The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions

Front matter

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Published by The International Council of Trade Unions In commission by Det norske Arbeiderpartis Forlag Christiania 1920

Printed in Arbeidernes Aktietrykkeri—Christiania 1920.

II. The international Council of Trade and Industrial Unions aims at

1. to carry on an insistent and continuous propoganda for the ideas of the revolutionary class struggle, social revolution, dictatorship of the proletariat and mass revolutionary action with the object of destroying the capitalist system and the bourgois State.

2. to fight the disease of class co-operation which is weakening the labour movement, and against the hope that a peacefull transition from capitalism is possible.

3. To unite all the revolutionary elements in the world trade union movement and to conduct a determined struggle against the International Bureau Labour of the League of Nations and against the programme and tactics of the International Federation of Trade Unions in Amsterdam.

4.To take the initiative in organizing an international campaign on the outstanding facts of the class struggle and organize the collections of funds for the support of strikes and great social conflicts etc.

5. To collect all material concerning the international labour movement and to keep all the organisations affiliated to the International Council of Trade Union informed as to the movement in other countries.

6. To publish books, leaflets, pamphlets affecting the inter- national movement.

III

This is composed of representatives of Russia, Italy, Spain, Ugo-Slavia, Bulgaria, France, Georgia, one representative for each country and one delegate for each general national centre which belongs to the International Council of Trade Unions. The Council also includes a representative of the Executive Council of the Communist International. The Council also elects an Executive Bureau of three persons including a general secretary and a delegate to the Executive of the Communist International.

IV

The International Council of Trade Unions shall publish its own organ in four languages entitled „The Bulletin of The International Council of Trade Unions“.

V

Only those trade unions or minorities of trade unions who conduct a revolutionary struggle in their country and recognise proletarian dictatorship are entitled to representation at international conferences. General national centres, trade unions, separate unions, and international federations may be representated on the following basis:—general national centres of trade unions, seperate unions and minorities or unions whose membership is less than 500000 have the right to send two delegates. Organisations having a membership greater than 500 000, may send an additional delegate for every 500 000 members. International federations of trade unions like textile workers, metalists etc. send a delegate with a consultative vote. National federations are allowed representation on the condition that their general trade union centre is not taking part in the conference.

With regard to those trade unions who have not yet clearly expressed themselves on the question of proletarian dictatorship (I. W.W.) the Council instructs the Executive to issue an appeal to these asking them to submit this question to all their local organisations and invite them to take part in the International Conference.

VI

Until the meeting of the International Conference appointed to take place on January i 1921, the headquarters of the International Council of Trade Unions shall be Moscow.

Appendix IV.

To the Trade Unions of all countries.

Comrades,

The growth of the trade union movement of all countries caused as a result of the incredible disaster imposed upon the international proletariat by the war, raises the question before the workers of all countries of establishing an international general staff of trade unions. The every day facts of the class struggle show that outside of the international struggle there is no salvation. Class stands against class as never before. All the strength of the international bourgeoisie, all its means and resources are accumulated in one international class organisation. The bourgeoisie has its general staff in the League of Nations and has in its possession the whole of the colossal apparatus of the modern capitalist State so that at the first signs of danger it may throw in the whole of its strength and resources. The degree of class consciousness and organisation which international capitalism has attained can be seen from the events in Soviet-Russia and Hungary. Soviet-Hungary was crushed by the triumph of the exploiters of all countries, and if Soviet-Russia has up till now not been crushed, it is not the fault of international capital but its misfortune. But the bourgeoisie is strong not merely because of its class consciousness, organisation and complete understanding of the unfolding international struggle, it is still stronger as a result of the lack of class experience of the masses and above all because it relies upon the workers organisations in its struggle against the workers. This is strange but true.

What indeed have the trade unions of the large and small countries done during the years of the war? How did they carry out the traditions of international class solidarity and proletarian fraternity? The trade unions in the large majority of cases were the main supporters of the military policy of their governments, they co-operated with the bourgeois nationalist scum of their countries and roused the lowest chauvinist instincts among the workers. If the war was prolonged for such a long period, if we miss millions of our brothers from our ranks, if Europe has been converted into an enormous graveyard and the masses driven to desperation, then a large share of the blame falls upon these leaders of the labour movement who betrayed the masses and instead of hurling forth the battle-cry „Proletarians of all countries unite“, shouted „Proletarians of all countries murder and strangle each other.“

And so the very people who, during the course of many years, were the servants of their governments and who employed their energy for the mutual extermination of the peoples, these people have commenced to reconstruct the Trade Union International which they destroyed by their treachery. The experience fighters for the interests of the bourgeoisie Messr. Legien, Oudeguest, Jouhaux, Appleton. Gompers and others gathered in Bern and Amsterdam and after long nationalist quarrels and chauvinistic accusation, set up an international Federation of Trade Unions. What is the basis of this federation? What is its program? How does this International organisation regard the epoch of acute social conflicts through which we are living? How docs it to extricate humanity out of the cul-de-sac into which it has been led by the imperialist bourgeoisie? We can find the answers to these questions in the fact that the inspirers and leaders of this Federation af trade unions in Amsterdam are at the same time the most active participators in the notorious labour of bureau the piratical League of Nations which is composed of representatives of organized employers, trade unions and neutral bourgeois governments. As is known, the chief function of this bureau is to continue and strengthen the co-operation of classes which lies at the basis of the militarist policy of the imperialist countries for the further exploitation of the workers by international capital.

From this it is perfectly clear that the Amsterdam Federation is simply a screen to conceal the „yellow“ leaders of the trade union movement, who, having definitely gone over to the side of the imperialists, now as during the war, strive to use the organized power of the workers unions in the interest of capital society. The natural results of such an unatural union of interests of two completely opposite classes, is the complete fruitlessness and insbility of both, the Amsterdam Federation and the Paris Labour Bureau of the League of Nations, to the slightest degree to defend the interests of the working class because these organisations defend the interests of the bourgeoisie.

A striking example of this fruitlessness is the relation of the international Federation to Soviet Hungary and Soviet Russia. It allowed the first to be crushed without the slightest protest and if now they are making weak attempts by organising a boycott to bring Horty, whose policy of white terror unceremoniously compromises the whole idea of class co-operation—to his senses, then it is done only in order to enter into compromises with this very execution. The attitude of the Amsterdam Federation is exactly the same and up till now it has not even attempted definitely and resolutely to express itself against intervention in Russia although it knows perfectly well that such indefinitenes is especially important and desirable for the Entente.

This conduct of the Amsterdam Federation is the logical outcome of its policy and the composition of its national sections. An organisation composed of social patriotes and betrayers of the interests of the workers of various countries cannot create anything else but an international union of deceit and treachery.

The trade union movement of the world together cannot satisfy itself simply by assorting this fact. The social struggle is becoming more acute. Civil war has long ago broken through national frontiers. In this bitter struggle of two hostile worlds of two systems the revolutionary class unions take their place, and can do nothing else but take their place side-by-side with the communist parties of the various countries. It is self evident that the Amsterdam Federation of the unions playing this subordinate role to the League of Nations, cannot serve as the guiding centre of the revolutionary class trade union movement. It is necessary to act up such a centre, such a general staff as a counter-balance to and in spite of the Amsterdam centre. This centre was formed on the 15th of July in Moscow by the trade unions of Russia, Italy, Spain, Jugo-Slavia, Bulgaria, France, and Georgia under the title of „The international Council of Trade and Industrial Unions“. The new general staff already uniting nearly 3 million members, commenced its activity by appealing to the Unions of all the world to break away from those who are conducting the criminal policy of compromise with the bourgeoisie, and to stand under the banner of a ruthless class war for the emancipation of the oppressed humanity.

The International Council of trade and industrial unions carries not peace but a sword to the bourgeoisie of all countries. This defines the essence of our activity. Our program is the violent overthrow of the Bourgeoisie, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a ruthless class war on an international and national scale and a close unseverable alliance with the communist International.

Those who think that the working class may solve the social question by means of negotiations and agreements with the bourgeoisie, those who think that the bourgeoisie will voluntarily surrender the means of production to the proletariat and that it is only necessary to secure a parliamentary majority, those who suppose that in the period of the break-up of all the relations and the fate of the world is being decided, that the unions can remain „neutral“, those who in a period of civil war through which we are living, preach civil peace, let them know that we regard them as our class enemies and that we will conduct ruthless war against them and against the organization which they have set up.

The international council Trade and Industrial Unions and the Amsterdam Federation are on the opposite side of the barricades. On the one side of the barricade there is social revolution, on the other—social reaction. A proletarian, an honest revolutionary can make the choice without difficulty.

Long live the world proletarian revolution!

Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat!

Long live the International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions!

Long live the III. International!

The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions.

Moscow, August 1st 1920.

Appendix V.

Moscow or Amsterdam. By A.

1. At the present moment there are two international trade union centres; one in Amsterdam, bound to the II. International with its theori and practice, and the other in Moscow connected by ideas and organisation to the III. International. Between the two existing trade union internationals there is the same chasm as there is between the Second and the Third Internationals.

2. Trade union organisations standing on the revolutionary class point of view and particularly those belonging to the III. International cannot belong to the Amsterdam Trade Union International because their presence in the Amsterdam international ties the left unions with the League of Nations through the Executive Committee of the Amsterdam Federation of Trade Unions which in its turn is bound to the International Labour Bureau at the head of which stands the betrayer of the Interests of the working class—Albert Thomas.

3. For those unions which already belong to the III. International and who took part in its last congress the question of leaving the Amsterdam Trade Union International is no longer a debateable, but a practical one. It is a matter of carrying out the resolution of the Second Congress of the III. International which says:—all unions belonging to the III. International must also belong to the International Council of Trade Unions. Not a single trade union can remain within the III. International if it does not enter the International Council of Trade Unions.

4. The exit of trade unions centres from the Amsterdam International does not by any means mean that a split must take place in international trade union organisations, like the metal workers, textile workers, typographical workers etc. Industrial unions of various countries standing on the revolutionary class position must not only remain within their international organisations, must take the initiative in calling international congress on, and otherwise raising the question of the class struggle. They must at every conference and congress raise the question of joining the International Council of Trade Unions, of direct action, of dictatorship of the proletariat and the centralisation of the international struggle against international capital. If the revolutionary union finds itself in a majority at that conferences it must remain inside the international organisation striving to influence the corresponding unions of other countries in order eventually to gain the majority.

5. The exit of trade unions and revolutionary sections of international organisations will take place all the sooner and the less painfully when the questions of international trade union policy are brought before the masses. Every worker organized in a trade union should understand that the ties between his union and the general trade union centre of his country and the unions and centres of other countries is not a matter of the formal affilation to one or other organisation, but a vital question of national and international class struggle upon which depends the success the struggle of the international proletariat for socialism.

6. Thus the new international organisation of revolutionary class unions demands of every trade union really standing for the class struggle and the dictatorship to rouse the interest of the masses in the international labour movement and to associate the struggle against the centre of resistance of the world bourgoisie,—the Amsterdam Trade Union International with the pressing questions of the day affecting his union and the whole trade union movement. Only in this manner will the national limitations, which many even revolutionary-class unions have not yet outgrown, be overcome.

Addendum.

After this pamphlet had already been set up and print a radio was recieved from Moscow dated Sept. 8. to the effect that the following organisations had afiliated to the International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions:—

1. British Shop Steward and Workers Committees.

2. Transport Workers Federation of Holland and Dutch Indies.

3. The Germain Syndicalists.

4. The Syndicalists Unions of Italy.

The afiliation of the British Shop Stewards and the German Syndicalists to the Internation Council of Trade and Industrial Unions is the result of the further conferences that took place in Moscow after the conclusion of the II. Congress of the III. International. Thus the representatives of the British Shop Stewards and the German Syndicalists finally accepted the point of view which the Russian delegates urged. One can only welcome this afiliation, as in this manner the unity of the left wing of the Trade Union movement of the whole world is secured. The debates which took place at the preliminary conferences were of great importance, for it is essential that the workers should understand the differences which exist, not only in the trade union movement as a whole, but even in the left wing. The existence of an International revolutionary organisation of trade unions is only possible on the basis of a clear and definite programme. Such a programme can only be drawn up when the existing differences and misunderstandings are removed and a unanimous understanding of revolutionary problems is reached between all the sections of the revolutionary trade union and industrial organisations. Unanimity among the representatives of revolutionary trade union organisations has already been reached, we must now see to it that the tens of millions of organized workers in all the world accept the same point of view. The victory of the social revolution will then be assured.

A. Losovsky.

Christiania, Sept. 9th. 1920.