VII. THE DIALECTS OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

VII. THE DIALECTS OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

s. 678. The consideration of the dialects of the English language is best taken in hand after the historical investigation of the elements of the English population. For this, see Part I.

It is also best taken in hand after the analysis of the grammatical structure of the language. For this, see Part IV.

This is because both the last-named subjects are necessary as preliminaries. The structure of the language supplies us with the points in which one dialect may differ from another, whilst the history of the immigrant populations may furnish an ethnological reason for such differences as are found to occur.

For a further illustration of this see pp. 4, 5.

s. 679. By putting together the history of the migrations into a country, and the grammatical structure of the language which they introduced, we find that there are two methods of classifying the dialects. These may be called the ethnological, and the structural methods.

According to the former, we place in the same class those dialects which were introduced by the same section of immigrants. Thus, a body of Germans, starting from the same part of Germany, and belonging to the same section of the Germanic population, even if, whilst at sea, they separated into two, three, or more divisions, and landed upon widely separated portions of Great Britain, would introduce dialects which were allied ethnologically; even though, by one of them changing rapidly, and the others not changing at all, they might, in their external characters, differ from each other, and agree with dialects of a different introduction. Hence, the ethnological principle is essentially historical, and {532} is based upon the idea of affiliation or affinity in the way of descent.

The structural principle is different. Two dialects introduced by different sections (perhaps it would be better to say sub-sections) of an immigrant population may suffer similar changes; e. g., they may lose the same inflexions, adopt similar euphonic processes, or incorporate the same words. In this case, their external characters become mutually alike. Hence, if we take two (or move) such dialects, and place them in the same class, we do so simply because they are alike; not because they are affiliated.

Such are the two chief principles of classification. Generally, they coincide; in other words, similarity of external characters is prim[^a] facie evidence of affinity in the way of affiliation, identity of origin being the safest assumption in the way of cause; whilst identity of origin is generally a sufficient ground for calculating upon similarity of external form; such being, a priori, its probable effect.

Still, the evidence of one in favour of the other is only prim[^a] facie evidence. Dialects of the same origin may grow unlike; dialects of different origins alike.

s. 680. The causes, then, which determine those minute differences of language, which go by the name of dialects are twofold.--1. Original difference; 2. Subsequent change.

s. 681. The original difference between the two sections (or sub-sections) of an immigrant population are referable to either--1. Difference of locality in respect to the portion of the country from which they originated; or 2. Difference in the date of the invasion.

Two bodies of immigrants, one from the Eyder, and the other from the Scheldt, even if they left their respective localities on the same day of the same month, would most probably differ from one another; and that in the same way that a Yorkshireman differs from a Hampshire man.

On the other hand, two bodies of immigrants, each leaving the very same locality, but one in 200 A.D., and the other in 500 A.D., would also, most probably, differ; and that as a Yorkshireman of 1850 A.D. differs from one of 1550 A.D. {533}

s. 682. The subsequent changes which may affect the dialect of an immigrant population are chiefly referable to either, 1. Influences exerted by the dialects of the aborigines of the invaded country; 2. Influences of simple growth, or development. A dialect introduced from Germany to a portion of Great Britain, where the aborigines spoke Gaelic, would (if affected at all by the indigenous dialect) be differently affected from a dialect similarly circumstanced in a British, Welsh, and Cambrian district.

A language which changes rapidly, will, at the end of a certain period, wear a different aspect from one which changes slowly.

s. 683. A full and perfect apparatus for the minute philology of the dialects of a country like Great Britain, would consist in--

1. The exact details of the present provincialisms.

2. The details of the history of each dialect through all its stages.

3. The exact details of the provincialisms of the whole of that part of Germany which contributed, or is supposed to have contributed, to the Anglo-Saxon immigration.

4. The details of the original languages or dialects of the Aboriginal Britons at the time of the different invasions.

This last is both the least important and the most unattainable.

s. 684. Such are the preliminaries which are wanted for the purposes of investigation. Others are requisite for the proper understanding of the facts already ascertained, and the doctrines generally admitted; the present writer believing that these two classes are by no means coextensive.

Of such preliminaries, the most important are those connected with 1. the structure of language, and 2. the history of individual documents; in other words, certain points of philology, and certain points of bibliography.

s. 685. Philological preliminaries.--These are points of pronunciation, points of grammatical structure, and glossarial peculiarities. It is only the first two which will be noticed. They occur in 1. the modern, 2. the ancient local forms of speech. {534}

s. 686. Present provincial dialects.--In the way of grammar we find, in the present provincial dialects (amongst many others), the following old forms--

1. A plural in en--we call-en, ye call-en, they call-en. Respecting this, the writer in the Quarterly Review, has the following doctrine:--

"It appears to have been popularly known, if not in East Anglia proper, at all events in the district immediately to the westward, since we find it in Orm, in an Eastern-Midland copy of the Rule of Nuns, saec. XIII., and in process of time in Suffolk. Various conjectures have been advanced as to the origin of this form, of which we have no certain examples before the thirteenth century.[72] We believe the true state of the case to have been as follows. It is well known that the Saxon dialects differ from the Gothic, Old-German, &c. in the form of the present indicative plural--making all three persons to end in -ath or -ad;--we--[gh]e--hi--lufi-ath (-ad). Schmeller and other German philologists observe that a nasal has been here elided, the true ancient form being -and, -ant, or -ent. Traces of this termination are found in the Cotton MS. of the Old Saxon Evangelical Harmony, and still more abundantly in the popular dialects of the Middle-Rhenish district from Cologne to the borders of Switzerland. These not only exhibit the full termination -ent, but also two modifications of it, one dropping the nasal and the other the dental. E.g.:--

Pres. Indic. Plur. 1, 2, 3 liebent; " " lieb-et; " " lieb-en;

--the last exactly corresponding with the Mercian. It is remarkable that none of the above forms appear in classical German compositions, while they abound in the Miracle-plays, vernacular sermons, and similar productions of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, specially addressed to the uneducated classes. We may, therefore, reasonably conclude from analogy that similar forms were popularly current in our midland counties, gradually insinuating themselves into the {535} written language. We have plenty of examples of similar phenomena. It would be difficult to find written instances of the pronouns scho, or she, their, you, the auxiliaries sal, suld, &c., before the twelfth century; but their extensive prevalence in the thirteenth proves that they must have been popularly employed somewhere even in times which have left us no documentary evidence of their existence."

I prefer to consider this termination as -en, a mere extension of the subjunctive form to the indicative.

2. An infinitive form in -ie; as to sowie, to reapie,--Wiltshire. (Mr. Guest).

3. The participial form in -and; as goand, slepand,--Lincolnshire (?), Northumberland, Scotland.

4. The common use of the termination -th in the third person present; goeth, hath, speaketh,--Devonshire.

5. Plural forms in -en; as housen,--Leicestershire and elsewhere.

6. Old preterite forms of certain verbs; as,

Clom, from climb, Hereford and elsewhere. Hove, -- heave, ditto. Puck, -- pick, ditto. Shuck, -- shook, ditto. Squoze, -- squeeze, ditto. Shew, -- sow, Essex. Rep, -- reap, ditto. Mew, -- mow, ditto, &c.

The following changes (a few out of many) are matters not of grammar, but of pronunciation:--

Ui for oo--cuil, bluid, for cool, blood,--Cumberland, Scotland.

Oy for i--foyne, twoyne, for fine, twine,--Cheshire, Cambridgeshire, Suffolk.

Oy for oo--foyt for foot,--Halifax.

Oy for o--noite, foil, coil, hoil, for note, foal, coal, hole,--Halifax.

Oy for a--loyne for lane,--Halifax.

Ooy for oo--nooin, gooise, fooil, tooil, for noon, goose, fool, tool,--Halifax. {536}

W inserted (with or without a modification)--as spwort, scworn, whoam, for sport, scorn, home,--Cumberland, West Riding of Yorkshire.

Ew for oo, or yoo--tewn for tune,--Suffolk, Westmoreland.

Iv for oo, or yoo when a vowel follows--as Samivel for Samuel; Emmanivel for Emmanuel. In all these we have seen a tendency to diphthongal sounds.

In the following instances the practice is reversed, and instead of the vowel being made a diphthong, the diphthong becomes a vowel, as,

O for oy--boh for boy, Suffolk, &c.

Oo for ow--broon for brown,--Bilsdale.

Ee for i--neet for night,--Cheshire.

O for ou--bawn' for bound,--Westmoreland.

Of these the substitution of oo for ow, and of ee for i, are of importance in the questions of the Appendix.

[=E][=e] for a--theere for there,--Cumberland.

[=E][=e] for [)e]--reed, seeven, for red, seven,--Cumberland, Craven.

[=A] for [=o]--sair, mair, baith, for sore, more, both,--Cumberland, Scotland.

[)A] for [)o]--saft for soft,--Cheshire.

O for [)a]--mon for man,--Cheshire. Lond for land,--East-Anglian Semi-Saxon.

Y inserted before a vowel--styake, ryape, for stake, rope,--Borrowdale; especially after g (a point to be noticed), gyarden, gyown, for garden, gown,--Warwickshire, &c.; and at the beginning of a word, as yat, yan, for ate, one (ane),--Westmoreland, Bilsdale.

H inserted--hafter, hoppen, for after, open,--Westmoreland, &c.

H omitted--at, ard, for hat, hard,--Passim.

Transition of Consonants.

B for v--Whitehebbon for Whitehaven,--Borrowdale.

P for b--poat for boat.--Welsh pronunciation of many English words. See the speeches of Sir Hugh Evans in Merry Wives of Windsor.

V for f--vind for find,--characteristic of Devonshire, Kent. {537}

T for d (final)--deet for deed,--Borrowdale.

T for ch (tsh)--fet for fetch,--Devonshire.

D for j (dzh)--sled for sledge,--Hereford.

D for th (th)--wid=with; tudder=the other,--Borrowdale, Westmoreland. Initial (especially before a consonant)--drash, droo=thrash, through,--Devonshire, Wilts.

K for ch (tsh)--thack, pick, for thatch, pitch,--Westmoreland, Lincolnshire, Halifax.

G for j (dzh)--brig for bridge--Lincolnshire, Hereford.

G preserved from the Anglo-Saxon--lig, lie. Anglo-Saxon, licgan,--Lincolnshire, North of England.

Z for s--zee for see,--Devonshire.

S for sh--sall for shall,--Craven, Scotland.

Y for g--yet for gate,--Yorkshire, Scotland.

W for v--wiew for view,--Essex, London.

N for ng--bleedin for bleeding,--Cumberland, Scotland.

Sk for sh--busk for bush,--Halifax.

Ejection of Letters.

K before s, the preceding vowel being lengthened by way of compensation--neist for next, seist for sixth,--Halifax.

D and v after a consonant--gol for gold, siller for silver,--Suffolk. The ejection of f is rarer; mysel for myself, however, occurs in most dialects.

L final, after a short vowel,--in which case the vowel is lengthened--poo for pull,--Cheshire, Scotland.

Al changed to a open--hawf for half, _saumo_n for salmon,--Cumberland, Scotland.

Transposition.

Transpositions of the liquid r are common in all our provincial dialects; as gars, brid, perty, for grass, bird, pretty. Here the provincial forms are the oldest, gaers, brid, &c., being the Anglo-Saxon forms. Again; acsian, Anglo-Saxon=ask, English.

s. 687. Ancient forms of speech.--In the way of grammar--

1. The ge- (see s. 409), prefixed to the past participle (ge-boren=borne) is, in certain localities,[73] omitted.

{538}

2. The present[74] plural form -s, encroaches upon the form in -n. Thus, munuces=munucan=monks.

3. The infinitive ends in -a, instead of -an. This is Scandinavian, but it is also Frisian.

4. The particle at is used instead of to before the infinitive verb.

5. The article[74] the is used instead of se, seo, thaet=[Greek: ho, he, to], for both the numbers, and all the cases and genders.

6. The form in -s (use, usse) replaces ure=our.

In the way of sound--

1. Forms with the slenderer, or more vocalic[74] sounds, replace forms which in the West-Saxon are broad or diphthongal.[75] Beda mentions that Coelin is the Northumbrian form of Ceawlin.

2. The simple[74] sound of k replaces the combination out of which the modern sound of ch has been evolved.

3. The sound of sk replaces either the sh, or the sound out of which it has been evolved.

The meaning of these last two statements is explained by the following extract: "Another characteristic is the infusion of Scandinavian words, of which there are slight traces in monuments of the tenth century, and strong and unequivocal ones in those of the thirteenth and fourteenth. Some of the above criteria may be verified by a simple and obvious process, namely, a reference to the topographical nomenclature of our provinces. Whoever takes the trouble to consult the Gazetteer of England will find, that of our numerous 'Carltons' not one is to be met with south of the Mersey, west of the Staffordshire Tame, or south of the Thames; and that 'Fiskertons,' 'Skiptons,' 'Skelbrookes,' and a whole host of similar names are equally introuvables in the same district. They are, with scarcely a single exception, northern or eastern; and we know from Aelfric's Glossary, from Domesday and the Chartularies, that this distinction of pronunciation was established as early as the eleventh century. 'Kirby' or 'Kirkby,' is a specimen of joint Anglian and {539} Scandinavian influence, furnishing a clue to the ethnology of the district wherever it occurs. The converse of this rule does not hold with equal universality, various causes having gradually introduced soft palatal sounds into districts to which they did not properly belong. Such are, however, of very partial occurrence, and form the exception rather than the rule."--Quarterly Review, No. CLXIV.

Bibliographical preliminaries.--The leading facts here are the difference between 1. the locality of the authorship, and 2, the locality of the transcription of a book.

Thus: the composition of a Devonshire poet may find readers in Northumberland, and his work be transcribed by Northumbrian copyist. Now this Northumbrian copyist may do one of two things: he may transcribe the Devonian production verbatim et literatim; in which case his countrymen read the MS. just as a Londoner reads Burns, i.e., in the dialect of the writer, and not in the dialect of the reader. On the other hand, he may accommodate as well as transcribe, i.e., he may change the non-Northumbrian into Northumbrian expressions, in which case his countrymen read the MS. in their own rather than the writer's dialect.

Now it is clear, that in a literature where transcription, combined with accommodation, is as common as simple transcription, we are never sure of knowing the dialect of an author unless we also know the dialect of his transcriber. In no literature is there more of this semi-translation than in the Anglo-Saxon and the early English; a fact which sometimes raises difficulties, by disconnecting the evidence of authorship with the otherwise natural inferences as to the dialect employed; whilst, at others, it smoothes them away by supplying as many specimens of fresh dialects, as there are extant MSS. of an often copied composition.

Inquiring whether certain peculiarities of dialect in Layamon's Brut, really emanated from the author, a writer in the Quarterly Review, (No. clxiv.) remarks, that to decide this it "would be necessary to have access either to the priest's autograph, or to a more faithful copy of it than it was the practice to make either in his age or the succeeding {540} ones. A transcriber of an early English composition followed his own ideas of language, grammar, and orthography; and if he did not entirely obliterate the characteristic peculiarities of his original, he was pretty sure, like the Conde de Olivares, 'd'y meter beaucour du sein.' The practical proof of this is to be found in the existing copies of those works, almost every one of which exhibits some peculiarity of features. We have 'Trevisa' and 'Robert of Gloucester,' in two distinct forms--'Pier's Ploughman,' in at least three, and 'Hampole's Pricke of Conscience,' in half a dozen, without any absolute certainty which approximates most to what the authors wrote. With regard to Layamon, it might be supposed that the older copy is the more likely to represent the original; but we have internal evidence that it is not the priest's autograph; and it is impossible to know what alterations it may have undergone in the course of one or more transcriptions."

Again, in noticing the orthography of the Ormulum (alluded to in the present volume, s. 266), he writes: "It is true that in this instance we have the rare advantage of possessing the author's autograph, a circumstance which cannot with confidence be predicated of any other considerable work of the same period. The author was, moreover, as Mr. Thorpe observes, a kind of critic in his own language; and we therefore find in his work, a regularity of orthography, grammar, and metre, hardly to be paralleled in the same age. All this might, in a great measure, disappear in the very next copy; for fidelity of transcription was no virtue of the thirteenth or the fourteenth century; at least with respect to vernacular works. It becomes, therefore, in many cases a problem of no small complication, to decide with certainty respecting the original metre, or language, of a given mediaeval composition, with such data as we now possess."

From all this it follows, that the inquirer must talk of copies rather than of authors.

s. 688. Caution.--Differences of spelling do not always imply differences of pronunciation; perhaps they may be prim[^a] facie of such. Still it is uncritical to be over-hasty in {541} separating, as specimens of dialect, works which, perhaps, only differ in being specimens of separate orthographies.

s. 689. Caution.--The accommodation of a transcribed work is susceptible of degrees. It may go so far as absolutely to replace one dialect by another, or it may go no farther than the omission of the more unintelligible expressions, and the substitution of others more familiar. I again quote the Quarterly Review,--"There are very few matters more difficult than to determine [`a] priori, in what precise form a vernacular composition of the thirteenth century might be written, or what form it might assume in a very short period. Among the Anglo-Saxon charters of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, many are modelled upon the literary Anglo-Saxon, with a few slight changes of orthography and inflection; while others abound with dialectical peculiarities of various sorts. Those peculiarities may generally be accounted for from local causes. An East-Anglian scribe does not employ broad western forms, nor a West of England man East-Anglian ones; though each might keep his provincial peculiarities out of sight, and produce something not materially different from the language of Aelfric."

s. 690. Caution.--In the Reeve's Tale, Chaucer puts into the mouth of one of his north-country clerks, a native of the Strother, in the north-west part of the deanery of Craven, where the Northumbrian dialect rather preponderates over the Anglian, certain Yorkshire glosses. "Chaucer[76] undoubtedly copied the language of some native; and the general accuracy, with which he gives it, shows that he was an attentive observer of all that passed around him.

"We subjoin an extract from the poem, in order to give our readers an opportunity of comparing southern and northern English, as they co-existed in the fifteenth century. It is from a MS. that has never been collated; but which we believe to be well worthy the attention of any future editor of the Canterbury Tales. The italics denote variations from the printed text:--

{542}

"John highte that oon and Aleyn highte that other: Of oo toun were thei born that highte Strother, Ffer in the north I can not tellen where. This Aleyn maketh redy al his gere-- And on an hors the sak he caste anoon. Fforth goth Aleyn the clerk and also John, With good swerde and bokeler by his side. John knewe the weye--hym nedes no gide; And atte melle the sak a down he layth. Aleyn spak first: Al heyle, Symond--in fayth-- How fares thi fayre daughter and thi wyf? Aleyn welcome--quod Symkyn--be my lyf-- And John also--how now, what do ye here? By God, quod John--Symond, nede has na pere. Hym bihoves to serve him self that has na swayn; Or ellis he is a fool as clerkes sayn. Oure maunciple I hope he wil be ded-- Swa werkes hym ay the wanges in his heed. And therefore is I come and eek Aleyn-- To grynde oure corn, and carye it ham agayne, I pray yow spedes[77] us hethen that ye may. It shal be done, quod Symkyn, by my fay! What wol ye done while it is in hande? By God, right by the hoper wol I stande, Quod John, and see how gates the corn gas inne; Yit saugh I never, by my fader kynne, How that the hoper wagges til and fra! Aleyn answerde--John wil ye swa? Than wil I be bynethe, by my crown, And se how gates the mele falles down In til the trough--that sal be my disport. Quod John--In faith, I is of youre sort-- I is as ille a meller as are ye. * * * * * * And when the mele is sakked and ybounde, This John goth out and fynt his hors away-- And gan to crie, harow, and wele away!-- Our hors is lost--Aleyn, for Godde's banes, Stepe on thi feet--come of man attanes! Allas, oure wardeyn has his palfrey lorn! This Aleyn al forgat bothe mele and corn-- {543} Al was out of his mynde, his housbonderie. What--whilke way is he goon? he gan to crie. The wyf come lepynge in at a ren; She saide--Allas, youre hors goth to the fen With wylde mares, as faste as he may go. Unthank come on this hand that band him so-- And he that bet sholde have knet the reyne. Alas! quod John, Alayn, for Criste's peyne, Lay down thi swerde, and I wil myn alswa; I is ful swift--God wat--as is a ra-- By Goddes herte he sal nought scape us bathe. Why ne hadde thou put the capel in the lathe? Il hayl, by God, Aleyn, thou is fonne."

"Excepting the obsolete forms hethen (hence), swa, lorn, whilke, alswa, capel--all the above provincialisms are still, more or less, current in the north-west part of Yorkshire. Na, ham(e), fra, banes, attanes, ra, bathe, are pure Northumbrian. Wang (cheek or temple) is seldom heard, except in the phrase wang tooth, dens molaris. Ill, adj., for bad--lathe (barn)--and fond (foolish)--are most frequently and familiarly used in the West Riding, or its immediate borders."

Now this indicates a class of writings which, in the critical history of our local dialect, must be used with great caution and address. An imitation of dialect may be so lax as to let its only merit consist in a deviation from the standard idiom.

In the Lear of Shakspeare we have speeches from a Kentish clown. Is this the dialect of the character, the dialect of the writer, or is it some conventional dialect appropriated to theatrical purposes? I think the latter.

In Ben Jonson's Tale of a Tub, one (and more than one of the characters) speaks thus. His residence is the neighbourhood of London, Tottenham Court.

Is it no sand? nor buttermilk? if't be, Ich 'am no zive, or watering-pot, to draw Knots in your 'casions. If you trust me, zo-- If not, _pra_forme 't your zelves, '_C_ham no man's wife, But resolute Hilts: you'll vind me in the buttry.

Act I. Scene 1.

{544}

I consider that this represents the dialect of the neighbourhood of London, not on the strength of its being put in the mouth of a man of Tottenham, but from other and independent circumstances.

Not so, however, with the provincialisms of another of Ben Jonson's plays, the Sad Shepherd:--

---- shew your sell Tu all the sheepards, bauldly; gaing amang hem. Be mickle in their eye, frequent and fugeand. And, gif they ask ye of Eiarine, Or of these claithes; say that I ga' hem ye, And say no more. I ha' that wark in hand, That web upon the luime, sall gar em thinke.

Act II. Scene 3.

The scene of the play is Sherwood Forest: the language, however, as far as I may venture an opinion, is not the language from which the present Nottinghamshire dialect has come down.

s. 691. Caution.--Again, the word old, as applied to language, has a double meaning.

The language of the United States was imported from England into America in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The language of South Australia has been introduced within the present generation. In one sense, the American English is older than the Australian. It was earliest separated from the mother-tongue.

The language, however, of America may (I speak only in the way of illustration, and consequently hypothetically), in the course of time, become the least old of the two; the word old being taken in another sense. It may change with greater rapidity. It may lose its inflections. It may depart more from the structure of the mother-tongue, and preserve fewer of its old elements. In this sense the Australian (provided that it has altered least, and that it retain the greatest number of the old inflections) will be the older tongue of the two.

Now what may be said of the language of two countries, may be said of the dialects of two districts. The one dialect may run its changes apace; the other alter but by degrees. {545} Hence, of two works in two such dialects, the one would appear older than the other, although in reality the two were cotemporary.

Hence, also, it is a lax expression to say that it is the old forms (the archaisms) that the provincial dialects retain. The provincial forms are archaic only when the current language changes more rapidly than the local idiom. When the local idiom changes fastest, the archaic forms belong to the standard mode of speech.

The provincial forms, goand, slepand, for going and sleeping, are archaic. Here the archaism is with the provincial form.

The forms almost, horses, nought but, contrasted with the provincialisms ommost, hosses, nobbot, are archaic. They have not been changed so much as they will be. Here the archaism (that is, the nearer approach to the older form) is with the standard idiom. A sequestered locality is preservative of old forms. But writing and education are preservatives of them also.

s. 692. With these preliminaries a brief notice of the English dialects, in their different stages, may begin.

The districts north of the Humber.--There is so large an amount of specimens of the dialects of this area in the Anglo-Saxon stage of our language, the area itself so closely coincides with the political division of the kingdom of Northumberland, whilst the present arrangement (more or less provisional) of the Anglo-Saxon dialects consists of the divisions of them into the, 1, West-Saxon; 2, Mercian; and 3, Northumbrian, that it is best to give a general view of the whole tract before the minuter details of the different counties which compose them are noticed. The data for the Northumbrian division of the Anglo-Saxon dialects are as follows:--

1. Wanley's Fragment of Caedmon.--The north-east of Yorkshire was the birth-place of the Anglo-Saxon monk Caedmon. Nevertheless, the form in which his poems in full have come down to us is that of a West-Saxon composition. This indicates the probability of the original work having first been re-cast, and afterwards lost. Be this as it may, the {546} following short fragment has been printed by Wanley, from an ancient MS., and by Hickes from Bede, Hist. Eccl., 4, 24, and it is considered, in the first form, to approach or, perhaps, to represent the Northumbrian of the original poem.

1. 2. Wanley. Hickes.

Nu seylun hergan N['u] we sceolan herigean Herfaen-ricaes uard, Heofon-r['i]ces weard, Metudes maecti, Metodes mihte, End his modgethanc. And his m['o]dgethanc. Uerc uuldur fadur, Weorc wuldor-faeder, Sue he uundra gihuaes, Sva he wundra gewaes, Eci drictin, Ec['e] driten, Ord stelidae. Ord onstealde. He aerist scopa, Ne ['ae]rest sc['o]p, Elda barnum, Eordhan bearnum, Heben til hrofe; Heofon t['o] r['o]fe; Haleg scepen: H['a]lig scyppend: Tha mittungeard, D['a] middangeard, Moncynnaes uard, Moncynnes weard, Eci drictin, Ece drihten, Aefter tiadhae, Aefter te['o]de, Firum foldu, Firum foldan, Frea allmectig. Fre['a] almihtig.

Translation.

Now we should praise For earth's bairns, The heaven-kingdom's preserver, Heaven to roof; The might of the Creator, Holy shaper; And his mood-thought. Then mid-earth, The glory-father of works, Mankind's home, As he, of wonders, each Eternal Lord, Eternal Lord, After formed, Originally established. For the homes of men, He erst shaped, Lord Almighty.

2. The death-bed verses of Bede.

Fore the neidfaerae, Before the necessary journey, Naenig uuiurthit No one is Thoc-snotturra Wiser of thought Than him tharf sie Than he hath need To ymbhycganne, To consider, {547} Aer his hionongae, Before his departure, Huaet, his gastae, What, for his spirit, Godaes aeththa yflaes, Of good or evil, Aefter deothdaege, After the death-day, Doemid uuieorthae. Shall be doomed.

From a MS. at St. Gallen; quoted by Mr. Kemble, Archaeologia, vol. xxviii.

3. The Ruthwell Runes.--The inscription in Anglo-Saxon Runic letters, on the Ruthwell Cross, is thus deciphered and translated by Mr. Kemble:--

. . . . . . . mik. . . . . . . me. Riiknae kyningk The powerful King, Hifunaes hlafard, The Lord of Heaven, Haelda ic ne daerstae. I dared not hold. Bismerede ungket men, They reviled us two, B[^a] aetgaed[r]e, Both together, Ik (n)idhbaedi bist(e)me(d) I stained with the pledge of crime. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . geredae . . . . prepared Hinae gamaeldae Himself spake Estig, dha he walde Benignantly when he would An galgu gist[^i]ga Go up upon the cross, M[^o]dig fore Courageously before Men, . . . . . Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mid stralum giwundaed, Wounded with shafts, Alegdun hiae hinae, They laid him down, Limw[^e]rigne. Limb-weary. Gistodun him . . . They stood by him. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Krist waes on r[^o]di; Christ was on cross. Hwedhrae ther f[^u]sae Lo! there with speed Fearran cwomu From afar came Aedhdhilae ti laenum. Nobles to him in misery. Ic that al bih (e[^o]ld) I that all beheld . . . . . sae (...) . . . . . . . . . . Ic w(ae)s mi(d) ga(l)gu I was with the cross Ae (. . . .) rod . ha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

{548}

"The dialect of these lines is that of Northumberland in the seventh, eighth, and even ninth centuries. The first peculiarity is in the ae for e in the oblique cases, and which I have observed in the cotemporary MS. of Cudhberht's letter at St. Gallen. This, which is strictly organic, and represents the uncorrupted Gothic genitive in -as, and dative in -a, as well as the Old Saxon forms of the substantive, is evidence of great antiquity. But that which is, perhaps, the most characteristic of the Northumbrian dialect is the formation of the infinitive in -a and -ae, instead of -an (haeldae, gistiga). The Durham Book has, I believe, throughout but one single verb, which makes the infinitive in -an, and that is the anomalous word bean=to be; even wosa and wiortha following the common rule. The word ungket is another incontrovertible proof of extreme antiquity, having, to the best of my knowledge, never been found but in this passage. It is the dual of the first personal pronoun Ic, and corresponds to the very rare dual of the second personal pronoun incit, which occurs twice in Caedmon."[78]

4. The Cotton Psalter.--This is a Latin Psalter in the Cotton collection, accompanied by an Anglo-Saxon interlineation. Place uncertain. Time, ninth century or earlier. The following points of difference between this and the West-Saxon are indicated by Mr. Garnett, Phil. Soc. No. 27.

COTTON PSALTER. WEST-SAXON.

Boen, prayer Ben. Boec, books B['e]c. Coelan, cool C['e]lan. Doeman, judge D['e]man. Foedan, feed F['e]dan. Spoed, fortune Sp['e]d. Swoet, sweet Sw['e]t. Woenan, think, ween W['e]nan.

5. The Durham Gospels--Quatuor Evangelia Latine, ex translatione B. Hieronymi, cum gloss[^a] interlineat[^a] Saxonica. Nero, D. 4.

{549}

Matthew, cap. 2.

midhdhy arod gecenned were haelend in dhaer byrig Cum ergo natus esset Jesus in Bethleem Judaeae

in dagum Herodes cyninges heonu dha tungulcraeftga of eustdael in diebus Herodis Regis, ecce magi ab oriente

cweodhonde cwomun to hierusalem hiu cwoedon huer is dhe acenned venerunt Hierosolymam, dicentes, Ubi est qui natus

tungul is cynig Judeunu gesegon we fordhon sterru his in est rex Judaeorum? vidimus enim stellam ejus in

eustdael and we cwomon to wordhanne hine geherde wiototlice oriente et venimus adorare eum. Audiens autem

dha burgwaeras herodes se cynig gedroefed waes and alle dha hierusolemisca midh Herodes turbatus est et omnis Hierosolyma cum

mesapreusti him and gesomnede alle dha aldormenn biscopa illo. Et congregatis (sic) omnes principes sacerdotum

geascode and dha udhuutta dhaes folces georne gefragnde fra him huer crist et scribas populi, sciscitabatur ab iis ubi Christus

acenned were. nasceretur.

6. The Rituale Ecclesiae Dunhelmensis.--Edited for the Surtees Society by Mr. Stevenson. Place: neighbourhood of Durham. Time: A.D. 970. Differences between the Psalter and Ritual:--

a. The form for the first person is in the Psalter generally -u. In the Ritual it is generally -o. In West Saxon, -e.

PSALTER.--Getreow-u, I believe; cleopi-u, I call; sell-u, I give; ondred-u, I fear; ageld-u, I pay; getimbr-u, I build. Forms in -o; sitt-o, I sit; drinc-o, I drink.

RITUAL.--Feht-o, I fight; wuldrig-o, I glory. The ending in -u is rarer.

b. In the West Saxon the plural present of verbs ends in -adh: we lufi-adh, ge lufi-adh, hi lufi-adh. The Psalter also exhibits this West Saxon form. But the plurals of the Ritual {550} end in -s: as, bidd-as=we pray; giwoed-es=put on; wyrc-as=do.

c. The infinitives of verbs end in the West Saxon in -an, as cwed-an=to say. So they do in the Psalter. But in the Ritual the -n is omitted, and the infinitive ends simply in -a: cuoetha=to say; inngeonga=to enter.

d. The oblique cases and plurals of substantives in West Saxon end in -an: as heortan=heart's; heortan=hearts. So they do in the Psalter. But in the Ritual the -n is omitted, and the word ends simply in -a or -e; as nome=of a name (West Saxon nam-an); hearta=hearts.

7. The Rushworth Gospels.--Place, Harewood in Wharfdale, Yorkshire. Time, according to Wanley, the end of the ninth century.

Here observe--

1. That the Ruthwell inscription gives us a sample of the so-called Northumbrian Anglo-Saxon, and that as it is spoken in Scotland, i.e., in Galloway. For the bearings of this see Part II., c. 3.

2. That the Rushworth Gospels take us as far south as the West Riding of Yorkshire.

3. That there are no specimens from any Cumberland, Westmoreland, or North Lancashire localities, these being, most probably, exclusively Celtic.

s. 693. The most general statements concerning this great section of the Anglo-Saxon, is that--

1. It prefers the slenderer and more vocalic to the broader and more diphthongal forms.

2. The sounds of k and s, to those of ch and sh.

3. The forms without the prefix ge-, to those with them. Nevertheless the form ge-cenned (=natus) occurs in the first line of the extract from the Durham Gospels.

s. 694. The Old and Middle English MSS. from this quarter are numerous; falling into two classes:

1. Transcriptions with accommodation from works composed southwards. Here the characteristics of the dialect are not absolute. {551}

2. Northern copies of northern compositions. Here the characteristics of the dialect are at the maximum. Sir Tristram is one of the most important works of this class; and in the wider sense of the term Northumbrian, it is a matter of indifference on which side of the Border it was composed. See s. 190.

s. 695. Taking the counties in detail, we have--

Northumberland.--Northern frontier, East Scotland; the direction of the influence being from South to North, rather than from North to South, i. e., Berwickshire and the Lothians being Northumbrian and English, rather than Northumberland Scotch.

West frontier Celtic--the Cumberland and Westmoreland Britons having been encroached upon by the Northumbrians of Northumberland.

Present dialect.--Believed to be nearly uniform over the counties of Northumberland and Durham; but changing in character in North Yorkshire, and in Cumberland and Westmoreland.

The Anglo-Saxon immigration considered to have been Angle (so-called) rather than Saxon.

Danish admixture--Very great. Possibly, as far as the marks that it has left on the language, greater than in any other part of England.[79]--See s. 152.

Cumberland, Westmoreland, North Lancashire.--Anglo-Saxon elements introduced from portions of Northumbria rather than directly from the Continent.

Celtic language persistent until a comparatively late though undetermined period.

Northern frontier, West-Scotland--the direction of the influence being from Scotland to England, rather than vice vers[^a]; Carlisle being more of a Scotch town than Berwick.

Specimens of the dialects in the older stages, few and doubtful.

Topographical nomenclature characterized by the preponderance of compounds of -thwaite; as Braithwaite, &c.

{552}

North Lancashire, Westmoreland, and Cumberland, "exhibit many Anglian[80] peculiarities, which may have been occasioned in some degree by the colonies in the south, planted in that district by William Rufus (Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 1092.) A comparison of Anderson's ballads with Burns's songs, will show how like Cumbrian is to Scottish, but how different. We believe that Weber is right in referring the romance of Sir Amadas to this district. The mixture of the Anglian forms gwo, gwon, bwons, boyd-word (in pure Northumbrian), gae, gane, banes, bod-worde, with the northern terms, tynt, kent, bathe, mare, and many others of the same class, could hardly have occurred in any other part of England."[81]

Yorkshire, North and part of West Riding.--The Anglo-Saxon specimens of this area have been noticed in s. 692.

The extract from Chaucer is also from this district.

The modern dialects best known are--

1. The Craven.--This, in northern localities, "becomes slightly tinctured with Northumbrian."--Quart. Rev. ut supra.

2. The Cleveland.--With not only Northumbrian, but even Scotch characters. Quart. Rev. ut supra.

Danish admixture--Considerable.

All these dialects, if rightly classified, belong to the Northumbrian division of the Angle branch of the Anglo-Saxon language; whilst, if the prim[^a] facie view of their affiliation or descent, be the true one, they are the dialects of s. 692, in their modern forms.

s. 696. The classification which gives this arrangement now draws a line of distinction at the river Ribble, in Lancashire, which separates South from North Lancashire; whilst in Yorkshire, the East Riding, and that part of the West which does not belong to the Wapentake of Claro, belong to the class which is supposed to exclude the previous and contain the following dialects:--

s. 697. South Lancashire and Cheshire.--Sub-varieties of {553} the same dialects, but not sub-varieties of the previous ones.

The plural form in -en is a marked character of this dialect--at least of the Lancashire portion.

Supposed original population--Angle rather than Saxon.

Original political relations--Mercian rather than Northumbrian.

These last two statements apply to all the forthcoming areas north of Essex. The latter is a simple historical fact; the former supposes an amount of difference between the Angle and the Saxon which has been assumed rather than proved; or, at any rate, which has never been defined accurately.

The elements of uncertainty thus developed, will be noticed in ss. 704-708. At present it is sufficient to say, that if the South Lancashire dialect has been separated from the north, on the score of its having been Mercian rather than Northumbrian, the principle of classification has been based upon political rather than philological grounds; and as such is exceptionable.

s. 698. Shropshire, Staffordshire, and West Derbyshire.--Supposing the South Lancashire and Cheshire to be the Mercian (which we must remember is a political term), the Shropshire, Staffordshire, and West Derbyshire are Mercian also; transitional, however, in character.

Shropshire and Cheshire have a Celtic frontier.

Here, also, both the a priori probabilities and the known facts make the Danish intermixture at its minimum.

s. 699. East Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire.--Here the language is considered to change from the mode of speech of which the South Lancashire is the type, to the mode of speech of which the Norfolk and Suffolk dialect is the type.

Danish elements may now be expected, Derbyshire being the most inland Danish area.

Original political relations--Mercian.

Specimens of the dialects in their older stages, preeminently scanty.

Hallamshire.--This means the parts about Sheffield {554} extended so as to include that portion of the West Riding of Yorkshire which stands over from s. 696. Probably belonging to the same group with the South Lancashire.

East Riding of Yorkshire.--It is not safe to say more of this dialect than that its affinities are with the dialects spoken to the north rather than with those spoken to the south of it, i.e., that of--

Lincolnshire.--Frontier--On the Nottinghamshire and Leicestershire frontier, passing into the form of speech of those counties. Pretty definitely separated from that of Norfolk. Less so from that of North Cambridgeshire. Scarcely at all from that of Huntingdonshire, and North Northamptonshire.

Danish admixture.--The number of towns and villages ending in the characteristic Danish termination -by, at its maximum; particularly in the neighbourhood of Spils_by_.

Traditions Danish, e. g., that of Havelok the Dane, at Grimsby.

Physiognomy, Danish.

Language not Danish in proportion to the other signs of Scandinavian intermixture.

Specimens of the dialects in its older form--Havelok[82] the Dane (?), Manning's Chronicle (supposing the MS. to have been transcribed in the county where the author was born).

Provincial peculiarities (i.e., deviations from the written language) nearly at the minimum.

Huntingdonshire, North Northamptonshire, and Rutland.--Anglo-Saxon period.--The latter part of the Saxon Chronicle was written at Peterboro. Probably, also, the poems of Helena and Andreas. Hence, this area is that of the old Mercian in its most typical form; whilst South Lancashire is that of the new--a practical instance of the inconvenience of applying political terms to philological subjects.

s. 700. Norfolk, Suffolk, and the fen part of Cambridgeshire.--Here the population is pre-eminently Angle. The political character East-Anglian rather than Mercian.

{555}

Specimens of the dialects in the Anglo-Saxon stage.--The Natale St. Edmundi, in Thorpe's Analecta Anglo-Saxonica.

Early English--The Promtuarium Parvulorum.

s. 701. Leicestershire, Warwickshire, and South Northamptonshire.--Mercian (so-called) rather than West-Saxon (so-called).

Probably, approaching the written language of England more closely than is the case with the dialects spoken to the south of them.

Certainly, approaching the written language of England less closely than is the case with the dialect of Huntingdonshire, North Northamptonshire, and South Lincolnshire.

s. 702. These remarks have the following import. They bear upon the question of the origin of the written language of England.

Mr. Guest first diverted the attention of scholars from the consideration of the West Saxon of the chief Anglo-Saxon writers as the mother-dialect of the present English, to the Mercian; so turning their attention from the south to the centre of England.

The general principle that a central locality has the a priori likelihood in its favour, subtracts nothing from the value of his suggestion.

Neither does the fact of the nearest approach to the written language being found about the parts in question; since the doctrine to which the present writer commits himself, viz., that in the parts between Huntingdon and Stamford, the purest English is most generally spoken, is, neither universally recognised, nor yet part of Mr. Guest's argument.

Mr. Guest's arguments arose out of the evidence of the MSS. of the parts in question.

That the dialect most closely allied to the dialect (or dialects) out of which the present literary language of England is developed, is to be found either in Northamptonshire or the neighbouring counties is nearly certain. Mr. Guest looks for it on the western side of that county (Leicestershire); the present writer on the eastern (Huntingdonshire).

s. 703. It is now convenient to pass from the dialects of {556} the water-system of the Ouse, Nene, and Welland to those spoken along the lower course of the Thames.

These, to a certain extent, may be dealt with like those to the north of the Humber. Just as the latter were, in the first instance, and in the more general way, thrown into a single class (the Northumbrian), so may the dialects in question form the provisional centre of another separate class. For this we have no very convenient name. The dialects, however, which it contains agree in the following points.

1. These are considered to be derived from that variety of the Anglo-Saxon which is represented by the chief remains of the Anglo-Saxon literature, i.e., the so-called standard or classical language of Alfred, Aelfric, the present text of Caedmon, &c.

2. About half their present eastern area consists of the counties ending in -sex; viz., Sus_sex_, Es_sex_, and Middle_sex_.

3. Nearly the whole of their original area consisted in kingdoms (or sub-kingdoms) ending in -sex; viz., the districts just enumerated, and the kingdom of Wes_sex_.

Hence they are--

a.--Considered with reference to their literary history.--They are dialects whereof the literary development began early, but ceased at the time of the Norman Conquest, being superseded by that of the central dialects (Mercian so-called) of the island. The truth of this view depends on the truth of Mr. Guest's doctrine noticed in page 555. If true, it is by no means an isolated phaenomenon. In Holland the present Dutch is the descendant of some dialect (or dialects) which was uncultivated in the earlier periods of the language; whereas the Old Frisian, which was then the written language, is now represented by a provincial dialect only.

"In speaking of the Anglo-Saxon language, scholars universally intend that particular form of speech in which all the principal monuments of our most ancient literature are composed, and which, with very slight variations, is found in Beowulf and Caedmon, in the Exeter and Vercelli Codices, in the translation of the Gospels and Homilies, and in the works {557} of Aelfred the Great. For all general purposes this nomenclature is sufficiently exact; and in this point of view, the prevalent dialect, which contains the greatest number of literary remains, may be fairly called the Anglo-Saxon language, of which all varying forms were dialects. It is, however, obvious that this is in fact an erroneous way of considering the subject; the utmost that can be asserted is, that Aelfred wrote his own language, viz., that which was current in Wessex; and that this, having partly through the devastations of heathen enemies in other parts of the island, partly through the preponderance of the West-Saxon power and extinction of the other royal families, become the language of the one supreme court, soon became that of literature and the pulpit also."--Kemble. Phil. Trans. No. 35.

b.--Considered in respect to their political relations.--Subject to the influence of the Wessex portion of the so-called Heptarchy, rather than to the Mercian,

c.--Considered ethnologically--Saxon rather than Angle. The exceptions that lie against this class will be noticed hereafter.

s. 704. Kent--Theoretically, Kent, is Jute rather than Saxon, and Saxon rather than Angle.

Celtic elements, probably, at the minimum.

Predominance of local terms compounded of the word -hurst; as, Pens_hurst_, Staple_hurst_, &c.

Frisian hypothesis.--The following facts and statements (taken along with those of ss. 15-20, and ss. 129-131), pre-eminently require criticism.

1. Hengest the supposed father of the Kentish kingdom is a Frisian hero--Kemble's Saechsische Stamtaffel.

2. The dialect of the Durham Gospels and Ritual contain a probably Frisian form.

3. "The country called by the Anglo-Saxons Northumberland, and which may loosely be said to have extended from the Humber to Edinburgh, and from the North Sea to the hills of Cumberland, was peopled by tribes of Angles. Such, at least, is the tradition reported by Beda, who adds that Kent was first settled by Jutes. Who these Jutes were is {558} not clearly ascertained, but from various circumstances it may be inferred that there was at least a considerable admixture of Frisians amongst them. Hengest, the supposed founder of the Kentish kingdom, is a Frisian hero, and Jutes, 'eotenas,' is a usual name for the Frisians in Be['o]wulf. Beda, it is true, does not enumerate Frisians among the Teutonic races by which England was colonized, but this omission is repaired by the far more valuable evidence of Procopius, who, living at the time of some great invasion of Britain by the Germans, expressly numbers Frisians among the invaders. Now the Anglo-Saxon traditions themselves, however obscurely they may express it, point to a close connection between Kent and Northumberland: the latter country, according to these traditions, was colonized from Kent, and for a long time received its rulers or dukes from that kingdom. Without attaching to this legend more importance than it deserves, we may conclude that it asserts an original communion between the tribes that settled in the two countries; and consequently, if any Frisic influence is found to operate in the one, it will be necessary to inquire whether a similar action can be detected in the other. This will be of some moment hereafter, when we enter upon a more detailed examination of the dialect. The most important peculiarity in which the Durham Evangeles and Ritual differ from the Psalter is the form of the infinitive mood in verbs. This in the Durham books is, with exception of one verb, be['a]n, esse, invariably formed in -a, not in -an, the usual form in all the other Anglo-Saxon dialects. Now this is also a peculiarity of the Frisic, and of the Old Norse, and is found in no other Germanic tongue; it is then an interesting inquiry whether the one or the other of these tongues is the origin of this peculiarity; whether, in short, it belongs to the old, the original Frisic form which prevailed in the fifth, sixth and seventh centuries, or whether it is owing to Norse influence, acting in the ninth and tenth, through the establishment of Danish invaders and a Danish dynasty in the countries north of the Humber."--Kemble. Phil. Trans. No. 35.

The details necessary for either the verification or the overthrow of the doctrine of a similarity of origin between {559} portions of the Northumbrian[83] and portions of the Kentish population have yet to be worked out.

So have the differentiae between the dialects of Kent, and the dialects of Sus_sex_, Es_sex_, Middle_sex_, and Wes_sex_.

Probable Anglo-Saxon of Kent.--Codex Diplomaticus, No. 191.

s. 705. Sussex.--The characteristics are involved in those of Kent--thus, if Kent be simply Saxon the two counties have the same ethnological relation; whilst if Kent be Frisian or Jute(?) Sussex may be either like or unlike.

Hampshire.--Theoretically, Saxon rather than Angle, and West Saxon (Wessex) rather than south, east, or Middle-Saxon.

Jute elements in either the Hants or Isle of Wight dialects, hitherto undiscovered. Probably, non-existent.

Present dialect certainly not the closest representative of the classical Anglo-Saxon, i. e., the so-called West Saxon.

Berkshire.--Present dialect, probably, the closest representative of the classical Anglo-Saxon.

Cornwall.--Celtic elements at the maximum.

Devonshire and West Somerset.--Present dialect strongly marked by the use of z for s (Zomerzet=Somerset).

Celtic elements probably considerable.

Worcestershire.--The language of the Anglo-Saxon period is characterized by the exclusive, or nearly exclusive, use of s in the forms usse and usses for ure and ures. See Codex Diplomaticus, Nos. 95 and 97.

The affiliation of the present dialect has yet to be investigated.

North Glostershire.--Politically, both North Gloster and Worcestershire are Mercian rather than West-Saxon.

Now the language of Layamon was North Gloster.

And one at least of the MSS. is supposed to represent this language.

Nevertheless its character is said to be West Saxon rather than Mercian.

What does this prove? Not that the West Saxon dialect {560} extended into Mercia, but that a political nomenclature is out of place in philology.

The Welsh frontier.--Herefordshire, &c.--Celtic elements. General character of the dialects, probably, that of the counties immediately to the east of them.

Essex.--Theoretically, Saxon rather than Angle. No such distinction, however, is indicated by the ascertained characteristic of the Essex dialects as opposed to the East Anglian, Suffolk, and the Mercian.

Hertfordshire.--I am not aware of any thing that distinguishes the South Hertfordshire form of speech from those of--

Middlesex.--Here, as far as there are any characteristics at all, they are those of _Es_sex. The use of v for w, attributed (and partially due) to Londoners, occurs--not because there is any such thing as a London dialect, but because London is a town on the Essex side of Middlesex.

Surrey.--The name (Sudh rige=southern kingdom) indicates an original political relation with the parts north rather than south of the Thames.

The evidence of the dialect is, probably, the other way.

s. 706. Supposed East-Anglian and Saxon frontier.--For the area just noticed there are two lines of demarcation--one geographical, and one ethnological.

a. Geographical.--The river Thames.

b. Ethnological.--The line which separates Middle_sex_ and Es_sex_ (so-called Saxon localities) from Herts and Suffolk (so-called Angle localities).

Of these the first line involves an undeniable fact; the second a very doubtful one. No evidence has been adduced in favour of disconnecting Saxon Essex from Anglian Suffolk, nor yet for connecting it with Sus_sex_ and Wes_sex_. The termination -sex is an undoubted fact; the difference between the Saxons and Angles which it is supposed to indicate is an assumption.

s. 707. The dialects of the remaining counties have, probably, the transitional characters, indicated by their geographical position.

Dorset--Hants and Somerset. {561}

Wilts.--Hants, Dorset, Somerset, Berks.

Buckingham, Beds, Northampton.--These connect the two most convenient provisional centres of the so-called West-Saxon of Alfred, &c., and mother-dialect of the present written English, viz.: Wantage and Stamford (or Huntingdon); and in doing this they connect dialects which, although placed in separate classes (West-Saxon and Mercian), were, probably, more alike than many subdivisions of the same group.

To investigate the question as to the Mercian or West-Saxon origin of the present written English without previously stating whether the comparison be made between such extreme dialects as those of the New Forest, and the neighbourhood of Manchester, or such transitional ones as those of Windsor and Northampton is to reduce a real to a mere verbal discussion.

Warwickshire, Staffordshire.--From their central position, probably transitional to both the north and south, and the east and west groups.

Celtic elements increasing.

Danish elements decreasing. Perhaps at the minimum.

s. 708. The exceptions suggested in ss. 703, 704, lie not only against the particular group called West-Saxon, but (as may have been anticipated) against all classifications which assume either--

1. A coincidence between the philological divisions of the Anglo-Saxon language, and the political division of the Anglo-Saxon territory.

2. Any broad difference between the Angles and the Saxons.

3. The existence of a Jute population.

* * * * *

s. 709. English dialects not in continuity with the mother-tongue.--Of these the most remarkable are those of--

1. Little England beyond Wales.--In Pembrokeshire, and a part of Glamorganshire, the language is English rather than Welsh. The following extracts from Higden have effected the belief that this is the result of a Flemish colony. "Sed {562} et Flandrenses, tempore Regis Henrici Primi in magna copia juxta Mailros ad orientalem Angliae plagam habitationem pro tempore accipientes, septimam in insula gentem fecerunt: jubente tamen eodem rege, ad occidentalem Walliae partem, apud Haverford, sunt translati. Sicque Britannia ... his ... nationibus habitatur in praesenti ... Flandrensibus in West Wallia."

A little below, however, we learn that these Flemings are distinguished by their origin only, and not by their language:--"Flandrenses vero qui in Occidua Walliae incolunt, dimissa jam barbarie, Saxonice satis loquuntur."--Higden, edit. Gale, p. 210.

On the other hand, Mr. Guest has thrown a reasonable doubt upon this inference; suggesting the probability of its having been simply English. The following vocabulary collected by the Rev. J. Collins,[84] in the little peninsula of Gower, confirms this view. It contains no exclusively Flemish elements.

Angletouch, n. s. worm.

Bumbagus, n. s. bittern. Brandis, n. s. iron stand for a pot or kettle.

Caffle, adj. entangled. Cammet, adj. crooked. Cloam, n. s. earthenware. Charnel, n. s. a place raised in the roof for hanging bacon. Clit, v. to stick together.

Deal, n. s. litter, of pigs. Dotted, adj. giddy, of a sheep. Dome, adj. damp. Dreshel, n. s. a flail.

Eddish, n. s. wheat-stubble. Evil, n. s. a three-pronged fork for dung, &c.

Firmy, v. to clean out, of a stable, &c. Fleet, adj. exposed in situation, bleak. Flott, n. s. aftergrass. Flamiring, s. an eruption of the nature of erysipelas. Fraith, adj. free-spoken, talkative. Frithing, adj. a fence made of thorns wattled. Foust, v. act. to tumble. Flathin, n. s. a dish made of curds, eggs, and milk.

Gloy, n. s. refuse straw after the "reed" has been taken out. Gloice, n. s., a sharp pang of pain.

Heavgar, adj. heavier (so also near-ger, far-ger). Hamrach, n. s. harness collar made of straw. Hay, n. s. a small plot of ground attached to a dwelling.

Kittybags, n. s. gaiters.

Lipe, n. s. matted basket of peculiar shape. {563} Letto, n. s. a lout, a foolish fellow.

Main, adj. strong, fine (of growing crops),

Nesseltrip, n. s. the small pig in a litter. Nommet, n. s. a luncheon of bread, cheese, &c.--not a regular meal. Noppet, Nipperty, adj. lively--convalescent.

Ovice, n. s. eaves of a building.

Plym, v. to fill, to plump up. Plym, adj. full. Planche, v. to make a boarded floor. Peert, adj. lively, brisk. Purty, v. n. to turn sulky.

Quat, v. act. to press down, flatten. Quapp, v. n. to throb.

Rathe, adj. early, of crops. Reremouse, n. s. bat. Ryle, v. to angle in the sea. Riff, n. s. an instrument for sharpening scythes.

Seggy, v. act. to tease, to provoke. Semmatt, n. s. sieve made of skin for winnowing. Shoat, n. s. small wheaten loaf. Showy, v. n. to clear (of weather); (show, with termination y, common). Soul, n. s. cheese, butter, &c. (as eaten with bread). Snead, n. s. handle of a scythe. Songalls, n. s. gleanings: "to gather songall" is to glean. Sull, or Zull, n. s. a wooden plough. Stiping, n. s. _a mode of fastening a sheep's foreleg to its head by a band of straw, or withy_. Susan, n. s. a brown earthenware pitcher. Sump, n. s. any bulk that is carried. Suant, part. regular in order. Slade, n. s. ground sloping towards the sea.

Tite, v. to tumble over. Toit, n. s. a small seat or stool made of straw. Toit, adj. frisky, wanton.

Vair, n. s. weasel or stoat.

Want, n. s. a mole. Wirg, n. s. a willow. Wimble, v. to winnow. Weest, adj. lonely, desolate. Wash-dish, n. s. the titmouse.

s. 710. The baronies of Forth and Bargie in the County Wexford.--The barony of Forth "lies south of the city of Wexford, and is bounded by the sea to the south and east, and by the barony of Bargie to the west. It is said to have been colonized by the Welshmen who accompanied Strongbow in his invasion of Ireland; but by the term Welshmen, as here used, we must no doubt understand the English settlers of Gower and Pembroke. Vallancey published a specimen of their language. Some of the grammatical forms can hardly {564} fail to interest the English scholar, and we may venture more particularly to call his attention to the verbal ending th. In no other of our spoken dialects do we find the th still lingering as an inflection of the plural verb."

ADDRESS IN THE BARONY OF FORTH LANGUAGE.

Presented in August 1836, to the Marquis of Normanby, then Earl of Mulgrave, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; with a Translation of the Address in English.

To's Excellencie Consantine Harrie Phipps, Earle Mulgrave, "Lord Lieutenant-General, and General Governor of Ireland;" Ye soumissive spakeen o' ouz Dwellers o' Baronie Forthe, Weisforthe.

Mai't be plesaunt to th' Excellencie,

Wee, Vassales o' "His Most Gracious Majesty" Wilyame ee 4th an az wee verilie chote na coshe an loyale Dwellers na Baronie Forth, crave na dicke luckie acte t'uck necher th' Excellencie, an na plaine garbe o' oure yola talke, wi' vengem o' core t'gie oure zense o'ye grades wilke be ee dighte wi' yer name, and whilke wee canna zie, albeit o' "Governere" Statesman an alike. Yn ercha an ol o' whilke yt beeth wi' gleezom o'core th' oure eene dwitheth apan ye vigere o'dicke zovereine, Wilyame ee Vourthe unnere fose fatherlie zwae oure deis be ee spant, az avare ye trad dicke lone ver name was ee kent var ee Vriene o' Levertie, an He fo brack ge neckers o' Zlaves--Mang ourzels--var wee dwitheth an Irelone az oure general haime--y'ast bie' ractzom homedelt tous ye lass ee mate var ercha vassale, ne'er dwith ee na dicke wai n'ar dicka. Wee dewithe ye ane fose deis bee gien var ee gudevare o' ee lone ye zwae, t'avance {565} pace an levertie, an wi'out vlinch ee garde o' general riochts an poplare vartue.--Ye pace--yea wee ma' zei ye vaste pace whilke be ee stent o'er ye lone zince th' ast ee cam, prooth, y'at we alane needed ye giftes o' general riochts, az be displayte bie ee factes o' thie governmente. Ye state na dicke die o'ye lone, na whilke be ne'er fash n'ar moil, albeit "Constitutional Agitation" ye wake o'hopes ee blighte, stampe na per zwae ee be rare an lightzom. Yer name var zetch avanct avare y'e, e'en a dicke var hie, arent whilke ye brine o' zea, an ee crags o'noghanes cazed nae balk. Na oure glades ana whilke we dellte wi' mattoc, an zing t'oure caules wi plou, we hert ee zough o'ye colure o' pace na name o' "Mulgrave." Wi "Irishmen" oure general hopes be ee bond, az "Irishmen," an az dwellers na coshe an loyale o' Baronie Forthe, w'oul dei an ercha dei, oure maunes an aure gurles, prie var lang an happie zins, home o'leurnagh an ee vilt wi benizons, an yersel an oure zoverine 'till ee zin o'oure deis be var ay be ee go t'glade.

* * * * *

To His Excellency Constantine Henry Phipps, Earl Mulgrave, Lord Lieutenant-General and General Governor of Ireland: The humble Address of the Inhabitants of Barony Forth, Wexford.

May it please your Excellency,

We, the subjects of His Most Gracious Majesty William IV., and as we truly believe both faithful and loyal inhabitants of the Barony Forth, beg leave, at this favourable opportunity to approach Your Excellency, and in the simple garb of our old dialect to pour forth from the strength (or fulness) of our hearts, our strength (or admiration) of the qualities which characterize your name, and for which we have no words but of "Governor," "Statesman," &c. Sir, each and every condition, it is with joy of heart that our eyes rest upon the representative of that Sovereign, William IV., under whose paternal rule our days are spent; for before your foot pressed the soil, your name was known to us as the Friend of Liberty, and He who broke the fetters of the Slave. Unto ourselves--for we look on Ireland to be our common country--you have with impartiality (of hand) ministered the laws made for every subject, without regard to this party or that. We behold you, one whose days devoted to the welfare of the land you govern, to promote peace and liberty--the uncompromising guardian of common rights and public virtue. The peace, yes we may say the profound peace, which overspreads the land since your arrival, proves that we alone stood in need of the enjoyment of common privileges, as is demonstrated by the results of your government. The condition, this day, of the country, in which is neither tumult nor confusion, but that constitutional agitation, the consequence of disappointed hopes, confirm your rule to be rare and enlightened. Your fame for such came before you, even into this retired spot, to which neither the waters of the sea yonder, nor the mountains above, caused any impediment. In our valleys, where we were digging with the spade, or as we whistled to our horses in the plough, we heard in the word "Mulgrave," the sound of the wings of the dove of peace. With Irishmen our common hopes are inseparably wound up; as Irishmen, and as inhabitants, faithful and loyal, of the Barony Forth, we will daily, and every day, our wives and our children, implore long and happy days, free from melancholy and full of blessings, for yourself and good Sovereign, until the sun of our lives be for ever gone down the dark valley of death.[85]

s. 711. Americanisms.--These, which may be studied in the excellent dictionary of J. R. Bartlett, are chiefly referable to five causes--

{566}

1. Influence of the aboriginal Indian languages.

2. Influence of the languages introduced from Europe anterior to the predominance of English; viz.: French in Louisiana, Spanish in Florida, Swedish in Pennsylvania and Delaware, and Dutch in New York.

3. Influence, &c., subsequent to the predominance of the English; viz.: German in Pennsylvania, and Gaelic and Welsh generally.

4. Influence of the original difference of dialect between the different portions of the English population.

5. Influence of the preponderance of the Anglo-Saxon over the Anglo-Norman element in the American population in general.

s. 712. Extract.--In a sound and sagacious paper upon the Probable Future Position of the English Language,[86] Mr. Watts, after comparing the previous predominance of the French language beyond the pale of France, with the present spread of the German beyond Germany, and after deciding in favour of the latter tongue, remarks that there is "The existence of another language whose claims are still more commanding. That language is our own. Two centuries ago the proud position that it now occupies was beyond the reach of anticipation. We all smile at the well-known boast of Waller in his lines on the death of Cromwell, but it was the loftiest that at the time the poet found it in his power to make:--

'Under the tropie is our language spoke, And part of Flanders hath received our yoke.'

"'I care not,' said Milton, 'to be once named abroad, though perhaps I could attain to that, being content with these islands as my world.' A French Jesuit, Garnier, in 1678, laying down rules for the arrangement of a library, thought it superfluous to say anything of English books, because, as he observed, 'libri Anglic[^a] scripti lingu[^a] vix mare transmittunt.' Swift, in the earlier part of the eighteenth century, in his 'Proposal for correcting, improving, and {567} ascertaining the English Tongue,' observed, 'the fame of our writers is usually confined to these two islands." Not quite a hundred years ago Dr. Johnson seems to have entertained far from a lofty idea of the legitimate aspirations of an English author. He quotes in a number of the 'Rambler' (No. 118, May 4th, 1751), from the address of Africanus as given by Cicero, in his Dream of Scipio:--'The territory which you inhabit is no more than a scanty island inclosed by a small body of water, to which you give the name of the great sea and the Atlantic Ocean. And even in this known and frequented continent what hope can you entertain that your renown will pass the stream of Ganges or the cliffs of Caucasus, or by whom will your name be uttered in the extremities of the north or south towards the rising or the setting sun? So narrow is the space to which your fame can be propagated, and even there how long will it remain?' 'I am not inclined,' remarks Johnson, 'to believe that they who among us pass their lives in the cultivation of knowledge or acquisition of power, have very anxiously inquired what opinions prevail on the further banks of the Ganges.... The hopes and fears of modern minds are content to range in a narrower compass; a single nation, and a few years have generally sufficient amplitude to fill our imagination.' What a singular comment on this passage is supplied by the fact that the dominions of England now stretch from the Ganges to the Indus, that the whole space of India is dotted with the regimental libraries of its European conquerors, and that Rasselas has been translated into Bengalee! A few years later the great historian of England had a much clearer perception of what was then in the womb of Fate. When Gibbon, as has been already mentioned, submitted to Hume, a specimen of his intended History of Switzerland, composed in French, he received a remarkable letter in reply: 'Why,' said Hume, 'do you compose in French and carry faggots into the wood, as Horace says with regard to Romans who wrote in Greek? I grant that you have a like motive to those Romans, and adopt a language much more generally diffused than your native tongue, but have you not remarked the fate {568} of those two ancient languages in following ages? The Latin, though then less celebrated and confined to more narrow limits, has in some measure outlived the Greek, and is now more generally understood by men of letters. Let the French therefore triumph in the present diffusion of their tongue. Our solid and increasing establishments in America, where we need less dread the inundation of barbarians, promise a superior stability and duration to the English language.'

"Every year that has since elapsed has added a superior degree of probability to the anticipations of Hume. At present the prospects of the English language are the most splendid that the world has ever seen. It is spreading in each of the quarters of the globe by fashion, by emigration, and by conquest. The increase of population alone in the two great states of Europe and America in which it is spoken, adds to the number of its speakers in every year that passes, a greater amount than the whole number of those who speak some of the literary languages of Europe, either Swedish, or Danish, or Dutch. It is calculated that, before the lapse of the present century, a time that so many now alive will live to witness, it will be the native and vernacular language of about one hundred and fifty millions of human beings.

"What will be the state of Christendom at the time that this vast preponderance of one language will be brought to bear on all its relations,--at the time when a leading nation in Europe and a gigantic nation in America make use of the same idiom,--when in Africa and Australasia the same language is in use by rising and influential communities, and the world is circled by the accents of Shakspeare and Milton? At that time such of the other languages of Europe as do not extend their empire beyond this quarter of the globe will be reduced to the same degree of insignificance in comparison with English, as the subordinate languages of modern Europe to those of the state they belong to,--the Welsh to the English, the Basque to the Spanish, the Finnish to the Russian. This predominance, we may flatter ourselves, will be a more signal blessing to literature than that of any other language could possibly be. The English is essentially a {569} medium language;--in the Teutonic family it stands midway between the Germanic and Scandinavian branches--it unites as no other language unites, the Romanic and the Teutonic stocks. This fits it admirably in many cases for translation. A German writer, Prince Pueckler Muskau, has given it as his opinion that English is even better adapted than German to be the general interpreter of the literature of Europe. Another German writer, Jenisch, in his elaborate 'Comparison of Fourteen Ancient and Modern Languages of Europe,' which obtained a prize from the Berlin Academy in 1796, assigns the general palm of excellence to the English. In literary treasures what other language can claim the superiority? If Rivarol more than sixty years back thought the collective wealth of its literature able to dispute the pre-eminence with the French, the victory has certainly not departed from us in the time that has since elapsed,--the time of Wordsworth and Southey, of Rogers and Campbell, of Scott, of Moore, and of Byron.

"The prospect is so glorious that it seems an ungrateful task to interrupt its enjoyment by a shade of doubt: but as the English language has attained to this eminent station from small beginnings, may it not be advisable to consider whether obstacles are not in existence, which, equally small in their beginnings, have a probability of growing larger? The first consideration that presents itself is that English is not the only language firmly planted on the soil of America, the only one to which a glorious future is, in the probable course of things, assured.

"A sufficient importance has not always been attached to the fact, that in South America, and in a portion of the northern continent, the languages of the Peninsula are spoken by large and increasing populations. The Spanish language is undoubtedly of easier acquisition for the purposes of conversation than our own, from the harmony and clearness of its pronunciation; and it has the recommendation to the inhabitants of Southern Europe of greater affinity to their own languages and the Latin. Perhaps the extraordinary neglect which has been the portion of this language for the last {570} century and a half may soon give place to a juster measure of cultivation, and indeed the recent labours of Prescott and Ticknor seem to show that the dawn of that period has already broken. That the men of the North should acquire an easy and harmonious southern language seems in itself much more probable than that the men of the south should study a northern language, not only rugged in its pronunciation, but capricious in its orthography. The dominion of Spanish in America is, however, interrupted and narrowed by that of Portuguese, and to a singular degree by that of the native languages, some of which are possibly destined to be used for literary purposes in ages to come.

"At the time when Hume wrote his letter to Gibbon, the conquest of Canada had very recently been effected. The rivalry of the French and English in North America had been terminated by the most signal triumph of the English arms. Had measures been taken at that time to discourage the use of French and to introduce that of English, there can be little doubt that English would now be as much the language of Quebec and Montreal as it is of New York and the Delaware. Those measures were not taken. At this moment, when we are approaching a century from the battle of the Heights of Abraham, there is still a distinction of races in Canada, nourished by a distinction of language, and both appear likely to continue.

"Within the United States themselves, a very large body of the inhabitants have remained for generation after generation ignorant of the English language. The number is uncertain. According to Stricker, in his dissertation 'Die Verbreitung des deutschen Volkes ueber die Erde,' published in 1845, the population of German origin in the United States in 1844 was 4,886,632, out of a total of 18,980,650. This statement, though made in the most positive terms, is founded on an estimate only, and has been shown to be much exaggerated. Wappaus (in his 'Deutsche Auswanderung und Colonisation'), after a careful examination, arrives at the conclusion that the total cannot amount to a million and a half. Many of these are of course acquainted with both {571} languages--in several cases where amalgamation has taken place, the German language has died out and been replaced by the English,--but the number of communities where it is still prevalent is much larger than is generally supposed. In Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Missouri, to say nothing of other states, there are masses of population of German origin or descent, who are only acquainted with German. This tendency has of late years increased instead of declining. It has been a favourite project with recent German emigrants to form in America a state, in which the language should be German, and from the vast numbers in which they have crossed the Atlantic, there is nothing improbable in the supposition, that, by obtaining a majority in some one state, this object will be attained. In 1835 the legislature of Pennsylvania placed the German language in its legal rights on the same footing with the English.

"It may be asked if any damage will be done by this? The damage, it may be answered, will be twofold. The parties who are thus formed into an isolated community, with a language distinct from that of those around them, will be placed under the same disadvantages as the Welsh of our own day, who find themselves always as it were some inches shorter than their neighbours, and have to make an exertion to be on their level. Those of them who are only masters of one language are in a sort of prison; those who are masters of two, might, if English had been their original speech, have had their choice of the remaining languages of the world to exert the same degree of labour on, with a better prospect of advantage. In the case of Welsh, the language has many ties: even those who see most clearly the necessity of forsaking it, must lament the harsh necessity of abandoning to oblivion the ancient tongue of an ancient nation. But these associations and feelings could not be pleaded in favour of transferring the Welsh to Otaheite; and when these feelings are withdrawn, what valid reason will remain for the perpetuation of Welsh, or even, it may be said, of German?

"The injury done to the community itself is perhaps the greatest; but there is a damage done to the world in general. It will be a splendid and a novel experiment in modern society, if a single language becomes so predominant over all others as {572} to reduce them in comparison to the proportion of provincial dialects. To have this experiment fairly tried, is a great object. Every atom that is subtracted from the amount of the majority has its influence--it goes into the opposite scale. If the Germans succeed in establishing their language in the United States, other nations may follow. The Hungarian emigrants, who are now removing thither from the vengeance of Austria, may perpetuate their native Magyar, and America may in time present a surface as checkered as Europe, or in some parts, as Hungary itself, where the traveller often in passing from one village to another, finds himself in the domain of a different language. That this consummation may be averted must be the wish not only of every Englishman and of every Anglo-American, but of every sincere friend of the advancement of literature and civilization. Perhaps a few more years of inattention to the subject will allow the evil to make such progress that exertion to oppose it may come too late."

* * * * *

s. 713. Of the Gypsy language I need only say, that it is not only Indo-Germanic, but that it is Hindoo. Few words from it have mixed themselves with our standard (or even our provincial) dialects.

Thieves' language, or that dialect for which there is no name, but one from its own vocabulary, viz. Slang, is of greater value in philology than in commerce. It serves to show that in speech nothing is arbitrary. Its compound phrases are either periphrastic or metaphorical; its simple monosyllables are generally those of the current language in an older form. The thieves of London are conservators of Anglo-Saxonisms. In this dialect I know of no specimens earlier than the reign of Queen Elizabeth. In the dramatic literature of that age they are rife and common. The Roaring Girl, the Jolly Beggars, amongst the plays, and Deckar's Bellman amongst the tracts, preserve us a copious vocabulary, similar to what we have now, and similar to what it was in Gay's time. Of this the greater part is Saxon. Here and there appears a word of Latin origin, e.g., pannum, bread; cassons, cheese. Of the Gypsy language I have discovered no trace. {573}

s. 714. The Talkee-Talkee is a Lingua Franca based on the English, and spoken by the Negroes of Surinam.

It is Dutch rather than English; it shows, however, the latter language as an element of admixture.

SPECIMEN.[87]

1. Drie deh na bakka dem holi wan bruiloft na Cana na Galilea; on mamma va Jesus ben de dapeh.

2. Ma dem ben kali Jesus nanga hem discipel toe, va kom na da bruiloft.

3. En teh wieni kaba, mamma va Jesus takki na hem; dem no habi wieni morro.

4. Jesus takki na hem: mi mamma, hoeworko mi habi nanga joe? Tem va mi no ben kom jette.

5. Hem mamma takki na dem foetoeboi; oene doe sanni a takki gi oene.

6. Ma dem ben poetti dapeh siksi biggi watra-djoggo, na da fasi va Djoe vo krieni dem: inniwan djoggo holi toe effi drie kannetjes.

7. Jesus takki na dem [foetoeboi]: Oene foeloe dem watra-djoggo nanga watra. Ed dem foeloe dem teh na moeffe.

8. En dan a takki na dem: Oene poeloe pikinso, tjarri go na grang-foetoeboi. En dem doe so.

9. Ma teh grangfoetoeboi tesi da watra, dissi ben tron wieni, kaba a no sabi, na hoepeh da wieni komotto (ma dem foetoeboi dissi ben teki da watra ben sabi): a kali da bruidigom.

10. A takki na hem: Inniwan somma njoesoe va gi fossi da morro switti wieni, en teh dem dringi noeffe kaba, na bakka da mendre swittiwan; ma joe ben kiebri da morro boennewan.

11. Datti da fossi marki dissi Jesus ben doe; en datti ben passa na Cana na Galilea va dem somma si hem glori. En dem discipel va hem briebi na hem.

1. Three day after back, them hold one marriage in Cana in Galilee, and mamma of Jesus been there.

2. But them been call Jesus with him disciple, for come to that marriage.

3. And when wine end, mamma of Jesus talk to him, them no have wine more.

4. Jesus talk to him, me mamma how work me have with you? Time of me no been come yet.

5. Him mamma talk to them footboy, ye do things he talk to ye.

6. But them been put there six big water-jug, after the fashion of Jew for clean them; every one jug hold two or three firkins.

{574} 7. Jesus talk to them (footboy): ye fill them water jug with water. And them fill them till to mouth.

8. And then he talk to them, ye pour little, carry go to grandfootboy. And them do so.

9. But when grandfootboy taste that water, this been turn wine, could he no know from where that wine come-out-of (but them footboy this been take that water well know): he call the bridegroom.

10. He talk to him, every one man use of give first the more sweet wine; and when them drink enough end, after back the less sweety wine: but you been cover that more good wine.

11. That the first miracle that Jesus been do, and that been pass in Cana in Galilee, for them men see him glory. And them disciple of him believe in him.

s. 715. That the Anglo-Norman of England was, in the reign of Edward III., not the French of Paris (and most probably not the Franco-Norman of Normandy), we learn from the well-known quotation from Chaucer:--

And Frenche she spake ful feteously, After the scole of Stratforde at Bowe, For Frenche of Parys was to her unknowe.

Prologue to the Canterbury Tales.

s. 716. The concluding extract from the Testamenta Eboracensia, published by the Surtees' Society, is from the will of a gentleman in Yorkshire. To me it seems to impugn the assertion of Higden, that the Norman was spoken throughout England without a variety of pronunciation: "Mirandum videtur quomodo nativa propria Anglorum lingua, in unica insula coartata, pronunciatione ipsa fit tam diversa, cum tamen Normannica lingua, quae adventicia est, univoca maneat penes cunctos."--Ed. Gale, p. 210.

Testamenta Eboracensia, CLIX.

En le noune de Dieu, et de notre Dame Sante Marie, et en noun de teuz le sauntez de Paradyse, Amen. Moi Brian de Stapylton devise m'alme a Dieu et a notre Dame Saunte Marie, et a touz lez Sauntz de Paradyse, et mon chautiff corps d'estre enterre en le Priourie de le Parke decoste ma compaigne, que Dieu l'assoille, et sur mon corps seit un drape de blew saye; et ma volunte ett au l'aide de Dieu d'avoire un herce ov synke tapirs, chescun tapir de synk livers, et tresze hommes vestuz en bluw ov tresze torchez, {575} de queux tresze torchez, si ne saiount degastez, jeo voile que quatre demore a le dit Priorie.

Item jeo devyse que j'ay un homme armes en mes armes et ma hewme ene sa teste, et quy soit bien monte et un homme de bon entaille de qil condicon que y sort.

Item jeo devyse que touz ceaux, qui a moy appendent meignialx en ma maison, soient vestuz en bluw a mes costagez. Et a touz les poores, qils veignent le jour de mon enterment jeo devise et voile que chescun ait un denier en ovre de charrte, et en aide de ma chitiffe alme, et jeo voile que les sires mes compaignons mez aliez et mez voiseignez, qui volliont venir de lour bone gre prier pour moy et pour faire honour a mon chettife corps, qi peue ne vault, jeo oille et chargez mez executour que y soient mesme cel jour bien a eise, et q'il eient a boiere asseth, et a cest ma volunt['e] parfournir jeo devise ci marcae ove l'estore de maison taunke juiste seit.

s. 717. Relations of dialects (so-called) to languages (so-called).--"It is necessary clearly to conceive the nature and character of what we call dialects. The Doric, Aeolic, and Ionic for example, in the language of grammarians, are dialects of the Greek: to what does this assertion amount? To this only, that among a people called the Greeks, some being Dorians spoke a language called Doric, some being Aeolians spoke another language called Aeolic, while a third class, Ionians, spoke a third language called, from them, Ionic. But though all these are termed dialects of the Greek, it does not follow that there was ever a Greek language of which these were variations, and which had any being apart from these. Dialects then are essentially languages: and the name dialect itself is but a convenient grammarian's phrase, invented as part of the machinery by which to carry on reasonings respecting languages. We learn the language which has the best and largest literature extant; and having done so, we treat all very nearly resembling languages as variations from what we have learnt. And that dialects are in truth several languages, will readily appear to any one who perceives the progressive development of the principle of separation in cognate tongues. The language of the Bavarian highlander or High Dutch, the language of the Hanoverian lowlander or Low Dutch, are German dialects: elevate, as it is called, regulate, and purify the one, and it assumes the {576} name and character of a language--it is German. Transplant the other to England, let nine centuries pass over it, and it becomes a language too, and a language of more importance than any which was ever yet spoken in the world, it has become English. Yet none but practised philologists can acknowledge the fact that the German and English languages are dialects of one Teutonic tongue."

s. 718. Relation of dialects to the older stages of the mother-tongue.--This has been noticed in s. 691. The following extract from Mr. Kemble's paper just quoted, illustrates what he calls the spontaneity of dialects:--

"Those who imagine language invented by a man or men, originally confined and limited in its powers, and gradually enlarged and enriched by continuous practice and the reflection of wise and learned individuals--unless, indeed, they look upon it as potentially only--in posse though not in esse--as the tree may be said to exist in the seed, though requiring time and culture to flourish in all its majesty--appear to neglect the facts which history proves. There is nothing more certain than this, that the earlier we can trace back any one language, the more full, complete, and consistent are its forms; that the later we find it existing, the more compressed, colloquial, and business-like it has become. Like the trees of our forests, it grows at first wild, luxuriant, rich in foliage, full of light and shadow, and flings abroad in its vast branches the fruits of a vigorous youthful nature: transplanted into the garden of civilization and trained for purposes of commerce, it becomes regulated, trimmed and pruned; nature indeed still gives it life, but art prescribes the direction and extent of its vegetation. Compare the Sanscrit with the Gothic, the Gothic with the Anglo-Saxon, and again the Anglo-Saxon with the English: or what is even better, take two periods of the Anglo-Saxon itself, the eighth and tenth centuries for example. Always we perceive a compression, a gradual loss of fine distinctions, a perishing of forms, terminations and conjugations, in the younger state of the language. The truth is, that in language up to a certain period, there is a real indwelling vitality, a principle acting {577} unconsciously but pervasively in every part: men wield their forms of speech as they do their limbs, spontaneously, knowing nothing of their construction, or the means by which these instruments possess their power. There are flexors and extensors long before the anatomist discovers and names them, and we use our arms without inquiring by what wonderful mechanism they are made obedient to our will. So is it with language long before the grammarian undertakes its investigation. It may even be said, that the commencement of the age of self-consciousness is identical with the close of that of vitality in language; for it is a great error to speak of languages as dead, only when they have ceased to be spoken. They are dead when they have ceased to possess the power of adaptation to the wants of the people, and no longer contain in themselves the means of their own extension. The Anglo-Saxon, in the spirit and analogy of his whole language, could have used words which had never been heard before, and been at once understood: if we would introduce a new name for a new thing, we must take refuge in the courtesy of our neighbours, and borrow from the French, or Greek, or Latin, terms which never cease to betray their foreign origin, by never putting off the forms of the tongue from which they were taken, or assuming those of the tongue into which they are adopted. The English language is a dead one.

"In general it may be said that dialects possess this vitality in a remarkable degree, and that their very existence is the strongest proof of its continuance. This is peculiarly the case when we use the word to denote the popular or provincial forms of speech in a country where, by common consent of the learned and educated classes, one particular form of speech has been elevated to the dignity of the national language. It is then only the strength of the principles which first determined the peculiarities of the dialect that continues to support them, and preserves them from being gradually rounded down, as stones are by friction, and confounded in the course of a wide-spreading centralization. Increased opportunity of intercommunion with other provincials or the metropolis (dependent upon increased facilities of locomotion, {578} the improvement of roads and the spread of mechanical inventions) sweeps away much of these original distinctions, but it never destroys them all. This is a necessary consequence of the fact that they are in some degree connected with the physical features of the country itself, and all those causes which influence the atmosphere. A sort of pseudo-vitality even till late periods bears witness to the indwelling power, and the consciousness of oppression from without: false analogies are the form this life assumes. How often have we not heard it asserted that particular districts were remarkable for the Saxonism of their speech, because they had retained the archaisms, kine, shoon, housen! Well and good! Archaisms they are, but they are false forms nevertheless, based upon an analogy just as erroneous as that which led men in the last century to say crowed, hanged for crew, hung. The Anglo-Saxon language never knew any such forms, and one wonders not to find by their side equally gratuitous Saxonisms, mousen, lousen."--Phil. Soc. No. 35.

The doctrine that languages become dead when they lose a certain power of evolving new forms out of previously existing ones, is incompatible with views to which the present writer has committed himself in the preface. If the views there exhibited be true the test of the vitality of a language, if such metaphors must be used, is the same as the test of vitality in material organisms, i.e., the power of fulfilling certain functions. Whether this is done by the evolution of new forms out of existing materials, or by the amalgamation (the particular power of the English language) of foreign terms is a mere difference of process.

s. 719. Effect of common physical conditions.--I again quote the same paper of Mr. Kemble's:--

"Professor Willis of Cambridge, in the course of some most ingenious experiments upon the organization and conditions of the human larynx, came upon the law which regulated the pronunciation of the vowels. He found this to be partly in proportion to the size of the opening in the pipe, partly to the force with which the air was propelled through it, and by the adaptation of a tremulous artificial larynx to the pipe of an {579} organ, he produced the several vowels at will. Now bearing in mind the difference between the living organ and the dead one, the susceptibility of the former to dilatation and compression, from the effects, not only of the human will, but also of cold, of denser or thinner currents of air, and above all the influence which the general state of the body must have upon every part of it, we are furnished at once with the necessary hypothesis; viz. that climate, and the local positions on which climate much depends, are the main agency in producing the original variations of dialect. Once produced, tradition perpetuates them, with subsequent modifications proportionate to the change in the original conditions, the migration to localities of a different character, the congregation into towns, the cutting down of forests, the cultivation of the soil, by which the prevalent degrees of cold and the very direction of the currents of air are in no small degree altered. It is clear that the same influences will apply to all such consonants as can in any way be affected by the greater or less tension of the organs, consequently above all to the gutturals; next to the palatals, which may be defined by the position of the tongue; least of all to the labials, and generally to the liquids also, though these may be more or less strongly pronounced by different peoples. This hint must suffice here, as the pursuit of it is rather a physiological than a philological problem, and it is my business rather to show historically what facts bear upon my present inquiry, than to investigate the philosophical reasons for their existence. Still, for the very honour of human nature, one of whose greatest and most universal privileges is the recognition of and voluntary subjection to the laws of beauty and harmony, it is necessary to state that no developed language exists which does not acknowledge some internal laws of euphony, from which many of its peculiarities arise, and which by these assimilates its whole practice and assumes an artistical consistency. On this faculty, which is rather to be considered as a moral quality of the people than a necessity of their language, depends the facility of employing the language for certain purposes of art, and {580} the form which poetry and rhythm shall assume in the period of their cultivation.

"In reviewing the principal languages of the ancient and modern world, where the migrations of those that spoke them can be traced with certainty, we are struck with the fact that the dwellers in chains of mountains, or on the elevated plains of hilly districts, strongly affect broad vowels and guttural consonants. Compare the German of the Tyrol, Switzerland, or Bavaria, with that of the lowlands of Germany, Westphalia, Hanover, and Mecklenburg: compare the Doric with the Attic, or still more the soft Ionic Greek: follow the Italian of our own day into the mountains of the Abruzzi: pursue the English into the hills of Northumberland; mark the characteristics of the Celtic in the highlands of Wales and Scotland, of the Vascongado, in the hilly ranges of Spain. Everywhere we find the same type; everywhere the same love for broad sounds and guttural forms; everywhere these appear as the peculiarity of mountaineers. The difference of latitude between Holstein and Inspruck is not great; that between Newcastle and Coventry is less; Sparta is more southerly than Athens; Crete more so than either; but this does not explain our problem; its solution is found in the comparative number of feet above the level of the sea, in the hills and the valleys which they enclose."

If true, the bearings of this is important; since, if common physical conditions effect a common physiognomy of language, we may have a certain amount of resemblance without a corresponding amount of ethnological affinity.

* * * * *

{581}

PRAXIS.

The following extracts are given in the form of simple texts. They are meant, more especially, to be explained by masters to their classes; and as such were used by myself during the time that I was Professor of the English language and literature at University College. They are almost all taken from editions wherein either a translation or a full commentary can be found by reference. To have enlarged the present Appendix into a full Praxis, would have been to overstep the prescribed limits of the present work.

I.

MOESO-GOTHIC.

Mark, Chap. 1.

1. 2. Anastodeins aivaggeljons iesuis xristaus sunaus guths. sve gamelith ist in esai in praufetau. sai. ik insandja aggilu meinana faura thus. saei gamanveith vig theinana faura thus. stibna vopjandins 3. in authidai. manveith vig fraujins. raihtos vaurkeith 4. staigos guths unsaris. vas iohannes daupjands in authidai jah 5. merjands daupein idreigos du aflageinai fravaurhte. jah usiddjedun du imma all iudaialand jah iairusaulymeis jah daupidai vesun allai in iaurdane awai fram imma andhaitandans fravaurhtim 6. seinaim. vasuth-than iohannes gavasiths taglam ulbandaus jah gairda filleina bi hup seinana jah matida thramsteins 7. jah milith haithivisk jah merida qithands. qimith svinthoza mis sa afar mis. thizei ik ni im vairths anahneivands andbindan skaudaraip 8. skohe is. aththan ik daupja izvis in vatin. ith is daupeith izvis {582} 9. in ahmin veihamma. jah varth in jainaim dagam. qam iesus fram nazaraith galeilaias jah daupiths vas fram iohanne in 10. iaurdane. jah suns usgaggands us thamma vatin gasaw usluknans 11. himinans jah ahman sve ahak atgaggandan ana ina. jah stibna qam us himinam. thu is sunus meins sa liuba. in thuzei 12. vaila galeikaida. jah suns sai. ahma ina ustauh in authida. 13. jah vas in thizai authidai dage fidvortiguns fraisans fram satanin 14. jah vas mith diuzam jah aggileis andbahtidedun imma. ip afar thatei atgibans varth iohannes. qam iesus in galeilaia merjands 15. aivaggeljon thiudangardjos guths qithands thatei usfullnoda thata mel jah atnewida sik thiudangardi guths. idreigoth jah galaubeith 16. in aivaggeljon. jah warbonds faur marein galeilaias gasaw seimonu jah andraian brothar is. this seimonis. vairpandans 17. nati in marein. vesun auk fiskjans. jah qath im iesus. hirjats 18. afar mis jah gatauja igqis vairthan nutans manne. jah suns 19. affetandans tho natja seina laistidedun afar imma. jah jainthro inngaggands framis leitil gasaw iakobu thana zaibaidaiaus jah 20. iohanne brothar is jah thans in skipa manvjandans natja. jah suns haihait ins jah affetandans attan seinana zaibaidaiu in thamma skipa mith asnjam galithun afar imma jah galithun in kafarnaum. 21. jah suns sabbato daga galeithands in synagogen laisida 22. ins jah usfilmans vaurthun ana thizai laiseinai is. unte vas laisjands 23. ins sve valdufni habands jah ni svasve thai bokarjos. jah vas in thizai synagogen ize manna in unhrainjamma ahmin jah 24. ufhropida qithands. fralet. wa uns jah thus iesu nazorenai. qamt fraqistjan uns. kann thuk was thu is. sa veiha guths. 25. jah andbait ina iesus qithands. thahai jah usgagg ut us thamma. 26. ahma unhrainja. jah tahida ina ahma sa unhrainja jah hropjands 27. stibnai mikilai usiddja us imma. jah afslauthnodedun allai sildaleikjandans. svaei sokidedun mith sis misso qithandans. wa sijai thata. wo so laiseino so niujo. ei mith valdufnja jah ahmam thaim unhrainjam anabiudith jah ufhausjand imma. 28. usiddja than meritha is suns and allans bisitands galeilaias. 29. jah suns us thizai synagogen usgaggandans qemun in garda seimonis 30. jah andraiins mith iokobau jah iohannem. ith svaihro 31. seimonis log in brinnon. jah suns qethun imma bi ija. jah duatgaggands urraisida tho undgreipands handu izos. jah affailot 32. tho so brinno suns jah andbahtida im. andanahtja than vaurthanamma. than gasaggq sauil. berun du imma allans thans ubil {583} 33. habandans jah unhulthons habandans. jah so baurgs alla garunnana 34. vas at daura. jah gahailida managans ubil habandans missaleikaim sauhtim jah unhulthons managos usvarp jah ni 35. fralailot rodjan thos unhulthons. unte kunthedun ina. jah air uhtvon usstandans usiddja jah galaith ana authjana stath jah jainar 36. bath. jah galaistans vaurthun imma seimon jah thai mith 37. imma. jah bigitandans ina qethun du imma thatei allai thuk 38. sokjand. jah qath du im. gaggam du thaim bisunjane haimom 39. jah baurgim. ei jah jainar merjau. unte duthe qam. jah vas merjands in synagogim ize and alla galeilaian jah unholthons 40. usvairpands. jah qam at imma thrutsfill habands bidjands ina jah knivam knussjands jah qithands du imma thatei. jabai 41. vileis. magt mik gahrainjan. ith iesus infeinands ufrakjands handu seina attaitok imma jah qath imma. viljau. vairth hrains. 42. jah bithe qath thata iesus. suns thata thrutsfill affaith af imma jah 43. hrains varth. jah gawotjands imma suns ussandida ina jah qath 44. du imma. saiw ei mannhun ni qithais vaiht ak gagg thuk silban ataugjan gudjin jah atbair fram gahraineinai peinai. thatei 45. anabauth moses du veitvodithai im. ith is usgaggands dugann merjan filu jah usqithan thata vaurd. svasve is juthan ni mahta andaugjo in baurg galeithan ak uta ana authjaim stadim vas. jah iddjedun du imma allathro.

II.

OLD HIGH-GERMAN.

MUSPILLI.

From Schmeller.

... s[^i]n ta piqueme, Das er towian scal, Wanta s[^a]r so sih dui s[^e]la In dem sind arhevit, Ente si den l[^i]hhamun Likkan l[^a]zzit; So quimith ein heri Fona himilzungalon; Daz andar fona pehhe: {584} Dar p[^a]gant siu umpi. Sorg[^e]n mac diu s[^e]la, Unzi diu suona arg[^e]t, Za wideremo herie, Si gihalot werde. Wanta ipu sia daz Satanazsses Kisindi giwinnit, Das leitet sia s[^a]r Dar iru leid wirdit, In fiur enti in finstri, Dazu ist reht virinlih ding. Upi sia avar kihalont die, Die dar fona himile quemant, Enti si dero engilo eigan wirdit, Die pringant sia s[^a]r [^u]f in himilo r[^i]hhi, Dar[^i] est l[^i]p [^a]no t[^o]d, lioht [^a]no finstri, Selida [^a]no sorgun; dar nist neoman suih. Denne der mar in pard[^i]su P[^u] kiwinnit, H[^u]s in himile, Dar quimit imu hilfa kinuok Pidiu ist durft mihhil allero manno welilihemo Daz in es s[^i]n muot kispane, Daz er kotes willun Kerno tuo, Ente hella fuir Harto w[^i]s[^e], Pehhes pina, Dar piutit den Satanaz altist Heizzan lauc. So mac huckan za diu, Sorg[^e]n dr[^a]to Der sih suntigen weiz. W[^e] demo in vinstr[^i] scal S[^i]no virina stuen, Prinnan in pehhe; Daz ist rehto palwig ding-- Daz man den har[^e]t ze gote, Ente imo helfa ni quimit; W[^a]nit sih kin[^a]da {585} Diu w[^e]naga s[^e]la Ni ist in kihuctin Himiliskin gote, Wanta hiar in werolti After ni werk[^o]ta. So denne der mahtigo khuninc Daz mahal kipannit Dara scal queman Chunno kil[^i]hhaz Denne ni kitar parno nohhein Den pan furisizzan, D[^i] allero manno wel[^i]h Ze demo mahale sculi, Der scal er, vora demo ricche, Az rahhu stantan, P[^i] daz er, in werolti, Kiwerkota hap[^e]ta. Daz h[^o]rt ih rahhon Dia werolt-rehtw[^i]son, Daz sculi der Antichristo Mit Eliase p[^a]gan. Der warch ist kiw[^a]fanit; Denne wirdit untar in w[^i]k arhapan; Khensun sind so kreftic, Diri kosa ist so mihhil. Elias str[^i]t[^i]t P[^i] den ewigon l[^i]p, Wili den rehtkernon Daz r[^i]hhi kistarkan; Pidiu scal imo halfan Der himiles kiwaltit. Der Anticristo st[^e]t P[^i] dem Altfiante St[^e]t p[^i] demo Satanase, Der inan farsenkan scal; Pidiu scal er in der w[^i]csteti Wunt pivallan, Enti in demo sinde Sigalos werdan. {586} Doh w[^a]nit des vila gotmanno, Daz Elias in demo w[^i]ge arwartit (werdit). S[^a]r so daz Eliases pluot In erda kitruifit, So inprinnant die perga, Poum ni kistentit Einic in erdu, Aha artrukn[^e]nt, Muor varsuilhet sih, Suilizot lougui der himil M[^a]no vallit, Prinnit mittilagart, Stein ni kistentit einik in erdu. Verit denne stuatago in lant, Verit mit diu viuriu Viriho w[^i]s[^o]n, Dar ni mai denne m[^a]k andremo Helfan vora dema Muspille. Denne daz preita wasal Allaz varprinnit, Enti viur enti luft Iz allaz arfurpit, War ist denne diu marha, Dar man dar eo mit s[^i]nem magon (Diu marha ist farprunnan Diu s[^e]la st[^e]t pidungan), Ni weiz mit win puoze; S[^a]r verit si za w[^i]ze. Pidui ist dem manne so guot, Denne er ze demo mahale quimit, Daz er rahhono welihha Rehto arteile; Denne ni darf er sorg[^e]n, Denne er ze deru suonu quimit. Denne varant engila; Uper dio marho, Wecchant diota, W[^i]ssant ze dinge; Denne scal manno gel[^i]h {587} Fona deru moltu arsten; L[^o]ssan sih ar dero l[^e]uuo vazzon Scal imo avar s[^i]n l[^i]p piqueman, Daz er s[^i]n reht allaz Kirahhon muozzi, Enti imo after s[^i]nen t[^a]tin Arteilet werde. Denne der gisizzit, Der dar suonnan scal, Enti arteillan scal, T[^o]ten enti quekken, Denne st[^e]t darumpi Engilo menigi, Quotero gomono girust so mihhil. Dara quimit ze deru rightungu so vilo dia dar arstent, So dar manno nohhein Wiht pim[^i]dan ni mak; Dar scal denne hant sprehhan, Houpit sag[^e]n, Allero lido wehh Unsi id den luzigun vinger. Ni weiz der w[^e]nago man Wielihhan urteil er hab[^e]t; Denne er mit den miaton Marrit daz rehta, Daz der tiuval darp[^i] Kitarnit stentit; Der hab[^e]t in ruovu Rahhono welihha, Daz der man er enti s[^i]d Upiles kifrumita, Daz er iz allaz kisag[^e]t, Denne or ze deru suonu quimit. * * * * * *

{588}

III.

ANGLO-SAXON.

Evangelium Nicodemi, xxi.

From Thwaite's Heptateuch.

Hyt waes dha swithe angrislic, dha dha Satanas, dhaere Helle ealdor and thaes deathes heretoga, cwaeth to thaere Helle; "Gegearwa the sylfe, that dhu maege Chryst onfon; se hyne sylfne gewuldrod haefdh, and ys Godes sunu and eac man, and eac se Deadh ys hyne ondraedende, and myn sawl ys swa unrot thaet me thincth thaet ic alybban ne maeg, for thig he ys mycel wydherwynna and yfel wyrcende ongean me, and eac ongean the: and faela, the ic haefde to me gewyld and to atogen, blynde and healte, gebygede and hreoslan, eallo he fram dhe atyhdh." Seo Hell tha, swithe grymme and swithe egeslice, answarode dha Satanase dham ealdan deofle, and cwaedh: "Hwaet is se the ys swa strang and swa myhtig, gif he man is, thaet he ne sig thone Deadh ondraedende, the wyt gefyrn beclysed haefdon, for tham ealle tha the on eorthan anweald haefdon thu hig myd thynre myhte to me getuge, and ic hig faeste geheold; and, gif thu swa mihhtig eart swa thu aer waere, hwaet ys se man and se Haelend the ne sig thone Deadh and thyne mihte ondraedende? to fordhan ic wat, gif he on mennyscnysse swa mihtig ys, thaet he nather ne unc ne thond Deadh ne ondraet, thonne gefohdh he the and the byth aefre wa to ecere worulde." Satanos tha, thaes cwicsusles ealdor thaere Helle andswarode, and thus cwaed: "Hwaet twynedh the, oththe hwaet ondraedst thu the thone Haelend to onfonne, mynne wytherwynnan and eac thynne; Ac fordhon ic his costnode, and ic gedyde him thaet eal thaet Iudeisce folc thaet hig waeron ongean him myd yrre and mid andan awehte, and ic gedyde thaet he waes mid spere gesticod, and ic gedyde thaet hym man dryncan mengde myd eallan and myd ecede, and ic gedyde thaet man hym treowene rode gegearwode, and hyne thaer on aheng, and hyne mid naeglum gefaestnode and nu aet nextan ic wylle his deadh to the gelaedan, and he sceal beon undertheod agwhaer ge me ge the." Seo Hell tha swythe angrysenlice thus cwoeth; "Wyte thaet dhu swa do thaet he dha deadan fram me ateo, for tham the her faela syndon geornfulle fram me mig, thaet hig on me wunian noldon; ac ic wat thaet hig {589} fram mig ne gewytath thurh heora agene myhte, butan hig se Aelmytiga God fram me ateo, se the Lazarum of me genam, thone the ic heold deadne feower nyht faestne gebunden, ac ic hyne aeft cwicne ageaf thurh his bedodu." Da andswarode Satanas and cwaeth: "Se ylca hyt is se the Lazarum of unc bam genam." Seo Hell hym tha thus to cwaep. "Eala hic halgige the thuhr thyne maegenu, and eac thuhr myne, thaet thu naefre ne gethafige paet he on me cume, for tham tha ic gehyrde, thaet worde his bebodes, ic was myd miclum ege afyriht, and ealle mynne arleasan thenas waeron samod myd me gedrehte and gedrefede, swa thaet we ni myhton Lazarum gehealdan, ac he waes hyne asceacende eal swa earn thonne he myd hraedum flythe wyle fordh afleon, and he swa waes fram us raefende, and seo eorthe the Lazarus deadan lichaman heold, heo hyne cwycne ageaf, and thaet ic nu wat thaet se man the eall thaet gedyde thaet he ys on Gode strang and myhtig, and gif thu hyne to me laedest, ealle tha the her syndon on thysum waelhreowan cwearterne beclysde, and on thysum bendum myd synnum gewrydhene, ealle he myd thys godcundnysse fram me atyhdh, and to lyfe gelaet."

IV.

From Schmid's Anglo-Saxon Laws.

This syndon tha domas the Aelfred se cyning geceas.

Drihten waes precende thaes word to Moyse and thus cwaedh:

1. Ic eam drihten thin god. Ic the utgelaedde of Aegypta land and of heora theowdome; ne lufa thu odhre fremde godas ofer me.

2. Ne minne naman ne cig thu on idelnesse, forthon the thu ne bist unscyldig widh me, gif thu on idelnesse cigst minne naman.

3. Gemine thaet thu gehalgie thone raestedaeg. Wyrceadh eow syx dagas, and on tham seofadhan restadh eow, thu and thin sunu and thine dohter and thin theowe and thine wylne and thin weorcynten and se cuma the bidh binnan thinan durum. Fortham on syx dagum Crist geworhte heofenas and eordhan, saeas and ealle gesceafta the on him sint and hine gereste on tham seofadhan daege, and forthon drihten hine gehalgode.

4. Ara thinum faeder and thinre meder, tha the drihten sealde the, thaet thu sy thy leng libbende on eordhan.

5. Ne slea thu.

{590} 6. Ne stala thu.

7. Ne lige thu dearnunga.

8. Ne saege thu lease gewitnesse widh thinum nehstan.

9. Ne wilna thu thines nehstan yrfes mid unrihte.

10. Ne wyrc thu the gyldene godas odhdhe seolfrene.

11. This synd tha domas the thu him settan scealt. s. 1. Gif hwa gebycge Christenne theow, VI gear theowige he, the seofodhan beo he freoh orceapunga. s. 2. Mid swylce hraegle he ineode, mid swilce gange he ut. s. 3. Gif he wif sylf haebbe, gange heo ut mid him. s. 4. Gif se hlaford thonne him wif sealde, sy heo and hire beam thaes hlafordes. s. 5. Gif se theowa thonne cwaedhe: nelle ic fram minum hlaforde, ne fram minum wife, ne fram minum bearne,--breng hine thonne his hlaford to thaere dura thaes temples and thurhthyrlige his eare mid eale to tacne, thaet he sy aefre sydhdhan theow.

* * * * *

13. Se man the his gewealdes monnan ofslea, swelte se deadhe. Se-the hine thonne neades ofsloge odhdhe unwillum odhdhe ungewealdes, swylce hine god swa sende on his honda and he hine ne ymb syrede, sy he his feores wyrdhe and folcrihtre bot, gif he frydhstowe gesece. Gif hwa thonne of gyrnesse odhdhe gewealdes ofslea his thone nehstan thurh syrwa, aluc thu hine fram minum weofode, to tham thaet he deadhe swelte.

14. Se-the slea his faeder odhdhe his modor, ne sceal deadhe sweltan.

15. Se-the frione forstaele and he hyne bebycge and hit onbetaeled sy, thaet he hine bereccan ne maeg, swelte se deadhe. s. 1. Se-se wyrge his faeder odhdhe his modor, swelte se deadhe.

16. Gif hwa slea his thone nehstan mid stane odhdhe mid fyste, and he theah utgangan maege be stafe, begyte him laece and wyrce his weorc tha hwile, the he sylf ne maege.

17. Se-the slea his agenne theowne esne odhdhe mennen, and he ne sy thy daeges dead, theah he libbe twa niht odhdhe threo, ne bidh he ealles swa scyldig, forthon the hit waes his agen feoh. Gif he thonne sy idaeges dead, thonne sitte seo scyld on him.

18. Gif hwa on ceast eacniend wif gewerde, bete thone aefwyrdlan swa him domeras gereccan. Gif heo dead sy, sylle sawle widh sawle.

19. Gif hwa odhrum his eage odhdo, sylle his agen for; todh for todh, handa for handa, fet for fet, baerning for baerning, wund widh wund, lael widh laele.

{591} 20. Gif hwa ofslea his theowe odhdhe his theowenne thaet eage ut, and he thonne hi gedo aenigge, gefreoge hi forthon. Gif he thonne todh ofslea, do thaet ylce.

21. Gif oxa ofhnite wer odhdhe wif, thaet hy deade synd, sy he mid stanum ofweorpod and ne sy his flaesc geeton and se hlaford bidh unscyldig. s. 1. Gif se oxa hnitol waere twam dagum aere odhdhe thrym and se hlaford hit wist and hine inne betynan nolde, and he thonne were odhdhe wif ofsloge, sy he mid stanum ofworpod and sy se hlaford ofslegen odhdhe forgolden, swa thaet witan to riht findan. s. 2. Sunu odhdhe dohtor gif he ofstinge, thaes ylcan domes sy he wyrdhe. s. 3. Gif he thonne theow odhdhe theowe mennen ofstynge, gesylle thaem hlaford XXX scill. seolfres and se oxa sy mid stanum ofworpod.

22. Gif hwa adelfe waeterpytte odhdhe betynedne untyne and hine eft ne betyne, gyld swylc neat swa thaer on befealle and haebbe him thaet dead.

23. Gif oxa odhres mannes oxan gewundige and he thonne dead sy, bebycggen thone oxan and haebben him thaet weordh gemaene and eac thaet flaesc swa thaes deadan. Gif se hlaford thonne wiste, thaet se oxa hnitol waere and hine healdan nolde, sylle him odherne oxan fore and haebbe him ealle thaet flaesc.

24. Gif hwa forstaele odhres oxan and hine ofslea odhdhe bebycge, sylle twegen widh and feower sceap widh anum. Gif he haebbe hwaet he sylle, sy he sylf beboht widh tham feoh.

25. Gif theof brece mannes hus nihtes and he wyrdhe thaer ofslaegen, ne sy he na manslaeges scyldig, the him sloge. Gif he sydhdhan aefter sunnan upgonge this dedh, he bidh mansleges scyldig and he thonne sylfa swylte, butan he nyddaeda waere. Gif mid him cwicum sy funden thaet he aer stale, be twyfealdum forgylde hit.

26. Gif hwa gewerde odhres monnes wingeard odhdhe his aeceras odhdhe his landes awuht, gebete swa hit man geeahtige.

27. Gif fyr sy ontended ryt to baernenne, gebete thone aefwerdelsan se thaet fyr ontendedh.

28. Gif hwa odhfaeste his friend feoh, gif he hit sylf stael, forgylde be twyfealdum. s. 1. Gif he nyste, hwa hit staele, geladige hine sylfne, thaet he thaer nan facn ne gefremede. s. 2. Gif hit thonne cucu feoh waere and he secge, thaet hit here name odhdhe thaet hit sylf acwaele, and he gewitnesse haebbe, ne thearf he thaet gyldan. s. 3. Gif he thonne gewitnesse naebbe, and he him ne getriewe ne sy, swerige he thonne. {592}

* * * * *

30. Tha foemnan the gewunniadh onfon galdorcraeftigan and scinlaecan and wiccan, ne laet thu tha libban.

* * * * *

32. And se the godgeldum onsaecge ofer god aenne, swelte deadhe.

33. Utancumene and aettheodige ne geswenc thu no, forthon the ge waeron aeltheodige on Aegypta land.

34. Tha wudewan and tha steopcilde ne sceadhdhadh ne hi nawer deriadh. Gif ge thonne elles dodh, hi cleopiadh to me and ic gehire hi, and ic eow thonne slea mid minum sweorde and ic gedo paet eowra wif bidh wudewan and eowre bearn bydh steopcilde.

35. Gif thu feoh to borh gesylle thinum geferan, the mid the eardian wille, ne nide thu hine swa nidling and ne gehene thu hine mid thy eacan.

36. Gif man naebbe butan anfeald hraegle hine mid to wreonne and to werianne and he hit to wedde sylle, aer sunnan setlgange sy hit agyfen. Gif thu swa ne dest, thonne cleopadh he to me and ic hine gehyre, forthon the ic eom swidhe mildheort.

37. Ne tael thu thinne drihten, ne thone hlaford thaes folces ne werge thu.

38. Thine teodhan sceattas and thine frumripan gangendes and weaxendos agyfe thu gode.

39. Ealle thaet flaesc thaet wilddeor laefan, ne etan ge thaet ac sylladh hit hundum.

40. Leases mannes word ne recce thu no thaes to gehyranno, ne his domas ne gethafa thu, ne naene gewitnysse aefter him ne saga thu.

41. Ne wend thu the na on thaes folces unraed and on unriht gewillon hiora spraece and gecleps ofer thin riht, and on thaes unwisestan lare thu ne gethafa.

42. Gif the becume odhres mannes gymeleas feoh on hand, theah hit sy thin feonde, gecydhe hit him.

43. Dem thu swidhe emne; de dem thu odherne dom paem welegan odherne tham earman, ne odherne tham leofran odherne tham ladhran ne deme thu.

44. Onscuna thu a leasunga.

45. Sodhfaestne man and unscildigne, ne acwele thu thone aefre.

46. Ne onfo thu naefre medsceattum, forthon hi ablendadh ful oft wisra manna gethoht and hiora word onwendadh.

{593} 47. Tham aeltheodigan and utancumenan ne laet thu na uncudhlice widh hine, ne mid nanum unrihtum thu hine ne drecce.

48. Ne swerigen ge naefre under haedhene godas, ne on nanum thingum ne cleopien ge to him.

V.

OPENING OF BEOWULF.

Edited and Translated by J. M. Kemble.

Hwaet we G['a]r-Dena, in gear-dagum, the['o]d-c[.y]ninga, thr[.y]m ge-frunon-- h[^u] dha aethelingas ellen fremedon-- oft Sc[.y]ld Scefing, sceathen(a) thre['a]tum, moneg[=u] maegthum, meodo-setla of-te['a]h-- egsode eorl-- s[.y]dhdhan ['ae]rest weardh fe['a]-sceaft funden; he thaes fr['o]fre ge-b['a](d), we['o]x under wolcnum, weordh-m[.y]ndum th['a]h; odh [=th] him ['ae]g-hwl[.y]c th['a]ra ymb-sittendra, ofer hron-r['a]de, h['y]ran scolde, gomban g[.y]ldan-- [=th] w['ae]s g['o]d c[.y]ning-- dhaem eafera w['ae]s aefer cenned, geong in geardum, thone g['o]d sende folce to fr['o]fre; f[.y]ren-thearfe on-geat, [=th] h['i]e ['ae]r drugon,

aldor-(le)['a]se. lange hw['i]le, him thaes l['i]f-fre['a], wuldres wealdend, worold-['a]re for-geaf-- Be['o]-wulf w['ae]s breme, bl['ae]d w['i]de sprang, Sc[.y]ldes eafera, Scede-landum in-- swa sceal (wig-fru)ma g['o]de ge-wircean-- fromum feo-giftum, on faeder-(feo)rme; [=th] hine, on [.y]lde, eft ge-wunigen wi(l)-ge-s['i]thas, thonne wig cume. le['o]de ge-l['ae]sten, lof-d['ae]d[=u] sceal, in maegthage-hwaere, man ge-the['o]n---- him, dh['a] Sc[.y]ld ge-w['a]t t['o] ge-scaep hw['i]le fela-hror feran on fre['a]n wae re-- h['i] h[.y]ne th['a] aet-b['ae]ron t['o] brimes farodhe, sw['ae]se ge-s['i]thas, sw['a] he selfa baed; {594} thenden wordum we['o]ld wine Sc[.y]ldinga le['o]f land-fruma lange ['a]hte---- thaer aet h['y]dhe st['o]d hringed-stefna, isig and ['u]t-f['u]s, aethelinges faer; ['a]-ledon th['a] le['o]fne the['o]den, be['a]ga br[.y]ttan, on bearm scipes, m['ae]rne be m['ae]ste: thaer w['ae]s m['a]dma fela of feor-wegum fraetwa ge-l['ae]ded. Ne h['y]rde ic c[.y]mlicor ceol ge-g[.y]rwan, hilde-waepnum and headho-w['ae]dum, billum and b[.y]rnum him on bearme laeg m['a]dma menigo, tha him mid scoldon on fl['o]des aeht feor ge-w['i]tan. Nalaes h['i] hine laessan l['a]cum te['o]dan, the['o]d-ge-stre['o]num, thon th['a] d[.y]don the hine, aet frum-sceafte, fordh on-sendon, ['ae]nne ofer ['y]dhe, umbor-wesende. th['a] g[.y]t h['i]e him ['a]-setton segen (g[.y]l denne, he['a]h ofer he['a]fod-- leton holm ber(an) geafon on g['a]r-secg: him w['ae]s geomor-sefa murnende m['o]d---- men ne cunnon secgan, t['o] s['o]dhe, s['e]le raedenne, haeledh under heofen[=u] hw['a] thaem hlaeste on-feng.

VI.

THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURG.

From Warton's History of English Poetry, Ed. 1840. Vol. I. p. lxvii. Translated by R. Taylor.

Aethelst['a]n cyning, eorla drihten, boorna be['a]h-gyfa, and his br['o]ther eac, Eadmund aetheling, ealdor langne tir, geslogon aet secce, sweorda ecgum, ymbe Brunanburh. Bord-weal clufon, heowon heatho-linda, hamora lafum, e['a]foran Eadweardes. Swa him geaethele waes from cneo-maegum thaet h['i]e aet campe oft, {595} with lathra gehwaene, land ealgodon, hord and h['a]mas, hettend crungon. Scotta leode, and scip-flotan, faege feollon. Feld dennade, secga swate, sith-than sunne ['u]p, on morgen-t['i]d, maere tuncgol, gl['a]d ofer grundas, Godes candel be orht, ['e]ces Drihtnes; oth-thaet sio aethele gesceaft, s['a]h t['o] setle. Thaer laeg secg monig, g['a]rum ageted, guman northere, ofer scyld scoten. Swylc Scyttisc eac, werig wiges saed. West-Seaxe forth, ondlangne daeg eorod-cystum, on last laegdon lathum theodum. Heowon here-flyman, hindan thearle, mecum mylen-scearpum. Myrce ne wyrndon heardes hand-plegan, haeletha nanum, th['a]ra the mid Anlafe, ofer ear-geblond, on lides bosme, land gesohton, faege to feohte. Fife laegon, on th['a]m campstede, cyningas geonge, sweordum aswefede. Swylc seofen ['e]ac eorlas Anlafes; unr['i]m heriges, flotan and Sceotta. Thaer geflymed wearth Northmanna bregu, nyde gebaeded, to lides stefne, litle werede. Cread cnear on-flot, cyning ut-gewat, on fealowe flod, feorh generede. Swylc thaer ['e]ac se froda, mid fleame c['o]m, on his cyththe north, Constantinus, har hylderinc Hreman ne th['o]rfte meca gemanan. Her waes his maga sceard, freonda gefylled, on folc-stede, beslaegen aet secce; and his sunu (he) forlet on wael-stowe, wundum-forgrunden, geongne aet guthe. Gylpan ne th['o]rfte, beorn blanden-feax, bill-geslehtes, eald inwitta; ne Anl['a]f thy m['a], mid heora here-lafum, hlihan ne thorfton, {596} thaet h['i] beadu-weorca beteran wurdon, on camp-stede, cumbol-gehnastes, g['a]r mittinge, gumena gemotes, waepen-gewrixles, thaes the h['i]e on wael-felda with Eadweardes e['a]foran plegodon. Gewiton hym tha Northmen, naegledon cnearrum, dreorig daretha l['a]f, on dinges mere, ofer deop waeter, Dyflin secan, eft Yraland, aewisc-mode. Swylce th['a] gebrother, begen aet samne, cyning and aetheling, cyththe sohton, West Seaxna land, wiges hremige. Laeton him behindan, hr['a] brittian, salowig padan, thone sweartan hraefn, hyrned-nebban; and thone hasean padan, earn aeftan hwit, aeses brucan, graedigne guth-hafoc; and thaet graege deor, wulf on wealde. Ne wearth wael m['a]re, on thys igland, aefre gyta, folces gefylled, beforan thissum, sweordes ecgum, thaes the us secgath b['e]c, ealde uthwitan, sith-than eastan hider Engle and Seaxe ['u]p becomon, ofer brade brimu Brytene sohton, wlance wig-smithas, Weales ofer-comon, eorlas ['a]rhw['a]te, eard begeaton.

VII.

HILDIBRAND AND HATHUBRAND.

TEXT OF GRIMM. TRANSLATION IBID.

Also in--Langue et Lit['e]rature des Anciens Francs, par G. Gley.

Ih gihorta that seggen, that sie urhetton aenon muotin Hildibraht enti Hathubrant untar heriuntuem, Sunu fatar ungo; iro saro rihtun, Garutun se iro guthhamun, gurtun sih iro suert ana, Helidos, ubar ringa, do sie to dero hiltu ritun. {597} Hiltibraht gimahalta, Heribrantes sunu, her was heroro man, Ferahes frotoro, her fragen gistuont, Fohem wortum: wer sin fater wari; Fires in folche, eddo weliches cnuosles du sis? Ibu du mi aenan sages, ik mideo are-wet, Chind in chuninchriche, chud ist min al irmindeot. Hadubraht gimahalti Hiltibrantes sunu: Dat sagetun mi Usere liuti alte anti frote, dea erhina warun, Dat Hilbrant haetti min fater, ih heittu Hadubrant. Forn her ostar gihueit, floh her Otachres nid Hina miti Theotriche enti sinero degano filu; Her furlach in lante luttila sitten Prut in bure; barn unwahsan, Arbeolosa heraet, ostar hina det, Sid delriche darba gistuontum, fatereres mines, Dat was so friuntlaos man, her was Otachre unmettirri, Degano dechisto, unti Deotriche darba gistontum; Her was eo folches at ente, imo was eo feheta ti leop. Chud was her chonnem mannuma, ni wanin ih, in lib habbe. Wittu Irmin-Got, quad Hiltibraht, obana ab havane, Dat du neo danahalt mit sus sippan man dinc in gileitos! Want her do ar arme wuntane bouga, Cheiswringu gitan, so imo seder chuning gap Huneo truhtin; dat ih dir it un bi huldi gibu! Hadubraht gimalta, Hiltibrantes sunu: Mit geru scal man geba infahan, Ort widar orte, du bist dir, alter Hun, ummet, Spaher, spenis mi mit dinem wortema, Wilihuh di nu speru werpan, Pist al so gialtet man, so du ewin inwit fortos; Dat sagetun mi Sacolidante Westar ubar Wentilsaeo, dat man wic furnam, Tot ist Hiltibraht Heribrantes suno, Hildibrant gimahalta Heribrantes suno: wela gisihu ih, In dinem hrustim, dat du habes heine herron goten, Dat du noh bi desemo riche reccheo ni wurti, Welaga, nu waltant Got, quad Hiltibrant, we wurt skihit! Ih wallota sumaro enti wintro sehstick urlante. Dar man mih eo scerita in folc scestantero. {598} So man mir at burc einigeru banun ni gifasta; Nu scal mih suasat chind suertu hauwan, Bieton mit sinu billiu, eddo ih imo t['i] banin werden. Doh maht du nu aodlicho, ibu dir din ellent aoc, In sus heremo man hrusti girwinnan; Rauba bi hrahanen ibu du dar enic reht habes. Der si doh nu argosto, quad Hildibrant, ostarliuto, Der dir nu wiges warne, nu dih es so wel lustit. Gudea gimeirum niused emotti. Wer dar sih hiutu dero prel-zilo hrumen muotti, Erdo desero brunnono bedero waltan. Do laettun se aerist asckim scritan Scarpen scurim, dat in dem sciltim stout; Do stoptun tosamene, starmbort chludun, Hewun harmilicco huitte scilti Unti im iro lintun luttilo wurtun--

VIII.

OLD SAXON.

FROM THE TEXT OF A. YPEIJ.

Taalkundig Magazijn. P. 1, No. 1.--p. 54.

Psalm LIV.

2. Gehori got gebet min, in ne furuuir bida mina; thenke te mi in gehori mi.

3. Gidruouit bin an tilogon minro, in mistrot bin fan stimmon fiundes, in fan arbeide sundiges.

4. Uuanda geneigedon an mi unreht, in an abulge unsuoti uuaron mi.

5. Herta min gidruouit ist an mi, in forta duodis fiel ouir mi.

6. Forthta in biuonga quamon ouer mi, in bethecoda mi thuisternussi.

7. In ic quad "uuie sal geuan mi fetheron also duuon, in ic fliugon sal, in raston sal."

8. Ecco! firroda ic fliende, inde bleif an eudi.

9. Ic sal beidan sin, thie behaldon mi deda fan luzzilheide geistis in fan geuuidere. {599}

10. Bescurgi, herro, te deile tunga iro, uuanda ic gesag unriht in fluoc an burgi.

11. An dag in naht umbefangan sal sia ouir mura ira, unreht in arbeit an mitdon iro in unreht.

12. In ne te fuor fan straton iro prisma in losunga.

13. Uuanda of fiunt flukit mi, is tholodit geuuisso; in of thie thie hatoda mi, ouir mi mikila thing spreke, ic burge mi so mohti geburran, fan imo.

14. Thu geuuisso man einmuodigo, leido min in cundo min.

15. Thu samon mit mi suota nami muos, an huse gode giengon uuir mit geluni.

16. Cum dot ouir sia, in nithir stigin an hellon libbinda. Uuanda arheide an selethe iro, an mitdon ini.

17. Ic eft te gode riepo, in herro behielt mi.

18. An auont in an morgan in an mitdondage tellon sal ic, in kundon; in he gehoron sal.

19. Irlosin sal an frithe sela mina fan then, thia ginacont mi, uuanda under managon he uuas mit mi.

20. Gehorun sal got in ginetheron sal sia; thie ist er uueroldi.

21. Ne geuuisso ist ini uuihsil; in ne forchtedon got. Theneda hant sina an uuitherloni.

IX.

MODERN DUTCH OF HOLLAND.

Mark, Chap. I.

1. Het begin des Evangelies van JEZUS CHRISTUS, den Zoon van God.

2. Gelijk geschreven is in de Profeten: ziet, Ik zend mijnen Engel voor uw aangezigt, die uwen weg voor u heen bereiden zal.

3. De stem des roependen in de woestijn: bereidt den weg des Heeren, maakt zijne paden regt!

4. Johannes was doopende in de woestijn, en predikende den doop der bekeering tot vergeving der zonden.

5. En al het Joodsche land ging tot hem uit, en die van Jer[^u]zalem; en werden allen van hem gedoopt in the rivier de Jordaan, belijdende hunne zonden.

6. En Johannes was gekleed met kemelshaar, en met eenen {600} lederen gordel om zijne lendenen, en at sprinkhannen en wilden honig.

7. En hij predikte, zeggende: na mij komt, die sterker is dan ik, wien ik niet waardig ben, nederbukkende, den riem zijner schoenen te ontbinden.

8. Ik heb ulieden wel gedoopt met water, maar hij zal u doopen met den Heiligen Geest.

9. En het geschiedde in diezelve dagen, dat Jezus kwam van N['a]zareth, gelegen in Galil['e]a, en werd van Johannes gedoopt in de Jordaan.

10. En terstond, als hij uit het water opklom, zag bij de hemelen opengaan, en den Geest, gelijk eene duive, op hem nederdalen.

11. En er geschiedde eene stem nit de hemelen: gij zijt mijn geliefde Zoon, in denwelken Ik mijn welbehagen heb!

12. En terstond dreef hem de Geest uit in de woestijn.

13. En hij was aldaar in de woestijn vertig dagen, verzocht van den Satan; en was bij de wilde gedierten; en de Engelen dienden hem.

14. En nadat Johannes overgeleverd was, kwam Jezus in Galil['e]a, predikende het Evangelie van het Koningrijk Gods,

15. En zeggende: de tijd is vervuld, en het Koningrijk Gods nabij gekomen; bekeert u, en gelooft het Evangelie.

16. En wandelende bij de Galil['e]sche zee, zag hij Simon en Andr['e]as, zijnen broeder, werpende het net in de zee (want zij waren visschers);

17 En Jezus zeide tot hen: volgt mij na, en ik zal maken, dat gij visschers der menschen zult worden.

18. En zij, terstond hunne netten verlatende, zijn hem gevolgd.

19. En van daar een weinig voortgegaan zijnde, zag hij Jacobus, den zoon van Zebed['e]ues, en Johannes, zijnen broeder, en dezelve in het schip hunne netten vermakende.

20. En terstond riep hij hen; en zij, latende hunnen vader Zebed['e]ues in het schip, met de huurlingen, zijn hem nagevolgd.

21. En zij kwamen binnen Kapernauem; en terstond op den Sabbatdag in de Synagoge gegaan zijnde, leerde hij.

22. En zij versloegen zich over zijne leer: want hij leerde hen, als magt hebbende, en niet als de Schriftgeleerden. {601}

23. En er was in hunne Synagoge een mensch, met eenen onreinen geest, en hij riep uit,

24. Zeggende: laat af, wat hebben wij met u te doen, gij Jezus Nazar['e]ner! zijt gij gekomen, om ons to verderven? Ik ken u, wie gij zijt, namelijk de Heilige Gods.

25. En Jezus bestrafte hem, zeggende: zwijg stil, en ga nit van hem.

26. En de onreine geest, hem scheurende, en roepende met eene groote stem, ging uit van hem.

27. En zij werden allen verbaasd, zoodat zij onder elkander vraagden, zeggende: wat is dit? wat nieuwe leer is deze, dat hij met magt ook den onreineen geesten gebiedt, en zig hem gehoorzaam zijn!

28. En zijn gerucht ging terstond uit, in het geheel omliggen land van Galil['e]a.

29. En van stonde aan uit de Synagoge gegaan zijnde, kwamen zij in het huis van Simon en Andr['e]as, met Jacobus en Johannes.

30. En Simons vrouws moeder lag met de koorts; en terstond zeiden zij hem van haar.

31. En hij, tot haar gaande, vattede hare hand, en rigtte ze op; en terstond verliet haar de koorts, en zij diende henlieden.

32. Als het nu avond geworden was, toen de zon onderging, bragten zij tot hem allen, die kwalijk gesteld, en van den duivel bezeten waren.

33. En de geheele stad was bijeenvergaderd omtrent de deur.

34. En hij genas er velen, die door verscheidene ziekten kwalijk gesteld waren; en wierpe vele duivelen uit, en liet de duivelen niet toe te spreken, omdat zij hem kenden.

35. En des morgens vroeg, als het nog diep in den nacht was, opgestaan zijnde, ging hij uit, en ging henen in eene woeste plaats, en bad aldaar.

36. En Simon, en die met hem waren, zijn hem nagevolgd.

37. En zij hem gevonden hebbende, zeiden tot hem: zig zoeken u allen.

38. En hij zeide tot hen: laat ons in de bijliggende vlekken gaan, opdat ik ook daar predike: want daartoe ben ik uitgegaan.

39. En hij predikte in hunne Synagogen, door geheel Galil['e]a, en wierp de duivelen uit.

40. En tot hem kwam een melaatsche, biddende hem, en vallende {602} voor hem op de knieen, en tothem zeggende: indien gij wilt, gij kunt mij reinigen.

41. En Jezus, met barmhartigheid innerlijk bewogen zijnde, strekte de hand uit, en raakte hem aan, en zeide tot hem: ik wil, word gereinigd.

42. En als hij dit gezegd had, ging de melaatschheid terstond van hem, en hy werd gereinigd.

43. En als hij hem strengelijk verboden had, deed hij hem terstond van zich gaan;

44. En zeide tot hem: zie, dat gij niemand iets zegt; maar ga heen en vertoon u zelven den Priester, en offer voor uwe reiniging, hetgeen Mozes geboden heeft, hun tot eene getuigenis.

45. Maar hij vitgegaan zijnde, begon vele dingen te verkondigen, en dat woord te verbreiden, alzoo dat hij niet meer openbaar in de stad kon komen, maar was buiten in de woeste plaatsen; en zij kwamen tot hem van alle kanten.

X.

OLD NORSE.

THE DESCENT OF ODIN.

From the Edda of Saemund. Copenhagen Edition.

2.

Upp reis ['O]dhinn alda gautr, ok hann ['a] Sleipni soedhul um lagdhi; reidh hann nidhr thadhan Niflheljar til, moetti hann hvelpi theim er or helju kom.

3.

S['a] var bl['o]dhugr, um brj['o]st framan, ok galdrs foedhur g['o]l um lengi. Framm reidh ['O]dhinn, foldvegr dundi, hann kom at h['a]fu Heljar ranni.

4.

Th['a] reidh ['O]dhinn fyr austan dyrr, thar er hann vissi voelu leidhi. Nam hann vittugri valgaldr kvedha, unz naudhig reis, n['a]s ordh um kvadh:

{603} 5.

"Hvat er manna that m['e]r ['o]kunnra, er m['e]r hefir aukit erfit sinni? var ek snivin snj['o]fi ok slegin regni ok drifin doeggu, daudh var ek lengi.

6.

"Vegtamr ek heiti, sonr em ek Valtams, segdhu m['e]r or helju, ek mun or heimi: hveim eru bekkir baugum s['a]nir, flet fagrlig fl['o]dh gulli?

7.

"H['e]r stendr Baldri of brugginn mjoedhr, skirar veigar, liggr skjoeldr yfir; en ['a]smegir ['i] ofvaeni; naudhug sagdhak n['u] mun ek thegja.

8.

"Thegiattu voelva! thik vil ek fregna, unz alkunna, vil ek enn vita: hverr mun Baldri at bana verdha, ok Odhins son aldri raena?

9.

"Hoedhr berr h['a]fan hr['o]dhrbarm thinnig; hann mun Baldri at bana verdha, ok ['O]dhins son aldri raena; naudhug sagdhak, n['u] mun ek thegja.

10.

"Thegiattu voelva! thik vil ek fregna, unz alkunna, vil ek enn vita: hverr mun heipt Hedhi hefnt of vinna edha Baldrs bana ['a] b['a]l vega?

11.

"Rindr berr i vostrsoelum, s['a] mun Odhins sonr einnaettr vega; bond um thvaer n['e] hoefudh kembir ['a]dhr a b['a]l um berr Baldrs andskota; naudhug sagdhak, n['u] mun ek thegja.

12.

"Thegiattu voelva! thik vil ek fregna, unz alkunna, vil ek enn vita: hverjar 'ro thaer meyjar, er at muni gr['a]ta ok ['a] himin verpa h['a]lsa skautum?

{604} 13.

"Ertattu Vegtamr, sem ek hugdha, heldr ertu ['O]dhinn, aldinn gautr." "Ertattu voelva n['e] vis kona, heldr ertu thriggja thursa m['o]dhir.

14.

"Heim ridh th['u], ['O]dhinn! ok ver hr['o]dhigr! sv['a] komit manna meir aptr ['a] vit, er lauss Loki lidhr or boendum, ok ragna roek rj['u]fendr koma."

XI.

ICELANDIC.

From Snorro's Heimskringla. Translated by Laing.

Y'NGLINGA SAGA.

KAP. I.

Her Segir fr['a] Landa Skipan.

Sva er sagt, at kringla heimsins, s['u] er mannf['o]lkit byggir, er mjoek vag-skorin: g['a]nga hoef st['o]r ['u]r ['u]tsj['a]num inn ['i] jordina. Er that kunnigt, at haf gengr af Njorvasundum, ok allt ['u]t til J['o]rsala-lands. Af hafinu gengr l['a]ngr hafsbotn til landnordrs, er heitir Svartahaf: sa skilr heims thridj['u]ngana: heitir fyrin austan Asia, en fyrir vestan kalla sumir Evr['o]pa, en sumir Enea. En nordan at Svartahafi gengr Svithjod in mikla eda in kalda. Sv['i]thj['o]d ena miklu kalla sumir menn ecki minni enn Serkland h['i]t mikla; sumir jafna henni vid Bl['a]land hit mikla. Hinn neyrdri lutr Sv['i]thj['o]dar liggr ['o]bygdr af frosti ok kulda, swa sem hinn sydri lutr Bl['a]lands er audr af s['o]larbruna. I Sv['i]thj['o]d eru st['o]r h['e]rut moerg: thar eru ok margskonar thjodir undarligar, ok margar t['u]ngur: thar eru risar, ok thar eru dvergar: thar eru ok bl['a]menn; thar eru d['y]r ok drekar furdulega st['o]rin. Ur Nordri fr['a] fjoellum theim, er fyrir utan eru bygd alla, fellr ['a] um Sv['i]thj['o]d, s['u] er at rettu heitir Tanais; h['u]n var fordum koellut Tanaqv['i]sl edr Vanaqu['i]sl; h['u]n k['e]mur til sj['a]var inu i Svarta-haf. I Vanaqlv['i]slum var tha kallat Vanaland, edr Vanheimr; s['u] ['a] skiir heimsthridj['u]ngana; heitir fyrir austan Asia, en fyrir vestan Evr['o]pa. {605}

KAP. II.

Fr['a] As['i]a Moennum.

Fyrir austan Tanaqv['i]sl ['i] As['i]a, var kallat Asa-land edr Asaheimr; en hoefutborgina, er ['i] var landinu, koelludu their Asgard. En ['i] borginni var hoefd['i]ngi s['a] er Odinn var kalladr, thar var bl['o]tstadr mikill. Thar var thar sidr at 12 hofgodar v['o]ru aeztir; skyldu their r['a]da fyrir bl['o]tum ok d['o]mum manna ['i] milli; that eru Diar kalladir edr drottnar: theim skyldi thj['o]nustu veita allr folk ok lotn['i]ng. Odinn var hermadr mikill ok mjoek vidfoerull, ok eignadiz moerg riki: han var sva Sigrfaell, at ['i] hvoerri orustu feck hann gagn. Ok sva kom at hans menn tr['u]du thv['i], at hann aetti heimilann sigr ['i] hverri orustu. That var h['a]ttr hans ef ann sendi menn s['i]na til orustu, edr adrar sendifarar, at hann lagdi adr hendur ['i] hoefut theim, ok gaf theim bjanak; tr['u]du their at th['a] mundi vel faraz. Sva var ok um hans menn, hvar sem their urdu ['i] naudum staddir ['a] sj['a] edr ['a] landi, th['a] koelludu their ['a] nafn hans, ok th['o]ttuz jafnan f['a] af thvi fro; thar thottuz their ega allt traust er hann var. Hann f['o]r opt sva l['a]ngt ['i] brot, at hann dvaldiz ['i] ferdinni moerg misseri.

XII.

SAGA ['O]LAFS KON['U]NGS TRYGGVASONAR.

Bardagi ['i] Stordh.

H['a]kon kon['u]ngr hafdhi th['a] fylkt lidhi s['i]no, ok segja menn at hann steypti af s[`e]r brynjunni ['a]dhr orrostan taekist; H['a]kon kon['u]ngr valdi mjoek menn medh s[`e]r ['i] hirdh at afli ok hreysti, sv[^a] sem gert hafdhi Haraldr kon['u]ngr fadhir hans; thar var th['a] medh kon['u]ngi Thor['a]lfr hinn sterki Sk['o]lmsson, ok gekk ['a] adhra hlidh kon['u]ngi; hann hafdhi hj['a]lm ok skjoeld, kesju ok sverdh that er kallat var Fetbreidhr; that var maelt at their H['a]kon kon['u]ngr vaeri jafnsterkir; thessa getr Th['o]rdhr Sj['a]reksson ['i] dr['a]pu theirri er hann orti um Th['o]r['a]lf:

Thar er bavdhbardhir boerdhust bands j['o] draugar landa lystr gekk herr til hjoerva hnitz ['i] Stordh ['a] Fitjum: ok gimsloengvir g['a]nga g['i]frs hl[`e]m['a]na dr['i]fu nausta blaks hit naesta Nordhmanna gram thordhi.

{606} En er fylk['i]ngar gengu saman, var fyrst skotit spj['o]tum, thv['i]naest brugdhu menn sverdhum; Gerdhist th['a] orostan ['o]dh ok mannskjaed; H['a]kon kon['u]ngr ok Th['o]r['a]lfr gengu th['a] fram um merkin ok hjoeggu til beggja handa; H['a]kon kon['u]ngr var audhkendr, meiri enn adhrir menn, l['y]sti ok mjoek af hj['a]lmi hans er s['o]lin shein ['a]; th['a] vardh vopnaburdhr mikill at kon['u]ngi; t['o]k th['a] Eyvindr Finnsson hatt einn, ok setti yfir hj['a]lm kon['u]ngsins; th['a] kalladhi h['a]tt Eyvindr Skreyja: leynist hann n['u] Nordhmanna kon['u]ngr, edhr hefir hann fl['y]it, thv['i]at horfinn er n['u] gullhj['a]lmrinn? Eyvindr ok ['A]lfr br['o]dhir hans gengu th['a] hart fram sv[^a] sem ['o]dhir ok galnir vaeri, hjoeggu til beggja handa; tha maelti H['a]kon kon['u]ngr h['a]tt til Eyvindar: haltu sv[^a] fram stefnunni ef th['u] vill finna hann Nordhmanna kon['u]ng, Var th['a] skampt at b['i]dha at Eyvindr kom thar, reiddi upp sverthit ok hj['o] til kon['u]ngs; Th['o]r['a]lfr skaut vidh honum Eyvindi skildinum, sv[^a] at hann stakadhi vidh; kon['u]ngr t['o]k th['a] tveim hoendum sverthit Kvernb['i]t, ok hj['o] til Eyvindar, klauf hj['a]lminn ok hoefudhit alt ['i] herthar nidhr; ['i] thv['i] bili drap Th['o]r['a]lfr ['A]lf Askmann. Sv[^a] segir Eyvindr Sk['a]ldaspillir:

Veit ek at beit enn bitri byggv['i]ng medhal dyggvan b['u]lka skidhs or b['a]dhum benvoendr kon['u]ngs hoendum: ['u]faelinnklauf ['a]la eldraugar skoer hauga gullhjaltadhum galtar grandr['a]dhr Dana brandi.

Eptir fall theirra braedhra gekk H['a]kon kon['u]ngr sv[^a] hart fram at alt hravkk fur honum; sl['o] th['a] felmt ok fl['o]tta ['a] lidh Eir['i]ks sona, en H['a]kon kon['u]ngr var ['i] oendverdhri sinni fylk['i]ng, ok fylgdhi fast fl['o]ttamoennum, ok hj['o] t['i]dt ok hart; th['a] fl['o] oer ein, er Fleinn er kalladhr, ok kom ['i] hoend H['a]koni kon['u]ngi uppi ['i] m['u]sina firir nethan oexl, ok er that margra manna soegn at sk['o]sveinn Gunnhildar, s['a] er Kisp['i]ngr er nefndr, lj['o]p fram ['i] thysinn ok kalladhi: gefi r['u]m kon['u]ngs bananum, ok skaut th['a] fleinnum til kon['u]ngs; en sumir segja at engi vissi hverr skaut; m['a] that ok vel vera, firir thv['i] at oervar ok spj['o]t ok oennur skotv[^a]pn flugu sv[^a] thykkt sem dr['i]fa; fjoeldi manns f[`e]ll thar af Eir['i]ks sonum, en hon['u]ngarnir allir komust ['a] skipin, ok r[`e]ro thegar undan, en H['a]konar menn eptir theim; sv[^a] segir Th['o]rdhr Sj['a]reksson: {607}

Vardhi v['i]ga myrdhir v['i]dt sv['a] skal fridh sl['i]ta joefur vildo thann eldast oendvert f['o]lk ['a] loendum: starf h['o]fst upp, th['a] er arfi ['o]tta vanr ['a] fl['o]tta gulls er gramr var fallinn Gunnhildar kom sunnan.

Thr['o]t var s['y]nt th['a] er settust sinn r['o]dhr vidh thraum stinna madhr l[`e]t oend ok annarr ['u]f['a]r baendr s['a]rir afreks veit that er joefri allr['i]kr ['i] styr sl['i]kum goendlar njoerdhr s['a] er gerdhi gekk naest hugins drekku.

XIII.

MODERN SWEDISH.

FRITHIOFS SAGA.

XI.

Frithiof hos Angantyr.

1.

Nu aer att saega huru Jarl Angantyr satt aen; Uti sin sal af furu, Ock drack med sina maen; Han var s[oa] glad i h[oa]gen, S[oa]g ut [oa]t bl[oa]nad ban, Der solen sjunk i v[oa]gen, Allt som aen gyllne svan.

2.

Vid foenstret, gamle Halvar Stod utanfoer p[oa] vakt; Hann vaktade med allvar, Gaf ock p[oa] mjoedet akt. En sed den gamle hade; Hann jemt i botten drack; Ock intet ord hann sade; Blott hornett i hann stack.

3.

Nu slaengde han det vida I salen in och qvad, "Skepp ser jag boeljan rida; Den faerden aer ej glad. Maen ser jag doeden naera, Nu laegga de i land: Ock tvenne jaettar baera De bleknade p[oa] strand."

{608} 4.

Utoefver boeljans spegel, Fr[oa]n salen Jarl s[oa]g ned: "Det aer Ellidas segel, Och Frithiof, tror jag, med. P[oa] g[oa]ngan och p[oa] pannan, K[oa]nns Thorstens son igen: S[oa] blickar ingen annan I Nordens land som den."

5.

Fr[oa]n dryckesbord held modig Sprang Atle Viking d[oa]: Svartsk[oa]ggig Berserk, blodig Ock grym at se upp[oa]. "Nu, sad' han, vil jag proefva, Hvad rycktet ment dermed, At Frithiof svaerd kann doefva; Och alldrig ber om fred."

6.

Och upp med honom sprungo Hanns bistra kaempar tolf: Med forhand luften stungo, Och svaengde svaerd ock kolf. De stormade mot stranden, Hvor troettadt drakskepp stod. Men Frithiof satt [oa] sanden Ock talte kraft och mod.

7.

"Laett kunde jag dig faella," Shrek Atle med stort gny. "Vill i ditt val dock staella, Att kaempa eller fly. Men blott on fred du beder Fastaen aen kaempe h[oa]rd, Jag som aen vaen dig leder, Allt up til Jarlens g[oa]rd."

8.

"Vael aer jag troett af faerden;" Genmaelte Frithiof vred, "Dock m[oa] vi proefva svaerden, Foerr aen jag tigger fred." D[oa] s[oa]g man st[oa]len ljunga, I solbrun kaempehand; P[oa] Angurvadels tunga, Hvar runa stod i brand.

9.

Nu skiftas svaerdshugg dryga, Och dr[oa]pslag hagla nu; Och begges skjoeldar flyga, P[oa] samma g[oa]ng itu. De kaempar utan tadel St[oa] dock i kredsen fast; Men skarpt bet Angurvadel, Och Atles klinga brast.

10.

"Mod svaerdloes man jag svaenger," Sad Frithiof, "ei mitt svaerd." Men lyster det dig laenger, Vi proefva annan faerd. Som v[oa]gor d[oa] on hoesten, De begge storma an; Ock st[oa]llbeklaedda broesten, Sl[oa] taett emot hvarann.

11.

De brottades som bjoernar, Upp[oa] sitt fjaell af snoe; De spaende hop som oernar, Utoefver vredgad sjoe. Rodfaestad klippa hoelle Vel knappast ut att st[oa]; Ock lummig jernek foelle Foer mindre tag aen s[oa].

{609} 12.

Fr[oa]n pannan svetten lackar, Och broestet haefves kallt; Och buskar, sten, ock backar, Uppsparkas oefver allt. Med baefvaen slutet bida St[oa]llklaedde maen [oa] strand; Det brottandet var vida Beroemdt i Nordens land.

13.

Til slut dock Frithiof faellde Sin fiende til jord, Hann knaet mod broestet staellde, Och tallte vredens ord, "Blott nu mitt svaerd jag hade, Du svarte Berserksskaegg, Jag genom lifvet lade, P[oa] dig den hvassa aegg.

14.

"Det skal ei hinder bringa," Sad Atle stolt i h[oa]g, "G[oa] du, ock ta din klinga, Jag licgar som jag l[oa]g. Den ena, som den andra, Skal eng[oa]ng Valhall se: Idag skal jag vael vandra; I morgon du kanske."

15.

Ei lange Frithiof droejde; Den lek han sluta vill: Han Angurvadel hoejde; Men Atle l[oa]g dock still. Det roerde hjeltens sinne; Sin vrede d[oa] hann band; Hoell midt i huggett inne, Ock tog den fallnes hand.

THE END.

LONDON: Printed by SAMUEL BENTLEY & CO., Bangor House, Shoe Lane.

* * * * *

NOTES

[1] Qu. the people of Euten, in Holstein.

[2] Zeus, p. 591.

[3] From Zeuss, v. v. Frisii, Chauci.

[4] The chief works in the two dialects or languages.

[5] Probably, for reasons, too long to enter upon, those of Grutungs and Tervings; this latter pointing to Thuringia, the present provincial dialect of which tract was stated, even by Michaelis, to be more like the Moeso-Gothic than any other dialect of Germany.

[6] Nearly analogous to Ostro-goth, and Visi-goth.

[7] The meaning of these terms is explained in s. 90-92. The order of the cases and genders is from Rask. It is certainly more natural than the usual one.

[8] Compare with the Anglo-Saxon adjectives in s. 85.

[9] Compare with the Anglo-Saxon adjectives in s. 85.

[10] The syllables vulg-, and Belg-, are quite as much alike as Teuton-, and Deut-sch; yet how unreasonable it would be for an Englishman to argue that he was a descendant of the Belgae because he spoke the Vulgar Tongue. Mutatis mutandis, however, this is the exact argument of nine out of ten of the German writers.

[11] Tacitus, De Mor. Germ. 40.

[12] And on the west of the Old Saxons is the mouth of the river Elbe and Friesland; and then north-west is the land which is called Angle and Sealand, and some part of the Danes.

[13] He sailed to the harbour which is called Haedhum, which stands betwixt the Wends (i.e. the Wagrian Slaves, for which see s. 42) and Saxons, and Angle, and belongs to Denmark ... and two days before he came to Haedhum, there was on his starboard Gothland, and Sealand, and many islands. On that land lived Angles, before they hither to the land came.

[14] Zeus, in voc.

[15] Zeus, in voc.

[16] Zeus, in voc.

[17] See G. D. S. Vol. ii. II.

[18] Zeus, p. 492.

[19] As in Amherst and inherent.

[20] The meaning of the note of interrogation is explained in s. 148.

[21] Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine.

[22] Natural History of Man.

[23] This list is taken from Smart's valuable and logical English Grammar.

[24] As in Shotover Hill, near Oxford.

[25] As in Jerusalem artichoke.

[26] A sort of silk.

[27] Ancient Cassio--"Othello."

[28] This class of words was pointed out to me by the very intelligent Reader of my first edition.

[29] V. Beknopte Historie van't Vaderland, i. 3, 4.

[30] Hist. Manch. b. i. c. 12.

[31] Dissertation of the Origin of the Scottish Language.--JAMIESON'S Etymological Dictionary, vol. i. p. 45, 46.

[32] Sir W. Betham's Gael and Cymry, c. iii.

[33] Scripturae Linguaeque Phoeniciae Monumenta, iv. 3.

[34] To say, for instance, Chemist for Chymist, or vice vers[^a]; for I give no opinion as to the proper mode of spelling.

[35] Mr. Pitman, of Bath, is likely to add to his claims as an orthographist by being engaged in the attempt to determine, inductively, the orthoepy of a certain number of doubtful words. He collects the pronunciations of a large number of educated men, and takes that of the majority as the true one.

[36] Gesenius, p. 73.

[37] Write one letter twice.

[38] Rev. W. Harvey, author of Ecclesiae Anglicanae Vindex Catholicus.

[39] Murray's Grammar, vol. i. p. 79.

[40] Used as adverbs.

[41] Used as the plurals of he, she, and it.

[42] Different from ilk.

[43] Guest, ii. 192.

[44] Or call-s.

[45] _Thou s_a_ngest_, _thou dr_a_nkest_, &c.--For a reason given in the sequel, these forms are less unexceptionable than _s_u_ngest_, _dr_u_nkest_, &c.

[46] Antiquated.

[47] As the present section is written with the single view of illustrating the subject, no mention has been made of the forms [Greek: tupo] (typ[^o]), and [Greek: etupon] (etypon).

[48] Obsolete.

[49] Obsolete.

[50] Obsolete.

[51] The forms marked thus^{[51]} are either obsolete or provincial.

[52] Obsolete.

[53] Sounded wun.

[54] Obsolete.

[55] Praeterite, or Perfect.

[56] Philological Museum, ii. p. 387.

[57] Vol. ii. p. 203.

[58] Found rarely; bist being the current form.--Deutsche Grammatik, i. 894.

[59] Over, under, after.--These, although derived forms, are not prepositions of derivation; since it is not by the affix -er that they are made prepositions. He went over, he went under, he went after--these sentences prove the forms to be as much adverbial as prepositional.

[60] In the first edition of this work I wrote, "Verbs substantive govern the nominative case." Upon this Mr. Connon, in his "System of English Grammar," remarks, "The idea of the nominative being governed is contrary to all received notions of grammar. I consider that the verb to be, in all its parts, acts merely as a connective, and can have no effect in governing anything." Of Mr. Connon's two reasons, the second is so sufficient that it ought to have stood alone. The true view of the so-called verb substantive is that it is no verb at all, but only the fraction of one. Hence, what I wrote was inaccurate. As to the question of the impropriety of considering nominative cases fit subjects for government it is a matter of definition.

[61] The paper On certain tenses attributed to the Greek verb has already been quoted. The author, however, of the doctrine on the use of shall and will, is not the author of the doctrine alluded to in the Chapter on the Tenses. There are, in the same number of the Philological Museum, two papers under one title: first, the text by a writer who signs himself T. F. B.; and, next, a comment, by the editor, signed J. C. H. (Julius Charles Hare). The usus ethicus of the future is due to Archdeacon Hare; the question being brought in incidentally and by way of illustration.

The subject of the original paper was the nature of the so-called second aorists, second futures, and preterite middles. These were held to be no separate tenses, but irregular forms of the same tense. Undoubtedly this has long been an opinion amongst scholars; and the writer of the comments is quite right in stating that it is no novelty to the learned world. I think, however, that in putting this forward as the chief point in the original paper, he does the author somewhat less than justice. His merit, in my eyes, seems to consist, not in showing that real forms of the aoristus secundus, futurum secundum, and praeteritum medium were either rare or equivocal (this having been done before), but in illustrating his point from the English language; in showing that between double forms like [Greek: sunelechthen] and [Greek: sunelegen], and double forms like hang and hanged, there was only a difference in degree (if there was that), not of kind; and, finally, in enouncing the very legitimate inference, that either we had two preterites, or that the Greeks had only one. "Now, if the circumstances of the Greek and English, in regard to these two tenses, are so precisely parallel, a simple and obvious inquiry arises, Which are in the right, the Greek grammarians or our own? For either ours must be wrong in not having fitted up for our verb the framework of a first and second preterite, teaching the pupil to say, 1st pret. I finded, 2d pret. I found; 1st pret. I glided, 2d pret. I glode: or the others must be so in teaching the learner to imagine two aorists for [Greek: heurisko], as, aor. 1, [Greek: heuresa], aor. 2, [Greek: heuron]; or for [Greek: akouo], aor. 1, [Greek: ekousa], aor. 2, [Greek: ekoon]."--p. 198.

The inference is, that of the two languages it is the English that is in the right. Now the following remarks, in the comment, upon this inference are a step in the wrong direction:--"The comparison, I grant, is perfectly just; but is it a just inference from that comparison, that we ought to alter the system of our Greek grammars, which has been drawn up at the cost of so much learning and thought, for the sake of adapting it to the system, if system it can be called, of our own grammars, which are seldom remarkable for anything else than their slovenliness, their ignorance, and their presumption? Is the higher to be brought down to the level of the baser? is Apollo to be drest out in a coat and waistcoat? Rather might it be deemed advisable to remodel the system of our own grammars."

This, whether right or wrong as a broad assertion, was, in the case in hand, irrelevant. No general superiority had been claimed for the English grammars. For all that had been stated in the original paper they might, as compared with the Greek and Latin, be wrong in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. All that was claimed for them was that they were right in the present instance; just as for a clock that stands may be claimed the credit of being right once in every twelve hours. That the inference in favour of altering the system of the Greek grammars is illegitimate is most undeniably true; but then it is an inference of the critic's not of the author's. As the illustration in question has always seemed to me of great value,--although it may easily be less original than I imagine,--I have gone thus far towards putting it in a proper light.

Taking up the question where it is left by the two writers in question, we find that the difficulties of the so-called second tenses in Greek are met by reducing them to the same tense in different conjugations; and, according to the current views of grammarians, this is a point gained. Is it so really? Is it not rather the substitution of one difficulty for another? A second conjugation is a second mode of expressing the same idea, and a second tense is no more. Real criticism is as unwilling to multiply the one as the other. Furthermore, the tendency of English criticism is towards the very doctrines which the Greek grammarian wishes to get rid of. We have the difficulty of a second conjugation: but, on the other hand, instead of four past tenses (an imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist), we have only one (the aorist). Now, when we find that good reasons can be given for supposing that the strong preterite in the Gothic languages was once a reduplicate perfect, we are at liberty to suppose that what is now the same tense under two forms, was, originally, different tenses. Hence, in English, we avoid the difficulty of a second conjugation by the very same process which we eschew in Greek; viz., the assumption of a second tense. But this we can do, as we have a tense to spare.

Will any process reconcile this conflict of difficulties? I submit to scholars the following hypotheses:--

1. That the true second future in Greek (i.e., the future of verbs with a liquid as a characteristic) is a variety of the present, formed by accentuating the last syllable; just as I be['a]t you=I will beat you.

2. That this accent effects a change on the quantity and nature of the vowel of the penultimate.

3. That the second aorist is an imperfect formed from this secondary present.

4. That the so-called perfect middle is a similar perfect active.

[62] Transactions of Philological Society. No. 90, Jan. 25, 1850.

[63] Notwithstanding the extent to which a relative may take the appearance of conjunction, there is always one unequivocal method of deciding its true nature. The relative is always a part of the second proposition. A conjunction is no part of either.

[64] Unless another view be taken of the construction, and it be argued that [Greek: edoke] is, etymologically speaking, no aorist but a perfect. In form, it is almost as much one tense as another. If it wants the reduplication of the perfect, it has the perfect characteristic [kappa], to the exclusion of the aorist [sigma]; and thus far the evidence is equal. The persons, however, are more aorist than perfect. For one of Mathiae's aorists ([Greek: metheke]) a still better case might be made, showing it to be, even in etymology, more perfect than aorist.

[Greek: Kteinei me chrusou, ton talaiporon, charin] [Greek: Xenos patroios, kai ktanon es oidm' halos] [Greek: Methech', hin' autos chruson en domois echei.] [Greek: Keimai d' ep' aktais.]

Eur. Hec.

[65] It is almost unnecessary to state that the sentence quoted in the text is really a beautiful couplet of Withers's poetry transposed. It was advisable to do this, for the sake of guarding against the effect of the rhyme. To have written,

What care I how fair she is If she be not fair to me?

would have made the grammar seem worse than it really was, by disappointing the reader of a rhyme. On the other hand, to have written,

What care I how fair she were, If she were not kind as fair?

would have made the grammar seem better than it really was, by supplying one.

[66] In the first edition of the present work I inaccurately stated that neither should take a plural and either a singular verb; adding that "in predicating something concerning neither you nor I, a negative assertion is made concerning both. In predicating something concerning either you or I, a positive assertion is made concerning one of two." This Mr. Connon (p. 129) has truly stated to be at variance with the principles laid down by me elsewhere.

[67] Latin Prose Composition, p. 123.

[68] Quoted from Guest's English Rhythms.

[69] To the definition in the text, words like old and bold form no exception. At the first view it may be objected that in words like old there is no part preceding the vowel. Compared, however, with bold, the negation of that part constitutes a difference. The same applies to words like go and lo, where the negation of a part following the vowel is a point of identity. Furthermore, I may observe, that the word part is used in the singular number. The assertion is not that every individual sound preceding the vowel must be different, but that the aggregate of them must be so. Hence, pray and bray (where the r is common to both forms) form as true a rhyme as bray and play, where all the sounds preceding a, differ.

[70] For pros['o]pa. The Greek has been transliterated into English for the sake of showing the effect of the accents more conveniently.

[71] For the sake of showing the extent to which the accentual element must be recognised in the classical metres, I reprint the following paper On the Doctrine of the Caesura in the Greek senarius, from the Transactions of the Philological Society, June 23, 1843:--

"In respect to the caesura of the Greek tragic senarius, the rules, as laid down by Porson in the Supplement to his Preface to the Hecuba, and as recognized, more or less, by the English school of critics, seem capable of a more general expression, and, at the same time, liable to certain limitations in regard to fact. This becomes apparent when we investigate the principle that serves as the foundation to these rules; in other words, when we exhibit the rationale, or doctrine, of the caesura in question. At this we can arrive by taking cognizance of a second element of metre beyond that of quantity.

"It is assumed that the element in metre which goes, in works of different writers, under the name of ictus metricus, or of arsis, is the same as accent, in the sense of that word in English. It is this that constitutes the difference between words like t['y]rant and res['u]me, or s['u]rvey and surv['e]y; or (to take more convenient examples) between the word A['u]gust, used as the name of a month, and aug['u]st, used as an adjective. Without inquiring how far this coincides with the accent and accentuation of the classical grammarians, it may be stated that, in the forthcoming pages, arsis, ictus metricus, and accent (in the English sense of the word), mean one and the same thing. With this view of the arsis, or ictus, we may ask how far, in each particular foot of the senarius, it coincides with the quantity.

First Foot.--In the first place of a tragic senarius it is a matter of indifference whether the arsis fall on the first or second syllable; that is, it is a matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as t['y]rant or as res['u]me, as A['u]gust or as aug['u]st. In the following lines the words [Greek: heko], [Greek: palai], [Greek: eiper], [Greek: tinas], may be pronounced either as [Greek: he'ko], [Greek: pa'lai], [Greek: ei'per], [Greek: ti'nas], or as [Greek: heko'], [Greek: palai'], [Greek: eiper'], [Greek: tina's], without any detriment to the character of the line wherein they occur.

[Greek: He'ko nekron keuthmona kai skotou pulas.] [Greek: Pa'lai kunegetounta kai metroumenon.] [Greek: Ei'per dikaios esth' emos ta patrothen.] [Greek: Ti'nas poth' hedras tasde moi thoazete.]

or,

[Greek: Heko' nekron keuthmona kai skotou pulas.] [Greek: Palai' kunegetounta kai metroumenon.] [Greek: Eiper' dikaios esth' emos ta patrothen.] [Greek: Tina's poth' hedras tasde moi thoazete.]

Second Foot.--In the second place, it is also a matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as A['u]gust or as aug['u]st. In the first of the four lines quoted above we may say either [Greek: ne'kron] or [Greek: nekro'n], without violating the rhythm of the verse.

Third Foot.--In this part of the senarius it is no longer a matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as A['u]gust or as aug['u]st; that is, it is no longer a matter of indifference whether the arsis and the quantity coincide. In the circumstance that the last syllable of the third foot must be accented (in the English sense of the word), taken along with a second fact, soon about to be exhibited, lies the doctrine of the penthimimer and hepthimimer caesuras.

The proof of the coincidence between the arsis and the quantity in the third foot is derived partly from a posteriori, partly from a priori evidence.

1. In the Supplices of Aeschylus, the Persae, and the Bacchae, three dramas where licences in regard to metre are pre-eminently common, the number of lines wherein the sixth syllable (i. e., the last half of the third foot) is without an arsis, is at the highest sixteen, at the lowest five; whilst in the remainder of the extant dramas the proportion is undoubtedly smaller.

2. In all lines where the sixth syllable is destitute of ictus, the iambic character is violated: as

[Greek: Threken perasa'ntes mogis polloi ponoi.] [Greek: Duoin gerontoi'n de strategeitai phuge.]

These are facts which may be verified either by referring to the tragedians, or by constructing senarii like the lines last quoted. The only difficulty that occurs arises in determining, in a dead language like the Greek, the absence or presence of the arsis. In this matter the writer had satisfied himself of the truth of the two following propositions:--1. That the accentuation of the grammarians denotes some modification of pronunciation other than that which constitutes the difference between A['u]gust and aug['u]st; since, if it were not so, the word [Greek: angelon] would be sounded like m['e]rrily, and the word [Greek: angelon] like dis['a]ble; which is improbable, 2. That the arsis lies upon radical rather than inflectional syllables, and out of two inflectional syllables upon the first rather than the second; as [Greek: ble'p-o, bleps-a's-a], not [Greek: blep-o', bleps-as-a']. The evidence upon these points is derived from the structure of language in general. The onus probandi lies with the author who presumes an arsis (accent in the English sense) on a non-radical syllable. Doubts, however, as to the pronunciation of certain words, leave the precise number of lines violating the rule given above undetermined. It is considered sufficient to show that wherever they occur the iambic character is violated.

The circumstance, however, of the last half of the third foot requiring an arsis, brings us only half way towards the doctrine of the caesura. With this must be combined a second fact, arising out of the constitution of the Greek language in respect to its accent. In accordance with the views just exhibited, the author conceives that no Greek word has an arsis upon the last syllable, except in the three following cases:--

1. Monosyllables, not enclitic; as [Greek: spho'n, pa's, chtho'n, dmo's, no'n, nu'n], &c.

2. Circumflex futures; as [Greek: nemo', temo'], &c.

3. Words abbreviated by apocope; in which case the penultimate is converted into a final syllable; [Greek: do'm', pheides'th', kentei't', ego'g'], &c.

Now the fact of a syllable with an arsis being, in Greek, rarely final, taken along with that of the sixth syllable requiring, in the senarius, an arsis, gives as a matter of necessity, the circumstance that, in the Greek drama, the sixth syllable shall occur anywhere rather than at the end of a word; and this is only another way of saying, that, in a tragic senarius, the syllable in question shall generally be followed by other syllables in the same word. All this the author considers as so truly a matter of necessity, that the objection to his view of the Greek caesura must lie either against his idea of the nature of the accents, or nowhere; since, that being admitted, the rest follows of course.

As the sixth syllable must not be final, it must be followed in the same word by one syllable, or by more than one.

1. The sixth syllable followed by one syllable in the same word.--This is only another name for the seventh syllable occurring at the end of a word, and it gives at once the hepthimimer caesura: as

[Greek: Heko nekron keuthmo'na kai skotou pulas.] [Greek: Hikteriois kladoi'sin exestemmenoi.] [Greek: Homou te paiano'n te kai stenagmaton.]

2. The sixth syllables followed by two (or more) syllables in the same word. This is only another name for the eighth (or some syllable after the eighth) syllable occurring at the end of a word; as

[Greek: Odme broteion hai'maton me prosgela.] [Greek: Lamprous dunastas em'prepontas aitheri.]

Now this arrangement of syllables, taken by itself, gives anything rather than a hepthimimer; so that if it was at this point that our investigations terminated, little would be done towards the evolution of the rationale of the caesura. It will appear, however, that in those cases where the circumstance of the sixth syllable being followed by two others in the same words, causes the eighth (or some syllable after the eighth) to be final, either a penthimimer caesura, or an equivalent, will, with but few exceptions, be the result. This we may prove by taking the eighth syllable and counting back from it. What follows this syllable is immaterial: it is the number of syllables in the same word that precedes it that demands attention.

1. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by nothing.--This is equivalent to the seventh syllable at the end of the preceding word: a state of things which, as noticed above, gives the hepthimimer caesura.

[Greek: Anerithmon gela'sma pam|metor de ge.]

2. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by one syllable.--This is equivalent to the sixth syllable at the end of the word preceding; a state of things which, as noticed above, rarely occurs. When however it does occur, one of the three conditions under which a final syllable can take an arsis must accompany it. Each of these conditions requires notice.

[alpha]). With a non-enclitic mono-syllable the result is a penthimimer caesura; since the syllable preceding a monosyllable is necessarily final.

[Greek: Heko sebi'zon so'n Klu'tai|mnestra kratos.]

No remark has been made by critics upon lines constructed in this manner, since the caesura is a penthimimer, and consequently their rules are undisturbed.

[beta]). With poly-syllabic circumflex futures constituting the third foot, there would be a violation of the current rules respecting the caesura. Notwithstanding this, if the views of the present paper be true, there would be no violation of the iambic character of the senarius. Against such a line as

[Greek: Kago to son nemo' pothei|non aulion]

there is no argument a priori on the score of the iambic character being violated; whilst in respect to objections derived from evidence a posteriori, there is sufficient reason for such lines being rare.

[gamma]). With poly-syllables abbreviated by apocope, we have the state of things which the metrists have recognised under the name of quasi-caesura; as

[Greek: Kenteite me pheide'sth' ego | 'tekon Parin.]

3. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by two syllables.--This is equivalent to the fifth syllable occurring at the end of the word preceding: a state of things which gives the penthimimer caesura; as

[Greek: Odme broteion hai' maton | me prosgela.] [Greek: Lamprous dunastas em'prepon tas aitheri.] [Greek: Apsuchon eiko pro'sgeloisa somatos.]

4. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by three or more than three syllables.--This is equivalent to the fourth (or some syllable preceding the fourth) syllable occurring at the end of the word preceding; a state of things which would include the third and fourth feet in one and the same word. This concurrence is denounced in the Supplement to the Preface to the Hecuba; where, however, the rule, as in the case of the quasi-caesura, from being based upon merely empirical evidence, requires limitation. In lines like

[Greek: Kai talla poll' epei'kasai | dikaion en,]

or (an imaginary example),

[Greek: Tois soisin aspide'strophois|in andrasi,]

there is no violation of the iambic character, and consequently no reason against similar lines having been written; although from the average proportion of Greek words like [Greek: epeikasai] and [Greek: aspidestrophoisin], there is every reason for their being rare.

After the details just given, the recapitulation is brief.

1. It was essential to the character of the senarius that the sixth syllable, or latter half of the third foot, should have an arsis, ictus metricus, or accent in the English sense. To this condition of the iambic rhythm the Greek tragedians, either consciously or unconsciously, adhered.

2. It was the character of the Greek language to admit an arsis on the last syllable of a word only under circumstances comparatively rare.

3. These two facts, taken together, caused the sixth syllable of a line to be anywhere rather than at the end of a word.

4. If followed by a single syllable in the same word, the result was a hepthimimer caesura.

5. If followed by more syllables than one, some syllable in an earlier part of the line ended the word preceding, and so caused either a penthimimer, a quasi-caesura, or the occurrence of the third and fourth foot in the same word.

6. As these two last-mentioned circumstances were rare, the general phaenomenon presented in the Greek senarius was the occurrence of either the penthimimer or hepthimimer.

7. Respecting these two sorts of caesura, the rules, instead of being exhibited in detail, may be replaced by the simple assertion that there should be an arsis on the sixth syllable. From this the rest follows.

8. Respecting the non-occurrence of the third and fourth feet in the same word, the assertion may be withdrawn entirely.

9. Respecting the quasi-caesura, the rules, if not altogether withdrawn, may be extended to the admission of the last syllable of circumflex futures (or to any other polysyllables with an equal claim to be considered accented on the last syllable) in the latter half of the third foot.

[72] Sceolon, aron, and a few similar words, are no real exceptions, being in structure not present tenses but preterites.

[73] Quarterly Review, No. clxiv.

[74] Quarterly Review, No. clxiv.

[75] From the Quarterly Review, No. cx.

[76] From the Quarterly Review, No. cx.

[77] Apparently a lapsus calami for spede.

[78] J. M. Kemble, "On Anglo-Saxon Runes," Archaeologia, vol. xxviii.

[79] But not of Great Britain. The Lowland Scotch is, probably, more Danish than any South-British dialect.

[80] In opposition to the typical Northumbrian.

[81] Quarterly Review--ut supra.

[82] The subject is a Lincolnshire tradition; the language, also, is pre-eminently Danish. On the other hand, the modern Lincolnshire dialect is by no means evidently descended from it.

[83] For some few details see Phil. Trans., No. 36.

[84] Transactions of the Philological Society. No. 93.

[85] Philological Transactions. No. 84.

[86] Transactions of the Philological Society, No. 92.

[87] Quarterly Review, vol. xliii.

* * * * *

Changes made against printed original.

Page xxv. "227. The combination -pth": 'combinations' in original.

Page xxxiv. "465, 466. The Slavonic praeterite": 'paerterite' in original.

Page xli. "676, 677. Rhyme--its parts": '677, 677' in original.

Page 3, s. 9. "The south-eastern parts of Scotland": 'south-western' in original (compare 'south-eastern', 2 sentences earlier).

Page 6, s. 13(3c). "half a century earlier than the epoch of Hengist": 'earlier that' in original.

Page 50. s. 94. "certain Anglo-Saxon inflections.": 'Anglo-Saxons' in original.

Ibid. "h['e]r, d['e]de, br['e]da, Frisian;": 'Frisian; Fris.' in original.

Ibid. "ju=y or eo": 'eo' omitted in original.

Page 71. s. 127. "a population originating in places": 'orginating' in original.

Page 112. s. 174. "Smidhum however, is a single": 'Smdhium' in original.

Page 143. s. 198. "Concerning the consonants as a class": 'vowels' (for 'consonants') in original.

Page 150. s. 212. Table, first row, Lene Flat: "b": 'v' in original (compare s. 203).

Page 158. s. 227. "the th is a (so-called) aspirate": 'the f' in original.

Ibid. "the second may be accommodated to the first, tupt": 'tuft' in original.

Page 160. s. 229. "dh to d": 'th to d' in original.

Page 161. s. 231. "the v in fever": 'the e' in original.

Page 194. s. 255. "the statement ... that ... the c is mute": 'the k' in original.

Page 202. s. 258. "17. Pe Pi.": '17. Pi Phi.' in original.

Page 265. s. 315. "se scearpeste sweord": 'sword' in original.

Page 286. s. 340. "In Anglo-Saxon the termination -ing": 'terminations' in original.

Page 300. s. 355. "I ate ... we ate": 'ete' for 'ate' (twice) in original.

Page 301. Ibid. "swungon, we swung": 'swangon' in original (does not fit criterion for this table).

Page 323. s. 382. "accounting for the -s in must": 'in most' in original.

Page 324. s. 382. "wit, wot, wiss, wist": 'wit, wot, wiss, wsst' in original.

Page 356. s. 411. "the word rose prefixed": 'the word tree prefixed' in original (the same as the contrary case).

Page 368. s. 426(II). "form another order": 'from another order' in original.

Page 398. s. 479. "the words Roman emperor might be wholly ejected": 'the word' in original.

Page 411. s. 507. "in the indicative and subjunctive moods": 'is the' in original.

Page 434. s. 545. "the analogy between the words there and it": 'these and it' in original.

Page 465. s. 581. "will be taken up in p. 475": 's. 475' in original.

Page 482. s. 606. "a pair of propositions connected by the conjunction": 'prepositions' in original.

Page 490. s. 617. "4. Let tupsaimi be considered an aorist subjunctive": 'on aorist' in original.

Page 562. s. 709. "distinguished by their origin only": 'distinguised' in original.

Footnote 8. "the Anglo-Saxon adjectives in s. 85": 's. 20' in original.

Footnote 63. "deciding its true nature": 'rue nature' in original.

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