which the Covenanting army took an active part, under David Leslie, the King’s cause had been falling lower and lower; and by the end of the year 1645 he was hardly able to keep the field. At last, driven to despair, he fled to the Scottish army at Newark, in May, 1646. To conquer the King had been an extremely difficult task; but to make a treaty with him afterwards proved to be an impossible operation. He was received by the Scots with every mark of respect, but he soon found that his kingly powers were gone. The English parliament demanded that the Scots should surrender the King, but they declined to do this. They were still eager to extend Presbyterianism to England, and directly attempted to work upon the King. He was asked both by the Scots and by the English Presbyterians to abolish Episcopacy, to ratify the proceedings of the Westminster Assembly of Divines, to sign the Covenant himself, to compel others to sign it, and to establish a Church in harmony with its principles. Charles on his conscience declined to do this, as he had a firm conviction of the divine right of Episcopacy. The Episcopal party in England was crushed, and the struggle for supremacy now lay between the Independents and the Presbyterians. The latter party were anxious to come to terms with the King; and if he had agreed to their conditions, he might still have had a chance of saving his crown and life, and of reigning as the head of a limited monarchy. Commissioners from the Long Parliament, and from the Scotch Estates implored the King to yield, but in vain. Charles pleaded that his conscience would not allow him; and it may be admitted that this was a redeeming feature of the King’s character. This attitude of the King proved favourable to the power of the Independents, as most of them desired the complete overthrow of the monarchy, and were strongly opposed to the establishment of Presbyterianism in England.¹

¹ Burnet’s Memoirs of the Duke of Hamilton, pages 274‒283; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume II., pages 400, 406‒417.

While this tedious treating was still proceeding, the Long Parliament intimated that there was no longer any necessity for the Scotch army in England; while the Scots announced that they were ready to retire as soon as their arrears were paid. In the matter of pay, however, there was a serious difficulty, since between the amount claimed by the Scots, and the amount which the English admitted as due, there was a difference of many hundred thousands of pounds. The difference between the two accounts in a large degree related to provisions, which the English charged in full, but the greater part of which the Scots asserted never came to them, having been taken by the enemy at sea, part of it lost, and part damaged. The English charged in full a levy of twenty thousand pounds per month, which the Scots averred never yielded half that sum; the English charged ammunition and arms furnished, which the Scots contended should have been supplied at the expense of the English, as they were used in their service, and so on with other items in the accounts. The sum claimed by the Scots was nearly two million pounds, of which they acknowledged the receipt of seven hundred thousand, but which by the English mode of accounting, as indicated above, was made out to be fourteen hundred thousand――thus leaving seven hundred thousand of a difference between the sum claimed by the Scots and the sum admitted as due by the Long Parliament. Accordingly at this time the arrears due to the Scots, according to their reckoning, amounted to more than a million. A long wrangle between the parties ensued; and every item in the account was minutely examined and hotly debated, till at last the Scots offered to accept a gross sum of five hundred thousand pounds. On this there was a vehement debate in the Long Parliament. Finally, the English agreed to pay a sum of four hundred thousand pounds――one fourth of it before the Scots left Newcastle, and the remainder by instalments. If this transaction had been a collusive bargain for the purchase of the King, as Mr. Buckle and other writers have asserted, there surely would not have been so much minute examination of the accounts, so much debating in order to reduce the Scotch side of the account: but seriously to say that the Scots sold their King for this money is an absurdity only of those who have never really investigated the matter.

The Long Parliament claimed a right to the possession of the King’s person, and passed a resolution that it would dispose of him as it thought fit. The Scots demurred to this, but the English determinedly insisted that they must have the King. At last the Scotch Estates agreed to let the King go to Holmby, in Northamptonshire, “there to remain until he give satisfaction to both kingdoms in the propositions of peace; but in the interim, that there be no harm, prejudice, injury, nor violence done to his person.” On the 23rd of January, 1647, the English Commissioners appointed to receive the King arrived at Newcastle; and on the 30th of the month the Scotch army withdrew, and proceeded to their own country.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 239‒241.

The Presbyterians were bitterly opposed to the policy of the Independents, who were waxing almost supreme in England. Towards the end of the year 1647, the Scots sent commissioners to make a last attempt to treat with the King, then a captive in the Isle of Wight. He now promised to be the Covenanted King of a Presbyterian people, and entered into a treaty with the Scots; but it came too late, and was regarded as an act of treachery to the Long Parliament and the English army, with whom he was at the time openly treating. This underhand treaty with the Scots is known in history as “the Engagement.”

The Estates met at Edinburgh in March, 1648, agreed to the Engagement, and commissioned an army to aid the King. But the commission of the General Assembly was opposed to this, and proclaimed that the King’s concessions were incomplete. They demanded that he should take the Covenant himself, and at once establish Presbyterianism in England. The time for half-measures was past, and they insisted that their whole polity should be established throughout the three kingdoms. Parliament, however, ordered the army to muster, and to fight for the King, while the Duke of Hamilton was placed in command.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, pages 295‒318, _et seq._; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume III., pages 33‒40, 44‒50.

When the General Assembly met at Edinburgh in July, 1648, the members manifested a spirit of opposition to the resolution of the Estates. The committee on public affairs, consisting of the leading men of the Assembly, took up the question of the Engagement, and approved of all the proceedings of the commission concerning it. In reply to a letter from the committee of the Estates, the clergy again declared that they saw no possibility of securing religion so long as the Engagement was maintained; since a union of the Malignants against the Independents was an unlawful combination, for both were enemies to the cause of the Covenant, and therefore all association with them should be avoided. They reiterated the demand, that before the King was restored to the exercise of his power, he should be bound by a solemn oath, under his hand and seal, for settling religion according to the Covenant; that there should be no engagement without a solemn oath; and that the Church ought to have the same interest in it as she had in the League and Covenant. They insisted that the control of public affairs should be entrusted only to persons of unquestioned integrity. Finally, on the day the Assembly rose, the 12th of August, they addressed a supplication to the King, in which his Majesty was told that he had already caused the blood of many thousands to be shed by his obstinacy, and warned him no longer to set at nought the word of exhortation, or to incur the wrath of the Lord of Hosts, who brings down the mighty from their throne, and scatters the proud in the imagination of their hearts.¹

¹ Peterkin’s Records; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume III., pages 52‒65.

While the nation was in this divided state, the army of the Engagers, undisciplined and poorly equipped, entered England with the grand aim of delivering the captive King from the power of sectaries. But the Duke of Hamilton was not a military genius; and his army straggled forward in several divisions, at too long distances from each other. Cromwell attacked him at Preston, on the 17th of August, 1648, and defeated the Scots in detail, finally scattering them. Hamilton himself was taken prisoner, and shortly after he was tried and executed.¹

¹ Carlyle’s Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, Volume I., pages 330‒351.

When tidings of the defeat of the Engagers reached Scotland, Argyle, Cassillis, and Eglinton assembled their adherents, and the clergy joined them and called the people to arms. Some of the ministers, at the head of their followers, marched towards Edinburgh, preaching and praying by the way to excited crowds of Covenanters. The Committee of Estates, who had supported the Engagement, after some attempts at resistance, gave up the struggle; and Argyle with other nobles, assumed the government. Cromwell had advanced to the vicinity of Berwick, when Argyle and his party came to terms with him, and invited him to Edinburgh. He arrived in the capital on the 4th of October, 1648, and was received with much respect. His object was the suppression of all those concerned in the Engagement, and in this the party at the head of affairs in Scotland concurred with him; and then Cromwell renewed the Covenant along with his new allies. The leader of the English army was delighted with his reception; and in a letter to the House of Commons, he says:――“I have received, and so have the officers with me, many honours and civilities, from the city of Edinburgh, from the Committee of Estates, and the ministers; with a noble entertainment,――which we may not own as done to us, but as done to your servants.”¹

¹ Ibid., Volume I., pages 379‒382.

The Estates met on the 4th of January, 1649. The members were mostly those who had been opposed to the Engagement, and those who had since renounced it, the Earl of Loudon being chosen president for the session. They resolved to begin the session by publicly humbling themselves before the Lord for their sins, and to renew the Solemn League and Covenant, according to the order set down by the commission of the General Assembly. All the Acts of Parliament sanctioning the late Engagement were repealed, and some of the officers of state were deprived of their posts. But their most sweeping statute was the “Act of Classes,” for purging the judicatories and places of public trust, which applied to all persons in any way concerned with “the late unlawful Engagement,” and to other persons guilty of certain sins, or who neglected family worship. Thus the parliament itself was purged, a number of ministers deposed, and all officials suspected of malignancy, turned out of their offices.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 335, 341‒346, 352‒356.

The party at the head of affairs in Scotland, it seems pretty evident, did not fully realise or foresee that a power was arising to crush both them and their Church polity. At the moment when they were indulging the hope that their triumph was at hand, the committee of the English army was already taking steps to arraign the King.

The narrative of the trial of Charles I. belongs to English history, and has often been admirably told. The Scotch Estates, through their Commissioners at London, remonstrated against any injury to the King’s person, and insisted that it was on this very condition that they had consented to part with him; but his fate was decreed. On the 30th of January, 1649, he was beheaded before his own palace of Whitehall. It was Charles’s lot to be educated and trained in a one-sided and pernicious political belief. He seems to have been almost incapable of distinguishing between his moral and his political rights; and this led his comparatively narrow mind to assume and to maintain that his political position gave him an unquestionable right to dictate to his people the form of their worship. Moreover, he was placed in trying circumstances, and found himself face to face with great political and religious problems, which he failed to appreciate and to surmount.

The following opinion of a foreign historian on the fate of the King is worth quoting:――“It would have been easy for him to have saved his life, had he conceded to the Scots the exclusive domination of presbyterianism in England, or to the Independents the practical freedom of the army as they themselves desired. That he did not do so is his merit towards England. Had he given his word to dissolve the episcopal government of the Church, and to alienate its property for ever, it is impossible to see how it could ever have been restored. Had he granted such a position to the army as was asked in the four articles, the self-government of the corporation and of the Commons, and the later parliamentary government itself, would have become impossible. So far the resistance which he offered cannot be estimated highly enough. The overthrow of the constitution, which the Independents openly intended, made him fully conscious, perhaps not of their ultimate intention――the establishment of a republic, but certainly of his own position. So far there was certainly something of a martyr in him, if the man can be so called who values life less than the cause for which he is fighting, and in perishing himself saves it for the future.”¹

¹ Ranke’s History of England, Volume II., page 553.

In the latter part of the third volume of Dr. Masson’s elaborate and valuable work, The Life of Milton, there is a full and complete account of the trial and the execution of Charles the First.

Viewed from a political and moral standpoint, the Covenanting struggle was a very important factor in Scottish civilisation. The sole aim of James VI. in his constant efforts to establish Episcopacy in Scotland, was to render religion completely subservient to the power of the State, and to compel every one to recognise and yield an abject submission to the absolute supremacy of the King in all things civil and religious. In short, this was the view of James VI., Charles I., Charles II., and James VII., they all claimed the power to impose on the people whatever form of religion they thought fit. Although the contest thus forced upon the Scottish people was at the outset ecclesiastical and religious, and even in this relation its influence in moulding the character of the Scots of the seventeenth century was very great; inasmuch that in those days religion was a real power, and the Covenanters were intensely earnest and firmly held their religious convictions; they were prepared to make any sacrifice for the tenets of their faith. Yet, as matters then stood, the religious problems could not be settled without raising many other collateral questions, some of them even more important than the original problem. Thus the controversy once raised soon assumed a very wide range. It compelled the combatants on both sides to have recourse to the original and natural rights of man, and the principles of justice, as a solid foundation for their claims. For this the Reformation and George Buchanan had prepared the way. By their constant appeals to conscience and to private judgment, the Reformers had taught men to reason and to think, instead of blindly and submissively bowing their heads to the unlimited claims of authority. The Scots learned and practised this lesson. In self-defence they took their stand upon first principles, and based their claims upon the inalienable rights of man. They boldly assailed and demolished the claims to arbitrary and absolute power advanced by the kings of the period. Thus it was that the ecclesiastical contest speedily developed into a political conflict, in which arguments were of more importance than arms, inasmuch as argument and conviction supplied the real motive power. As we have seen, and will see further in the sequel, in petitions and protestations, in speeches and sermons, and pamphlets, the Covenanters urged their claims, and clearly vindicated their proceedings at every stage of the conflict, not only by many texts of Scripture, but also by appeals to principles which are now recognised as political axioms. The people listened intently to all this, and read and discussed amongst themselves the merits of the various points of the controversy. Thus every intelligent man became a keen theologian and a politician, ready to argue with all comers any point, either of divinity or of public policy, or the limits of the power of kings. For a century the people had been battling for their rights; while they were also being well trained in political and moral principles. The lesson was well taught and retained in the internal consciousness, for the impression stamped upon the national mind during the Covenanting struggle has continued as a political characteristic of Scotsmen to the present day. This was the chief contribution of the seventeenth century to the civilisation of Scotland. The historian, however, in stating this, may not justify all the proceedings and actions of the Covenanters, for it is clear that they often erred in the application of their principles to practice; still they contributed much to the political and moral progress of the people.

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Chapter XXVI

Charles II. The Kingdom under Cromwell.

PARLIAMENT was sitting when the intelligence of the King’s execution reached Scotland, and on the 5th of February, 1649, his eldest son was proclaimed King of Scotland, under the title of Charles II. The national sentiment of the Scots was decidedly in favour of monarchical government; their Covenants recognised it, and they had no idea of establishing a republic. They had no special objections to kingly authority, when it was exercised according to what they conceived to be the Word of God and the constitution of the Kingdom; while the English Independents and sectaries directly discarded both king and monarchy, which was only one among many points of difference between them and the Covenanters.

Two days after the proclamation of Charles II., the Estates emphatically expressed the sentiment and feeling of the nation, by passing an Act, which declared that, before this young prince or any of his successors should be admitted to the exercise of the kingly power, he should sign and swear the National Covenant, and the Solemn League and Covenant; that he should for himself and his successors, consent to the acts of parliament enjoining these Covenants, and fully establishing Presbyterianism, the Directory of Worship, the Confession of Faith, and the Catechisms; that he should observe these in his own family; and that he should never oppose or attempt to change any of them. Further, before being admitted to the exercise of his royal functions, he should dismiss and relinquish all counsel of those opposed to religion and to the Covenants; and give satisfaction to the Parliament of Scotland in whatever else should be found requisite for settling a lasting peace, preserving the union between the kingdoms, or for the good of the crown, and his own honour and happiness; and consent that all civil matters should be settled by the parliament of the kingdom, and ecclesiastical matters by the General Assembly. This parliament, on the 9th of March, passed an act abolishing patronage, on the ground that it was unwarranted in Scripture, and merely introduced in times of ignorance and superstition; that it was an evil and a bondage, under which the Lord’s people and ministers of Scotland had long groaned. Of this act Balfour says:――“The parliament passed a most strange act this month, abolishing the patronages of kirks, which pertained to laymen ever since Christianity was planted in Scotland. The Earl of Buccleuch and some others protested against this, as altogether derogatory to the just rights of the nobility and gentry of the kingdom of Scotland, and so departed out of the house. But it was carried.... Johnston and the Kirk’s minions durst not do otherwise, lest the leaders of the Church should desert them, and leave them to stand on their own feet, which without the Church none of them could well do.”¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 363‒364, 411‒413. Annals of Scotland, Volume III., page 391.

On the 6th of March, 1649, the Estates commissioned the Earl of Cassillis and others to proceed to the young king in Holland, and offer him the Crown on the conditions indicated in the above paragraph. They were admitted to an interview with the prince on the 27th of March, and attempts were made to treat. They tried to persuade him to sign the Covenants, insisting that this would gain for him the support of the Scots and the whole Presbyterian party. Many papers passed between the King and the Scotch commissioners, but Charles declined to commit himself, and no definite conclusions were arrived at. The commissioners returned to Scotland, and reported their proceedings to the Estates on the 14th of June, which were all approved.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 400, 451‒459; Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume III., pages 84‒90, 508‒521.

By the orders of the Committee of Estates the Marquis of Huntly was captured in December, 1647, and imprisoned in Edinburgh. On the 16th of March, 1649, he was brought to trial for treason. Argyle his brother-in-law, was the leading man in the Government at the time. Yet Huntly was convicted, condemned, and on the 22nd of March, beheaded.

The General Assembly met at Edinburgh, on the 7th of July, ♦1646, and passed some remarkable acts. It was enacted that all who had been in any way concerned with the late Engagement, should be deemed malignants, and must submit either to the discipline of the Church, or to excommunication, and that the army and the parliament should be thoroughly purged of such. For the instruction of the people the Assembly issued this statement:――“1. That as magistrates and their power are ordained of God, so are they, in the exercise thereof, not to walk according to their own will, but according to the law of equity and righteousness, as being the ministers of God, for the safety of His people. Therefore, a boundless and unlimited power is not to be acknowledged in any king or magistrate, neither is our king to be admitted to the exercise of his authority, as long as he refuses to walk in the administration of the same, according to this rule, and the established laws of the kingdom. 2. That there is a mutual obligation and stipulation between the king and his people, for the performance of mutual and reciprocal duties. 3. That arbitrary government, and unlimited power, are the fountains of all corruption in the Church and in the State. 4. That it is no new thing for kingdoms to preserve themselves from ruin by putting restraint upon the exercise of the power and government of those who have refused to grant the things that were necessary for the good of religion, and the safety of the people.”¹ This Assembly passed an act on the election of ministers, intended to carry out the act abolishing patronage. When a vacancy occurred, the kirk-session of the parish were to elect a minister, and if this person was accepted by the congregation, the presbytery were to proceed and try his qualifications, and if he was found to be properly qualified, then to admit him to his office. When a majority of the congregation dissented from the choice of the session, then the matter was to be brought before the presbytery, who were to judge of it; and if they found reasonable ground of dissent, they were to appoint a new election. If the dissent came from a mere minority of the congregation, it was not to be sustained, except on sufficient reasons shown to the presbytery. But, when the congregation were disaffected or malignant, the presbytery was to appoint a minister for them. There was a long debate on this act in the Assembly. Calderwood maintained that, according to the Second Book of Discipline, the election should belong to the presbytery, and that the people had only the right to dissent for reasons to be judged by the presbytery.

♦ “1146” replaced with probably “1648”

¹ Peterkin’s Records of the Church of Scotland.

It appears that Montrose was urged by the young prince Charles II., to again strike a blow for the cause of royalty. By his efforts and enthusiasm Montrose managed to assemble a band of Danes and Germans, and Scottish exiles, and early in the spring of 1650 sailed from the Elbe for the Orkneys. When he reached Orkney, it was reported that his force numbered seven hundred men, and fifteen hundred stand of arms. He remained for some time in the Orkneys, and endeavoured to increase his army by forced levies; but there was no enthusiasm for Charles II. amongst the Orcadians, and what Montrose gained in numbers, added nothing to his strength, as men forced into service under such circumstances, could not be relied upon. He landed in Caithness and raised the King’s standard; but some of the inhabitants fled on his approach, and none of them joined his ranks. He issued a proclamation in his Majesty’s name, and promised pardon to all who had been deluded by the ruling party in Scotland; still the people of the North declined to rally round him. A strong army under Leslie was sent against him. But only a small advance detachment under Colonel Strachan, came upon Montrose. The encounter took place at Invercharron on the northern skirt of Ross-shire. Montrose was defeated, and the greater part of his men slain and taken prisoners, but he escaped himself. He wandered in the country for several days, and suffered much from hunger and cold. He was captured by Macleod of Assynt, and conveyed to Edinburgh. His sentence had been before passed by Parliament, when he was condemned for treason, and was simply brought up to receive it. He was executed on 21st May, 1650, at Edinburgh. It is impossible not to feel for the hard fate of Montrose, although he was a renegade; still he had brilliant and admirable characteristics. He had striking abilities and resource as a military leader, and his mastery of tactics when the moment for action came, was supreme. But, as a politician or a statesman he was a mere cipher. He had enthusiasm; yet the genuineness of his moral convictions and his honour might be questioned. He showed no real capacity to appreciate the thought, the feeling, and the convictions of the great majority of his countrymen.

Early in the spring of 1650, treating with the King was resumed at Breda. The conditions were the same as before; but it was thought that circumstances were now more favourable, as all hope of assistance from Ireland had been blasted by the victories of Cromwell; and the youthful prince had begun to think of consenting to the proposals of the Covenanters. After some treating the King agreed to the propositions of the Scots, then embarked for the home of his ancestors, and arrived at the mouth of the Spey on the 23rd of June. There he signed the Covenant, and having landed next day, he proceeded southwards. The Scots had now got a king, and as they had resolved that he should conform to their principles and their modes of life, there were every morning and evening lectures, from which the prince was never permitted to be absent.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 513‒514, 516, 535‒536; Balfour’s Annals, Volume IV., pages 68, 73.

Burnet says:――“The King wrought himself into as grave a deportment as he could: he heard many prayers and sermons, some of great length. I remember on one fast day there were six sermons preached without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary of so tedious a service. The King was not allowed so much as a walk abroad on Sundays; and if at any time there had been any gaiety at court, such as dancing or playing cards, he was severely reproved. This was managed with so much rigour and so little discretion, that it contributed not a little to beget in him an aversion to all sort of strictness in religion.”¹

¹ History of his Own Time, Volume I., pages 91‒92.

Carlyle has some curious remarks on the Covenant. “The meaning of the Scotch Covenant was, that God’s Divine Law of the Bible should be put in practice in these nations; verily it, and not the four surplices at Allhallowtide, or any formula of cloth or sheepskin here or elsewhere which merely pretended to be it: but then the Covenant says expressly, there is to be a Stuart King in the business: we cannot do without our Stuart King. Given a Divine Law of the Bible on the one hand, and a Stuart King, Charles First or Charles Second, on the other: alas, did history ever present a more irreducible case of equations in this world? I pity the poor Scotch pedant governors; still more the poor Scotch people who had no other to follow. Nay, as for that, the people did get through in the end, such was their indomitable pious consistency, and other worth and fortune: and presbytery became a fact among them, to the whole length possible for it, not without endless results. But for the poor governors this irreducible case proved, as it were, fatal. They have never since, if we look narrowly at it, governed Scotland, or even well known that they were to attempt governing it. Once they lay on Dunse Hill, each earl with his regiment of tenants round him, for Christ’s Crown and Covenant; and never since had they any whole national act which it was given them to do. Growing desperate of Christ’s Crown and Covenant, they in the next generation, when our Annus Mirabilis arrived, hurried up to court, looking out for their crowns and covenants; deserted Scotland and her cause somewhat basely; took to booing and booing for causes of their own, unhappy mortals; ――and Scotland, and all causes that were Scotland’s have had to go very much without them ever since. Which is a very fatal issue indeed, as I reckon;――and the time for the settlement of accounts about it, which will not fail always, and seems now fast drawing nigh, looks very ominous to me....

“But leaving all that, the poor Scotch governors, we remark, in that old crisis of theirs, have come upon the desperate expedient of getting Charles the Second to adopt the Covenant the best he can. Whereby our parchment formula is indeed served; but the divine fact has gone terribly to the wall. The Scotch governors think otherwise. By treaties at Jersey, treaties at Breda, they and the hard law of want together have constrained this poor young Stuart to their detested Covenant, as the Frenchman said, they have compelled him to adopt it voluntarily. A fearful crime, thinks Oliver, and think me. How dare you exact such mummery under high heaven? exclaims he. You will prosecute malignants; and with the aid of some poor varnish, transparent even to yourselves, you adopt into your bosom the chief malignant. My soul come not into your secret; mine honour be not united unto you.”¹

¹ Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, Volume II., pages 4‒5.

Many declarations and papers passed between the English and the Scotch governments at this time, and between Cromwell and the Covenanters. This is from a letter of Cromwell’s to the commission of the Church of Scotland, the 3rd of August, 1650:――“Your own guilt is too much for you to bear: bring not, therefore, upon yourselves the blood of innocent men――deceived with pretences of King and Covenant――from whose eyes you hide a better knowledge. I am persuaded that divers of you, who lead the people, have laboured to build yourselves in these things; wherein you have censured others ‘upon the Word of God.’ Is it, therefore, infallibly agreeable to the Word of God, all that you say? I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken. Precept may be upon precept, line upon line, and yet the Word of the Lord may be to some a word of judgment: that they may fall backward and be broken, and be snared and be taken.... There may be a Covenant made with Death and Hell. I will not say yours was so. But judge if such things have a politic aim: to avoid the overflowing scourge, or to accomplish worldly interests? And if therein we have confederated with wicked and cruel men, and have respect for them, or otherwise have drawn them into association with us, whether this be a Covenant of God, and spiritual. Bethink yourselves, we hope we do. I pray you read the twenty-eighth of Isaiah, from the fifth to the fifteenth verse. And do not scorn to know that it is the spirit that quickens and gives life. The Lord give you and us understanding to do that which is well-pleasing in His sight.”¹

¹ Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, Volume, II., pages 20‒21.

The Scots were bitterly opposed to the party then at the head of the Commonwealth in England, while that party could not afford to remain passive observers of the movement in behalf of the young King in Scotland. Accordingly, Cromwell and his army entered Scotland in July, 1650, and advanced to the vicinity of Edinburgh, but he was unable to take it, as it was well covered by the Scottish army. He then retired to Dunbar, where a battle was fought on the 3rd of September, in which the Covenanters were completely defeated. Shortly after, Cromwell took possession of Edinburgh, and, by the beginning of October, was master of the south-eastern counties of the kingdom. Meantime the Scots had become more and more divided among themselves, and there had sprung up, in the heat of the conflict, several minute differences of opinion and sentiment on the burning questions of the time, which each party asserted and maintained with characteristic determination. There were now three distinct parties in Scotland. First, the Government party with the Marquis of Argyle at its head, consisting of the Committee of Estates, and the Commission of the General Assembly so far as it concurred with the government. The body of the clergy who supported the government and the resolutions of parliament and the commission of the Church, were called the Resolutioners. They supported the efforts of the government to defend the kingdom and a Covenanted king by all available means. Then secondly, there was the more strict and extreme party, fully resolved for the Covenant, and firmly opposed to all double-dealing in this solemn matter. They maintained that, though the King had granted everything and signed the papers placed before him, yet on his own part this was a mere sham, since he had shown no real indications of any change. The adherents of this section were called “Protesters.” The unhappy breach among the presbyterians subsequently became very bitter and disastrous. Thirdly, apart from both the purely presbyterian parties, there was the extreme and rather mixed royalist party, which numbered in its ranks the Earls of Athole and Seaforth; these were not all open enemies of the Covenant, nor real malignants.¹

¹ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, Volume VI., pages 544‒546, et seq.; Balfour’s Annals, Volume IV., pages 95‒111, 135‒160, 174, 178, et seq.; _Records of the Church of Scotland_.

In the midst of all this distraction, the King was crowned at Scone on the 1st of January, 1651, when he again swore to maintain the National Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant. Mr. Douglas, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, delivered the coronation sermon, and reminded the young prince of the iniquity of some of his royal ancestors, warning him that if he followed their example, his house would soon become desolate.¹

¹ The Form and Order of the King’s Coronation, printed at Aberdeen, 1651.

As the Scots were unable to drive back the English army, they resolved on a raid across the Border. Charles accompanied the Scottish army into England, but Cromwell with a part of his force followed him. A battle ensued at Worcester, on the 3rd of September, 1651, when the royalists were defeated. The King escaped and fled to the continent.

After this, General Monk was entrusted with the task of the reduction of Scotland, and he accomplished it more thoroughly than Edward I. had done. On the 28th of August, 1651, the Committee of Estates were surprised and captured at Alyth in Angus, along with five of the members of the Commission of the General Assembly, who were all sent prisoners to England. The people of the Lowlands then submitted to the English army, but some resistance continued to be offered by the royalists in the Highlands. They too, however, were shortly subdued, and the country was reduced to order.

The General Assembly, which met at Edinburgh in July, 1653, was quietly dispersed by a company of English soldiers, and the members commanded not to meet again. Baillie tells this in his usual graphic style: ――“Colonel Cotteral beset the Church with some files of musketeers and a troop of horse, and himself entered the Assembly house, and inquired if we sat there by the authority of the parliament of the Commonwealth of England, or of the Commander-in-chief of the English forces, or of the English Judges in Scotland? The moderator replied that we were an ecclesiastical synod, a spiritual court of Jesus Christ, which meddled not with any civil affairs, that our authority was from God, and established by the laws of the land yet standing unrepealed, that by the Solemn League and Covenant, the most of the English army stood obliged to defend our General Assembly. When some speeches of this kind had passed, the colonel told us that his orders were to dissolve us; whereupon he commanded all of us to follow him, else he would drag us out of the room. When we had entered a protestation of this unheard of and unexampled violence, we did rise and follow him; he led us all through the streets a mile out of the town, encompassing us with foot soldiers and horsemen, all the people gazing and mourning as at the saddest spectacle they had ever seen. When he had led us a mile without the town, he then declared what farther he had in commission, that we should not dare to meet again above three in number, and that by eight to-morrow evening, we should depart from the town, under the penalty of being guilty of breaking the public peace, and the following day, by sound of trumpet, we were commanded off the town under the pain of immediate imprisonment. Thus our General Assembly, the glory and the strength of our Church upon earth, is, by your soldiery, crushed and trod under foot, without the least provocation from us, at this time, either in word or deed.”¹ But the forms of presbyterianism were not farther interfered with; and the synods, the presbyteries and the sessions were permitted to hold their meetings, only there were no General Assemblies.

¹ Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume III., pages 225‒226.

The dissension between the Resolutioners and the Protesters continued throughout the Commonwealth. An attempt was made in 1655 to form an agreement between the two parties, but it failed. Subsequently both parties represented their cause to Cromwell, but neither of them gained any important advantage from this, and the disputes between them became bitter. No religious persecution was permitted in Scotland in Cromwell’s reign, the Church being deprived of its power of inflicting civil penalties.

After the nation was subdued, the government of the Commonwealth was disposed to treat Scotland justly, according to its own view of the necessities of the case and the circumstances. The aim of Cromwell and his associates, so far as can be seen, was to amalgamate the two nations into one republic. The Protector made a bold attempt to extinguish the feudal powers of the nobles throughout Scotland. He placed twenty-eight fortresses in the kingdom, and kept an army varying from about seven to nine thousand men in the country. The taxes imposed to support this force pressed rather hard upon the Scots; but then peace and security reigned, which was a boon not to be lightly esteemed.

The most successful part of the incorporating scheme was that which established free trade between the two countries. As it was enacted――“that all customs, excise, and other imposts for goods transported from England to Scotland, and from Scotland to England, by sea or by land, are and shall be so far taken off and discharged, as that all goods for the future shall pass as free, and with like privileges and with like charges and burdens, from England to Scotland, and from Scotland to England, as goods passing from port to port, or from place to place, in England; and that all goods shall and may pass between Scotland and any other part of this Commonwealth or dominions thereof with the like privileges, freedom, and charges as such goods do and shall pass between England and the said parts and dominions.”¹ This was a great advantage to the Scots.

¹ Bruce’s Report on the Union.

When the army had extinguished all resistance, Cromwell placed the civil administration of Scotland in the hands of a council of eight or nine men, most of whom were Englishmen,¹ sitting in Edinburgh. The powers of this council embraced the revenue, the appointment of the inferior judges and justices of the peace, and authorised the ministers to draw their stipends, a kind of patronage which was extremely offensive to many of the clergy. The police of the kingdom was generally entrusted to the military authorities, and was efficiently executed.

¹ In July, 1655, the Council consisted of eight members.

The Court of Session was superseded by a supreme commission of justice, consisting of seven judges, four English and three Scotch. This court had to deal with a great change in the laws already indicated, the abolition of the feudal system; and the commutation and adjustment of the many entangled interests and obligations thence arising. A collection of their decisions is preserved, and they are marked by good common-sense and much careful labour.¹ Baillie, under the year 1655, says:――“The kingdom was suffering for want of justice, for we have no baron courts; our sheriffs have little skill, for common being English soldiers; our Lords of Session, a few Englishmen, unexperienced with our law, and who, this twelvemonth, has done little or nothing; great is our suffering through want of that court. After long neglect of us as no nation, at last a Supreme Council of State, with power in all things, is come down, of six or seven English soldiers and two of our complying gentlemen, Colonel Lockhart and Colonel Swinton. We expect little good from them; but if an heavy excise, as is said, be added to our maintenance, and the paying of all the garrisons lie on us, our condition will be insupportable; yet be what it will, it must be borne, we have deserved it.”

¹ The Decisions of the English Judges during the Usurpation.

Another body of seven men, half of them English, were constituted trustees of forfeited and sequestrated estates, by an ordinance in 1654. Their duties were to look after the rents and the revenues of the many Scottish nobles and lairds whose estates had been seized by the government, for offences arising out of the conquest. They were instructed to pay creditors, to give allowances to the wives, the widows, and the children of the original owners of the estates.¹ Speaking of the state of Scotland in 1656, Baillie says:――“Our state is in a very silent condition: strong garrisons over all the land, and a great army, both of horse and foot, for which there is no service at all. Our nobles lying in prisons, and under forfeitures or debts, private or public, are for the most part either broken or breaking.”

¹ Letters and Journals, Volume III., pages 388‒389, 317.

But the Scots were not all satisfied with Cromwell’s rule, though quietness and order were maintained in the kingdom by the strong arm. In the beginning of the year 1658, the Protector expressed his own opinion of the Scots thus:――“And hath Scotland been long settled? Have not they a like sense of poverty? I speak plainly. In good earnest, I do think the Scotch nation have been under as great a suffering, in point of livelihood and subsistence outwardly, as any people I have yet named to you. I do think truly they are a very ruined nation. And yet in a way, I have spoken with some gentlemen come from thence, hopeful enough; it hath pleased to give that plentiful encouragement to the meaner sort in Scotland.... The meaner sort in Scotland live as well, and are likely to come into as thriving a condition under your government, as when they were under their own great Lords, who made them work for their living no better than the peasants of France. I am loth to speak anything which may reflect upon that nation; but the middle sort of people do grow up there into such substance as makes their lives comfortable, if not better than they were before.”¹ Referring to the year 1656, Baillie said:――“The truth is, money was never so scarce here, and growing daily scarcer, and yet it is thought this parliament in September, 1656, is summoned mainly for new taxations. What England may bear, to whom the Protector remitted the half of the monthly maintenance of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling, I know not; but Scotland, whose burden has been tripled, besides the fines, forfeitures, debts, and other miseries, seems unable to bear what lies on her already.” Of Glasgow at this time, he says:――“Our people have much more trade in comparison than any other town; their buildings increase strangely both for number and fairness: it is more than doubled in our time.” Finally, in regard to the kingdom in 1658:――“In our state all is exceedingly quiet. A great army, in a multitude of garrisons, bides above our heads, and deep poverty keeps all ranks exceedingly under; the taxes of all kinds are so great, the trade so little, that it is a marvel if extreme scarcity of money end not, ere long, in some mischief.”²

¹ Carlyle’s Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, Volume II., pages 638‒639.

² Baillie’s Letters and Journals, Volume III., pages 318, 319, 357.

Owing to the toleration of religious opinions under the Commonwealth, various new sects appeared in Scotland, among whom the Quakers were the most remarkable. In the year 1656, Baillie remarks that “This sect of Quakers is likely to prove troublesome: they increase much among the English both in England and in Ireland. They in a furious way cry down both ministry and magistracy; some of them seem actually possessed with a devil, their fury, their irrational passions, and their bodily convulsions are so great. Lieutenant Osburne, one of our first apostates to the English, is an open leader to them in the streets of Edinburgh, without any punishment. Several in Clydesdale, of the most zealous Remonstrant yeomen, have turned so; and their increase is feared, which is the just recompense of admitting the beginnings of errors.”¹ Two years later, he says, they were increasing and making some trouble in several places in Scotland. Another contemporary says:――“Some of them walked through the streets, all naked save their shirts, crying――This is the way, walk ye in it!” Others cried out, “That the day of salvation is at hand; draw near to the Lord, for the sword of the Lord is drawn, and will not be put up till the enemies of the Lord be destroyed.” In England, “there was immense difficulty with this new sect, from the fact that they had not settled down into mere local groups of individuals, asking toleration for themselves, but were still in open war with all other sects, all forms of ministry, and prosecuted the war everywhere by itinerant propagandism. George Fox himself and the best of his followers seem by this time, indeed, to have given up the method of actually interrupting the regular service in the steeple-houses in order to preach Quakerism, but they were constantly tending to the steeple-houses for the purpose of prophesying there, as was the custom in country places, after the regular service was over. Thus, as well as by their conflicts with parsons of every sect wherever they met them, and their rebukings of iniquity on highways and in market-places, not to speak of their obstinate refusals to pay tithes in their own parishes, they were continually getting into the hands of justices of the peace and the assize judges.”²

¹ Ibid., Volume III., page 323.

² Nicoll’s Diary; Dr. Masson’s _Life of John Milton: Narrated in connection with the History of His Time_, Volume V., page 66.

Regarded from a religious standpoint, the Covenanting movement directly tended to intensify the religious feeling and habits of the people. The opinions and doctrines which were then formulated anew, took deep root in the heart of the nation; the Shorter Catechism of the Westminster divines became the text-book of the religious doctrines of the people, and it has exercised a vast influence over their moral and mental character. But during the period in question there was a lamentable absence of the loving and tolerant spirit which should characterise the Christian and moral life.

On the 3rd of September, 1658, Cromwell died. Although the supreme power which he had won by his energy and wisdom passed on to his son Richard, this man was unequal for the task imposed upon him, and in a few months retired into private life. The government of the three kingdoms fell into the hands of the leaders of the armies, and they then began a scramble for the summit of power; but Oliver’s mantle had not descended upon any of them. So the traditions and sentiments associated with the glories of the throne and the monarchy, were soon in the ascendant. General Monk was at the head of the army in Scotland, and having collected his forces, he carefully prepared to march into England. He called a meeting of the chief men among the Scots, and advised them to preserve the internal peace of the kingdom; and they aided him with a sum of money. In November, 1659, he began his march southward, and entered England in the beginning of 1660. After various moves, Monk declared in favour of a free parliament, which met in March, and resolved to recall the King. And so Charles II. entered London on the 29th of May, amid the shouts and applause of the people.

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