Johannesburg in Arms 1895-96

Front matter

WOMEN AND CHILDREN LEAVING JOHANNESBURG

JOHANNESBURG IN ARMS

1895–96

The Manifesto

JOHANNESBURG IN ARMS

CHAPTER I

THE MANIFESTO

‘Tros Tyriusve mihi nullo discrimine agetur.’—Virgil.

Chance took me to Johannesburg in the closing days of 1895. After three or four months spent in Matabeleland it had been my intention to proceed, viâ Salsbury in Mashonaland, to Beira, and thence by a steamer of the German East Africa line, viâ Zanzibar, to Europe. But the rainy season having set in, and the Beira route being uncertain at that period of the year, I determined at the last moment to travel by coach from Bulawayo to Pretoria, and, after spending a day or two at Johannesburg, to hoard the same steamer at Delagoa Bay.

A coach journey across the Veldt is not a pleasure trip. To travel day and might for six days in a vehicle crowded to its full capacity of twelve passengers, with practically no opportunities of rest, by a road that is often no road, jolting ever rocks and through the beds of rivers, now ploughing through sandy wastes, now dragging heavily through miles of bog, accompanied for the most part by clouds of dust, with the relentless tropical sun above—all this is wearing alike to body and mind, Breakdowns are of, frequent occurrence. On this occasion an axle snapped twenty miles out from Bulawayo, and we waited ten hours till a fresh coach could he procured to take us on. But we made up time on the rest of the journey, and arrived punctually at Pretoria at three o’clock on the afternoon of Christmas Day.

Pretoria, the seat of Government of the South African or Transvaal Republic, is situate in a green valley at an elevation of 4,500 feet above the level of the sea, about sixty miles outside the Tropics, and thirty miles north of its young but most vigorous rival, Johannesburg. It is a pleasant town, of white houses, broad streets, and abundant trees. Like all inland South African towns, its central feature is a large market-place, rendered necessary by the huge ‘spans’ of oxen which daily bring in waggons laden with supplies. On this particular afternoon the market-place was crowded with waggons, in which the Boer farmers had brought their wives and generally numerous families—many from great distances—to spend, according to custom, Christmas in town. All day long services were proceeding in the church which occupies the centre of the market-square, and Boers, big and little, were flocking in to the only service which many of them, pious people as they are, can attend during the year. It was an eminently peaceful scene, containing no hint of what was to happen before the New Year dawned.

The following morning the market-place was empty, the waggons having ‘trekked’ at sunrise. In the afternoon I went on with S——, who had travelled with me from Bulawayo, to Johannesburg.

The inhabitants of Johannesburg are so greatly concerned with winning the riches of

BOER FAMILY TREKKING

their marvellous ‘Main Reef’ that it may seem strange that they should trouble their minds with politics. Yet the politics of the Transvaal have for some time past been in a somewhat critical and excited condition.

The situation is a curious one, probably without parallel. This South African Republic originated some sixty years ago with a number of Dutch farmers, who, with their families, cattle, and belongings, ‘trekked’ northwards into the unoccupied lands beyond the Vaal river, with the object of founding an independent State. The history of the young State was long a troubled one. Prolonged civil hostilities and continued wars with native tribes, both within and without its borders, kept the Treasury empty and the people poor. At length, in 1877, the Transvaal was annexed by the British Government. The principal reasons alleged for this annexation were as follows:—

1. The increasing weakness of the State as regards its relations with neighbouring native tribes, which invited attack on the country and upon the adjoining British possessions.

2. The state of anarchy and faction that prevailed in the community.

3. The danger of invasion by Sekukuni and Cetewayo.

4. The paucity of public funds with which to cope with these difficulties.

The annexation was at first received with mixed feelings. Some strongly approved, some sullenly acquiesced, while the Volksraad sent a deputation to England in protest. In 1879 Sir Theophilus Shepstone, the first administrator, a South African by birth, and thoroughly in touch with the Boers, was superseded by Sir Owen Lanyon, ‘a stiff-necked British soldier, full of fads and prejudices,’ with whom they had no sympathies. Mr. Gladstone, too, while in opposition, had condemned in unmeasured terms the annexation of the Transvaal. Taking advantage of his accession to power, a vigorous attempt was made by the National party to throw off the British rule. The chief grievance alleged was ‘the levying of taxes by an administration in which they were totally unrepresented.’ Then followed the conflict of 1881. The British forces, under Sir George Colley, were hurried up from Natal. Without waiting for reinforcements they engaged the Boers, and were defeated. The British Government thereupon decided to carry out the policy advocated by Mr. Gladstone in opposition. It recognised the independence of the Transvaal, Great Britain, according to both the London and Pretoria Conventions, retaining the right to supervise treaties with foreign powers.

At this time the Transvaal was a purely pastoral State, very thinly populated, and no one dreamed of the great riches which underlay the soil, and which have since raised the country to a position of great wealth and importance. Gold had, indeed, been found in the Lydenberg district, but the country generally had been but little explored. In 1883 further discoveries were made, resulting in the foundation of Barberton. Capital poured in, prospecting went on in all parts of the country, and in 1886 gold was discovered on the Witwatersrand. What this discovery meant we all know now. The Transvaal has become the richest and most prominent State in South Africa, and is likely to remain so, unless, as Mr. Chamberlain recently suggested, and as those who are acquainted with those countries can well believe may be the case, its mineral resources should be surpassed by those of Matabeleland and Mashonaland. From a mere collection of iron huts in 1887 has arisen the town of Johannesburg, which, as the Princess Dolgoronki said of the Tuileries under Josephine, ‘if it is not yet a court, is certainly no longer a camp.’ It is in fact a well-built city, provided with all the appliances of civilisation, and increasing in size and population day by day. Nor is this prosperity merely ephemeral. At the present time gold is being won from the soil at the rate of nine millions sterling per annum, but we have recently been told on unimpeachable authority that during the next fifty years no less than a thousand millions will be produced. The Transvaal has naturally reaped the benefit of this development. The population has increased fourfold or more, farms have risen greatly in value, and the farmers find a ready market for their produce. One example, which strikes a stranger, will show the general prosperity—there is no copper coinage. A threepenny piece is the lowest coin in circulation. It is cheerfully paid for an evening paper, similar in appearance to the half-penny papers of London or Paris.

And yet what is the political status of the men whose capital, energy, and enterprise have brought this prosperity to the country? They have no part or lot whatever in the Government of the country. Public life is not open to them. Their interest in public affairs is confined to paying the heavy taxes which the Government levies on their industry. The Govermment declares them to be ‘Uitlanders’—foreigners, here to-day and gone to-morrow. But there is a great New-comer population which regards the country as its permanent home, and demands with justice the rights of citizenship. Yet the Boers themselves cannot claim to be ‘Indigenæ,’ The State itself is only sixty years old. Many of its most prominent men, including Mr. Kruger, the President, were not born here. The Republic has become a narrow oligarchy. The franchise has been gradually restricted by successive enactments, and is now practically out of the reach of a new-comer, or of his children, even if born in the country. Add to this that there are grievances about education, the administration of railways, and other matters, and that the Uitlanders accuse the Government and its officials of gross and habitual corruption, and it is no wonder if there is political unrest. The Uitlanders are, in fact, attacking a system against which the Boers took up arms in 1881—‘the levying of taxes on them by an administration in which they are totally unrepresented.’

On this very afternoon of my arrival in Johannesburg a ‘Manifesto’ is issued signed by Mr. Charles Leonard, an Afrikander lawyer, on behalf of the Transvaal National Union, It is a remarkable document, setting forth in clear and temperate language the grievances and demands of the Uitlanders. It constitutes a weighty indictment of every department in the State—the legislature, the executive, the judicial system, and the administration; it reiterates the charges of general corruption, and of cruelty, especially in the administration of native affairs, which have been freely made by the public press; and it asserts that the mining industry cannot stand the drain of the present exactions. As an example of the mischievous system of granting monopolies and concessions, the case of the Dynamite Concession is mentioned:

‘Some years ago Mr. Lippert got a concession for the sole right to manufacture and sell dynamite and all other explosives. He was to manufacture the dynamite in this country. For years he imported dynamite, under the name of "guhr impregne," duty free. He never manufactured dynamite in the country, and upon public exposure the Government was compelled to cancel the concession, the President himself denouncing the action of the concessionnaire. For a time we breathed freely, thinking we were rid of this incubus, but withing a few months the Government granted virtually to the same people another concession in worse form, under which they are now taking from the pockets of the public 600,000l. per annum, and this is a charge which will go on growing should the mining industry survive the persistent attempts to strangle it…

Shortly, the concessionnaires are entitled to charge us 90s. a case for dynamite, while it could be bought, if there were no concession, for about 30s. a case.’ The manifesto charges one of the members of the Government with receiving a royalty from the concessionnaires on every case of dynamite sold. I have quoted it on this point becanse it is the subject of common conversation among mining men, and is a matter of great importance to them.

The manifesto asserts that the Government is now spending large sums (derived from taxation of the mining industry) on military preparations, of which the sole object is to coerce those engaged in that industry.

‘We have now openly the policy of force revealed to us. 250,000l. is to be spent on the completing of a fort at Pretoria. 100,000l. is to be spent upon a fort to terrorize the inhabitants of Johannesburg. Large orders are sent to Krupp’s for big guns, Maxims have been ordered, and we are even told that German officers are coming out to drill the burghers. Are these things necessary, or are they calculated to irritate the feeling to breaking point? What necessity is there for forts in peaceful inland towns? Why should the Government endeavour to keep us in subjection to unjust laws by the power of the sword, instead of making themselves live in the heart of the people by a broad policy of justice?’

The National Union declares that it desires the maintenance of the Republic as a true Republic, in which every man who is prepared to take the oath of allegiance shall have equal rights, and it summarises its demands as follows:—

1. The Establishment of the Republic as a true Republic.

2. A Grondwet or Constitution which shall be framed by competent persons selected by representatives of the whole people, and on lines laid down by them; a Constitution, moreover, which shall be safeguarded against hasty alteration.

3. An equitable Franchise Law, and fair representation.

4. Equality of the Dutch and English languages.

5. Responsibility to the Legislature of the Heads of the Great Departments.

6. Removal of religious disabilities.

7. Independence of the Courts of Justice, with adequate and secured remuneration for the Judges.

8. Liberal and comprehensive education.

9. An efficient Civil Service, with adequate provision for pay and pension.

10. Free trade in South African products.

Jameson’s Ride

CHAPTER II

JAMESON’S RIDE

‘Inter arma silent leges.’—Tacitus.

Monday, December 30.—For twenty-four hours the population seemed to take the Manifesto, issued on Thursday last, very quietly; but on Saturday the gravity of the situation beean to be understood. Startling rumours were spread as to warlike preparations being hurriedly made by the Committee of the National Union, the ‘Reform Committee’ as it is called. At the morning market there was an enormous rise in the price of provisions. Mealics (Indian corn), the staple food of the native labourers in the mines, rose to the unheard-of price of 45s. per bag. A few days ago the price was 22s. Flour advanced from 30s, to 60s, per 100 lbs., rice from 3d. to 4½d. per lb., and almost every article in like proportion. It also appeared that there was a sudden demand for arms. A newspaper reporter called at a gunsmiths shop:—

‘Got a revolver for sale, Mr. Perrins?’

‘No, nor a rifle, nor a bayonet, nor a Maxim, nor a 100-ton gun! You can, however, have your pick of these shotguns—at a price.’

‘Thanks, no; the fact is, I wanted a rifle to go hunting up country with, and——’

But Mr. Perrins grew sarcastic as he picked up his correspondence file and replied:

‘Yes, I’ve heard all about that up-country trip of yours. Look! here’s a company which wants 100 rifles and 200 revolvers, another is asking for 50 revolvers, another for 50 rifles and 100 revolvers; they are all going up country with you, I suppose. But I can supply no more.’

During the afternoon and evening rumours, largely false, were rampant. It was said that the Boers were marching on Johannesburg, whereas in fact a considerable number of them were quietly leaving the town. A more probable story was to the effect that several thousand rifles had been served out for self-protection at the mines. The most striking evidence of the wave of unrest and apprehension was afforded by the rush, chiefly of women and children, to leave the town by the 11 p.m. train for Cape Colony. Many passengers took their seats as early as 6 o’clock. The train was said to be the heaviest which had ever left the station. This experience was repeated on Sunday night, the station being crowded with thousands of people for several hours previous to the departure of the train for the South; and there was a desperate struggle for seats when it drew up at the platform.

On Saturday night several meetings were held to consider the situation, notably of the Australian residents here, who decided to form a brigade, partly mounted, having its object the protection of women and children, and the repression of any lawlessness which may arise in the town. Apart from any hostile action which may be taken by the Government, there is sufficient cause for apprehension. In this ‘Golden City’ of rapid fortunes and general prosperity there is an enormous criminal population, attracted hither from every country in the world. There are also the Kaffirs to be considered. In the event of the mines being closed, they will be thrown out of work, and, if hostilities take place, may run short of food.

This morning a general enrolment of volunteers has begun under the auspices of the Reform Commitee, sitting at the offices of the Consolidated Goldfields of South Africa, for the purpose of forming a corps ‘to preserve law and order, and protect life and property.’ I chanced to meet my friend L——, who told me that the Committee had command of an immense number of rifles, and that he himself had been at work at one of the mines until 4 a.m. on Saturday, unloading rifles and ammunition from trucks just arrived. The trucks purported to contain coke, and had passed the frontier without causing any suspicion.

I called on Mr. ——, a member of the Reform Committee and one of the leaders of finance here. He said: ‘Nothing can prevent hostilities. I know the Boer temper well. They will not yield except to force. We have made our preparations accordingly. If you want to catch your steamer you had better leave at once, if you can–which is doubtful; railway communication may be closed any day.’ However, as revolutions are not to be seen every day, and as a rising of the oppressed capitalist classes seemed likely to present some new features, I determined to stay and see the business through. In this decision I was confirmed by Colonel Rhodes, resident director of the Consolidated Goldfields, and a leading member of the Reform Committee, whom I met shortly after. ‘You had better see it through, it won’t last long,’ he said.

The rise in the price of provisions continues to-day, and the hotels have increased their charges. This is the seamy side of revolution. Financial distrust has commenced; many tradesmen are ceasing to give credit, and there is something of a run on the Transvaal National Bank.

At 6 p.m. I went to the Park Station to say good-bye to S——, who is on his way to Natal for the benefit of his health. He had been at the station several hours before the departure of the train, but had only managed to squeeze into a third-class carriage crammed with children.

A proclamation, of which the following is a translation, is issued to-day at Pretoria:—

‘Proclamation by His Honour the State President of the South African Republic.

‘Whereas it has appeared to the Government of the South Afriean Republic that there are reports in circulation to the effect that earnest endeavours are being set on foot to bring into danger the good order at Johannesburg; and

‘Whereas the Government is convinced that, should such reports be of a truthful nature, endeavours of such a kind can only emanate from a small portion of the population, aud that the greater portion of the Johannesburg population is desirous of maintaining order, and is prepared to support the Government in its endeavours to exercise law and order:

‘So it is that I, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, State President of the South African Republic, with the advice and consent of the Executive Council, according to Art. 913 of the Minutes thereof, 30th December 1895, hereby earnestly warn those evilly disposed and command them to remain within the bounds of the law, the alternative being that those who do not hearken to this caution must answer to it on ther own risk; and

‘I further make known that life and property shall he protected, where attacks thereupon may be attempted: and that every inhabitant of Johannesburg who is desirous of maintaining order, to whatever nationality he may belong, is hereby called upon to support and assist me, and the officials are ordered to do the same.

‘And, further, I make known that the Government is at all times prepared to duly consider all grievances which are laid before it in a proper manner, and to lay the same for treatment before the Legislature of the country without delay.

GOD SAVE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE.

‘Given under my hand and seal on this the thirtieth day of December, eighteen hundred and ninety-five, at the Government Offices at Pretoria.

‘S. J. P. Kruger, ‘State-President. ‘G. Van Boeschoten, ‘Acting State-Secretary.’

Late in the evening a special edition of the Star makes the most grave and startling announcement. The Government this morning received telegrams from the Landdrost of Potchefstroom, and also from another quarter, that a large force of mounted men had crossed the Bechuanaland frontier into the Transvaal, and were evidently en route for Johannesburg. The further advance of any such bodies has been ordered to be ‘peremptorily stayed’ until the purpose of the movement has been ascertained.

There can be no doubt that the force consists of the Chartered Company’s mounted police stationed at Mafeking in connection with the settlement of Khama’s country, and commanded by Dr. Jameson and Sir John Willoughby. There is intense excitement in the town, and some bewilderment as to the object of this movement, which, however, is sufficiently plain. The struggle has begun in earnest.

If sensational head-lines are ever excus- able, it is tonight. This is the Star’s effort:—

Crossed the Border.

Forces Making for Johannesburg.

Conflict Lamentably Imminent.

Suspense at an End.

Immeasurable Gravity of the Situation.

There was again a tremendous exodus by the Cape Town train to-night. A vast crowd collected at Park Station, and lustily groaned and hooted at the comparatively few men who were in the train. White feathers were presented to them, and they were the butt of merciless sarcasm. One carriage, into which a number of brawny Cornishmen from the mines had crowded, was the especial object of derision, and went away with the legend ‘Cowards’ Van’ chalked on it. So great is the demand for seats for women and children, that it is stated that no more tickets will be issued to men. The supply of carriages is failing, and to-morrow trucks and luggage-vans will have to be used for passengers.

Tuesday, December 31.—The news of Jameson’s advance is confirmed. On Sunday night 450 of the British South Africa Company’s men, under the command of Dr. Jameson, Sir John Willoughby, Major Heany, and others, left Pilsani Putlugo, the Company’s new camp in Bechuanaland. They are well armed and mounted, and have with them twelve Maxims and three Nordenfeldts. At the same time 250 men, under Major the Hon. C. Coventry, left Mafeking with three Maxims and two seven-pounders. Both parties cut the telegraph wires behind them. A junction was effected at Malmani at 3 a.m. on Monday, and the force expects to reach Johannesburg on Wednesday.

The Secretary of the Reform Committee writes to the Press to-day: ‘I am directed to state, for the information of the public, that it is reported a large force has crossed the border into Transvaal territory, and to say that this has taken place without the knowledge of the Committee’ The Star says: ‘It is considered that Dr. Jameson’s irruption into Transvaal territory is due to the wild rumours of disturbance and massacre here, actual or impending, which have been so madly circulated during the past few days.’

All the morning a great crowd is assembled in front of the Goldfields Office. About noon a striking incident occurs. The Transvaal flag is suddenly displayed from the building. It transpires later that while the Reform Committee was sitting one of its members, Mr. John Hays Hammond, the eminent American engineer who is attached to the Consolidated Goldfields of South Africa, entered the room with the flag. He raised it aloft, and as he stood with head uncovered his companions too rose to their feet and doffed their hats. With hands raised to heaven, they one and all swore allegiance to the Transvaal Republic and to the true principles of Republicanism. This little drama enacted, the banner was displayed from a balcony, and ultimately hoisted to a flagstaff on the roof.

Half an hour later Mr. J. W. Leonard appeared on horseback among the crowd, and delivered a remarkable speech. ‘My object in addressing you is to assure you that no man, woman, or child in this city need have any fear for the safety of his or her life or property. We of the Reform Committee have taken ample measures to preserve order in the town, and life and property has never been safer in Johannesburg than it is to-day. Our police arrangements are complete, and we have taken care that the town is fully provisioned. Above you waves the flag of the Transvaal Republic. We of the Reform Committee, who have constituted ourselves a Provisional Government, are acting under it solely in the cause of true republican government and of the liberty and safety of the individual. For this cause we are risking our lives. All I ask of you is to act the part of men. Those who wish to enrol themselves in our organisation will be informed by placards where they can do so. If any man here does not wish to enrol himself he may feel assured that there are ten men to watch over his safety.’

This speech marks a definite step in the history of the Revolution. The words ‘a Provisional Government’ amount to an open declaration of war against Pretoria.

All day long the tide of enrolment flows strongly. There is, in fact, a desperate struggle to get to the office. At length it is announced that for the present no more men are required by the Reform Committee, and that no more rifles will be issued. Enrolment by the local committees, the Australians, the Scotsmen, &c., still proceeds. It is stated that the Committee has at its instant disposal a larger armed force than

THE SCOTCH COMPANY OF MARKET SQUARE

any which the Transvaal Government can put in the field even if the whole fighting force of the State could be immediately mobilised.

During the afternoon great enthusiasm is caused by the appearance of several Maxim guns which are being taken through the streets to some destination outside the town. These are followed by numerous waggons loaded with rifles, which are unloaded at the Goldfields Office. One of the papers thus explains the mystery of how these were smuggled over the border:—

‘How the Arms Came up.

‘The unloading of the ammunition waggons which were brought into the town was quite a revelation to many who had previously wondered how they were passed across the frontier. Some of the cases were carefully adorned with the legend in large letters, “Poison—this side up,” which showed a considerable amount of humour on the part of the consignors. Others were marked “Explosives for mining purposes,” with the additional advice “Keep dry,” and nearly all seem to have come by way of Delagoa Bay. Others have escaped undue attention on the part of the Customs authorities through being marked “Sulphuric acid—with care.” Some of the Lee-Metford cartridges were packed in sacks, which were heavy enough to tax the strength of two men to carry. The history of the arrival of half a dozen railway trucks loaded with “coke,” if probed to the bottom, would, perhaps, account for the presence at this crisis of many cases of rifles which have lately been opened to equip the numerous corps now so much to the fore. Now that everybody knows that rifles to the number, it is stated, of 50,000 are available for defence, it is interesting to reflect how easy it was to introduce them into the country.’

Cases of ammunition which I saw myself had none of these fictitious legends. They were simply marked ‘Safety cartridges,’ with the initials of a well-known forwarding agent at one of the coast ports.

Here we have the curious spectacle of a revolution initiated and conducted by the Capitalist class. Behind this movement is an almost limitless amount of money, and all the power that money gives. If it fails, how can the poorer classes in any country ever again, in this era of arms of precision, hope to stand against the powers that be?

To-day a subscription is opened for the homeless and destitute, and 50,000l. is subscribed in an hour or two. The Masonic Hall is fitted up for the reception of women and children who have come in from the outlying districts, and may be homeless. The Stock Exchange will be used for a hospital if necessary. The Transvaal Government police, familiarly called ‘Zarps’ from the initials Z.A.R.P. on their collars, have disappeared. Their place is taken by men enrolled by the Reform Committee, armed with rifles.

There is one drawback which attaches to the position of mere spectator of great popular movements. Lacking the enthusiasm of the combatant, he is apt to view the utterances and to gauge the position of the popular leaders with too critical an eye. No man born and bred under free institutions can fail to sympathise with the present struggle to throw off the yoke of the narrow and ignorant Boer oligarchy, but in the present position here there is something ludicrous. The Reform Committee have issued a temperate manifesto stating the objects they desire to attain. Mr. Kruger has shown some disposition to discuss their demands, and is believed in fact to have conceded some. And yet, on a sudden, thousands of men are being enrolled as soldiers; rifles, ammunition, Maxim and Nordenfeldt guns are springing up, as from the bowels of the earth; the English, the Scots, the Australians, the Afrikanders, the Germans, even (it is whispered) the Belgians are organising; and why? ‘To preserve law and order and to protect life and property.’ Against whom? Are the Boers about to make a final rush, a supreme effort to pre- serve their dominion, and to quell this turbulent city of Johannesburg? Very likely, but that is not the reason assigned. The Reform Committee has issued the following Proclamation:

‘Reform Committee.

‘Notice is hereby given that this Committee adheres to the National Union Manifesto, and reiterates its desire to maintain the independence of the Republic. The fact that rumours are in course of circulation to the effect that a Force has crossed the Bechuanaland Border renders it necessary to take active steps for the defence of Johannesburg and preservation of order.