Education and Development in Colonial and Postcolonial Africa

Front matter

IE (@ Open Access

- Education and Development in

"I Colonial and = Postcolonial Africa . - ~ 3 > 5

Contents

Introduction: Historical Trajectories of Education and Development in (Post)Colonial Africa

Damiano Matasci, Miguel Bandeira Jerönimo and

Hugo Gongalves Dores

Part II Training Economic Actors

Becoming a Good Farmer—Becoming a Good Farm Worker: On Colonial Educational Policies in Germany and German South-West Africa, Circa 1890 to 1918 Jakob Zollmann

Conditions and Development Plans for Farming in GSWA— The Necessity for Agricultural Education

CONTENTS ix

Colonial Knowledge and Tropical Agriculture: A Research

and Teaching Subject in Germany—An Administrative Task

in GSWA 120 “Germany Has the Education and not the Colonies.”

The Deutsche Kolonialschule für Landwirtschaft and the Colonial Women’s School 125 Educating Africans as Workers? Why or Why Not? 133 Bibliography 138 Cruce et Aratro: Fascism, Missionary Schools, and Labor

in 1920s Italian Somalia 143 Caterina Scalvedi

Introduction 143 Church-State Reconciliation 146 The Shaping of Colonial Education Under De Vecchi

(1923-28) 152 Towards Adapted Education, 1930s 163 Conclusion 166 Bibliography 168 Becoming Workers of Greater France: Vocational

Education in Colonial Morocco, 1912-1939 173 Michael A. Kozakowski

The Politics of Muslim Vocational Education 172 Vocational Education Beyond the Indigenous Classroom 185 The Limits of Vocational Training 189 Ineffective Reforms and Expansion 193 Conclusion 198 Bibliography 200 at the University of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania)

in the 1970s and 1980s 205 Eric Burton

The International Roots of Tanzania’s National Engineering Education 210 Socializing Engineers: Protests and Transnational

Technocracy 214

X

CONTENTS

Engineering Education Under Conditions of Dependency

Engineering Socialism: Economization and the Undermining of Egalitarianism

Conclusion: The Legacies and Inequalities of Technocraticizing

Socialism Bibliography

Part III Entanglements and Competing Projects

Enlightened Developments? Inter-imperial Organizations and the Issue of Colonial Education in Africa (1945-1957)

Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and Hugo Gonçalves Dores Proclaiming an “Enlightened” Colonialism

Education: “Moral Character,” the Political Problem Creating the Conditions: Old Principles, New Drive, New Challenges

New Data for a New Policy

Archival Sources

The Fabric of Academic Communities at the Heart of the British Empire’s Modernization Policies Hélène Charton Universities to Reinvent the Empire Establishing New Links Within the Empire Training Academic Elites in and for the Colonies The Fabric of Imperial Academic Communities The Asquith Universities: Agents of a New Cultural Imperialism Integrating, Supporting, and Controlling Colonial Students in Great Britain Distinguishing Colonial Students from the Immigrant Population

Training Allies—Academic Communities Serving the New

British Imperial Project The Specter of Communism

227 230

237 243

278 278

CONTENTS xi

Highly Sought-After Colonial Elites 280 Colonial Resistance 282 Conclusion 285 Bibliography 285

11 Exploring “Socialist Solidarity” in Higher Education: East German Advisors in Post-Independence

Mozambique (1975-1992) 289 Alexandra Piepiorka

How Does “Socialist Solidarity” Integrate into the

Mozambican History of Education? 294 Mozambican Ideas for Post-Independence Development

in Higher Education 298

East German Involvement in Mozambique’s (Socialist) Development and International Cooperation in Higher

Education 303

East German Advisers at the UEM and Internationalist

Practices “on the Ground” 306 Intercultural Encounters 306 Ideological Disputes 308 Dialogue and Cooperative Attitude 309

Wind of Change and the Legacy of “Socialist Solidarity”

at the UEM 311

Conclusion 313

Index 319

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Eric Burton is Assistant Professor in contemporary history at the University of Innsbruck specializing in the entangled histories of development, socialisms, and anticolonial liberation struggles. Previously, he was a postdoctoral research associate in the project “Socialism goes global” at the University of Exeter, Leibniz EEGA guest scholar at Leipzig University, and lecturer at the University of Vienna in African Studies and Development Studies.

Helene Charton is a full-time CNRS researcher currently working for Les Afriques dans le monde (LAM) at the University of Bordeaux, France. Her main area of research is education in Africa using historical and political science approaches.

Hugo Gongalves Dores is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre for Social Studies (University of Coimbra, Portugal). His research addresses educational policies, international organizations activities (CCTA and UNESCO) and State-Church relations in colonial contexts.

Brooke Durham is a Ph.D. candidate at Stanford University. Her dissertation investigates integration, international volunteering, and education policies in Algeria between 1945 and 1972.

Miguel Bandeira Jerönimo is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra, Portugal. He has been working on the historical intersections between internationalism(s) and imperialism, and on the late colonial entanglements between idioms and xiii xiv NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS repertoires of development and of control and coercion in European colonial empires. He recently co-edited Internationalism, Imperialism and the Formation of the Contemporary World (Palgrave, 2017). He coordinates the international research project entitled “The worlds of (under) development: processes and legacies of the Portuguese colonial empire in a comparative perspective (1945-1975),” funded by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology.

Peter Kallaway is a historian and policy analyst who has been a member of staff at the University of the Witwatersrand, the University of the Western Cape, and the University of Cape Town since the 1980s. His publications include Apartheid and Education (Ravan Press, 1984), Education Under Apartheid (Peter Lang/2002), and Empire and Education in Africa (2016). He is the coordinator of a research group on Colonial Education in Africa.

Dr. Michael A. Kozakowski is Teaching Fellow of Modern History at Keele University. His research and publications address subjects including migration, vocational training, economic transitions, and conceptions of the Mediterranean. He is currently preparing a book manuscript entitled, Migration and the Transformation of the Western Mediterranean: Economic Development, Decolonization, and European Integration, 1945-1975.

Damiano Matasci holds a Ph.D. in history from the University of Geneva and EHESS in Paris. He is a SNF Research Fellow at the Institute of Political Studies of the University of Lausanne. His research focuses on the history of education in Europe and colonial Africa (nineteenth-twentieth centuries).

Alexandra Piepiorka is a research fellow at the Institute for Educational Science, University of Giessen, Germany. Her ongoing Ph.D. project focuses on socialist cooperation in higher education between the former GDR and post-independence Mozambique.

Caterina Scalvedi is a doctoral student in history at the University of Illinois at Chicago. In her Master’s thesis (University of Rome “La Sapienza”), she explored the controversial relationship between the Italian administration and Protestant missions in colonial Eritrea and Ethiopia (1880s-1940s). Currently, she is conducting research on the social and cultural dimensions of education throughout the fascist Italian Empire.

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS xv

Romain Tiquet is a postdoctoral researcher at the Department of History (Geneva). He holds a Ph.D. (Humboldt University Berlin) on the issue of forced labor in Senegal during the colonial and post-colonial period. He is currently working on a comparative approach of decolonization processes in West Africa.

Jakob Zollmann is researcher at the Center for Global Constitutionalism of the WZB Berlin Social Science Center. His research focuses on the history of international law and on the (legal and social) history of colonial Africa. He has published Koloniale Herrschaft und ihre Grenzen. Die Kolonialpolizei in Deutsch-Südwestafrika, Vandenhoek@ Ruprecht, 2010 and Naulila 1914. World War I in Angola and International Law, Nomos, 2016.

LIST OF FIGURES

A class for metalworkers (Mogadishu, 1928?) (Courtesy of AFIMC)

A sewing class (Mogadishu, 1928?) (Courtesy of AFIMC) A class for woodworkers (Mogadishu, 1928?) (Courtesy of AFIMC)

A class for printers (Mogadishu, 1928?) (Courtesy

of AFIMC)

159 160

Table 2.1

Table 6.1 Table 6.2

LIST OF TABLES

Welfare and education in colonial Africa and South Africa,

1910-1945 48 School Enrolment in Italian Somalia, 1924-1940 155 Baptisms in Italian Somalia, 1925-1929 157

Chapter 1

Introduction: Historical Trajectories of Education and Development in (Post)Colonial Africa

Damiano Matasci, Miguel Bandeira Jeronimo and Hugo Goncalves Dores

“Among the many problems of Africa there is none that has attracted more discussion, and indeed more controversy, than that of the type of education which should be given to the African.”! Thus stated William Malcolm Hailey in his famous report An African Survey: A Study of Problems Arising in Africa South of the Sahara published in 1938.

!Lord Hailey, An African Survey: A Study of Problems Arising in Africa South of the Sahara (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1938), 1208.

D. Matasci ( University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland e-mail: Damiano.Matasci@unige.ch

Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra, Coimbra, Portugal

H. G. Dores e-mail: hugodores@ces.uc.pt

© The Author(s) 2020 l D. Matasci et al. (eds.), Education and Development in Colonial

and Postcolonial Africa, Global Histories of Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27801-4_1

In this monumental work, which marked the starting point of a new orientation in British colonial policy, on many issues, the eminent former member of the Indian Civil Service noted the great diversity of policies that were in force not only in the British possessions in Africa but also in the French, Belgian, and Portuguese territories. Variation ruled (at least in the policies proclaimed to be implemented), but the centrality of education in the colonial project was highlighted, at least rhetorically. For sure, the “educability” of the native had been the subject of numerous debates and experiments since the late nineteenth century, frequently shaped by culturalist and racialist arguments in the aftermath of formal abolitionism. In the early twentieth century, they continued, with various motivations and purposes, in different international and colonial contexts.

The same happened with the debates about the usefulness of “native education,” at the metropoles and at the colonies. Problems such as the necessity and the utility of the provision of educational services in Africa, for settlers and for the colonial subjects, were the object of numerous appreciations. A diversity of arguments and positions emerged within imperial and international circles in relation to the role that education could or should play in the economic and social transformation of African societies.$

?For instance, for the French case, see Pascale Barthélémy, “L’enseignement dans l’Empire colonial frangais: une vieille histoire?” Histoire de Péducation, no. 128 (2010): 5-28; for the British case see Clive Whitehead, “The Historiography of British Imperial Education Policy, Part II: Africa and the Rest of the Colonial Empire,” History of Education 34, no. 4 (2005): 441-454; for the Portuguese case, see Miguel Bandeira Jerönimo, “Livros Brancos, Almas Negras. Programas e Discursos (1880-1930),” MA diss., New University of Lisbon, 2000; Joao Carlos Paulo, “What Does Indigenous Education Mean? Portuguese Colonial Thought and the Construction of Ethnicity and Education,” Paedagogica Historica 37, no. 1 (2001): 231-250. See also Julie McLeod and Fiona Paisley, “The Modernization of Colonialism and the Educability of the ‘Native’: Transpacific Knowledge Networks and Education in the Interwar Years,” History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 3 (2016): 473-502. For a landmark see Marc Depaepe and Antönio Növoa (eds.), “The Colonial Experience in Education,” Paedagogica Historica 31, supplement 1 (1995).

3Barnita Bagchi, Eckhardt Fuchs, and Kate Rousmaniere (eds.), Connecting Histories of Education: Transnational and Cross-Cultural Exchanges in (Post)Colonial Education (New York: Berghahn Books, 2014). For a comparative assessment, see Peter Kallaway and Rebecca Swartz (eds.), Empire and Education in Africa: The Shaping of a Comparative Perspective (New York: Peter Lang, 2016). On the postcolonial period, see Céline Labrune- Badiane, Marie-Albane de Suremain, and Pascal Bianchini (dir.), L'école en situation postcoloniale (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2012).

Paradigms such as “adapted,” “vocational,” “mass,” or “fundamental” education, elaborated within long-standing and enduring racialized frameworks, had a significant role in the ways in which European colonial administrations strove to improve the living standards of local populations, so to legitimize imperial rule or even enable some forms of controlled self-government. Similarly, education was also a crucial realm for newly independent countries, as part of ambitious political and socioeconomic modernization schemes.

Despite the importance of these issues, the burgeoning historiography focused on “development”*—innovative, solid and compelling as it is— has not reflected this fact accordingly. Admittedly, economic historians have attempted to assess the impact of education on current macroeconomic performances of African countries.° Using quantitative methods,

*“Development” is an ambiguous and contentious notion. According to Joseph Hodge, this notion refers to “an intentional, organized intervention in collective affairs according to a general (if not universal) standard of improvement.” It encompasses two distinct poles: raising production and productivity, on the one hand, and raising the living standards of people regarded as backward or underdeveloped, on the other. Joseph M. Hodge, Gerald Hodl, and Martina Kopf (eds.), Developing Africa: Concepts and Practices in Twentieth- Century Colonialism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2014): 3.

5For some notable contributions on the history of development in Africa, see Hodge, Hodl, and Kopf (eds.), Developing Africa, Peter J. Bloom, Stephan F. Miescher, and Takyiwaa Manuh (eds.), Modernization as Spectacle in Africa (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2014). For general assessments, see Erez Manela and Stephen Macekura (eds.), The Development Century: A Global History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018); Frederick Cooper and Randall Packard (eds.), International Development and the Social Sciences (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). See also the synthesis provided by Corinna Unger, “Histories of Development and Modernization: Findings, Reflections, Future Research,” H-Soz-Kult, 9.12.2010, http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/forum/2010-12-001; Joseph M. Hodge, “Writing the History of Development (Part 1: The First Wave),” Humanity 6, no. 3 (2015): 429-463; Hodge, “Writing the History of Development (Part 2: Longer, Deeper, Wider),” Humanity 7, no. 1 (2016): 125-174. Another crucial text is Nick Cullather, “Development? It’s History,” Diplomatic History 24, no. 4 (2000): 641-653.

Among other important contributions see Gareth Austin, “Développement économique et legs coloniaux en Afrique,” Revue internationale de politique de développement, no. 1 (2010): 11-32; Ewout Frankema, “The Origins of Formal Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Was British Rule More Benign?” European Review of Economic History 16, no. 4 (2012): 335-355; Ewout Frankema, “Colonial Education and Postcolonial Governance in the Congo and Indonesia,” in Colonial Exploitation and Economic Development: The Belgian Congo and the Netherlands Indies Compared, ed. by Ewout Frankema and F. Buelens (London: Routledge, 2013): 153-177.

they have identified historical factors that could explain contemporary inequalities, such as transatlantic slavery trade, the presence of missions” stations or the degree of public investments in institutions like schools.7 These studies demonstrate, among other things, the relevance of long-term historical analysis to the understanding of developmentalism.® However, they often fail to fully appreciate the complex, changing and sometimes contradictory processes that shaped the link between education and socioeconomic change.?

7The literature is already vast, and compelling. For some major references, see, among others, Daron Acemoglu, Simon H. Johnson, and James A. Robinson, “The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation,” American Economic Review 91, no. 5 (2001): 1369-1401; Leander Heldring and James Robinson, “Colonialism and Development in Africa,” NBER Working Paper, 18566 (2012); Emmanuel Akyeampong, Robert H. Bates, Nathan Nunn, and James A. Robinson (eds.), Africa’s Development in Historical Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014); Stelios Michalopoulos and Elias Papaioannou (eds.), The Long Economic and Political Shadow of History, vol. II: Africa and Asia (London: CEPR Press, 2017). On the role of the state, see Matthew Lange, Lineages of Despotism and Development: British Colonialism and State Power (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); Elise Huillery, “History Matters: The Long-Term Impact of Colonial Public Investments in French West Africa,” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 1, no. 2 (2009): 176-215; Denis Cogneau, Yannick Dupraz, and Sandrine Mesplé-Somps, “African States and Development in Historical Perspective: Colonial Public Finances in British and French West Africa,” Paris School of Economics Working Paper (2018). On missions, central to understand the question of education, see Nathan Nunn, “Gender and Missionary Influence in Colonial Africa,” in Africa’s Development in Historical Perspective, ed. by E. Akyeampong, R. Bates, N. Nunn, and J. Robinson, 489-512; Johan Fourie and Christie Swanepoel, “When Selection Trumps Persistence: The Lasting Effect of Missionary Education in South Africa,” Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis 12, no. 1 (2015): 1-29; Julia Cagé and Valeria Rueda, “The Devil Is in the Detail: Christian Missions’ Heterogeneous Effects on Development in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in The Long Economic and Political Shadow of History, ed. by S. Michalopoulos and E. Papaioannou, vol. II, 98-108; Remi Jedwab, Felix Meier zu Selhausen, and Alexander Moradi, The Economics of Missionary Expansion: Evidence from Africa and Implications for Development. CSAE Working Paper, Centre for the Study of African Economies, University of Oxford, 2018; Francisco A. Gallego and Robert D. Woodberry, “Christian Missionaries and Education in Former African Colonies: How Competition Mattered,” Journal of African Economics, no. 3 (2010): 294-329.

8Nathan Nunn, “The Importance of History for Economic Development,” Annual Review of Economics 1, no. 1 (2009): 65-92.

°An important point here is, of course, the reliability of the sources, mainly statistical, upon which these important exercises are based on and, therefore, the robustness of their conclusions. From the accurate study of their production to the critical appreciation of

This collective edited volume aims to fill this gap. It contributes to a closer interaction between the historiographies and historical trajectories of education and development, pointing to the co-constitution of arguments, debates, and policies focused on both colonial and postcolonial Africa. Drawing on empirical and multilingual enquiries, the contributors examine a vast array of actors, discourses, and projects aiming at the mise en valeur and at the socioeconomic transformation—in some circles seen as “the theory of modernization”!°—of the African continent and respective societies. Several key aspects of such a process will be highlighted, including transnational and inter-imperial entanglements, as well as continuities and ruptures between the colonial era and the post-independence years. The question at stake is to determine how and why the raise of educational standards of indigenous populations and the training of local elites became a key feature within imperial, national, and international agendas, in different ways and with distinct timings, as part of evolving development theses and projects produced by European administrations, missionaries, intergovernmental organizations, as well as African, Western, and Eastern countries.

During the twentieth century, three phases—or critical junctures—can be identified, during which the economic and social goals of education were profoundly reconfigured and its place in projects of societal and economic transformation evolved.!!

their use in time, the quality of statistical information produced by empire states and colonial administrations needs to be constantly scrutinized. The thought-provoking arguments offered by Morten Jerven, Poor Numbers: How We Are Misled by African Development Statistics and What to Do About It (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013) can be useful on many ways.

10David C. Engerman and Corinna R. Unger, “Introduction: Towards a Global History of Modernization,” Diplomatic History 33, no. 3 (2009): 375-385; David Ekbladh, The Great American Mission: Modernization and the Construction of an American World Order, 1914 to the Present (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010).

Needless to say, this chronology does not aim at being exhaustive or to neatly organize the historical dynamics of the process under analysis. The political, sociocultural, and economic goals of education varied significantly from colonial empire to colonial empire, although some common features may be identified.

ON ADAPTABILITY AND “UsEFUL PRODUCERS” (1900-1930)

The first phase, spanning the period between 1900 and 1930, coincided with the introduction of the first “native” educational systems in the wake of the scramble for Africa which had started in the last decades of the nineteenth century. These systems, which worked as such more de jure than de facto, were dominated by missionaries, widely acting in behalf of colonial authorities (although a clear distinction between Catholic and Protestant dynamics must be made in this respect).!? From the beginning of modern missionary expansion (at least since the sixteenth century), education was an essential aspect of the activities of the missions, although conversion was surely more pivotal (in some cases, the two might be closely related). For Catholic and Protestant missionaries, conversion required learning local languages, teaching European languages, and adapting, sometimes forcefully, local concepts to Christian beliefs (and, often, vice versa). Missionaries carried more than a religious vision with them. They also embodied news ways of understanding sociocultural difference, and in different ways, they promoted a complex and multilayered set of assumptions commonly associated with the idea of “civilising mission.” Furthermore, they often promoted a concept of “education through labour,” intermingled with arguments of African purported laziness and idleness, which governed European perspective about African populations during colonial times. As some of the texts in this volume show, missions acquired a significant, frequently criticized, centrality in the provision of educational services to African populations, reproducing, at least on paper, European schooling models (see, for instance, the French and the Belgian cases). Needless to say,

2 For the relationship between political and religious authorities in imperial and colonial contexts, see, among many others: Andrew Porter, Religion Versus Empire? British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700-1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004); Brian Stanley, The Bible and the Flag: Protestant Missions and British Imperialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Leicester: Appollos, 1990); Norman Etherington (ed.), Missions and Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Owen White and J. P. Daughton (eds.), In God’s Empire: French Missionaries and the Modern World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012); Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império. Politica e Religiäo na partilha de Africa (1820-1890) (Lisbon: Edições 70, 2012); Hugo Gonçalves Dores, A missão da república: Politica, religião e o império colonial Portugués (1910-1926) (Lisbon: Edições 70, 2015).

and despite some perspectives that obscure this fact, their role varied in time and space, and it is not easily described and classified. Their actual intervention was diverse, and caution is needed when reading the existing statistics and reports. Like many other examples regarding imperial and colonial action, the rhetoric of “conversion” was frequently contradicted by closer inspections, including by the missionary or ecclesiastical actors themselves. The competition for “souls,” among missionary societies, Christian denominations, and between Church and State, led to significant overestimations (some uncritically reproduced in contemporary assessments). Finally, their impact on forms of belief and social practices, on education and development, at the time and throughout time, was also plural, requiring much more than simple forms of causality.

The “effective occupation” proved hard to succeed, and clearly, the priorities of imperial governments and colonial administration rested not on the significant provision of educational services. Regarding the latter, this period was characterized not so much by the extent of practical achievements, despite the considerable, and formal, expansion of missionary schools, as by intense debates on the “content” of education and, in particular, its adaptation to the putative social, economic, and cultural specificities of African populations and territories.l$ The general goal was to strike a balance between the imperatives of “moral conquest”— as conceptualized in 1917 by Georges Hardy, Director of Education in West French Africal#—and the concerns linked to the “detribalization” and “social displacement” caused by a supposedly too abstract and literary education which emulated the metropolitan one. Given the need to sustain the efforts to foster “legitimate commerce,” in relation to the protracted dynamics of abolition of slave trade and slavery, and the need to regulate the uses of coerced and “contract” labor, the ponderations about “native education” also appeared connected to the debates on how to guarantee the availability of African manpower. Faced with these problems, the solutions envisaged and the educational models put in place by European colonial powers were particularly diverse throughout

18 For instance, Udo Bude, “The Adaptation Concept in British Colonial Education,” Comparative Education 19, no. 3 (1983): 341-355.

Georges Hardy, Une conquête morale. L’enseignement en AOF (Paris: Armand Colin, 1917).

the territories.! There was no coherent and unified educational project, but rather different and changing realities from one colony to another. The “moral conquest” meant slightly different things from colonial empire to colonial empire, from colony to colony, from administration to administration. Moreover, as happened with many other topics, the distance between proclaimed educational policies and the actual administrative practices was frequently unsurmountable.

After the First World War, colonial education progressively acquired new objectives, partially in response to the new League of Nations’ concept of “trusteeship” and the growing native demand for education (which also varied from one context to another).!° The French Minister for Colonies Albert Sarraut, for example, placed training and education in the program for the mise en valeur of African territories, which covered port and river development, railway and road construction, and also health care improvement. In this framework, education was supposed to not only be made widely available to the rural masses, but also be focused on practical objectives. It had to convey “practical experimental” notions, orient native children toward “manual trades,” and prepare “useful producers” (producteurs utiles).\’ This practical emphasis was used by many, in diverse ways, some to justify the opposition to the role played by the religious entities in education in colonial contexts (partially a projection of ongoing conflicts at the metropole), while others to foster ideas of (forced) labor as quintessentially an educational instrument. This was noticeable at the metropoles but it was also manifest in the debates regarding the possibilities of economic change or the suppression of slavery and implementation of new forms of labor exaction within the League of Nations.!® Similar considerations to those of Sarraut were also

1 Ana Isabel Madeira, “Portuguese, French and British Discourses on Colonial Education: Church-State Relations, School Expansion and Missionary Competition in Africa, 1890-1930,” Paedagogica Historica 41, nos. 1-2 (2005): 31-60.

16Susan Pedersen, The Guardians: The League of Nations and the Crisis of Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). On education, see J. M. Barrington, “The Permanent Mandates Commission and Educational Policy in Trust Territories,” International Review of Education 22, no. | (1976): 88-94.

17 Albert Sarraut, La mise en valeur des colonies françaises (Paris: Payot et Cie, 1923): 401.

18 Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, The “Civilizing Mission” of Portuguese Colonialism, 1870- 1930 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 147-150. See also Susan Pedersen, The Guardians. For a later period, see Frederick Cooper, Décolonisation et travail en Afrique. L’Afrigue britannique et francaise, 1935-1960 (Paris: Karthala, 2004).

expressed by Lord Lugard in his work The Dual Mandate, published in 1922. This influential volume stated that the goal of village schools was to “improve the village craftsmen and agriculturists, to raise the standard of life, comfort, and intelligence in the village community.”!?

The emergence of this “developmentalist” discourse accompanied the introduction of forms of education through labour, in a context marked by the intensification of the internationalization of imperial and colonial affairs, not least about the “conditions analogous to slavery.”?° For instance, those forms followed the example of the coercive measure called deuxiéme portion du contingent (“second part of the contingent”) which was created in 1926 in French West Africa (see the chapter of Romain Tiquet). The first vocational and technical study programs were also established—for example, in North Africa (see the chapter of Michael A. Kozakowski) and in the German colonies (see the chapter of Jakob Zollmann)—even though they remained very limited and were sometimes restricted to white population.?!

The publication in 1922 and 1925 of two reports on African education commissioned by the American philanthropic foundation Phelps- Stokes Fund (PSF) represented an important turning point in the international and (inter)imperial formulation of colonial educational policies, although its impact is yet to be comparatively studied. The transatlantic circulation of educational models and potential policies (and other

Frederick Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1922): 444.

20Frederick Cooper, “Conditions Analogous to Slavery: Imperialism and Free Labor Ideology in Africa,” in Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies, ed. by Frederick Cooper, Thomas C. Holt, and Rebecca J. Scott (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 107-149; Miguel Bandeira Jerönimo, “A League of Empires: Imperial Political Imagination and Interwar Internationalisms,” in Internationalism, Imperialism and the Formation of the Contemporary World, ed. by Miguel Bandeira Jerönimo and Jose Pedro Monteiro (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 87-126. For the dynamics of internationalization, see also, for instance, Pierre Singaravelou, “Les strategies d’internationalisation de la question coloniale et la construction transnationale d’une science de la colonisation à la fin du XIXe siècle,” Monde(s) 1, no. 1 (2012): 135-157; Veronique Dimier, “L’internationalisation du débat colonial: rivalités autour de la Commission Permanente des Mandats,” Outre-mers 89, nos. 336-337 (2002): 333-360.

?1Stéphane Lembré, “L’enseignement technique et professionnel dans l’Algérie coloniale, du territoire à l’atelier (1866-1958),” Histoire de Péducation, no. 147 (2017): 91-117.

Alabamas in Africa) was differently engaged by different colonial powers.?? Even those, such as the Portuguese, that were not the primordial focus of the study—not least because of the close connections between the state and the Catholic Church and of the convoluted relationship with foreign missions since the mid-nineteenth century—nonetheless reacted to the reports’ findings.?* Written in the wake of missions carried out by Thomas Jesse Jones, a leading member of the PSF and a former director of the Research Department of Hampton Institute in Virginia (one of the pioneer colleges for black students in the United States), the reports put forward precise suggestions with regard to adapting local schools systems to “the educational needs of Africa,” in particular “those pertaining to the hygienic, economic, social, and religious conditions of the Native people.”?*

Taking up the educational model used with black Americans since the mid-nineteenth century, Jones’s proposed policy could be summed up into four categories which he called “The Four Essentials of Education”: health, home life training, industry (including agriculture), and recreation.? Education was meant to serve primarily the needs of the community, particularly agricultural and industrial ones, rather than provide literary knowledge that had supposedly little relevance or utility in African economic life. These utilitarian principles were embraced, directly or indirectly, by many colonial administrations (once again, for different reasons, with distinct aims).26 In 1925, for example, the first report

22For a now classic study of these transatlantic connections, see Andrew Zimmerman, Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010).

?3Thomas Jesse Jones, Education in Africa: A Study of West, South, and Equatorial Africa by the African Education Commission (New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1922), and Education in East Africa (New York: Phelps-Stokes Fund, 1925).

Jones, Education in Africa, xvi.

Julia Bates, “U.S. Empire and the ‘Adaptive Education’? Model: The Global Production of Race,” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 1 (2019): 41-54.

26Sybille Küster, “Book Learning’ Versus ‘Adapted Education’: The Impact of Phelps- Stokesism on Colonial Education Systems in Central Africa in the Interwar Period,” Paedagogica Historica 43, no. 1 (2007): 79-97; Maud Seghers, “Phelps-Stokes in Congo: Transferring Educational Policy Discourse to Govern Metropole and Colony,” Paedagogica Historica 40, no. 4 (2004): 455-477; Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, The “Civilizing Mission” of Portuguese Colonialism, 1870-1930 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015): 109-133.