History of the Roman empire, from the death of Theodosius the Great to the coronation of Charles the Great

Front matter

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Preface

This book is the substance of a course of lectures, delivered to the two highest Forms in Sherborne School. It is meant to be a help towards bridging over the gulf between the two sections of history, which are popularly supposed to divide a little after the Christian era into ''ancient" and "modern." Such a division, however, produces error and confusion, by obscuring the unity and continuity of history ; the teaching of which loses half its value, if we forget that "Ancient" is the parent of "Mediaeval," and therefore of " Modern " history, and that Imperial Eome is the centre and meeting-point of all history — ."an Universal Empire in which all earlier history loses itself, and out of which all later history grew."^ The position of Theodoric, Charles, or Frederick cannot be understood without reference to that earlier Empire of Theodosius, Constantine, and Trajan, of which the later was a direct consequence.

For this reason I hope also that the book may be

^ Freeman's General Sketch, cap, i. p. IG.

vi Preface

used with advantage in the highest Forms in schools. The objection, indeed, is sometimes raised, that works of this kind are of little use, being too condensed to be interesting or to convey adequate information. The objection would be fatal if true. Their real utility, however, depends on two things — the way in which they are used, and the judgment with which a writer omits or condenses facts. It is clearly not necessary to lay equal stress on all parts of history alike, because not all great men are equally great, nor all important crises equally important. And it is one advantage of such a period as is embraced in this book, that it centres naturally, and without the sacrifice of any important point, round the lives of a few men, who from character or circumstances " made " the history of their times. It is a further advantage, that almost every page necessarily contains allusions which a competent lecturer may, if he will, make the text for illustration, comment, and amplification. As random examples of what is meant, p. 48 might suggest a lecture on the Aryan languages, and on the Mnd of proof which they afford as to the relationship of Aryan nations ; pp. 137 sqg. might be illustrated by legends, similar to those there mentioned; while chap. ii. would afford scope for a fuller explanation of the history and government of the early Church. Used thus as a " textbook " to be indefinitely expanded, I believe that a

Preface vii

" hand-book " may be made the vehicle of instruction both accurate and wide.

My main authorities throughout have been Gibbon, and Milmans "Latin Christianity." The only original research to which I can lay claim is a frequent reference to Eginhard for the life of Charles the Great. To Mr Freeman's works I am largely indebted, while in chap. i. I have borrowed freely from M. de Coulange's "Cite Antique." N"ot only for that chapter, but for the majority of chapters, I cannot acknowledge too warmly the debt which I owe to the works of the late M. Amedee Thierry.

Lastly, I owe to one friend special thanks for invaluable help and advice in every page of the book — my colleague, the Eev. 0. W. Tancock.

A. M. CUKTEIS.

Sherborne, January 1875.

Chapter I. Administrative And Legal Unity

Death of Theodosius and Condition of Empire — Influence of the Provinces — Policy of Julius Ceesar — Eeforms delayed by Csesar's Murder — Policy of Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius — Importance of the Provinces — Edict of Caracallus — Consequences of the Edict — Jealousy of East and West — Diocletian — Diocletain's failure — Constantine — Changes in the Constitution — Modification of Eoman Law — Koman Law gradually softened — Responsa Prudentum and the Edictum F.erpetuuTn — Summary . . . . . . 1-19

CHAPTER 11.

THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH IN THE FIRST FOUR CENTURIES.

The Church recognised by Constantine — Christians confounded with Jews — Christians Disliked and Persecuted — Effects of Persecution on the Church — The Decian Persecution — Fifty Years' Peace — The Diocletian Persecution — Toleration under Galerius and Constantine — Christianity the dominant State Keligion — Influence of Christianity on the Empire — Moral Evils deep-seated when Christianity was introduced — Effect of Christian Morality — Excellent Organisation of the Christian Church — Christianity the State Church . . 20-41

X Contents

Chapter III

THE BARBARIANS ON THE FRONTIER. CENT. IV.

Romans and Barbarians from the same Stock — Who were the Aryans ? — Semitic and Turanian Races — Aryan Migrations — Kelts — Teutons — Slaves — Relations between Empire and Barbarians — Tribes lying on Roman Frontiers — Huns — The Teutonic Races— The Goths — The Vandals — The Burgundians — The Franks — The Saxons — The Lombards — Summary of First Three Chapters ..... 42-54

Chapter IV. Church And State In Constantinople, Eutropius, And Chrysostom

Death of Theodosius — Sons of Theodosius — Rise of Eutropius — Allies of Eutropius — Right of As5dum — Chrysostom: Life at Antioch — Death of Nectarius — Eutropius appoints Chrysostom — Character of Chrysostom — Hatred of Eutropius — Quarrel between Eutropius and the Empress — Interference of Chrysostom — His famous Sermon — Condemnation of Eutropius — Sequel of his Downfall .... 55-67

Chapter V. Chrysostom And The Empress Eudoxia

Difficulties of Chrysostom — Chrysostom unpopular with the Clergy — Unpopular with the Rich — The Friends of Chrysostom — Intrigues against Chrysostom — Troubles with the Arians — The "Tall Brothers" of the Nitrian Desert — Intrigues of Theophilus — Council of the Oak — Condemnation of Chrysostom — Sermon against the Empress — Deportation of Chrysostom to Chalcedon — Riot and Earthquake in Constantinople — Chrysostom Recalled — Statues of the Empress — Council of Constantinople — Chrysostom forbidden to leave the Palace — His Disobedience — The Council Ratifies his Condemnation — Chrysostom appeals to the "West — Second Exile of Chrysostom — Riot and Burning of St Sophia — Chrysostom Conveyed to Cucusus — Removal to Pityus— Death at Comana in Pontus 68-94

Co7i tents xi

Chapter VI. Alaric And The Visigoths— A.d. 396-419

State of Italy — Alaric the Yisigoth. — Province of Eastern lUyricum — Alaric in Illyricum — Stilicho prepares to Attack — Alaric and Stilicho in Peloponnesus — Revolt of Gildo suppressed — Threatened Invasion of Italy — Battle of PoUentia — Inroad of Eadagaisus — Olympius — Murder of Stilicho — Reaction in Italy — Alaric Marches on Rome — First Siege of Rome — Negotiations for Peace — Second Siege of Rome — Third Siege and Sack of Rome — Death of Alaric — Succeeded by Ataulf and WaUia " . 95-117

Chapter VII. Genseric And The Vandals— A.d. 423-533

Events following the Death of Honorius — Yalentinian III. — Petronius Maximus — Last Twenty Years of the Western Empire — The Transition — The Yandals — Their Migrations — Genseric King — Invasion of Africa — The Yandal Kingdom — Rome sacked by Genseric — Policy of Genseric — Expedition against Carthage — Basiliscus its Leader — Defeat of the Expedition — Decline of the Yandal Power . . . 118-135

• CHAPTER VIII.

ATTILA AND THE HUNS -A.D. 435-453.

King Attila — The Traditions about Attila — Gallo-Roman and Italian Traditions — East German or Gothic Traditions — "West German and Scandiaavian Traditions — Nibelungen-lied — Hungarian Traditions — Summary — State of Central Europe — Attila, King — Gradual Encroachments — Embassy to Constantinople — Counter - Embassy — Attila demands the Princess Honoria — Alliance with Genseric and the Franks — Attila Invades Gaul — Siege of Orleans — Relief of Orleans — Battle of Chalons — Attila threatens Italy — Embassy from Rome to Attila — Attila leaves Italy — Marriage and Death of Attila ...... 136-154 xii Contents

Chapter IX

THE "CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT "—COMMONLY CALLED THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE,

Results of Attila's Death — Orestes the Pannonian — Eomulus Augustulus — Downfall of Orestes and the Emperor — A Change in Form of Government — Odoacer "King" — Difficulties in and out of Italy — Odoacer subordinate to the Emperor — Theodoric sent to reduce Italy to Obedience — March of Theodoric — Struggle between Odoacer and Theodoric — Convention of Ravenna — Murder of Odoacer — Prosperous Reign of Theodoric — Close of Theodoric's Reign . . . 155-171

Chapter X. The Emperor Justinian— A.d. 527-565

Contrast of East to "West — Justinian — Justinian's Rise — Description of Justinian — The Nika Riot — Belisarius compared to Marlborough — African Campaign of Belisarius — Position of the Yandals — Africa reduced in Three Months — Pretext for the Invasion of Italy — Belisarius reduces Sicily and South Italy — Siege of Rome by the Ostrogoths — Siege raised — Fall of Ravenna — Recall of Belisarius — Revolt of the Goths — Narses in Italy — Conclusion . . . 172-189

CHAPTER XL

THE EMPIRE IN RELATION TO THE BARBARIANS OF

Subject of the Chapter — Results of the Death of Attila — Dangers on the Frontiers — The Middle Danube — Eastern Danube and North Coast of the Euxine — Huns on the Tanais — The Slavonians — Avars, Turks, &c., in Central Asia — Persia — Barbarian Irruptions across the Danube — The Avars — True Story of "False Avars" — Avars attack the Slaves — Persian Encroachments — Heraclius prepares for War — Treachery of the Avars — Heraclius victorious in Persia — Successful Defence of Constantinople — Effects of the "War . . 190-209

Contents xii

Chapter XII

MOHAMMED AND MOHAMMEDANISM— A. D. 622-711.

Mohammedanism — Secondary Causes of Success — Cliaracteristics of Arabia — Cliaracteristics of Tribes — Political and Eeligious Confusion — Primary Causes 'of Success — Mohammed's Early Years — Mohammed "called" to be the Prophet of God — Ill Success of Mohammed — The Hegira or Flight of Mohammed to Medina — First Proclamation of War against Infidels — Fall of Mecca — Death of Mohammed — The Doctrines of Mohammedanism — The Unity of God — Angels and Genii — The Koran — The Creed — Articles of Keligion — "Was Mohammedanism Original ? — Mohammedan Conquests . 210-227

CHAPTER XII I.

THE POPES AND THE LOMBARDS IN ITALY—

Gregory the Great — State of Italy after its Conquest — The Lombards — Lombard Conquest of Italy — Territorial Limits of Exarchate — Gregory I. — Interview of Gregory with English Slaves — Gregory prevented going to England — Sketch of English History — St Augustine — Effects of Christianity in England — Gregory as Bishop, Pope, and (virtual) King — Gregory II. — Eise of Iconoclasm — Leo III. the Isaurian — Attempts to force Iconoclasm upon Christendom — Iconoclastic Controversy in the East — In the West, Papal Appeal to the Franks 228-246

Chapter XIV. The Franks And The Papacy— A.d. 500-800

The Franks — Gaul under the Romans — Invasion of Roman Gaul — Gaul divided between Yisigoths, Burgundians, and Franks — Chlodwig and Merwing Dynasty — Rise of the Mayors of the Palace — Charles Martel — Battle of Tours — Results of Charles' Victory — Gregory III. appeals to Charles — Gregory succeeded by Pope Zacharias — Coronation of Pippin — Pippin and Pope Stephen — Pippin's "Donation" to the Papacy — Charles xiv Contents crowned Emperor of the West — Results of Coronation — Conquests of Charles the Great — His Policy — Character and Person of Charles — General Summary . . . 247-265

The Synopsis of Historical Events . . . 266-268

MAPS.

Central Europe .... to face page 54

The Roman Empire . . . „ 208

Europe in time of Charles the Great . ,, 262 succeeds Pippin — Charles increases the " Donation" — Charles i

C^e 3^ciman Cmpt^e.

Chapter I. Administrative And Legal Unity

Death of Theodosius and Condition of Empire

— The year a.d. 395 — The year of tlie death, of Theodosius the Great was important in the history of Eome. The Empire, which in 1,000 years had grown from the limits of a single city and a narrow territory to embrace Tinder one government, one law, one religion, the whole civilised world, had fallen a prey to internal dissensions, and was to succumb ere long to enemies from without. The evils consequent on the incessant wars of the Republic, both foreign and civil, had wrought their effect. The middle class in Italy was almost destroyed, and its place fiUed by a vast slave population. Property had passed into a few hands. Conquest in the East had brought an influx of Oriental vice and luxury. The old Eoman faith and morality were supplanted by mingled atheism and superstition. The gulf between rich and poor grew ever wider. Honour, morality, public spirit, decayed, until " the Empire," the irresponsible rule of a single man, had become the best hope of salvation for society, the only condition of impartial and just governinent. In fact, there had been for many generations two opposite forces at work simultaneously : on the one hand, and on the surface, the ever growing desire for equality and unity; on the other hand, and beneath the surface, the disintegration which follows from class hatred, from decay of honour and pohtical virtue, from immorality and ignorance. The disintegration was complete when at the death of Theodosius the Empire fell asunder, and Milan or Eavenna in the west, and Constantinople in the east, became rival capitals of rival empires, never again united. Influence of the Provinces. — The great Empire had now completed the work, which beginning with the

.' foundation of the city took its final direction and received its greatest impulse from Julius Csesar. Eoman history

■ has many sides according to our point of view : revolutions social and political; wars civil and foreign; its laws, its great men; but Eome's place in universal history is determined by the great result which she impressed on all

) the nations brought within her injGluence — uniformity of administration, law, and religion. JSTo doubt the process was a slow one. It needed 1,000 years to consolidate so vast an Empire, and weld it into one homogeneous mass. Eor 250 years Eome had withheld her rights of citizenship from her Itahan subjects — rights only wrung from her by defeat. To the provinces, the confederate states, the allied kings, the Eoman Senate maintained a haughty attitude, allowing them to groan beneath the rapacity and tyranny of unscrupulous proconsuls, whom the tribunals were too interested or too corrupt to convict. But in their extremity they found aUies. The democratic party in Eome, engaged in a desperate struggle with the aristocrats, were glad to find allies in the provincials; the provincials in their turn were ready enough to purchase by alliance what they so much coveted, citizensliip and equality. And it was in the provinces that Julius Caesar, the great leader of the democrats, found his staunchest supporters.

Policy of Julius Osesar. — Of so many-sided a genius it is natural that men should form different estimates; it would be difficult to form an entirely just one. Beyond a doubt he was ambitious, immoral, and quite free from scruples. Eut if he had the ambition to be the first man in the state, he had also the foresight to see what a magnificent opportunity the errors of the aristocratical party had given him, and the genius to use it with success. Men act from mixed motives; and it would be as absurd to ascribe Csesar's extraordinary career to motives of selfish ambition only, as to credit him with feelings of pure philanthropy. He had all the genius, rapidity of action, fertility of resource, and versatility of Napoleon, but he was a far greater man. It may have been cunning ambition, it may well have been some more honourable feeling, which prompted him from his entrance into public life to form and maintain friendly intercourse with the leading men and senates of various provinces — to procure the Eoman franchise for Gallia Transpadana — to keep up a correspondence, even dming his hottest campaigns, with all parts of the Empire — to spend money in repairing public buildings in Gaul and Spain, Asia and Greece. Whatever were his motives, he had his reward, and that without delay. The provincials, despised and ignored by the aristocracy of Italy, saw their opportunity in the impending struggle of parties, and when Csesar crossed the Eubicon (e.g. 49), and committed himself to the contest with the Senate, it was with the open support of some, and the good wishes, expressed or understood, of all the Eoman provinces. And, thus supported, in four years he was master of the Empire.

Reforms delayed by Caesar's Murder — ^b.c. 44. — The reorganisation of the body politic should naturally now have commenced; it was a calamity for the world that Ceesar fell a victim to political vengeance almost before he had begun the work of reform. Some few hints, however, are left us of his probable intentions. He projected a codification of the laws — a geographical survey of the Empire — a reform of the law courts — an increase of the Senate to the number of 1,000, by the admission of provincial notables, especially from Gaul and Sj)ain — an extension of the rights of citizenship (beyond the mere accident of birth and locality) to all men of education, intelligence, or wealth throughout the Empire, a principle afterwards accepted and extended — and lastly, a large increase of colonies. Of these vast projects a part only was even begun, but it is as easy to perceive the general idea of their originator as to understand the rage of the aristocratic party, whose most cherished privileges would thus have been destroyed. Uniformity of rights and privileges meant for them loss of power and dignity. The death of Caesar appeared their only means of safety; and so the hand of the enthusiast Erutiis was armed with the assassin's dagger. But they had miscalculated the effect of the blow. It simply threw the provinces into the arms of Caesar's adopted son, and rendered their own cause and the cause of the Eepublic hopeless. It threw extraordinarj'^ powers into the hands of individual leaders, and for one political purpose only — the unification of the Empire on the ruins of the Eepublic.

Policy of Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius. — The policy of Julius was accepted by his successors more or less entirely as a tradition of the Empu'e. Augustus, however, more cautious and less foreseeing, was content to consolidate and organise. In order to acq[uaint himself with the needs of the provinces, he visited every one of them, except Africa and Sardinia j he provided for their better government by their division into " imperial " and " senatorial" groups, reserving for his own supervision those which were from any cause especially exposed to danger, or especially important to the state, such as Transalpine Gaul or Egypt ; he instituted a regular series of posts or couriers from one end of the Empire to the other; he rescued the provinces from one of their most bitter grievances, the corruption of the governors, by reducing them to salaried of&- cials, who as government agents were in strict subservience to the home government, and forbidden to receive anything beyond the contributions allowed by the Senate or ordered by the Emperor. The successor of Augustus, the cruel and gloomy Tiberius, was popular out of Italy, and the first nine years of his reign were years of order and equitable government for the provinces. Tacitus, the best of authorities in such a case, assures us that the provinces were not harassed by new burdens, nor the old burdens made heavier by the avarice or cruelty of officials, while scourgings and confiscations were unknown; and Suetonius has preserved for us the 1)011 mot of Tiberius, often repeated, that " the office of a good shepherd is to shear and not to flay his sheep." Claudius, himself a provincial and born at Lyons, always entertained a strong feeling of affection for the provinces, and especially for Gaul, the organisation of which he completed. It was, indeed, his firmness alone that, in the famous debate in the Senate which Tacitus records in the Annals (xi. 23), secured for the Gauls the coveted jus honorum. They had for some time enjoyed the civitas, and now claimed the completion of their privileges. In the arguments adduced in the Curia against the concession of their claims, we see the true spirit of the old Eoman ohgarchy.

6 Hisiorv of the Roman Empire

" Could not Italy," it was urged, "find men enough to furnish • her own Senate % At least she had done so in the good old days ! And now a mass of aliens must be introduced to oust the poor nobles and senators of Latium — aliens, too, who but the other day had fought against Caesar^ and whose ancestors had even burnt Eome itself !" Tacitus has given us also the purport of Claudius' reply. He began by reminding his hearers that Eome owed even her origin and early fortunes, and many of her noblest families, to the principle of comprehension. " In the palmiest days of the Eepublic, Etruria, Lucania, all Italy, had sent members to the Senate. JSTor was this all. The plebs had been adjuitted to share magistracies with the patricians, the Latins and other Italian nations with botL The peace of Italy had been assured from the day when the nations beyond the Padus had been admitted to the citizenship. Lastly," he asked, "why did Athens and Sparta, powerful as they were, perish, but for the fact that they kept their vanquished foes at arms' length, as though they were foreigners ?" The demand of the Gauls was granted; but the savage indignation of the old aristocratical party, long pent up, broke out in innuendo and satire. " What else could one expect," says their mouthpiece, Seneca, ^* from one born in a province !"

Importance of the Provinces. — Yet in spite of the oligarchs the tide was now flowing strongly, and could not be stemmed. The provinces had made good their footing as integral parts of the Empire. The Senate (to which Tiberius had transferred the powers of the ancient "com^Y^a," and which he transformed into a sort of immense privy council), the bar, the army, were all crowded with provincials. Eich men from the provinces flocked to Italy, and bought out the dissolute or impoverished representatives of old patrician famihes. Literary men opened

Administrative and Legal Unity y

schools, l^or was this all. With. Galba the imperial secret was divulged, says Tacitus, that an emperor could be nominated elsewhere than at Eome; for Galha was made EmjDeror in Spain. And worse was yet to come, for even provincials, it seemed, might he emperors. Nerva was a Cretan hy descent ; Trajan and Hadrian werer sons of Spanish colonists ; Septimius Severus was an African, who never got rid of his Punic accent ; Maximin, worst of all, was a barbarian. Every year the provinces grew in relative importance, and claimed more and more of the imperial attention. Hadrian spent no less than fifteen years of his long reign in visiting province after province, and by using the experience thus hardly won in improving the imperial administration^ gained for himself the title of locwpletator orhis, and the praise from Tacitus of having happily combined two things heretofore incompatible, power and liberty. Egypt alone seemed excluded from the privileges showered by Emperor after Emperor on the provinces. Egypt was the granary of Eome ; and the necessities of Italy seemed to justify the exclusion of that province from the rights conceded to others. JS'o admission to the Senate, no share even in Eoman citizenship, was granted to Egyptians, except in the rarest cases, until Caracallus, the son of Septimius, relieved the province from this selfish interdict, and the unwonted sight was seen of an Egyptian sitting in the Eoman Curia.

Edict of Caracallus — a.d. 212. — One thing now, and only one, remained to finish the important movement, which had been inevitable from the day when Eome's first province was annexed. In the year a.d. 212, an edict of Caracallus extended the rights of Eoman citizenship to every free inhabitant of the Eoman Empire. It is easy to assign motives, and historians, astonished that this just and liberal edict should bear the name of one of Eome's most worthless Emperors, have found its explanation in the fact that Augustus had levied a succession duty of 5 per cent, on legacies and inheritances of all Eoman citizens, and that thus, by a stroke of the pen, the incidence of the tax was universally widened, whale the tax itself was doubled. Others have assigned the edict itself to more probable originators, like Antoninus or Hadrian ; but this is quite unnecessary. Even were the Emperor's own motives purely mercenary, it would be idle to suspect the motives of the great jurists of the day, who must have had the arrangement, draughting, and application of the Act j and no less idle to suppose that such an edict would have been possible unless called for by the circumstances of the times. Such Acts, indeed, recognise accomplished facts, and have nothiag to do with producing them.

Consequences of the Edict.- — The consequences of the edict were curious and far-reaching. Henceforth the old-fashioned distinctions — Eoman, Latia, Federal, Ally, Subject — all vanish. There are but two words to express the inhabitants of the world, — " Ingenuus," the Eoman, the Freeborn; and "Peregriuus," the Slave, the Barbarian. Within the Empire the long struggle for equality was finished. In another way, however, its consequences were disastrous to the Empire itself, while useful to the world at large. The glory of the name "Eoman" became less and less, as it was shared by greater numbers. What had once been a bond of union to a handful of men among strangers, a badge of j)rivilege, an object of ambition, a source of loyalty to the mother city, ceased to be a distinction, or the cause of any great advantage, when shared by all in common. Eivalries had been forgotten, local and narrow iaterests overlooked, as long as there

Administrative mtd Legal Unity 9

remained one coveted privilege enjoyed by some and denied to others ; but local interests gained fresh, importance, and rivalries sprang up again, when the height of ambition was attained. Instead of one great centre of attraction there were henceforth many local centres.

Jealousy of East and West. — And now dangers were threatening the frontier on many quarters at once, on the Euphrates, the Danube, the Ehine. The second Persian Empire was just rising on the ruins of the Parthian (a.d. 226) — the Goths were on the Danube — Franks and Alemanni were menacing the West. And yet, at such a crisis it was that the jealousy of East and West made united action almost impossible, — a jealousy which, arising from diversity of language and ideas, and from contrariety of interests, had only lain dormant beneath the pressure of superior force, and now that from various causes the central power was weaker, began to gradually undermine the stability and unity of the Empire. Indeed, a tendency to division had shown itself many years before. Long since, on the death of J^ero (a.d. 68), Spain, Africa, Gaul, and Syria had set up favourites of their own. In later days, when Commodus was murdered (a.d. 192), and the miserable Pertinax and Didius successively ascended and were hurled from the throne within six months, the choice of Emperor was contested by the legions of Britain, Pannonia, and Syria. This tendency in the outlying provinces to nominate Emperors of their own, and in the strong frontier armies to break loose from the central authority, increased as time went on, until in the middle of the third century, and under the feeble rule of Gallienus (a.d. 260-268), rival claimants of independent authority rose in many quarters at once (the so-caUed " Thirty Tyrants "), and only ten years later

(a.d. 270-275) Auielian Mmself, every inch a soldier, had some difficulty in suppressing the attempt of Zenohia to erect an independent kingdom at Palmyra, and a similar attempt of Victoria and Tetricus in Gaul and Britain.

Diocletian — ^a.d. 300. — The difficulties, indeed, of the Eoman government towards the close of the third century were not removed, but only changed. It was not now the persevering claims of provincials which had to be recoaciled with the haughty exclusiveness of an ancient aristocracy. That was a thing of the past. What most embarrassed the governments of Probus and Diocletian was the vast extent of the Empire, coupled with the threatening attitude of the barbarians, and the independent mutinous spirit of the legions. Emperor after Emperor was murdered. Legion after legion revolted. To guard the frontiers, to anticipate dangers, to control the soldiers, to humour or repress powerful subordinates, and, meanwhile, to carry on the political administration of a huge empire, was a task too great for one man to fulfil. The problem was how to multiply and extend the direct action of the central power without destroying the hardly- won unity of the Empire. An attempt to solve it was made by Diocletian (a.d. 284). He conceived the idea of an undivided Empire governed by two Emperors, — one in the East, the other in the West, — governing in concert, on the same principles, and by the same laws. Erequent interviews were to insure their unanimity. Even so, however, there remained the danger of either or both the Emperors falling, as before, under the influence of some praetorian prefect or court favourite, and the yet greater danger of an unsettled succession. Accordingly, the governing power was again doubled.