The olive branch; or, Faults on both sides, Federal and Democratic. A serious appeal on the necessity of mutual forgiveness and harmony

Front matter

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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION, It

a flagitious project should be carried into operation, without rivers of blood being shed, as that ) ou could tear away the foundations on which a mighty edifice rests, without the edifice itself crumbling to ruins ; or remove the dykes which oppose the violence of rushing torrents, and not have the circumjacent country overflowed.

A favourite phrase with Mr. Gardenier is, that " the present administration must come doxvn.^'' This is quite explicit. ^ It is impossible to mistake the intention, or the mode of effecting it. The latter is very simple. History furnishes numerous examples. It is the mode by which, after the Rubicon was passed, Julius Caesar rose to power on the ruins of the commonwealth ; by which Cromwell expelled the Rump parliament, and seized the reins of government ; and, to come to a later period, it is the mode whereby Bonaparte made himself master of the destinies of France.

But, Mr. Gardenier, we are not ripe for this project yet. Can you, or can general Robert Wharton, (Mayor of Philadelphia) who has given the toast — " James Madison, on the island of Elba" — can you, I say, be mad enough to believe, that the hardy yeomanry of New York, New Jersey, or Pennsylvania, will allow any band of desperadoes with impunity to tear the highest public functionaries of the nation from their seats — men chosen in strict conformity with the terms of the social compact ?

If you flatter yourselves with any such pleasing delusions, awake, and shake off" the mighty error. Rely upon it, that those who may make the sacrilegious attempt, will, with their deluded followers, suffer condign punishment as traitors.

For a considerable time past, the United States have exhibited a spectacle of the most extraordinar}- kind, and almost unique in the history of the world.

Our constitution has probably but one material defect. It wants a due degree of energy, particularly pending war. If it were free from this, it might endure as many ages as the Spartan or Roman government.

This defect must be a subject of deep and serious regret to all good men, not merely our cotemporaries or countrymen, but to those in future times and distant countries, who may feel an interest in the happiness of their fellow men. In perusing history, we lament the errors of our ancestors — ours will be a subject of lamentation to posterity.

This serious defect in the frame of our government, renders it the imperious duty of all good citizens to uphold and support it with all their energy. But, all considerations of duty apart, tneye selfishness ought to prompt those who have any interest in

12 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

the welfare of the country, who may lose, but cannot gain by convulsions, and tumults, and confusion, and anarchy, with all their efforts to uphold the government which protects them in the enjoyment of all the blessings of life.

It is, however, awful to relate, that a large proportion of the wealthiest men in the community have been as sedulously employed in tearing down the pillars of the government^ — in throwing every obstacle and difficulty and embarrassment in the way of its administrators, as if it were equally oppressive with that of Algiers or Turkey, or as if they could derive advantage from anarchy. Should they be cursed with final success in their endeavours, they and their posterity will long mourn the consequences.

The national vessel is on rocks and quicksands, and in danger of shipwreck. There is, moreover, a larger and more formidable vessel prepari'.ig all possible means for her destruction. But, instead of efforts to extricate her, the crew are distracted by a dispute how she came into that situation. The grand and only object with a part of them is to seize the helm — and, rather than not succeed, they are resolved she shall run the risque of going to perdition. This party swears that all our difficulties and dangers are owing to the imbecility, the corruption, the madness, the folly of the pilot, whom they threaten with " a halter," or to put him ashore " on the island of Elba." The others swear with equal vehemence, that the refractory, turbulent, and factious spirit of the mutinous pai't of the crew has run the vessel aground. They are, accordingly, determined to defend the pilot. A few individuals, who see that both parties have contributed to produce this calamitous event, in vain hold out " the Olive Branch^'' and implore them to suspend all enquiry into the cause of the danger till the ship is extricated. But it is in vain. While the parties are more and more inflamed against each other, the vessel bilges on a sharp rock — down she goes — pilot — and supporters — and mutineers — and peace makers — all in one common destruction !

This, I am fearful, will be our fate. But it may be prevented. All that is necessary is that a few influential men in the different states unite — bury the hatchet — and lay aside all minor considerations while the vessel of state is in danger. This policy is so obviously just, that one hundred individuals throughout the union setting the example, would have sufficient influence to accomplish the blessed object of saving their country.

Will the Clarksons,-the Rays, the Ludlows, theRemsens, the Ogdens, the Pearsalls, the Lenoxes, the Harrisons, the Lawrences, the M'Cormicks, of New York-— the Willings, the Francises, the Norrises, the Biddies, the Latimers, the Tilghmans, the Wains, the Ralstons, the Lewises, of Philadelphia — theGilmors, the Olivers, the Sterets, the Howards, the Smiths, the

Preface To The First Edition. 13

Bryces, the Grahams, the Cookes, of Baltimore — and other such estimable federalists throughout the union, continue to regard with apathy the dangers of their countrj^, and not make a bold and decisive stand to rescue her ? No. It cannot be. Heaven has not, I hope, so far blotted us out of its favourable remembrance, as to abandon us to such a frightful destiny. It will, I hope, at this late hour, interpose for our salvation, and dispel the horrible mists of passion and prejudice — of madness and folly — which intercept from ovir view the abyss that yawns before us, ready to swallow us up in remediless destruction.

In England, the opposition to the ministry is always violent, and, like the opposition here, is too generally directed against all the measures of governmejit^ whether meritorious or otherwise. But there is in parliament a substantial country party^ which occasionally votes with the minister, and occasionally with the opposition — supporting or opposing measures as conscience dictates.

It is a most unfortunate fact, that in congress the number of members of this description is very s?nall. That body may be generally classed into federalists and democrats, who too frequently vote in solid colums.* There are, I grant, laudable exceptions. But they are too rare.

This is one of the worst features in the situation of the country. The indiscriminate adherence to party, and uniform support of party arrangements, encourage the leaders to proceed to extremities^ and to adopt violent and pernicious measures, which the good sense of their followers may reprobate, but from Avhich they have not fortitude enough to -withhold their support. This has been in all countries the most frightful of the consequences of the unholy and deleterious spirit of faction. Men, originally of the purest hearts and best intentions, are, by this ignis fatiius^ gradually corrupted, and led step by step to unite in acts, at which they would, at the commencement of their career, have recoiled with horror and affright. I believe it is a sound political maxim, that a thoroughgoing party-man cannot he a perfectly honest politician ; for there perhaps never yet was a party free from errors and crimes, more or less gross, in exact proportion to the folly or the wickedness of its leaders.

The Jews, besieged by Titus, within the walls of their metropolis, availed themselves of the cessation of the hostile attacks of their external enemies, to glut their vengeance, and malice, and factious spirit, by butchering each other — and thus both parties fell an easy prey to the invaders. To this deplorable pitch of madness, xve have not yet arrived. But that we have hitherto escaped this calamity, is not for want of industry on the part of those who are unceasingly employed as incendiaries in blowing

* This state of thing-s has-materially changed since the war. Party spirit in Congress has very nearly subsided. May, 1818.

14 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

up the flames of discord, and preparing us for similar scene-s» The cool, and calm, and temperate part of the community, appear torpid and languid, and take no steps to avert the awful catastrophe. Let them awake from their slumbers soon ; or, at no distant day, the evil may be i-emediless, and they will in vain mourn over their folly.

I believe Mr. Madison perfectly upright ; that his administration of the government has been conducted with as pure intentions, as ever actuated a first magistrate of any country ; and that lord Chatham, or the great Sully, would have found it a very arduous task to manage the helm under the difficulties, external and internal, that he has had to contend with. But were it a question that I'elated wholly to Mr. Madison or his administration, I should never have trespassed on the public. — Were Mr. Madison as patriotic as Curtius, or the Decii, as just as Aristides — and as immaculate as an archangel — nay, were all the heroes and statesmen of the revolution restored to life, and entrusted with the administration — I should consider their honour, their interests, their happiness, or their safety, as dust in the balance, compared with the salvation of eight millions of people.

It is difficult to conceive an object more worthy of the efforts of an ardent mind. A review of history will convince any reasonable or candid person, that there probably never was, and indubitably there is not at present, a more interesting portion of the human species, than the inhabitants of the United States. There never was a nation in which all the solid blessings and comforts of life were more fully enjoyed than they are here, and were secured by such slender sacrifices. I am not so blind an admirer, as to presume that the nation has no defects. 1 here never was a nation or individual free from them. But take all the leading points that give assurance of happiness, and afford the necessary indications of respectability ; and at no period can there be found a nation standing on more elevated ground.

The former points of difference between the federalists and democrats have, for the present, lost all their importance. They are merged in objects of incomparably higher moment. Evils of incalculable magnitude menace us. A powerful enemy, flushed with success, and with superabundant means of annoyance, hovers on our coasts ; and, through his formidable navy, can inflict on us deep and lasting injury. And what is pregnant with more terror by far, instead of aiding to extricate us from this perilous situation, the opportunity of a season of difficulty and danger is seized on to attempt the dissolution of the union ; tO raise up hostile and jarring confederacies ; and to destroy the hopes mankind have formed of our noble governmental experiment.

To dispute about the minor points that have divided the parties heretofore, is madness. How superlative would be the folly

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. l5

and absurdity of two men, who were fighting about the interior decorations and arrangements of an edifice, regardless of the operations of two others, one of whom was undermining and preparing to blow it up in the air, and the other providing a torch to set it on fire ? A strait jacket would be loo slender a restraint for them. Such are the folly and madness of those democrats and federalists who continue their warfare about the mode of administering the government, or the persons by whom it shall be administered, at a time when the government itself is in danger of being destroyed root and branch.

The plan of this work requires some short explanation. I believe the country to be in imminent danger of a convulsion, whereof the human mind cannot calculate the consequences. The nation is divided into two hostile parties, whose animosity towards each other is daily increased by inflammatory publications. Each charges the other with the guilt of having produced the present alarming state of affairs. In private life, when two individuals quarrel, and each believes the other wholly in the wrong, a reconciliation is hardly practicable. But when they can be convinced that the errors are mutual— as is almost universally the case — they open their eai-s to the voice of reason, and are v/illing to meet each other half way. A maxim sound in private affairs, is rarely unsound in public life. While a violent federalist believes all the evils of the present state of things have arisen from the guilt of the administration, nothing less will satisfy him than hurling Mr. Madison from the seat of government, and " sending him to Elba.'" While, on the other hand, a violent democrat persuades himself that all our dangers have arisen from the difficulties and embarrassments constantly and steadily thrown in the way of the administration by the federalists, he is utterly averse to any compromise. — Each looks down upon the other with scorn and hatred, as the Pharisee in the Gospel, upon the publican. I have endeavoured to prove, and I believe I have fully proved, that each party has a heavy debt of error, and folly, and guilt, to answer for to its injured country, and to posterity — and, as I have stated in the body of this work, that mutual forgiveness is no more than an act of justice — and can lay no claim to the character of liberality on either side.

But even supposing for a moment — what probably hardly ever occurred since the world was formed — that the error is all on one side, is it less insane in the other to increase the difficulty of extrication — to refuse its aid— to embarrass those who Mt>-. have the management of affairs ? My house is on fire. Instead of calling for aid — or providing fire-engines — or endeavouring to smother the flames — I institute an inquiry how it took fire— « whether by accident or design — and if bv design, who was the

O.B.

t6 PREFACE TO THE TIRST EDITION.

incendiary ; and further undertake to punish him on the spot for his wickedness! a most wise and wonderful procedure — and just on a level with the wisdom, and patriotism, and public spirit of those sapient members of congress, who spend days in making long speeches upon the cause of the war, and the errors of its management — every idea whereof has been a hundred, perhaps a thousand times repeated in the newspapers — instead of meeting the pressing and imperious necessity of the emergency.

I claim but one merit in this production, and that is by no means inconsiderable. It is, that with a perfect knowledge of the furious, remorseless, never-dying, and cut-throat hostility, w ith which Faction has in all ages persecuted those who have dared oppose her — and perfectly satisfied, that with us she is an implacable, as malignant, and as inexorable a monster as she has ever been, I have dared, nevertheless, to state the truth, regardless of the consequences. I was, it is true, reluctant. I should by far have preferred, for the remainder of my life, steering clear of the quicksands of politics. None of the questions that have heretofore divided parties in this country, could have induced me to venture upon the tempestuous ocean. But at a crisis like the present, neutrality would be guilt. The question now is between the friends of social order, and jacobins, who are endeavouring to destroy the whole fabric of government, with the slender chance of building it up again — between peace and harmony on one side, and civil war and anarchy on the other. A lamentable delusion prevails. 1 he community shut their eyes against the truth on the subject. But this is the real state of the case, or I am as grossly deceived as ever was human being. And unless some of our influential men exert themselves to allay the storm, a few short months will change doubt into awful and dreadful certainty.

While I was deliberating about the sacrifice which such a publication as this requires, one serious and affecting consideration removed my doubts, and decided my conduct. Seeing thousands of the flower of our population — to whom the spring of life just opens with all its joys, and pleasures, and enchantments — prepared in the tented field to risk, or, if necessary, sacrifice their lives for their country's welfare ; I thought it would be baseness in me, whose sun has long passed the meridian, and on whom the attractions of life have ceased to operate with their early fascinations, to have declined any risk that might arise from the effort to ward off the patricidal stroke aimed at a country to which I owe such heavy obligations. With this view of the subject, I could not decide otherwise than I have done.

On the execution of the work it behoves me to offer a few remarks. I know it is very considerably imperfect. It is hard-

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ti

ly possible to prepare any literary production under greater disadvantages than have attended the Olive Branch. A large portion of it is, therefore, crude, and indigested, and without order. Were it a treatise on morals, religion, history, or science, which could not suffer by the delay necessary to mature and niethodize it, 1 should be unpardonable, and deserve the severest castigation of criticism, for presenting it to the public in this unfinished state. But the exigencies of the times are so pressing, that were it delayed till I could digest it properly, it might be wholly out of season.

It would be unjust were I not to acknowledge the numerous and weighty obligations I owe to "• The "Weekly Register," edited by H. Niles, the best periodical work ever published in America, from which I have drawn a large portion of the facts and documents I have employed. I venture to assert that no American library can be complete without this woi'k.

I have carefully studied to be correct in point of fact and argument. But the circumstances under which I have written, render it probable that I may have fallen into errors. I shall therefore regard it as a most particular favour, if any gentleman who discovers them, however minute, will frankly point them out, and they shall be most cheerfully corrected. If of sufficient importance, I shall make a public acknowledgment in the newspapers. If the cause I espouse cannot be supported by truth, candour, and fair argument, may it perish, never to find another advocate !

PLAN OF AN UNION SOCIETY.

" Above all things hold dear your national union. Accustom yourselves to estimate its infinite value to your individual and national happiness. Look on it as the palladium of your tranquillity at home ; of your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of yom* prosperity ; and even of that liberty which you so highly prize " wasuington's farewell address.

WHEREAS many disaffected citizens have long laboured to prepare the public mind for a dissolution of the union, and the formation of separate confederacies ; and whereas they have at length publicly and daringly avowed their flagitious designs ; and whereas the experience of all history to the present time affords the most complete proof that such dissolutions of existing forms of government, and the formation of new ones, have almost invariably produced bloody civil wars, the greatest curse that ever afflicted mankind ; and whereas the present form of the general government, if duly supported by our citizens, is calculated to produce as high a degree of happiness as has ever fallen to the lot of any nation ; and whereas the separate confederacies, contemplated as substitutes for the present general

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confederacy, even if it were possible to establish them peaceably, would be pregnant with interminable future wars, such as have almost constantly prevailed between neighbouring states, with rival interests, real or supposed ; and would hold out every possible inducement, and every desirable facility, to foreign nations, to array each against the other, and thus subjugate the whole, or at least render them dependent upon, or subservient to those foreign nations ; and whereas, finally, it would be absolute madness to throw away the incalculable blessings we enjoy, for the mere chance of bettering our condition, and still more for the absolute certainty of rendering it much worse :

Therefore resolved^ that we the subscribers do associate under the title of THE WASHINGTON UNION SOCIETY, of which the following is the

' CONSTITUTION.

I. We solemnly pledge ourselves to support by every honourable and legal means in our power, the existing form of the general government.

II. That we will use our utmost endeavours to counteract, as far as in our power, all plots for the dissolution of the union.

III. That we will correspond and cheerfully co-operate with all individuals, and bodies of men, in all parts of the union, who have the same views with us on the object embraced in the second article, however they may differ from us on other political topics.

IV. That the officers of the society shall be a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, committee of correspondence, and committee of elections.

V. That it shall be the duty of the committee of correspondence, to invite the good citizens of this state, and of the other states, to form similar societies, and to correspond with them ; to investigate and expose to public abhorrence, the various plans that have been adopted from time to time, to effect the parricidal purpose of dissolving the union ; to place in the strongest point of light the advantages of our blessed form of government, with the tremendous consequences of civil war, and (the inevitable result of a separation) our being instruments in the hands of the great powers of Europe, to annoy, ravage, depopulate, slaughter, and destroy each other.

TO THE SECOND EDITION.

Philadelphia^ January A^^ 1815.

THE unequivocal and decided approbation with which the former edition of this work has been favoured by respectable men of both the hostile parties that divide this country, I regard as among the most grateful circumstances of my life. Its numerous defects — its want of method — and the great imperfection of its style and manner — were, I presume, regarded as atoned for by its obvious and undeniable object — the object of contributing my feeble efforts towards allaying the effervescence, the turbulence, the animosity that pervade the community, and are pregnant with such alarming consequences.

Of the time that has elapsed since its first appearance, I have availed myself, to amplify — to methodize — and to improve it. And although I am very far indeed from presuming it to be perfect, yet I hope it will be found more entitled to patronage than it was in its original deshabille.

It embraces a very convulsed period of our history ; and has been written under no common disadvantages. I have laboured under a great deficiency of various materials and documents, which no exertions have enabled me to procure — and it has been begun, carried on, and completed in moments constantly subject to those interruptions inevitable in the pressure of business. To suppose, then, it were perfect, would argue a degree of insanity which the fondest and most doting delirium of paternal vanity could hardly palliate. It would be a case unparalleled in the annals of literature. The world has had numerous instances of men of most splendid talents — of laborious research, with abundant materials and documents — enjoying full leisure to do justice to their subjects — and employing years for the purpose — yet falling into egregious errors. It could not then be expected that a work embracing such a variety of objects, and written under such disadvantages as I have stated, should be free from them. But the reader may rest assured that whatever they may be, they have not resulted from design. They are the offspring of slenderness of talents — deficiency of materials — inadvertence — or that bias to which all men are subject, in a greater or less degree, when treating on subjects wherein

20 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

they feel deeply interested : of the latter, however, I have laboured to divest myself.

Had I written with any view to literary reputation, the work would have made a totally different appearance. Instead of presenting the reader with so many documents verbatim, I should, as is usual with other writers, have given abstracts of them in my own words — and thus formed a regular connected narrative of events, far more agreeable to read than the work in its present form, and rather easier to write ; for the reader may rest assured, that I have frequently written three pages in less time than I employed in the search for a document, which does not occupy a single page, and whereof I could have readily given an analysis ; and long laborious researches for a document or newspaper paragraph or essay, have not unfrequently been wholly in vain.

But though a thirst for literary reputation is far from illaudable — and though it inspires to great exertions, it has not had the slightest influence on me in this case. It would have been utterly unavailing to counteract the loathing, the abhorrence I felt at entering into political discussion, or for making myself once more an object of newspaper abuse, of which few men in private life have been honoured with a greater share.

No. I appeal to heaven for the truth of what I now declare. I soared to higher objects, far beyond such narrow views. I believed — I still believe — that a dissolution of the union is contemplated by a few ambitious and wicked men ; that in the state of excitement to which the public mind is raised, and which is hourly increasing by the most profligate disregard of truth and of the welfare of the country — and by the utmost prostitution of talents — a mere trifle would suffice to produce a convulsion — (as, when you have collected together a quantity of highly combustible materials, a single spark suffices to produce a conflagration) — that a dissolution of the union would infallibly produce a civil war ; that in the event of a civil war, there would be a straggle throughout the country for ascendency, wherein would be perpetrated atrocities similar to those which disgraced the French revolution ; that even if we escaped a civil war, or, (if we did not) after its termination, and the establishment of separate confederacies, the country would be cm^sed with a constant border war, fomented by the nations of Europe, to whom we should be a sport and a prey ; and that, in one word, a nation most highly favoured by heaven, is on the very verge of perdition.

These views may be erroneous. Would to heaven they were ! They diff'er from those of most of my friends. The mass of the community do not accord with them. But they are unalterably impressed upon my mind, and I cannot shake them off. They

Preface To The Second Edition. 21

are all supported by the instructive but neglected voice of history. I possess not the happy faculty with which so many are endowed, to believe an event will not take place, because I hope and pray it may not. I am disposed to envy those who are thus gifted. It diminishes the hours ot suffering. In a life so chequered as ours, this is some advantage. But it has, like all other blessings, a counterpoising evil. When we disbelieve in the approach of danger, we make no preparations to repel it.

"With these impressions, I preferred risking any consequences, however pernicious to myself, that might arise from the present work, to a state of torpor and inactivity — to perishing without an effort. In a sanguine moment, I indulged the flattering, the fond, (pray heaven it may not be the delusive) hope that my efforts might be so far crowned with success, as to make me the happy, the blessed instrument of arousing even one, two, or three active influential citizens from the morbid, the lethargic slumber, into which the community has been so fatally lulled ; that these might arouse others ; and that thus the potent spells might be dissolved, which, in a manner vmexampled in the history of the world, make us regard with stupid, torpid apathy and indifference, the actual bankruptcy of our government (produced by a most daring conspiracy) — the impending destruction of our glorious constitution, the v/ork of Washington, Franklin, Livingston, Hamilton, &c. the depreciation of every species of property — and the approaching ruin of our country. Should heaven thus bless me, die afterwards when I may, I shall not have lived in vain. Should I fail, on my tombstone shall be engraven, " magnis excidit ausisj*^

I offer these great and solemn truths to the consideration of all who have an interest in the welfare of this country.