Places in Knots

Front matter

IN THE HIMAI

PLACES IN KNOTS

PLACES IN KNOTS

Part 3 Acknowledgments List of Abbreviations A Note on Names

Prologue: Juggling Worlds Introduction

LOCALITY AND COMMUNITY

2. Moving In, Moving Up, Moving Out Interlude: A Son’s Uncertain Ambitions

PATHWAYS 4. The Business of Wayfaring 5. A Quest for Roads Interlude: A Mound of Rice 6. The Labor of Distribution

INTERVENTIONS

Interlude: Kailash—Truly Sacred 7. Curation at Large 8. Landscapes, Dreamscapes 9. Mapping Mountains

Epilogue: Navidad

Notes References Index vii

199 205 219

Acknowledgments

The Himalayas had come to me long before I set foot in them. I had seen photographs and films, and I had read stories about the adventures and spiritual wonders in these mountains. When I was eighteen, I would sit on the doorstep of an old farmhouse in eastern Switzerland and dwell in this remote dreamscape. The more time I actually spent in the highlands, the more the valleys and villages that I had imagined as isolated revealed themselves as open and fundamentally oriented toward the outside world. The cosmopolitanism I encountered in seemingly out-of-the-way places made me ponder the ways in which remoteness and connectivity are entwined. How do we understand Himalayan experiences of global history? And what can we learn from it regarding the global imaginaries of remoteness that undergird public understandings of how the world today is structured?

This book traces my efforts to find answers to these questions. I seldom found myself alone on this journey, and the people I met along the way are too numerous to count. A few, however, became friends and traveling companions—both on foot and in mind. Without them, this book would not have been possible.

My interest in the Walung area of eastern Nepal was sparked by Tamla Ukyab. Over several days he told me his life’s story in his house in Kathmandu. Meeting Tamla made me think about the lasting importance of pathways in the Himalayas and the role of place in a community of itinerant traders. Tenzing Ukyab, a relative of Tamla’s, introduced me to the Walung Community of North America. I am deeply grateful for their support and openness. In Humla, the district in western Nepal bordering the Kailash area of Tibet, Tshewang Lama was my compass. With his knowledge and experience as a lawyer, historian, anthropologist, entrepreneur, and politician, Tshewang guided my research more than anybody else. His influence as teacher and friend since 2007 cannot be overstated.

While Tamla, Tenzing, and Tshewang were my mentors, it was their sons and daughters with whom I spent weeks hiking and talking. Rinzin Lama, Nyima Dorjee Bhotia, and Sagar Lama were my main collaborators. Their efforts at translation were the turf from which this book emerged. I am deeply grateful for their friendship. Their relatives hosted us in Walung and Upper Humla. Rinzin’s uncle and aunt accompanied us on my first trip to the Limi Valley. On another trip, it was Sagar’s uncle who hiked back to his village to fetch a horse vii viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS when I fell on my knee and couldn't walk anymore. I thank them for the energy and spirit with which they took care of me.

In Kathmandu, I often stayed with Júrg Merz and Bandana Prajapati. Returning to their house and family after long weeks in the mountains always felt like coming home. Their inside knowledge about the world of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and development agencies helped me tremendously. My family and I also stayed with Marion Wettstein and Alban von Stockhausen. I thank them for their friendship and hospitality (and their daughter Anais for sharing her toys with my daughter).

I would like to thank the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), especially Eklabya Sharma and Rajan Kotru, for hosting me as a research fellow and providing me with excellent support. My gratitude also goes to my colleagues at ICIMOD for all the discussions over lunch and many cups of sweet Nepali tea. Abhimanyu Panday, Swapnil Chaudhari, Corinna Wallrapp, and many others liberally shared their insights with me.

This book emerged from two generously funded research projects. Between 2011 and 2015, I was working on the question of what China’s rise means for those living directly along its borders. The Neighboring China project was supported by a Swiss National Science Foundation Grant, a postdoctoral fellowship at the Asia Research Institute (ARI), National University of Singapore, and a Marie Curie Fellowship (298595) by the European Union. Between 2015 and 2020, I had the privilege to lead the Highland Asia research group at the Ludwig- Maximilians Universitat Munich (LMU). The project Remoteness & Connectivity: Highland Asia in the World was funded by a European Research Council Starting Grant (637764). At ARI in Singapore, Prasenjit Duara’s reading group on inter-Asian connections shaped my thinking in deep and lasting ways. At LMU, Alessandro Rippa, Carolin Maertens, Aditi Saraf, Marlen Elders, Galen Murton, Philipp Schorch, and all the members of our Contemporary Anthropology Reading Group made for an exceptionally warm-hearted and stimulating environment.

I wrote an initial draft of this book while teaching a course on Highland Asia in the World at LMU Munich. I am grateful to the participating students for their comments and for bearing with me during this experiment.

Nadine Plachta, Lisa Rail, Travis Klingberg, and Galen Murton read drafts of my manuscript at various stages. I thank them for their insights, guidance, and friendship. I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for deep engagement with my book, their insightful comments, and their encouragement.

Parts of three published articles found entry into this book. The idea of pathways (chapter 4) and some of the Walung stories are taken from “Pathways.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix

A Concept, Field Site and Methodological Approach to Study Remoteness and Connectivity” (Saxer 2016b); the first part of chapter 5 is based on “New Roads, Old Trades” (Saxer 2017); and materials published in “Between China and Nepal: Trans-Himalayan Trade and the Second Life of Development in Upper Humla” (Saxer 2013b) were reworked into sections of chapter 3.

Abbreviations

ADB ANCA ARIES CBD CIA CITES

CNY DRSP GBPIHE GDP GIS

GIZ

GLOF ICIMOD ISO IUCN KCA KSL KSLCDI

KSLIS LMU LSY MEA NPR PLA PRC SDC TAAAS TAR TCM

Asian Development Bank

Api Nampa Conservation Area

Artificial Intelligence for Ecosystem Services

Convention on Biological Diversity

Central Intelligence Agency

Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora

Chinese yuan renminbi

District Roads Support Programme

G. B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development gross domestic product

geographic information system

Deutsche Gesellschaft fiir Internationale Zusammenarbeit; German Society for International Cooperation

glacial lake outburst flood

International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development International Organization for Standardization International Union for Conservation of Nature Kanchenjunga Conservation Area

Kailash Sacred Landscape

Kailash Sacred Landscape Conservation and Development Initiative

Kailash Sacred Landscape Information System

Ludwig Maximilians University Munich

Landscape Yatra

Millennium Ecosystem Assessment

Nepalese rupee

People’s Liberation Army

People’s Republic of China

Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation

Tibet Academy of Agricultural and Animal Husbandry Sciences Tibet Autonomous Region

traditional Chinese medicine xi xii ABBREVIATIONS

TCV Tibetan Children’s Village

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization

VDC Village Development Committee

WFP World Food Programme

A Note on Names

The names of places and people in the Himalayan borderlands are often rendered in a variety of ways. Nepali, Indian, Tibetan, and Chinese systems of transliteration conflict with each other and lead to vastly different spellings. The town of Purang in the Kailash area of western Tibet, for example, often appears as Bulan in Chinese texts translated to English, while Burang would be the official Chinese transcription. In Tibetan transliteration (Wylie), the town’s name would be spu hreng.

Further complicating the matter is the fact that in some cases, the original meaning of the Tibetan name is not clear. Waltse in the Limi Valley (often referred to as Halji) is a case in point. In Tibetan, Waltse could be dbal tse and mean a sharp, pointed mountain peak; the syllable wa could also mean a fox or even a wolf. I was told all of these versions.

Choosing one system of transliteration over others for the sake of consistency would thus not do justice to the situation. For places, I therefore use a common written form that is phonetically close to the local names rather than any “official” spelling. For instance, the village of Walung in the Kanchenjunga region is officially called Olangchung Gola in Nepal. I use Walung throughout this book. Unless specifically marked, I also use phonetic transcription rather than transliteration for terms in local Tibetan dialects.

The names of people in this manuscript are mostly pseudonyms, unless they are public figures. However, some of the main protagonists—particularly the ones who read English—chose to appear with their real names.

xiii

PLACES IN KNOTS

Life insurance seminar, Queens, New York City. Source: Martin Saxer, 2016.

Prologue

JUGGLING WORLDS

Sunday morning in Jackson Heights, a neighborhood in the borough of Queens, New York City. Standing in front of the subway station, I can listen to the chatter of the commuters passing by—a mixture of Spanish, Nepali, Hindi, and Bengali. A delivery truck decorated with “Free Tibet” stickers drives up next to me. I move a few steps away to remain in sight. I have a meeting with Tenzing Ukyab. He promised to pick me up by car and told me to wait outside the station. I hope he will recognize me.

A few minutes later, Tenzing arrives and waves at me. I hop on the passenger seat to start a ride through the many worlds Tenzing and his friends keep juggling here. Tenzing is in his mid-fifties and originally from a place called Walung, a little village in eastern Nepal close to the Tibetan border. I am here to learn about the Walung community in New York. Tenzing, the former president of the Walung Community of North America is my guide. He promised to introduce me. This is not an easy task, he admits. “People are very, very busy here,” he says. They work hard and often have several jobs. And the weekends are even busier with all the community events.

Today, the weekly Tibetan class is taking place in the basement flat that the Walung Community of North America rents to hold events. A dozen people, mostly women, have gathered to improve their Tibetan language skills. Their native language is a Tibetan dialect, but most of them grew up in Nepal and only a few of them have learned to read and write Tibetan. The class includes reading a religious text. The teacher is a lama whose wife is from Walung. I sit and listen to the rhythmic chanting, waiting for the lesson to wind down.

2 PROLOGUE

Tenzing quickly lines up a couple of interviews for me. I explain my interest in the old trading village of Walung and the cosmopolitan biographies of its people. I ask a few simple questions to start the conversation. Soon, however, I realize that the language students are in a hurry to catch another event taking place at the Sherpa Association. The topic is life insurance, which seems to strike a chord with many here. I give up on my interviews and join the crowd.

We head to the posh new Sherpa Association house a few blocks away. More than a hundred people are already waiting for the event to begin. The banner on the stage reads “insurance terror”—in a mix of English and Nepali. A Nepali TV host leads the event. Four insurance experts present their takes on the topic and answer questions.

The most engaged of them is a Chinese woman in her late thirties. Her name is Wei Wei—like the popular instant noodle soup everybody knows in Nepal. Wei Wei works as an independent insurance agent. While she doesn’t speak Nepali, she is clearly familiar with the needs and fears of immigrant communities. “You have come to America to make money and have a better life. You work hard, and you don’t mind working hard. But how to protect your hard-earned money, how to protect your family?” she asks rhetorically. “We have all come here for education, for work, and regardless of whether we speak good English or not— we are not stupid! Don’t let yourselves be fooled!” she continues. Then, she explains the differences between term and whole life insurance and the pitfalls of the latter.

The event quickly becomes emotional. Many are here to vent their frustration with life insurance companies. One young man has signed four insurance contracts for him and his family. He is currently paying a monthly premium of US$1,450. He feels cheated.

After more than three hours, the Nepali TV host tries to bring the session to an end. There is unrest and disappointment in the audience because so many issues still remain unclear. Wei Wei takes side with the audience, saying that she will stay until all questions are answered. “And if you get hungry, I will buy you food.”

During the event, Tenzing’s phone keeps buzzing. There are yet more worlds to juggle. Currently, the Asia Week is taking place in New York, with exhibitions and auctions of Asian art at Sotheby’s and elsewhere. Tenzing tours the many events to expand his network of customers and see what is currently in demand. He trades in everything Tibetan, from furniture and antiques to jewelry, carpets, and Buddha statues.

A week later, Tenzing shows me his impressive outlet on the ground floor of ABC Carpet & Home, a fancy emporium at a prime and auspicious address in the heart of Manhattan: 888 Broadway. Tenzing’s store brings a breath of Hi-

PROLOGUE 3 malayan style into the vast assemblage of contemporary interior design and indigenous treasures from around the world. ABC Carpet & Home was featured in Vogue and Vanity Fair; the Obamas were said to come here for shopping. ABC Carpet & Home advertises itself as a “portal into collective creativity,” presenting “commerce as a vehicle for insight and for action in the aid of creating a better world.”

From 888 Broadway we walk up to Union Square. It is a warm spring day in Manhattan. We buy a coffee and find a bench to sit and talk. It is Saturday, Greenmarket day at Union Square. In their early days in New York, Tenzing and his wife worked here at the farmers market. At one point, he says, almost all the vendors were Nepali or Tibetan.

As many ambitious young men from Himalayan villages, Tenzing tried his luck in various businesses and careers. At one time, he ran a shop in Kathmandu, then he worked as a language and culture instructor for the Peace Corps. He managed to obtain a visa to Japan and planned to build a life there. He didn’t like it and came back to Nepal. He also worked as a research assistant for an American PhD student. When she invited him to visit her in the United States, he packed two big suitcases full of merchandise—“we always do business, you know”—and flew to Seattle. He stayed at her house for a couple months, trying not to be a burden and figure out what to do next. He finally came to New York and worked his way up, paying taxes, bringing his family to the United States, starting his own business, and finally becoming a US citizen.

While we talk, Tenzing receives two phone calls from a detention center at the US-Mexico border. A fellow Walungnga needs help—a bond, an address, a place to stay. People are still arriving. Many follow the arduous route through South and Central America.

Tenzing is a role model for many new arrivals—not just for his success in business but also for his social engagement. He got involved in various efforts to help the Walung community both in the United States and in Nepal. Presently, his mission is to build a road from the Tibetan border to Walung. He shows me a letter to the local government of the neighboring county in the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China, asking for assistance. He wrote it in Nepali and his daughter translated it into English. Tenzing laughs while remembering how his US-born daughter, who grew up amid the Tibetan exile community and their critical stance toward China, was slightly irritated by the conciliatory tone of the letter. But the stakes are high, and Tenzing fears that without a road and help from China, Walung will not have a future.

In the afternoon, Tenzing and I visit a Tibetan art gallery nearby. Then I head back to my Airbnb in Queens. Overwhelmed by all these stories, all the ventures and worlds Tenzing and his friends are engaging in—from religious Tibetan

4 PROLOGUE classes to “insurance terror,” from posh design at 888 Broadway and contemporary Tibetan art to detention centers and plans for a Himalayan road—I switch on the TV. It is March 2016. Donald Trump is on all channels. His campaign is gaining steam. My Airbnb host, a Latina immigrant herself, has put a copy of “Make America Great Again” on my desk. What an irony! While the xenophobic rhetoric of the president-to-come blames immigrants for America’s decline, the American dream cannot be more alive than among the people I just met.

Pondering over this irony, another thought crosses my mind. I realize that seeing the Walungnga in New York as an immigrant community aspiring to the American dream—one of several hundred in Queens alone—may only capture half the story here. What if the American dream pursued by these Himalayan immigrants is rather a continuation of an old Himalayan dream? If so, what would this mean for seemingly remote mountain villages and their global connections? What would it imply for notions like remoteness, migration, and diaspora?

Kailash

A Limi Lapcha Ti b et A Hilsa “tonomous R >, Simikot egion (PRC) eS wus"

Kora La It o

Dolpo do Shigatse Ss Sy `

WV Y ES a Kodarie S 9 Kyirong ` Dram Oy La] a $ i (Kuti) Everest RS G ANN, A Tipta La £ o i io o SS ¡as Kathmandu és) Walung Karichena jinga 7, la o Kalimpong

Map of the region. Source: Martin Saxer, 2019.

H, phutan

Introduction

In 2011, five years before Tenzing introduced me to the world of Himalayan communities in Queens, New York, I was looking for a guide and research assistant to accompany me to Walung. I had just started a new project on the question of what China’s rapid economic development meant for the people living directly along its borders. The Walung area of northeastern Nepal had caught my attention. During my previous work on the creation of a Tibetan medicine industry, I had learned that many of the medicinal herbs traditionally imported from Nepal were not shipped through the main road between Kathmandu and Lhasa. Instead, they were traded along the old and, I assumed at the time, largely defunct trade routes across Himalayan passes along the border. Walung, I had heard, was one of the places this cross-border business was taking off.

Sitting in a coffee shop in Kathmandu, I stumbled on the Facebook page of the Walung Community of North America. I wrote a message explaining that I was an anthropologist working on trade and exchange in the Himalayan borderlands, that I had read about the importance of Walung as an old trading hub, and that I was interested in the recent revival of trans-Himalayan trade. Fifteen minutes later, I received a phone call on my Nepali number from a relative of the president of the Walung Community of North America. Within days, I met with several Walungnga in Kathmandu.

At that time, I did not make much of the fact that my entry into Walung circles was mediated by a member of the community on the other side of the globe. I took the circuitous route of communication as an example of how uneven the muchheralded space-time compression of our era was. While reaching Himalayan villages at the border with China still required long bus rides, mountain flights, and days of hiking, news and rumors were no longer dependent on messengers treading the trails. Over the years, I came to understand that my initial contact with Walung was more than serendipity helped by social media. The relations of Himalayan communities between a mountain village, Kathmandu, and a neighborhood in New York City are not just a matter of remittances from the diaspora and dreams of a better life back home. These relations are part of everyday life in ways much wider and deeper than I presumed.

In this book, I focus on two mountain regions in Nepal close to the Tibetan border: the Walung area and Upper Humla in the northeastern and northwestern corners of the country, respectively. Both Walung and Upper Humla are home to Tibetan-speaking populations that thrived on the once vibrant trans-Himalayan trade between the Tibetan Plateau and the plains of South Asia. In both places, like in the majority of villages across the region, agriculture and pastoralism have never been able to guarantee subsistence. Following the demarcation of the border between Nepal and China in the early 1960s, both places found themselves at the very margins of nation-states and needing to expand their business ventures into new territories in Nepal and abroad. Historically as well as today, it is not uncommon for people from Walung and Upper Humla to spend most of their lives outside their village of origin—on business trips and foraging expeditions, as transhumant herders, monks, and students. Yet there is a strong sense of place and belonging in Himalayan communities. This sense of place and belonging is neither based on a sedentary life in one locality, nor does it stem from a nostalgic imaginary of a homeland fostered in a global diaspora; it is rather derived from the shared experience of repeated movement between a limited number of localities. These localities are so tightly enlaced that I came to think of them as places in knots.

My concern with these two Tibetan borderlands in northern Nepal is fundamentally translocal. What happens outside profoundly shapes lives and dreams in these mountain valleys. And the other way around, being part of a community named after a Himalayan village or valley is crucial for the ambitions and endeavors of those spending most of their time outside. The story I seek to tell, then, is not so much about out-migration and the ties between home and diaspora, but rather about the evolving configurations of these places in knots that continue to shape translocal Himalayan lives.

Before the 1960s, such place-knots included trading districts in cities like Shigatse or Kolkata, a village close to the Nepal-Tibet border, and perhaps a seasonal trade mart along the way. The entanglements between these places through investment, marriage, and ritual friendship were crucial to facilitate business. Some places in these knots have since lost their relevance, while others—the neighborhoods of Boudha in Kathmandu and Jackson Heights in New York City—are being tied in. The basic challenge of making community in a translocal setting, however, has remained.

Remoteness

If Himalayan communities evolve in knots of places rather than individual localities, this process is also shaped by global agendas regarding development, migration, heritage, and conservation. These agendas are based on particular imaginaries about the role and position of Himalayan villages in the wider world. One dominant figure of thought that undergirds these imaginaries is remoteness and its assumed antidote, connectivity.

Even the base camp of Mount Everest has Wi-Fi now. In early 2017, the Nepal Telecommunications Authority announced their plans with some fanfare (Giri 2017) and later that year, Everest Link, a small Sherpa-owned company, set up a hot spot. The global media responded promptly. “If you can get Wi-Fi on Mount Everest, then you can probably get it anywhere on Earth,” VentureBeat heralded (Takahashi 2017). National Geographic followed up with a story on Everest Link CEO Tsering Gyaltsen Sherpa, the “super-charged Nepali entrepreneur” who led “his native Khumbu Valley into the 21st century” (Wilkinson 2019).

More puzzling than live Instagram stories from one of the world’s more crowded campsites is perhaps the fact that Wi-Fi in the Himalayas makes headlines. The reason, I believe, lies in a deep-rooted assumption about the spatial and temporal logic that structures global difference. On one end of the spectrum is the contemporary global space—connected, vibrant, polluted, diverse, and mostly urban; a space in which Himalayan migrant communities in New York live next to Wall Street and the United Nations. On the other end of the spectrum are the last pockets of remoteness—timeless, wild, authentic, mostly poor, sometimes dangerous, and always already on the verge of being steamrolled by the forces of modernity.

Mountain villages in Nepal find themselves imagined squarely at the latter end of this spectrum. In descriptions of the Himalayas, the trope of remoteness is pervasive. Coffee-table books and travel agencies use it to advertise the last realms of untouched Buddhist culture; nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in their reports emphasize remoteness to undergird the urgency of their projects; and Tsering Gyaltsen Sherpa, the CEO of Everest Link, writes in a blog post for the company that provides his weatherproof equipment that the Nepal he calls home is “entirely remote” (Sherpa 2017).

Remoteness is seldom just a descriptive device. As a figure of thought, it defines challenges and missions. It comes packaged with expectations of its imminent unmaking through more and better connectivity. And, almost always, it serves as an analytical starting point: remote communities, in the highlands of Asia and elsewhere, are seen as backward, authentic, or unruly because—for better or worse—they are isolated and far away from developed, urban centers.

When the trope of remoteness underpins analysis, several things get lost.

First, the trope of remoteness assumes a degree of isolation. Looking at a place from the outside, remote areas may indeed seem out-of-the-way and isolated; but, as Edwin Ardener (2012, 523) notes with respect to supposedly remote areas in Cameroon and Scotland, “from the inside outwards, there was an almost exaggerated contrary sense of the absence of any barrier to the world.”

This observation reminds me of my experiences in the highlands of Nepal. The lives of the families I met during the research for this book are not just revolving around a remote mountain village but, quite the contrary, around a veritable obsession with the outside world, a high degree of mobility, and a sense of community that is clearly not local. Many leave their native valleys for education (Childs and Choedup 2019; Childs et al. 2014) or their transnational business ventures (Fisher 1986; Ratanapruck 2007). Their ambitions and endeavors reach far beyond the Himalayas. What I see is thus not isolation but cosmopolitanism.

This cosmopolitan orientation is not a recent phenomenon. As a contact zone (Pratt 1991) between China and South Asia, the arid Tibetan Plateau and the monsoon-fed hills and plains in Nepal and India, the Himalayas have long been home to populations serving as avid brokers between economic, political, and cultural spheres.

Second, in public discourse, remoteness often goes together with marginality. In the case at hand, this is only partially true. There is no denying that Himalayan villages and valleys remain severely underrepresented in the political arenas in which their future is debated. From the 1854 Muluki Ain (Höfer 1979), Nepal’s Hindu civil code that put the Tibetan-speaking mountain people in the lowest category of “enslavable alcohol drinkers,” to corvée obligations (Holmberg, March, and Tamang 1999) and questions of citizenship (Shneiderman 2013, 2015), Himalayan populations have faced outright discrimination and marginalization. At the same time, however, the largely Tibetan-speaking populations straddling the borders between the People’s Republic of China and its southern neighbors attract much attention. They do so internationally through the networks offered by global Buddhism, the “Tibet question,” tourism, or debates on the “third pole” and climate change. They also feature prominently in national conversations on security, migration, federalism, and development. Close to the sensitive skin of the “geo-bodies” (Thongchai 1994; Billé 2018) of China, Nepal, and India, the Himalayas often play an outsize role in national imaginaries. In other words, there is no shortage of attention on the Himalayas and its populations. This combination of inhabiting niches in a contact zone at the edge of nation-states and overwhelming media attention often translates into global connections and opportunities that truly marginalized communities elsewhere can only dream of.?

Third, remoteness carries strong connotations of subsistence-oriented lifestyles and poverty. While the Himalayan districts of Nepal and the Tibet Autonomous Region across the border are listed at the bottom of national development statistics, Himalayan populations are far from universally poor. Business and trade are of paramount importance in this context, especially since most of the higher Himalayan villages and valleys do not guarantee agricultural or agropastoral subsistence. In the old days, trade in salt from Tibet and grain from Nepal, combined with all kinds of goods in demand in Tibet and India, was not just crucial for survival, it was also widely seen as the main avenue to prosperity. The CEO of Everest Link, for example, may use remoteness to explain his ambition, yet he is also a member of a prolific trading community in the Himalayas—the same one that built the impressive community center in Queens where I attended an “insurance terror” seminar. Rather than being a “super-charged” exception from an otherwise rural and agropastoral community, the CEO of Everest Link follows in many ways the footsteps of his forefathers who did business between Tibet, Nepal, and India.

The trope of remoteness glosses over such long-standing entanglements. It leaves little room for stories that do not conform to the narrative of the “big transformation” that allegedly sweeps across the globe, eventually finding its way to the most hidden corners and bringing them into the fold of a globally connected world.

To be clear: My aim is not to claim that “they have never been truly remote” just as “we have never been modern” (Latour 1993). Such a claim would simply invert and thereby reiterate anthropology’s obsession with the other. Remoteness may not have much analytical value, yet it is more than just a ghost blurring the gaze of outside observers. The fantasy of the remote as the “most other of others” (Gupta and Ferguson 1992, 6, liberally quoting Hannerz 1986, 363) not just lingers on in the West or the global North. It is put to work by all parties involved—as a figure of thought and as a potentially useful positionality on the global stage. While in the spatial and temporal imaginaries of globalization, remoteness appears as connectivity’s alter ego—one a reflection of the other— from the perspective of seemingly remote highlands, the self-proclaimed centers of globalization rather feel akin to some kind of cousin: a probably rich, often a bit boisterous, and sometimes overbearing one who is nonetheless family and whose company can be inspiring and useful.