The Pilgrims' March

Front matter

THE PILGRIMS’ MARCH: THEIR MESSAGES

GANESH & CO., PUBLISHERS, MADRAS

THE PILGRIMS' MARCH

Foreword

FOREWORD

Let the reader not mistake the purport of these messages from imprisoned and other leaders. They are not messages of complaint but of triumph and achievement. Non-co-operators have every reason to rejoice at the Government’s adoption of the policy of repression, for it has been frankly the aim of non-co-operation to force this policy on Government. It is as in a game of chess the skilful player thinks ahead and forces his opponent to move according to the more skilful player’s plan of campaign and the opponent plays into the victor's hands. It is as in a war, the skilful general at his pleasure forces the enemy to advance and attack that the latter might be defeated the more comprehensively. When the Indian nation resolved on non-co-operation with the Government it anticipated and desired repression, for there can be no non-co-operation without it. There can be no passive resistance if there is nothing to resist. The nations strikes must be directed against the Government’s laws, and while that Government exists that Government must resort to repression to enforce its laws. When repression ceases non-co-operation will be at an end; for, the cessation of repression will spell the defeat and abdication of the Reformed Government of India it will spell Swaraj. It were therefore, rank hypocrisy in nationalists to protest ever so faintly against repression, or indeed to do anything but welcome it. It is a signpost on the pilgrims' road to Swaraj telling them that the journey's end is in sight. The nation most emphatically does not desire the release of those leaders who have been imprisoned; nor do the leaders themselves wish this until such release comes automatically with the abdication of the Reformed Government of India in favour of a Swaraj Government. The most dangerous opponents of Indian national freedom are not those Governors who like Lord Ronaldshay are filling the gaols with non-co-operators, but those Satraps who like Sir George Lloyd of Bombay, are resisting the temptation to play into Mahatma Gandhi's and the nation's hands. But eventually even the Government of Madras and Bombay will be compelled by the people to follow the example and policy of the Government of Bengal, the United Provinces and the Punjab. Their only alternative will be unconditional surrender to, and in favour of provin Swaraj. With the above facts clearly borne in mind the reader will not be tempted to regard this book as a pathetic monument of suffering. Its message is one of good cheer and of encouragement; for, it is a record of successful achievement. Contrast the brave optimism and firm purpose of every word with the halting apologies for a truce uttered by Lords Reading and Ronaldshay. If clarity of thought and confidence of success breed immediate victory, if hesitation and doubt spell early defeat, the contrast is eloquent of the fact that victory is already ours, and that the pilgrims' march to Swaraj has in the gaol all but reached its goal.

24th Dec. 1921. “BOMBAY CHRONICLE” OFFICE MEDOWS STREET, BOMBAY. | D. G. UPSON.

The Pilgrim-Band

THE PILGRIM-BAND.

(1)

I hear their voices in the Wind

Rushing through the reeds on the river-bank; I hear their Song in the surge Of the Sindhu, Ever-flowing, Ever-full:— India the First-born,— India the Ancient,— India is fettered; To live is to cast away fear and be Free.

(2)

Comrades! Will ye still be slumbering.

Afraid of the Light? Will ye still be sheltered in weakness Dreaming away your powers in passion and pride, While a Procession of the pure who are strong. And the brave who are meek, Moves on to the music of love a-singing:— “India the First-born, soon shall be Free.”

(3)

What is the lure

In this thraldom or that strife? Behold the Pilgrim-Band! In the Procession are some who stood apart Shunning the crowds' applause,— And Soldiers of Freedom, Proclaimers of the Faith. In India the Ancient, India the Free.

(4)

And singers of the Secret

Of Holy Hindusthan,— And silent worshippers Of Her sacred Name,— And servants of the Truth that slays,— Sing at this hour As the storm is blowing:— “India the First-born, soon shall be Free,”

(5)

In their hearts is a memory and music

Of the Day when she nourished the Nations; Their song is swift with the message of the Sindhu: “To live is to cast away fear and be Free,” Comrades! our comfort-houses are prisons; 'Tis time to go forward; else we go down; Comrades! let's have courage and find the Charter of Freedom In the Defeat of the day.

(6)

Comrades! Can we forget the ancient Legends?

And the Sages and their Songs? And the Days of India's glory. When Krishna the Saviour worshipped village-folk With music and the fadeless flower of love? Can India's History speak to our hearts And we yet hesitate to join the ranks of Her Pilgrims Whom the world calls the Vanquished?

(7)

Comrades! There is sorrow in Her heart,

For Her sons give worship to power and pride. Comrades! the Procession calls us. Let us out with our harps and our songs. And tune the music of old for the healing of the new. Let us salute the Sages and Heroes, And sing with the Pilgrims and the Winds and the Sindhu:— “To live is to cast away fear and be Free.”

T. LVASWANI.

Message to His Countrymen

MESSAGE TO HIS COUNTRYMEN.

Have faith in Him and glory and victory shall be ours.

The Punjab wrong, Khilafat treachery and Chirala Perala tragedy are but the Avarohans, the descending ones, in the even song of Swaraj whose Arohanas, the ascending ones, are the establishment of Swaraj in India and also in England, which awaits you in your on-coming struggle. I am destined to deny myself the sharing of your pangs in suffering and sacrifice: but may yet share your joy when it is settled and becomes the Rasa of Universal love. I embrace you all and exit to my cell.

DUGGIRALA GOPALAKRISHNAYA.

Clarion Call to Bureaucracy

CLARION CALL TO BUREAUCRACY

“... You shall immediately inform your Government that they expedite the establishment of Swaraj y a by sending thousands and thousands of my countrymen into the Training Colleges of patriotism and self-fulfilment, your jails. Delay is dangerous—my Lord Sree Ramachandra has sanctioned the prosecution of three hundred millions of my countrymen, in the Civil disobedience resolution at Hastinapura (Delhi), the cremation ground of many an Empire of egoism, the outskirts of Kurukshetra and His Inspector General the Lord of Ramdandu, Mahatma Gandhi awaits to execute it. My incessant prayer is that thus shall it be. Swasthi Sri Ramarpanamastu.”

DUGGIRALA GOPALAKRISHNAYA.

Mahatma Gandhi's Message

MAHATMA GANDHI'S MESSAGE.

REMAIN NON-VIOLENT

The following message was sent by Mahatma Gandhi from Waltair:—

Maulana Mohamed AH was arrested at Waltair under sections 107 and 108 to be called upon to give security, to be of good behaviour for one year. The place and date of trial is unknown.

The Begum Saheba and Mr. Hayat were permitted to see him after arrest.

He and I were going to address a meeting outside the station. He was arrested. I continued going to the meeting and addressed them.

There is no cause for sorrow, but every cause for congratulation. There should be no hartal. Perfect peace and calmness should be observed. I regard the arrest as a prelude to Swaraj and the redress of the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs, if we can remain non-violent. Retain Hindu-Muslim Unity despite the madness of some Moplahs, and fulfil the Swadeshi programme.

I hope every Indian, man or woman, will completely boycott foreign cloth and take up spinning or weaving during every spare minute.

By striving like the Maulana, be insistent on religious and national rights.

Let us earn imprisonment. I am conscious of the Maulana's innocence and I am sure the imprisonment of the innocent will enable the nation to reach the cherished goal.

The Maulana was quite calm. So is the Begum Saheba. She accompanies me during the travel. So does Maulana Azad Sobhani.

Moulana Mahomed Ali

MAULANA MAHOMED ALI'S MESSAGE.

On the eve of his arrest my loving and beloved chief Maulana Mahomed Ali ordered me to convey the following message from him to his Hindu and Muslim friends and admirers in the country:

“Whosoever has any love or regard for me must take my arrest in a calm and peaceful spirit and give expression to that love and regard in two and only two ways. First by contributing all that a Mussalman possibly can towards the Smyrna Relief and Angora Munitions Fund; and, secondly, to discard all foreign clothes and wear pure Swadeshi. I trust my arrest will give greater courage and hope to my friends and followers, who, I expect, would carry on the programme of non-violent non-co-operation with tenfold zeal, energy and firmness, undeterred by fear of repression but hopeful of God Almighty's choicest blessings in this righteous cause. Insha Allah! victory is ours and is in sight.”

(Sd.) H. M. HAYAT,

Private Secretary.

Dr. Kitchlew

The following messages have been addressed by Maulana Shaukat Ali and Dr. Kitchlew:

Dr. KITCHLEW.

Obey the Commandments of God.

Follow the dictates of your conscience.

Love India above everything else. May God bless you.

Moulana Shaukat Ali

MOULANA SHAUKAT ALI.

ALLA-HO-AKBAR.

Bombay the beautiful must lead in the campaign. Stand by Mahatma Gandhi our great and beloved Chief and God will give us victory. Face all calamities and even Death with “Eyes Front”—no more crawling on bellies—Love to all.

Ali Brothers' Mother

ALI BROTHERS' MOTHER at KARACHI

“I AM READY TO SACRIFICE ALL”

A mass meeting took place on the Idgah Maidan where more than 15 thousand people were present. Many ladies including Muslim ladies also were present. Some stirring national songs were sung by Mai Sarasvati Devi, Mr. Fatehchand and Jamal-ud-din. The latter's song was very highly appreciated by the audience and there were loud cries of Alla-ho-Akbar. Devi Bai of Swaraj Kanya Vidyalaya occupied the chair.

The President said:—In ancient times mothers like Kunti sacrified their sons, and this is the time when Ali Mata has come here to sacrifice her two sons. (Here came in the old but brave mother of the Ali Brothers. There was great enthusiasm and many Muslim men and women began to shed tears.) The sacrifice and bravery which this mother has shown is inexpressible. But it is a matter of deepest regret that the people have not even discarded foreign clothes. The Ali Brothers are so brave that even the Government is having so many regiments. When such brave sons and brave mothers are in our midst why should we be afraid? The order of our leaders about Charkha is not a trifling thing. This Charka means Hindi-ki-Jai. I appeal to you that for the sake of honoring this brave mother's pledge yourselves to wear Khaddar only—even if only to honor this brave mother. Swaraj can be got only by action not by words. The time of sacrifice is come. Learn to die with smiling faces.

The Government is afraid of two of your brave men. Why are you afraid of those who are afraid of you, I wonder. The bureaucracy would at once go; only, if you wear khaddar. You are responsible for the dominance of the bureaucracy yourself. Only be Swadeshi, and you have solved the problem, my dear brothers.

Even monkeys felt the insult of Sita's being taken away by Ravan but you being men, do not even feel the insult of so many of your sisters and mothers at Jallianwala.

Begum Sahib then rose and there were shouts of Alla-ho-Akbar. She said:—

"I have unveiled myself since 3 days because all are like my sons and brothers. Now I have thrown up the veil and come as a man before you who are men, but I wonder why you are becoming women? Let my two sons go. Be men. They are gone in the path of God. You be men. Let hundreds take the place of those two. We are 33 crores. How many Jails will be filled? I am also ready with you for jail. Do not be cowards. I really say I am ready. No one can take the life of another. Everyone dies when God wishes, So, do not fear as long as God is with you. At once non-co-operate with the Government. I do not only not care for Mahomed and Shaukat but keep my all ready for the sake of Islam and the country. Be united, therefore. We have been all one since 900 years. I do not preach violence but fear no one but God. He has given us lives and only he can take them off.

I see no difference between Hindus and the Musalmans. We have lost all. What has remained to us? Do you not see? Why are there so many families? I wonder at the cowardice of Muslims and Hindus. If Kaba Sharif and Madina did not remain, to you for what are you living, Oh Musalmans?

There are two powers in your heart, wrong and right. Follow the right and not the wrong. This is the time when both Hindus and Muslims are suffering, be united and wear Khaddar and spin all day. No Muslim should interfere in the religious duties of any Hindu. Let Muslims act according to their religion. But in the cause of the country both should unite. Why do you not wear Khaddar? Did I not once wear thin clothes? Do I not find this Khadar thick? Did not the ancient Hindus wear Khaddar? Did not the Prophet wear a cloak of Khaddar? Oh, my brothers, may you all walk in the right path and become Sipahis for the country. Be brave. May God give you honour."

Lala Lajpat Rai

Lala Lajpat Rai in the “Tribune”

THE LESSON OF BOMBAY.

My last visit to Bombay has been the cause both of pleasure and pain to me. The unfortunate occurrences of the 17th and subsequent days, with the consequent rowdyism resulting in loss of life and property has given me the deepest pain. It is not merely for the actual damage caused at the moment that I deplore these disturbances, but for the far-reaching effects that they are bound to have on the successful carrying out of the non-co-operation movement. There is always an element of danger in rousing an inert mass of humanity, but we non-co-operators have been fully conscious of the risks we ran and have been endeavouring all this time, not merely to breathe life into the nation but also to keep a perfect control over the re-animated being. This control we lost for the moment in Bombay on the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th of November. If the disturbances had continued longer or if the end to them had come only through Government agency, I believe it would have been difficult for me to get over my fit of disappoint . But it is an ill wind that blows nobody any good and these disturbances, sad and painful as they are, have taught us a useful lesson, both as to our strength and our weakness. The way in which the non-co-operators of Bombay, have worked has been a revelation to me of the strength and intensity of the capacity for discipline and self-sacrifice which animates our workers. I cannot sufficiently praise the courage, both moral and physical, of the volunteers and other workers of Congress and the Khilafat, who were always in the midst of the most turbulent crowds trying to calm and pacify them, meeting seething passion with a smiling face and turning away wrath with a soft word, helping and succouring the weak and the wounded and always ready to lay down their lives in their noble and self-imposed duties. They were indefatigable and worked day and night to restore peace and good order. Several had their heads broken, nearly all were wounded in one place or other and about half a dozen actually lost their precious lives. One Parsi gentleman told me that but for these non-co-operation workers coming to their rescue, many Parsi homes would have been looted and the Parsis, handful as they are, might have been swept away if the mob had its way. Not only did they deal with the mobs, but they were always at hand whenever a fire occured and were instrumental in saving many lives. Here I wish to say with pride, on behalf of the Punjab, that Pandit Neki Rarn Sharma was a host in himself. He risked his life often and often. He went to a house four stories high which had caught fire and amidst roaring flames rescued the inmates and brought them safely to shelter. I have singled him out, as he is a Punjabee but I can assure you that there are many such Neki Rams in Bombay. (In this connection it is an irony of fate that a man of such noble and humanitarian impulses should have been tried for and convicted of an offence under section 153-A, and treated from the time of his arrest up to now as one of the meanest felons). Where all have done so well it would be invidious to single out any names. But I cannot pass without mentioning that splendid type of Indian womanhood, that sweet warbler who suddenly became transformed into a woman of action. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu. She was in the thick of the fight regardless of danger and of any thought of personal safety. She rushed wherever there was most trouble, allaying and soothing all and sundry. She came in for her own share of injuries, but she loves the people so much that she is firm in belief that the hurts were accidental and not meant for her. When I think of her, my heart rejoices and there is every hope for a nation which can count woman like Sarojini among its population.

I have tried to give the bright side of this dark picture. But what is brighter than all is the rehabilitation in my mind of the belief that had momentarily been shaken, that we still can control the people and keep them in hand. Temporary aberrations there will be, but the spectacle of the different communities voluntarily making up the differences is a sign full of augury for the future. It leads me to hope, that if differences there will be, we can settle them ourselves without calling in a third party.

I am in a more chastened mood but certainly in a happier mood than when I went to Bombay. One further cause of this happiness is due to the splendid example of my Sikh brethren. People had thought that they were lagging behind in the struggle for liberty. People had also thought that, being a martial race, they would be the last to imbibe the doctrine of non-violence. They have given the lie to both these misconceptions. They might have been a little behind others in the preliminary stages, but they made up the leeway rapidly and passed the others by over a length at the crucial moment, while as regards non-violence, with its attendant conception of self-sacrifice they have given the most amazing proofs by their behavior at Nankana Sahib on the 15th November and later at Ajnala and Amristar. They have proved themselves descendants of their great Gurus and the example they have set of self-sacrifice, calm courage, devoid of swagger and absolute self-control in the face of provocation, will be hard to beat. If I have ever thought of them as being backward I must readily apologize now.

One word more before I have done. The day of our trial is fast approaching. It behoves every one to do his best in this crucial moment and one of the first duties of every citizen is not to believe silly and alarming rumours nor spread them about, unless the facts are well authenticated. There were first the rumours about Dr. Kitchlew. Yesterday people were bandying about that there had been firing in Amritsar on Sunday last. Both these have happily proved to be wrong. I would beseech every patriot to weigh carefully any information he receives, for it is not difficult to imagine what incalculable mischief can be done, and perhaps blood too can be uselessly shed, by false news spread about in a heedless manner. Besides, let every one steel his heart and be prepared for the worst happening to him and his friends at any moment. The late Chief Justice of England is now appearing in his true colours. He should have ample opportunities of vindicating 'the law' and coercing people in order to perpetuate the rule of his countrymen over this unhappy land.

PANDIT NEKI RAM'S TREATMENT.

The trial and conviction of Pandit Neki Ram affords another instance of the farcical nature of political trials in this country. On Saturday last when the Magistrate heard the case he seemed to be of opinion that no case had been made out under Section 153 A., under which he had been charged; that although Pandit Neki Ram had attacked the Government there was nothing in his speech which could be construed as having fomented hatred between any two sections of His Majesty's subjects. By Monday, however, the Magistrate had persuaded himself into different conclusion and sentenced Pandit Neki Ram to 8 month's rigorous imprisonment. May we ask if the treatment meted out to Pandit Neki Ram, as an under-trial prisoner, from the moment of his arrest onwards can show anything but racial discrimination as against the sons of the soil? Would a European of the position of Pandit Neki Ram have been treated similarly.

Pandit Neki Ram was handcuffed and brought to Lahore in a third class compartment. At Lahore he had to take his food in court with handcuffs on both hands, and from what I hear of the treatment since, I am compelled to say that it is only farcical to try an Indian under Section 153 A, for pointing out the huge injustice done to the sons of the soil. What is the use of convicting a man like Pandit Neki Ram on this charge when the whole system of government in the country breathes the spirit of racial discrimination and when there are hardly any Indians who have not bitterly complained of it at some time or other of their life. I have no complaint to make of the British who believe in the superiorty of their race. But what fills me with humiliation and anger is the callous attitude of my own countrymen occupying high positions in the government of the country. For these Indians to be parties to sanctioning prosecution of Indians under Section 153A, for the criticism of the bureaucracy is pure and simple hypocrisy. The Indian member in charge of jails may well be asked if in his opinion Pandit Neki Ram Sharma is not as good as a 3rd class European, and entitled to the same treatment in jail as the latter. If not, then why talk of 153A, I. P. C. ?

LALA LAJPAT RAI.

TO HIS COUNTRYMEN.

Countrymen—The Provincial Congress Committee meets to-day at 2 p.m. This meeting has been convened under my instructions. This meeting is in every sense a private meeting, according to law, and cannot be termed a public meeting. The object of this meeting is that the Provincial Congress Committee, after taking into consideration the present situation, might draw up its progrmme of work and devise means to maintain peace and order in the Province in the present crisis. The Deputy Commissioner has prohibited the meeting under the Prevention of Seditious Meetings Act, and in the meantime, I have received orders from Mahatma Gandhi that, as far as possible, I should save myself from arrest. The meeting is highly important. The order of the Deputy Commissioner is illegal and "ultra vires," and it seems that the Punjab officials do not care much for law. Under these circumstances, my conscience does not allow me to stop the meeting or to allow it to be held and myself not attend it. I have, therefore, decided to attend the meeting and get myself arrested, if the District authorities desire to take me into custody. I believe that, had he been in that position, Mahatma Gandhi himself would have acted in that manner, and that, had he known the later developments, he would not have advised me, as he has done. I quite realize that I might perhaps have rendered you better service by avoiding arrest at the present stage of our national struggle, but I also believe that for me to save myself from arrest under the present circumstances would be improper. I am sure, you would not like me to act in a manner that might render my conduct liable to be misunderstood. I am not deliberately courting arrest on account of the weakness of my heart. My faith, my conscience, my desire to do my duty—all compel me to attend the meeting. If, under these circumstances, I am committing a blunder, I believe that you, my countrymen, and Mahatmaji will forgive me.

We have decided that in my absence, Agha Mohamad Safdar Sahib, shall act as the President of the Provincial Congress Committe. The patriotism and high intellectual attainments of Agha Mohamad Safdar are well-known to you and I believe that under his guidance and leadership all the Congress Committees and all Congressmen in the province would fulfil their duties loyally and bravely.

When I left the shores of America, I knew that I would not be allowed to remain outside the jail for a long time; and on my departure from there, I told my friends that I would be satisfied if I were allowed to work amongst my people even for six months. But now, through the grace of God, I have been enabled to work with you for about 19 months, and I go to jail with a glad heart and with the firm belief that what-ever we have done, we have done according to our conscience and our God. I have no misgivings or fears in my mind. I am convinced that the path we have chosen is the right path and our success is sure. I also believe that I shall soon return amongst you and resume my work; but even if that is not to be, I assure you that I shall have nothing to be sorry for when I return to my Creator. I am a weak and frail man, and do not claim to possess the splendid spirituality of Mahatma Gandhi. Sometimes I am not able to control my anger, nor can I say that I have never harboured feelings which I ought not to have entertained. But this I can truthfully assert that I have always kept the interests of my country and nation before my mind and my actions have been directed with a sole eye to the interests of my country. I know that I have made many mistakes in the discharge of my duties, and have sometimes indulged in criticism which might have given offence to some of my country-men. For all that, I beg, for forgiveness. I hope that they will forgive me, especially my Moderate and Arya Samajist brothers.

The position of those of my countrymen, who are Government servants is peculiar; and I quite realise their difficulties. I regret that the question of livelihood compels them to act in a manner which is repugnant even to their own feelings. I wish that no non-co-operator should regard these Government servants with contempt or disdain, nor needlessly use a harsh word against them.

The success of our movement requires that:-

(1) There should be complete unanimity between different communities and denominations. It is a sin to disturb that mutual goodwill and concord even for a religious object.

(2) There should be no violence in the country. The Government officials are provoking the people in many ways. Courage, patriotism and regard for duty all demand that we should remain non-violent even in the face of the gravest provocation. There is every danger that at the present moment violence might lead to internal dissension, which is bound to ruin us. I, therefore, with the utmost respect and sincerity of purpose, urge on my countrymen to restrain their feelings. They should not have hartal or hold meetings over the arrests, nor should they go to the courts. Every person should continue his every day work with a calm and cool mind, should not disobey the order of the Congress and should regard it his duty to carry out the orders of the local and provincial leaders. To maintain non-violence and to keep the movement of non-co-operation free from that taint are essential for our success.

(3) There should be no break in the work of the Congress. The “khaddar” propaganda should be carried on with increasing vigour and the boycott of foreign cloth should be made complete. On the occasion of the forthcoming visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales there ought to be no public decorations or rejoicings, and no one should participate in the processions or other functions held in his honour. And, above all, you should act in accordance with the wishes of Mahatma Gandhi.

Young men of the Punjab—I want to address a word to you. To pass a university examination is not the “summum bonum” of your life. Any man who models his course of life on a selfish basis is not a human being; and if in your young age we curb by our nobler ambitions and finer emotions and in their place plant baser passions and a desire for luxurious living in your breasts, then also your life is worse than death. I do not wish that you should act in a state of undue excitement. But you should at least do two things: wear khaddar and boycott the visit of the Prince.