Urban Planning Against Poverty

Front matter

Urban Planning Against Poverty

How to Think and Do Better Cities in the Global South

A Springer Open

Contents

A e tesla quad dd 1 REGIS 22 ¢ehsnedsad ESEE ATENENT TETEE Shane 3 2.1 Urbanization: A Global Trend III ARA AA ALAS 8 2.2 Fragmented South Cities. Between Poverty and Environmental RISKS. ssa cessissselass sp dane ns ad 15 2.3.1 Urban Environmental Risks ....,.1:14444 ruse 28 2.3.3 Sustainable Development, Urban Poverty and Social Disparities: icscceesseusebeavebvsiiewees AR REDE css O pra SS PRE Sar 49 3.3 Urban Theories and Planning: Links and Practices. . tos 006: a A A ely Sieh heart ina QU 4.1 African Cities: Non-standard Visa evelopment, TR d 84 4.2.1 À Central Pole in Its Region :..42 0.022. ce0s.eaeerenns 99 4.5 Planning the African City, a Veritable ¡SRA ES nadas ara RR IR RR 117 vii viii Contents

É L An Ao City U de fom sas 6. 2 eia One sie the Wiot l Urbanized Countries à in the World sese 169

Under Int 175 6.4 Nueve de Julio: : Modernity a md Development I Issues “Has 179 6.4.1 179 6.4.2 181 6.4.3 Between nn ne at | Social he. 182 6.4.4 Daily Disturbances: How to Manage Better e ESPA corra esate ee paris 186 6.4.5 The Example of Ciudad Né al Léon A ao Add 189 References... sors ETS TT CRT TS TIOE ETETETT 199

Chapter 1 A) Introduction Geek for How to Design and Build Cities in the Global South?

Abstract Urban planning was implemented in Europe and Northern America during the nineteenth century with the objective of bringing order and coherence to cities that were experiencing a whole revolution: new industries, urban sprawl, migratory flows from rural areas to urban settlements. Without entering into too much detail, it is important to underline that urban planning was essentially conceived as a technical instrument and as a spatial methodology to organize space, without paying much attention to social problems. This approach and accompanying specialization of competences were transferred to developing and emerging countries throughout the twentieth century, oblivious of the problems of another kind and another magnitude faced by cities in the South.

On the basis of these presuppositions, this book intends to examine urban planning as it is practiced today in Southern countries, from a double perspective: (1) how conceptual and methodological precepts can be questioned when applied to different societal contexts than those they were originally intended for, (2) how to re-invent urban planning so that this instrumentation be really useful to the cities of the South in their fight against poverty and segregation while fostering a more sustainable and inclusive urban development. This reflection is very important in any urban context, but it is particularly urgent that it be addressed in small and medium sized cities that lack the human and financial resources to tackle these issues.

Keywords Cities - South - Urban planning - Poverty - Inclusive city

As a human institution, cities are a reflection of the history of humankind whose description, analysis and forecasting have gradually been appropriated and influenced by numerous scientific disciplines, technological advances and humanistic visions, and highlight cities’ morphology, land use and the diverse forms of socio-spatial interaction that take place in them.

However, when it comes to cities in emerging or developing countries (especially small and medium-sized cities), our thinking requires an urgent overhaul. In general, these are the areas with the highest population growth rates. And yet, their urban authorities suffer most from the lack of financial and human resources to preempt and address these issues. These societies also face major obstacles in terms

© The Author(s) 2020 1 J.-C. Bolay, Urban Planning Against Poverty, Future City 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28419-0 1

2 1 Introduction of human and material precarity, the contamination of natural resources, the informalization of economic activities and dysfunctions in decision-making processes and governance at the local and regional levels. It is this urbanization that, in the coming decades, will put these cities under increasing pressure, particularly given that 95% of urban growth in the future will primarily impact emerging and developing countries.

What does sustainable development — and sustainable urban development more specifically — mean in such contexts? And how does it translate into tools and information that allow professionals to develop and apply innovative, socially inclusive and economically productive planning that is respectful and responsible in terms of natural resources and environmental management?

Hence, the question is whether spatial and social planning that is adapted to these contexts and can solve their issues actually exists. Were this the case, would we not be wise to challenge the models on which classic planning is based and substitute logic measures that promote coherence between theories and concepts, and public and private practices (and the many strategies to which they give rise)?

Based on this premise, this book is a conceptual reflection and personal journey through 35 years of scientific and professional projects and activities on four continents. It is also a debate on urban planning and the arguments for redefining both its methods and content to meet the social demands and needs identified of Latin American, African and Asian cities.

During my sociology and political science studies in the 1970s, a young geography and anthropology professor often spoke of “similarities and differences” to impress upon us the idea that reality is never black or white, negative or positive, all or nothing, but rather is always nuanced, sometimes ambiguous and often conflictual.

As a young professional in the public service sector and later as a PhD student in Mexico, I learned that not only was the world made up of such subtleties, but also of intricacies, contradictions, struggles, conflicts, misunderstandings, and even pleasant surprises for those who know how to listen and open their eyes.

Trying to remain subjective throughout different experiences and events, I wanted to develop an analytical approach based on rigorous methods, which included taking into account the many facets of the social and material complexity of cities. It had to combine quantitative and qualitative dimensions and have its roots in the social sciences — of which I was a part — as well as urban planning, environmental science and engineering.

My first boss at EPFL described the city as a natural and built environment. With him and another colleague, we seized the opportunity to reverse this metaphor by making inhabitants our focus: a natural environment, undoubtedly, a material environment, obviously. But also and above all a human environment. We combined analytical rigour with the poetics of language for the title of our collective book on urban alternatives, Habitat créatif, éloge des faiseurs de ville (Creative habitat, in praise of city makers) (Pedrazzini et al. 1996).

1 Introduction 3

Our commitment to urban research has endured over time and will serve as a guide for this work. A threefold observation underlies its message. The first is the need for objective recognition of a contemporary phenomenon of major importance, namely the process of continuous demographic and spatial urban growth. The second is a corollary to this globalized urbanization, with a shift of mass poverty from rural areas to urban ones and a billion poor mostly living in South cities — a serious and largely overlooked issue. Finally, urbanity must be recognized as a driver of territorial fragmentation and social disparities, as well as humanity’s historical development in terms of its culture and technologies. Nonetheless, it remains a vibrant place of creativity and innovation.

It was in this spirit, which is both scientific as regards analysis as well as committed to improving the lives of all of its inhabitants (especially the poor), that this book was written.

Its purpose is to help redefine the objectives of urban planning in emerging and developing countries, the methods used, the tools and techniques applied to reify them, and the interventions by public, private and collective stakeholders involved in urban development.

The first chapter focuses on the data that characterizes the urbanization phenomenon that taking place across the world, and South countries in particular. It provides an opportunity to discuss some of the different perceptions and theories that underlie the analysis, citing some specific examples of the urban research my colleagues and I have done over the years.

The second chapter focuses more directly on the specificities of urban planning, both in terms of its disciplinary diversity and its sometimes heterogeneous use, particularly when it reproduces methods and tools that are not adapted to the urban contexts of South countries. The idea here is to rethink planning based on the needs and social demands of inhabitants while taking into account the obstacles frequently encountered in South cities, especially smaller ones — namely a lack of financial means and competent human resources.

Three case studies will be presented: one from West Africa, and two from Latin America. Each highlights certain points related to our overarching question and concretely examines their impact in the field for city dwellers, political authorities and professionals working in the sector.

The case of Koudougou, a medium-sized city in Burkina Faso — one of the poorest countries in the world — with a population of 115,000 inhabitants, for instance, provides an opportunity to understand how these issues translate in the African urban context. The reader discovers a regional capital that is struggling with a great many problems and is unable to solve them in a coherent way due to an insufficient municipal budget and total dependence on the federal government and outside donors. Urban development thus depends less on local consultation than on donor projections and decisions taken at the State level. This proves that reinventing planning in Africa is of the utmost urgency so that local actors can have greater autonomy in deciding how to put it to useful ends.

4 1 Introduction

Conversely, the case of Nueve de Julio, an intermediate city of 50,000 inhabitants in the Argentinian pampas, addresses new forms of spatial fragmentation and social exclusion linked to agro-export and crises in international markets. Created in the nineteenth century along with hundreds of other cities as part of a government strategy of territorial conquest, the city is a perfect example of an intermediate city, with respect to its rural region and in terms of the challenges it faces in a globalized, connected world. With no long-term vision, successive municipal governments have allowed things to deteriorate; though aware of the problems, they are obliged instead deal with various emergencies and ongoing crises. As a result, it now faces poorly-controlled, costly territorial sprawl and has a poor, poorly integrated population on its hands. Here, too, sustainability planning is necessary. But leaders are hesitant: how to sell investments that have no visible or immediate impact when re-election looms on the horizon?

In 2015 and 2016, Montes Claros, an agglomeration of some 400,000 inhabitants in the state of Minas Gerais in Brazil, updated its master plan, which dated from the early 2000s. The operation was carried out by the local authorities with support from universities and professional groups, but without any real participation by the population. Somewhere between a total lack of planning (as in Argentina) and exogenous, top-down planning (as in Burkina Faso), the Brazilian case allows us to follow an ongoing process. Faced with continuing demographic growth and political and economic risks, the authorities are concentrating on the city center, thus abandoning its peripheries. Instead of using the opportunity to promote citizen participation, they reduced it to technocratic instrumentation that was biased in its consideration of the inhabited territory and most fragile populations.

In their own way, each of these three case studies highlights the potential and limitations of urban planning. Appropriate spatial planning and a better organization of social and economic activities are indispensable, particularly when resources are scarce. Though extremely different in their histories and geographies, the three cities chosen for our case studies have in common the fact that they are intermediate cities and play a central role in their regions. Though less confronted by problems of extreme poverty than larger metropolises, they face issues as their populations — for whom they must provide essential facilities and services such as schools, hospitals and public transport — increase. This, of course, comes at a cost, as investments made for the benefit of urban and rural inhabitants necessitate defining choices and priorities based on universally comprehensible criteria and taking into account the available means.

In the conclusion, I will again touch upon the similarities and differences between the different cases. This will allow us to develop alternative urban planning models that can better tackle poverty and the negative consequences of the urbanisation process, namely territorial fragmentation, environmental contamination, social disparities and exclusion, informal economy and habitat, urban governance and democracy.

Reference 5

Reference

Pedrazzini Y, Bolay J-C, Bassand M (1996) Habitat créatif, éloge des faiseurs de ville. Habitants et architectes d’ Amérique latine et d’Europe. Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer pour le progrés de 1 Homme, Paris

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Chapter 2 A) Urban Facts Check for

Abstract Today, the majority of the world’s population — roughly 54% — lives in urban areas. Though global, this trend nonetheless varies greatly depending on the country and continent. It appears that in Europe and the Americas (both North America and Latin America) the urban population has reached roughly 80%, versus less than 50% in Asia and Africa. Yet, it is in the two latter regions that 90% of the world’s urban transformation process will take place and have the greatest impact in terms of living spaces, economic activities, culture, lifestyles and mobility.

While considerable differences exist between countries, the same can be said of cities. Though most research focuses on major urban agglomerations (cities of over a million and megacities of over ten million), the fact that nearly 50% of the world’s urban population lives in cities of less than 500,000 inhabitants has been somewhat overlooked. Infinite in number, these small and medium-sized cities are extremely interesting in terms of the role they play as intermediate cities that serve their surrounding regions, providing public and private services and facilities that benefit both rural and urban populations. Yet, research on these cities shows that they are at a disadvantage compared to larger cities in terms of poverty, insufficient financial resources and skilled workers.

By considering the environmental, economic and social dimensions of sustainable development independently, we are able to differentiate South cities and integrate our 30 years of research within the framework of this multi-faceted problem. We argue the fight against poverty and instability are both a common thread and the greatest challenge to creating sustainable, inclusive cities.

To begin, environmental issues must be analyzed bearing in mind that urban life generates waste and pollution of natural resources (water, air and ground). The latter negatively impact individuals’ health when the sources of contamination and their effects are not monitored. In many South cities, where makeshift housing with sub-standard hygiene and sanitation conditions prevail, such monitoring is still in its nascent stage. Thus, many poor are exposed to environmental risks that far surpass those in other neighborhoods.

In South and North countries, cities are drivers of the economy. As home to half of the world’s population, they contribute 80% of the global GDP. In emerging and developing countries this economic dynamic couples with a high proportion of informal employment, a key source of urban insecurity. Far from being a space of

© The Author(s) 2020 7 J.-C. Bolay, Urban Planning Against Poverty, Future City 14, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28419-0 2 transition between the rural and urban economy, the informal economy is an integral part of the globalization of modes of production and marketing that goes together with the modern industry sector.

The picture of the South city would not be complete without an analysis of its social dimensions. Cities continue to grow with waves of rural migrant populations. These new inhabitants account for about 40% of urban growth in developing countries. For these individuals and families, urban integration means development potential not only economically and monetarily but also socially, culturally and healthwise, especially for new generations who were raised and educated in the city.

This positive urban vision should not overshadow the fact that the city is a machine designed to produce poverty and social inequalities. Nearly a billion people are living in slums, more than 90% of which are in poor countries. Economic growth is only partially reflected in the improved living conditions of the most destitute. The number of urban poor is expected to double in the next 30 years, a glaring indication of the need to rethink urban planning based on this mixed reality of wealth creation and growing disparity between social groups.

Keywords Urbanization - Small and medium-sized cities - Globalization - Economic growth - Social inequalities

2.1 Urbanization: A Global Trend

Since 1990, the world has seen an increased gathering of its population in urban areas. This trend is not new, but relentless and has been marked by a remarkable increase in the absolute numbers of urban dwellers. In 1990, 43% (2.3 billion) of the world’s population lived in urban areas; by 2015, this had grown to 54% (4 billion). The increase in urban population has not been evenly spread throughout the world. Different regions have seen their urban populations grow more quickly, or less quickly, although virtually no region of the world can report a decrease in urbanization. (UN-Habitat 2016) (Fig. 2.1)

In 1950, 30% of the world’s population was urban; by 2050, 66% of the world’s population is expected to be urban. Today, the most urbanized regions include North America (82% living in urban areas in 2014), Latin America and the Caribbean (80%) and Europe (73%). In contrast, Africa and Asia remain mostly rural, with 40 and 48% of their respective populations living in urban areas (Fig. 2.1).

Here, as briefly summarized on the occasion of the Habitat III Conference. The facts are clear: the world is now mostly urban, with 3.96 billion urban dwellers in 2015 for a global population of some 7.55 billion, and a projected 6.41 billion for a global population of 9.77 billion in 2050! (UN DSAPD 2017) (Fig. 2.2).

This is the result of urban growth, which is not consistent at the global level. Such impressive differences have long distinguished continents based on dividing lines between countries and within each country. Systematically speaking, the more

'http://www.urbanet.info/world-urban-population/ (Accessed 21 May 2019).

2.1 Urbanization: A Global Trend 9

Fig. 2.1 Ouagadougou, an African capital in constant renovation, 2005. (Reproduced with permission from Bolay)

a rural the country, the higher its current urban growth rate. Conversely, the larger a country’s urban population, the lower its urban growth rate.

Thus by 2050, more than half of the world’s population growth will be in Africa, with an estimated additional 1.3 billion people, followed by Asia, with an increase of 750 million people. Latin America, the Caribbean and North America will also experience modest population growth (Fig. 2.3). Europe is the only region whose population is expected to decline between 2017 and 2050. In total, 90% of urban growth will be in South countries, and in Asia and Africa in particular (UN DSAPD 2017).

The world urban population has grown rapidly, from 746 million in 1950 to 3.9 billion in 2014. Despite a lower level of urbanization, Asia is home to 53% of the world’s urban population. With 758 million urban dwellers, China alone accounts for 20% of the world’s urban population, followed by India with 410 million and the United States with 263 million. Europe is home to 14% of the world’s urban population, and Latin America and the Caribbean 13%.

These changes, both the recent ones and those to come in the next decades, result in urban population growth rates that vary considerably from one continent to another. Growth rates in historically urbanized regions like Latin America and Europe are currently very low (1.3% for Latin America and the Caribbean and 0.5%

Percentage urban

m 75 or over

E 25 to 50 Less than 25 No data

Fig. 2.2 Percentage of the population residing in urban areas in 1950, 2014 and 2050. (Reproduced from UN DSAPD 2015)

2.1 Urbanization: A Global Trend 11

7 6 a © 5 m OCEANIA 2 M NORTHERN AMERICA £ 4 2 3 m AFRICA a 3 e » LATIN AMERICA AND E 2 THE CARIBBEAN q 2 = EUROPE 2 1 © ASIA 0 © 19 DO SSERKRGEVBSSSSLSLRRISBEHRLSB D D OO © Oo © © © Oo Oo © © © © © © © © © © © T- rere reer rt ANANAANAANAANA

Fig. 2.3 Urban population by major world regions. (Reproduced from UN DSAPD 2015)

for Europe in 2017, according to World Bank data).? Asia and Africa, on the other hand, still have relatively high growth rates, though they too have gradually declined in recent decades (3.55% for Africa between 2005 and 2015 and 2.65% for Asia over the same period) (UN-Habitat 2016).

Jedwab et al. (2014) also point out that the pace of demographic and territorial change has accelerated appreciably throughout history and in different parts of the world (Fig. 2.4).

Urban expansion in the developing world has been dramatic. Between 1950 and 2015, the total urban population in developing countries increased from 300 million to 3 billion; the urban share tripled from about 17% to 50%. Overall, there are many similarities with the urban expansion process of developed countries in the 19th century. Yet, there are also important differences. First, urban expansion has been so much faster in today's developing world. In Europe, urbanization accelerated with the advent of the Industrial Revolution, rising from 15% in 1800 to 40% in 1910. Both Africa and Asia reached the same rate in half time, moving from 15% in 1950 to 40% in 2010. (Jedwab et al. 2014:6)

In recent decades, the focus has been on large agglomerations of several million inhabitants (cities of more than million inhabitants) and megacities of more than ten million inhabitants. Effectively, the numbers in such cities have increased exponentially. In 2000, for instance, there were 16 megacities versus 31 in 2016. It is estimated that by 2030, this number will have risen to 41, with most of the new megacities being in Asia) (United Nations 2015). Yet, all in all, these megacities will only be home to 8.7% of the world population in 2030. The 662 metropolises of more than a million inhabitants (United Nations 2016) on the other hand will be home to 27%. At the other end of the spectrum and 26.8% of the world’s population will live in cities of less than 500,000 inhabitants. Small and medium-sized cities are therefore extremely important, given that they are currently home to 49.1% of the urban population (44.6% in 2030) (United Nations 2016:3).

?https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.GROW (Accessed 21 May 2019).

Average annual rate of change (per cent)

Period —— Africa —0— Asia —+— Europe —o— Latin America and the Caribbean —x— Northern America —4— Oceania

Fig. 2.4 Rate of urbanization by major area, 1950-2050. (Reproduced from UN DSAPD 2015)

0 AFRICA EUROPE LATINAMERICA NORTHERN ANO THE AMERICA CARIBBEAN

Fig. 2.5 Distribution of the urban population by city size and world region. (Reproduced from Berdegué et al. 2014)

Focusing solely on the urban population, we can deduce that nearly half of the world’s urban dwellers reside in relatively small settlements of less than 500,000 inhabitants (Fig. 2.5). UN-Habitat emphasizes the essential role these cities play in terms of their relationship to the rural world (UN-Habitat 2015). This phenomenon is not unique to developing countries; it can be seen on every continent, thus

2.1 Urbanization: A Global Trend 13 supporting on our polycentric our view of population growth and urban development (Berdegué 2014; Adam 2006; Cohen 2004). We insist on the fact that these small and medium-sized cities face specific, relatively unknown issues and effectively play a strategic role in terms of regional development by providing services to both local and regional populations (Bolay 2016). We will consider this point in greater detail in Chap. 5 in our discussion of Montes Claros.

This rural-urban connection is all the more strategic for the planet’s future development, given the rural population worldwide is still high (currently nearly 3.4 billion but expected to fall to 3.2 billion by 2050). Africa and Asia are home to nearly 90% of the world’s rural population. Though predominantly rural, Africa and Asia are urbanizing faster than the other regions and are projected to become 56% and 64% urban, respectively, by 2050.

Small and medium-sized cities often act as intermediary cities, as defined in previous works (Bolay and Rabinovich 2004; Bolay et al. 2003). Rather than focusing on population size and urban sprawl alone, we decided to examine cities’ dynamics in terms of their intermediary function at several scales: (1) locally, with regard to their periphery, (2) regionally, with regard to economic activities and the rural/suburban population, (3) nationally, relative to their role in the urban network and (4) internationally, in terms of their attractiveness and globalized trade. To comprehensively explore the dynamics of urban intermediation, we established several areas of investigation: demographics (to determine migration flows); economics (to identify key sectors and markets); politics and institutions (based on the existing public institutions and the range of services offered); services and amenities (to highlight the diversity of the offer and demand); the environment (identifying the natural resources available and the impact of urban life on their balance); social relations (to analyze behaviors and social networks) and; culture (to understand local creativity and outside influences).

Using this frame of reference, which is still valid today, we can differentiate three types of intermediate cities according to their position in the spatial context:

e So-called “affected” intermediate cities: autonomous cities that have a strong territory position and trade relations with comparable or smaller urban hubs, but belong to a socioeconomic network that allows them to benefit from the influence of the closest city.

e So-called “satellite” intermediate cities: intermediate cities near large cities that offer their complementarity in terms of manpower, infrastructure and facilities;

e So-called “remote” intermediate cities: intermediate cities with a more closed system vis-a-vis the outside given their remote location (Bolay and Kern 2019).

Although still often poorly defined and often equated with medium-sized towns, intermediate cities are increasingly attracting the attention of researchers, policy-makers and politicians? given that they are now home to a large percentage of the world’s urban population.‘

A good example is the first World Forum of Intermediary Cities, organized in Morocco in July 2018.

“https://intermediarycities.uclg.org/en, (Accessed 21 May 2019).

Bellet and Llop (2002) explore the role these medium and intermediate cities play in their territories at the local and regional scales as centers of social, economic and cultural interaction. They are also connected with infrastructure networks that untie local, regional, national and international partners, and are usually home to various levels of local and regional government administration that must meet the demands and needs of large sectors of the population — a result of the decentralization phenomenon that can be observed in many South countries.

The authors present additional characteristics based on a survey of some 90 intermediate cities around the world. The former must be solidly argued, as they might seem opportunistic in a somewhat idealized vision of small and medium cities “where life is good,” versus the “urban hell” of large agglomerations. For now, however, they must be explored in order to clearly distinguish between the generic DNA of intermediate cities and their specific characteristics. The authors also speak of more stable, sustainable systems that allow for more balanced relations with the respective territories, and of using natural and human resources in a more equitable way at the regional level. They purport that intermediate cities are more easily governable, manageable and controllable, thus allowing for greater civic participation in the governance, administration and management of the city as well as settlements that are more human and livable, allowing citizens to identify with their city more easily. These cities do not suffer the environmental issues associated with megacities (e.g. social conflict). They are also less economically competitive than cities where the higher administrative functions tend to be located (Bellet and Llop 2002: 248-249). However, in a more critical stance, Kern and I (Bolay and Kern 2019) counter argue that a majority of these small and medium-sized cities lack the necessary institutional capacities to manage their rapidly growing populations. Data collected in different countries confirms that residents of smaller settlements suffered a marked disadvantage in terms of piped water and electricity supply, waste disposal services and schools compared to residents of larger cities (Cohen 2006), where levels of infant and child mortality are negatively proportional to city size (National Research Council 2003). Making smaller cities a focus on urban agendas must be a priority, particularly given their exponential demographic growth.

The research we conducted on intermediate cities in Latin America at that time led us to other, more nuanced conclusions about this set of qualifiers (Bolay and Rabinovich 2004; Bolay et al. 2003, 2004). More equitable, balanced relations between society, political powers and the environment are far from being the reality in all intermediate cities. As we will see later in this book, government funding is often proportionally inferior to that of large cities. Moreover, economic and social poverty are more prevalent, and paternalistic relations and cronyism between decision-makers and citizens commonplace, giving rise to dependency, subordination and even corruption. Infrastructure and technical networks may also be less efficient than in big cities, which has a negative impact on the quality of natural resources. What is certain is that intermediate cities — though quintessential given the issues they raise — remain little studied and merit further investigation.