Letters to the American people, on Christianity and the Sabbath

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LETTERS

Letter I

As English divines and laymen have now for some years written in favour of the Sabbath being not of divine institution, and as Puritanical Christianity is the established religion of Great Britain, the American people are addressed on the subject.

Quotations from Mr. Hurlbut's work, showing, as he says, the " infant state of religious freedom in the cradle of liberty."

Should a Republic enforce natural religion as the paid religion of the State, or not ? answered in the affirmative.

Hurlbut on the Sabbath in the United States, with the author's remarks. — Pages 1 to 16.

LETTER n.

Christianity not a useful creed. — Reasons. — 1st. — The great uncertainty as to its real meaning.

2ndly. — Christianity enslaves the immortal mind ; since its mode of " purifying the thoughts," is on every point to set up faith before reason.

3rdly. — The scriptures may induce savages to murder innocent people, while such positive commands as — '• Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live," remain in them. Missionary labours of Christians, therefore, deprecated, particularly among ignorant nations, and Theism combined with physical science, preferred as a means of civilization.

4thly. — The belief in Christianity, existing as it does in the United States, under the most favourable circumstances, is not conducive to human happiness.

Till CONTENTS.

5thly. — Reasons for considering the Rev. Theodore Parker's liberal view of Unitarianism, not so beneficial to the world, as mere natural Theism.

6thly. — The belief of Christianity is at the bottom of the very strict observance of the Sabbath in the United States and Britain. This puritanical view is fraught with the practical injustice of allowing debtors to escape on the Sabbath — of preventing the poor man doing that work on a Sunday, which the fatigue or want of time prevents him doing on a week day, and also of avoiding to take measures to suppress syphilis, which being hereditary, causes the innocent to suffer for the guilty. Theism adopted by Penn. The .^injustice to Catholics residing in Protestant States, to leave no theatre open on Sunday evenings. — Pages 17 to 34.

Letter III

The good that Christianity, with, the greatest show of reason, may be said to have done in the world.

1st. — Its influence on despotic power, comparison ot the reign of Henry VIII., with that of some of the worst Roman Emperors, and the good influence of Christianity in this respect, though acknowledged, considered to be greatly over-rated.

Its exhorting to " obey the powers that be," and forbidding tyrannicide, has caused it to be supported byTyrants, and has given such tyrants a sort of justification, when they themselves were disposed to evil.

2ndly. — The assertion that it has tended to abolish animal and even human sacrifice ; and to introduce a more humane treatment to captives taken in war.

Quotation from the Middle Ages, showing that Paley has over-rated the influence of Christianity on this latter point.

Also in reference to polygamy, and its having u produced a greater regard to moral obligations."

Paley's sophistry when he attempts to show that Christianity has not added to the intolerance of human nature.

Religious fanaticism more unjustifiable than political fanaticism, in reference to the first French revolution.

Paley's observations on a day of rest.

The certainty with which a future state is advocated by Christianity would be an excellent effect were it not vitiated by promising too great reward to " faith."

CONTENTS. 1%

Its denunciation of war also good, but altogether vitiated by its reprobating even defensive war.

Commentary on Lord Brougham's opinions on religious establishments, and attempted refutation of his view that these " secure instruction," at least while Christianty is the established religion of a country. Beccaria a freer writer on religion than Brougham. — Pages 35 to 64.

Letter IV

Examination of the question whether the commencement of the first French revolution was to be ascribed to the diminution in the belief of Christianity by the influence of the writings of Voltaire and Rousseau.

Decided by the author in the negative, with a quotation from Lord Byron to the same effect : the most potent causes of the outbreak being famine, national bankruptcy, political tyranny of the bastile, &c, and the return of a successful revolutionary army from the United States under Lafayette.

Question, whether the legal suppression of Christianity after the revolution had fairly begun, was the cause of the wanton atrocities in question, also answered in the negative. Long quotations from Lord Brougham's Political Philosophy in reference to the French Revolution.

The suppression of Christianity does not appear to be considered by him as connected with these atrocities : they are ascribed to the too democratic form of constitution, that of '93 being much more so than that of '95.

Extracts from Brougham's life of Carnot, in support of the position that this defect rendered increased severity and despotism necessary.

Details from Sir A. Alison's work, in which, generally speaking, the same view is taken. His chapter on the war in the Vendee in parts not favourable to this position, examined, and refutation attempted.

His previous censure of the slaughter of 40,000 unresisting inhabitants of Jerusalem by order of Godfrey de Bouillon (in his own view a pious Christian), totally incompatible with some passages in the chapter alluded to, and such murder more unjustifiable than the slaughter in the Vendee, since, in this case, the opposition was " most determined."

Evidence that a great number of Republicans were put to death in cold blood, when at times the Royalists were successful in the struggle ; that at the very commencement,

X CONTENTS.

the former tried ineffectually means of conciliation, and at all events did not resort to the horrors of the " Baptisms, Marriages, &c," till, goaded almost to madness by the approach of foreign armies, extreme severity seemed absolutely necessary for the safety of the Republic.

The above atrocities, however, were the sole work of Carrier, whose " authority," Alison admits, " was unbounded " in the Vendee ; and he was subsequently justly guillotined for these crimes, though, I admit, not till Robespierre's fall. ISTo evidence, however, to show that Robespierre would have recommended the putting of women and children to death by wholesale, or any cruelty (torture, &c, so prevalent in the Christian middle ages) in the mode of death to men, seeing the guillotine was expressly adopted, as apparently the quickest and easiest mode of execution for the real or supposed criminal.

Increased humanity commenced in 1795, not because Christianity was then allowed by law, but because the constitution also was made less democratic, and because of the reaction which always takes place in such circumstances. Humanity, however, only gained full force when the supreme power of the state became still more secure, by being placed in the hands of military leaders, viz., Barras and Napoleon.

Outward forms of any new Theistic church should be similar rather to those of the Catholic than the Protestant, as suggested by Sir T. More, who, in his Utopia, obviously prefers Theism and Plato to Christianity. . . .

Extracts from the work proving this curious point in reference to the distinguished Chancellor under Henry VIII.

A brief outline of some general changes in the laws, which appear necessary or expedient if a government substitute Theism for Christianity.

Thus a reply found to the ignorant question — " What are we to put in its place ?" and, in the author's opinion, afar more just and useful code proposed.

Necessity for the use of moral restraint, or other " checks" on population, according to the views of Malthus, Mill, and others, before the condition of the poor can be greatly ameliorated ; and of some alteration of opinion generally on the sexual question, before the amount of female prostitution can be diminished. Christianity has done no good on this subject, or that of infanticide.

Pages 65 to 119.

CONTENTS. XI

NOTES.

A. — Vindication of Roman toleration even as regards the Druids. That Hume gives no solid reason why natural Theism could not be a religion of the state. Religious toleration probably less at Rome under the Republic than under the Empire.

B. — That the imprisonment of Richard Carlile and others contributed to the freedom of the press rather on political than on religious matters ; but that Hartley's Will case, &c, &c, shows that government retains still even a legal power to punish the authors of writings against Christianity.

C. — Details as to the punishment of death for witchcraft.

D. — Details as to the so-called Reformation. Vast superiority of Gibbon in this respect to Luther and Calvin, yet still does not go far enough. Charles V. and the Reformation ; bad effect of Christianity on his mind, Luther's absurd doctrine of justification by faith, without works. D'Aubigne's and Scott's false views. The true, yet remarkable confession of the latter, that infidel philosophy and not Christianity diminished the number of the victims of the Inquisition. The Reformation succeeded because Henry VHL, Albert of Prussia, and others in power chanced to advocate it ; and though it effected some useful increase of civil liberty, it was no reformation in religion. Sir T. C. Morgan in 1822 justly wrote the same.

E. — Remarks on the passages in Suetonius, Tacitus, and Pliny, in reference to Christianity.

F. — State of debtor and creditor, and of lawyers, under the ancient Roman government,

LETTEES

TO

THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

Letter I

u It is not possible to destroy political servitude while allowing religious servitude to remain ; the political springs by necessity from religious slavery. In that place where the priest may say to an entire people, l Surrender to me your reason without conditions,' the Prince, by an infallible logic, may repeat also, c Surrender to me your liberty without control.' " — Quinet.

Citizens, — After having read the laborious and learned work of Eobert Cox On Sabbath Laws and Sabbath Duties, and observed therein that Dr. Arnold, in 1834, and Archbishop Whately, so late as 1849,* have both given their opinion

* Cox, p. 221. It is now a long while (viz., from September, 1853,) since Cox's admirable book has been published ; and I am sorry to say that, although written in such a spirit of moderation, that the author nowhere directly puts scripture authority aside, yet scarcely one of our quarterly or monthly journals has ever mentioned the book ! ! In consequence of this disposition to treat scripture with respect. Cox has been often forced into those same ambiguous views, which we see in the scripture itself: and this

B that Sunday is a holiday, not by divine, but only by ecclesiastical institution — an opinion amply confirmed by others as well as by Cox himself — it is, I think, useless to anticipate for the present any change in the puritanical mode of keeping that day in England ; or otherwise the writings of men of such influence as Arnold and Whately would long ago have tended to make it with English Protestants what it actually is with German Protestants (their theatres being open on the Sabbath), a day of innocent recreation and amusement, as well as of rest.* The day, however, reis the great fault of his book. He, like most of us, has been obliged to sacrifice to " conventional hypocrisy." (p. 390-) Surely, then, if such amiable objections to our creed are no better received by the press, it is time to speak out the full truth.

* It is also to be remembered that George Combe's Constitution of Man and also the Vestiges of Creation have now been published many years, and both sold to the extent of many thousand copies, and though Deistical, have not diminished clerical influence among us, or in the slightest degree altered our gloomy Sunday. Chapman, Watson, and Holyoake have also, for many years, sold thousands of copies of free-thinking books and tracts (still more confessedly Deistical and revolting to opinion than the above,) without effecting an acknowledged and open avowal of Deistical views in even what is worthy to be called a minority of our population. Thousands, no doubt, in this country are merely Deists in reality ; but as the public confession of such views injures their reception in society, they feel obliged to keep their views private. While I admit, therefore, that the freedom of the press in these matters, is now, and has been since the death of Carlile (a martyr to the cause,) the M glory of England," I still see no hopes of any great practical change in religion among ourselves. We are. of course, in a u false position" on account of our Established Church : so, indeed, I think are you Americans, even without any national church establishment, solely on account of the public opinion in your country being too favourable to, at all events, some form of mains still with us a " heavy day " as even Wilberforce, (Evidences of Christianity,) called it, the Calvinistic moral gloom adding tenfold to the physical gloom of our London fogs.

Under such circumstances, I propose to address the "pars altera" of the Anglo-Saxon race on this subject; I mean the American people, who, having wisely separated Church and State, are in a better position than ourselves to effect ecclesiastical reforms. And should they wisely attempt such, I doubt not that the spirit of rivalry between the two nations, will soon induce ourselves to . strive to follow their example — at leasts indeed, I should hope such would be the effect.

One of yourselves, my friends, in his Treatise on the Philosophy of Evil, (Philadelphia, 1845,) has a section on The Mischief of our Gloomy Sunday ; and yet, though written so lately, has produced no change in your Sabbath. Indeed, Lyman Coleman publishes years afterwards, (in 1852,) in the same city of Philadelphia, his Ancient Christianity, and says, M The whole English race, wherever found, alone have a Sab- Christianity. But the difference between us is, that it seems far easier for you to effect reforms in this matter than it is for us.

In vain again did the Edinburgh Revieio, for 1850, say that free discussion on religion a is discountenanced on all sides, and branded with reproachful names." It is the same still ; though it is some years since a journal of such great influence wrote as above ! In 1852 the Sabbath Alliance boasted of our superiority over other countries, on account of the ij freedom with order," attributing this chiefly to our Puritanical observance of the Sabbath. But The Edinburgh states what is still a fact. I deny our 4 * freedom" in reality. It also appears, that a reprehensible pride, (viz., to be different from the continental people, whether they be right or wrong,) is concerned in this strict Sabbath observance.

bath, a Christian Sabbath, holy unto the Lord. With all else, throughout Christendom, the Sabbath is a holy day, a festival." (Quoted in Cox, p. 536.)

Coleman rightly gives the Puritans " the immortal honour," as he calls it, of introducing this austerity into the i( States," which, no doubt, is their due ; for Cox shows that even Knox and Calvin could only have indirectly influenced the custom. Of course Luther was too wise (though not a liberal-minded man in reality) ever to have given sanction to such a movement, and seems instinctively to have adopted Burke's wise maxim, viz., "That lawful enjoyment is the surest way to prevent unlawful gratification. " (Cox, p. 448.) Accordingly, as already observed, the Lutheran Protestants have at this day their places of amusement open on Sunday evenings : by which means no doubt, in accordance with Burke's maxim, they prevent much of the drunkenness that vitiates a little the sanctity of our English and American Sabbath. Poor hard-worked wretches ! what remains for them on a Sunday evening in a dense London fog, but to dissipate the vast moral and physical gloom by a little gin or more beer ; and no wonder in such circumstances, after once feeling the exhiliration, if they almost instinctively take too much and retire to the new world of sleep wholly or partially intoxicated ; and, of course, in either case with more or less injury to their health.

Hence it is, all in accordance with this view, that Cox has wisely put the following in succession in his Table of Contents (p. xviii.) "Knowledge of Human Nature needs to be diffused. Causes of the comparative sobriety of the French. Importance of recreation as a means of demolishing intemperance. Gloomy religious views foster this vice. Religious Insanity. Drunkenness can be cured only in accordance with the maxim : Sublata causa, tollitur effectusP

In the work itself the reader will find these points fully elucidated, and will, I think, come to the conclusion that " Temperance Societies" are perfectly or nearly useless, while our "heavy Sunday M is suffered to remain.

Drunkenness and illicit intercourse of the sexes, and increased tendency to suicide and madness, are the bad effects of Calvinistic austerity, and perhaps the only shadow of any good in its favour is, its supposed tendency to increase respect for rational religion.

But while I acknowledge any institution that has this effect is useful, I maintain that the austerity in question overshoots the mark, and more often produces mere national hypocrisy, or absolute disgust, than additional respect for religious worship. It may, to a certain extent, increase the outward respect of religion in all classes, but this is almost always purchased at the too dear price of increased aversion to practice the moral duties of life. It actually becomes a sort of substitute for the same, as the Hon. W. Pitt says in his Letter on Superstition* "by setting up something as religion which shall atone and commute for the want of virtue." It renders hypocrisy in fact fashionable — no more. It affects the life, not the heart ; and certainly has a tendency to produce that most odious spectacle — a nation of sanctified cheats. And, for my own part, I cannot help regarding the man who cheats you under the mask of religion as a far greater villain than he who

* Holyoake, 147, Fleet Street. An unanswerable production, and worthy the man who favoured the liberal-minded Frederick the Great discards religion before he plunders his prey ; since in the former case he is truly " taking God's name in vain " in the strictest sense, and then adds one sin to another.

As in England we have a national religion, there is with us, my friends, perhaps more excuse than with you for upholding our Puritanical Sabbath. Our very sovereign cannot turn Catholic without acting illegally and risking her throne ; and our saints would be sure to construe any relaxation of Sabbatarian discipline on her part, into a secret leaning towards Catholicism. With probably, therefore, the most liberal tendency in this respect, Her Majesty feels herself compelled to wear the gilded fetter in order to prevent anything like civil commotion.* And as in Monarchies, the Sovereign is naturally enough, " the fountain of honour," few of consideration in the country feel inclined to do that which the Sovereign forbids herself to do. Our aristocracy, too, here, cling to religion as to the firmest support of the State ; and while reluctantly yielding to the Corn Law Bill, they still refuse Jewish Emancipation ; as if even the slightest alteration in the Constitution, as regards religion, were a change more to be deprecated than one which — as the Corn Law Bill — more decidedly affected their material interests. This prejudice extends — in a feebler degree certainly — to the Commons, and

* We must also not forget that it was, in great part, for attempting to do the very same thing, viz., promote rational recreation for the Sunday, that Charles I. was beheaded. Therefore, in Britain, any Sovereign who even indirectly appeared to aid in such a change would, by the masses, who seldom reason justly on nice moral points, be considered as wishing to restore Despotism. Yet, in reality, such Sovereign would be acting just the contrary now.

THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.

throughout the country generally ; and as a proof of it, T may state that playing on the piano, or at chess or draughts, on a Sunday is almost as much in general abhorrence, in strict Protestant families, as going to the theatre or a ball on the same day. Now this shows the great influence of mere opinion on the subject, (see Sir Robert Peel's speech, 1835 — quoted in Cox, p. 348,) as there is no actual law to prevent such amusements in private. The suppression of Sunday trains for passengers between Edinburgh and Glasgow (which caused Cox's book to be written) was also effected by the influence of opinion only, (the law itself rather inclining the opposite way,) which opinion has been formed chiefly by the constant repetition in our churches of the Jewish inscription : " Remember thou keep holy the Sabbath day." Yet Sunday is not the Sabbath day ! /*

Although in this latter respect, you Protestants of the States are probably in the same predicament as ourselves, this is not the case as regards your temporary Sovereign or President. He, at least, is free from all religious shackle ; and can consequently exert little or no influence in that respect on American society generally. He may be a Catholic, he may be a Jew, Unitarian, or even disguised Theist ;t and you wisely enough con-

* Cox shows tliis clearly enough ; yet half our population, not daring to think for themselves on religious matters conceive they really keep the Sabbath day. But the day has been changed from Saturday to Sunday, without God's command or permission. Now this in mortals, is as bad as blasphemy. The Jews are much wiser on this point ; they distinguish labour from amusement, and allow music, but do not permit even Jewish servants to work.

t Such were the illustrious Washington and Jefferson ; and I use the word " disguised" advisedly, as we shall ste sider him none the worse for that, or incapable, from such circumstance, of holding the first office in the State. In this, I must acknowledge, you are far before us ; as also in many of the men you send out as Ministers, being professed Unitarians, and sometimes even professed Theists or Pantheists. Show, then, I beseech you, that you are nationally above any illiberal prejudices of being thought too Catholic in your tastes, on a point in which religion is, in reality, not at all concerned ; I mean the opening places of amusement and recreation for the people on the Sabbath.

The real reason why these are closed among you, is doubtless the same which has caused them to be closed among us ; I mean a desire to " keep holy the Sabbath day ;" but I have already briefly stated that this reason is untenable, and must refer you to Cox's large work itself for more ample details and quotations on both sides of the question.

But as man is the slave of habit and prejudice much cftener than of reason, it seems not impossible that with many of you, even Cox's arguments may be considered inadequate ; and if you ask me why, allow me say, that the real cause at the bottom of this will be, that Christianity has gained an undue and actually unjust ascendency over pure natural Eeligion, or Deism, in your Eepublic. This has been the invariable tendency of Christianity whenever it has been in competition with other religions ; alike at its origin with the graceful mythology of the ancients* — under the Koman emhereafter, that religion is not perfectly free even in the United States.

* All other religions, were content with the toleration — far superior to our own Protestant so -called toleration — of the state religion of Home ; and naturally enough ; for perors, as under your Kepublic. It is in vain, therefore, that your constitution says, all religions are equal in the eye of the law, for all revealed religions are necessarily intolerant, and will never be contented with what they ought to be, viz , just equality. I shall proceed to elucidate this proposition by extracts from Human Rights and their Political Guarantees* by your countryman, Mr. Counsellor Hurlbut; and I shall then follow up this Letter by an examination of the utility of Christianity to Government, for the belief in this opinion I doubt not is also at the bottom of your great external respect for that religion, and consequently concerned in keeping up your gloomy Sunday.

" The constitution of North Carolina/' says Mr. Hurlbut, " was amended in 1836, the word Christian being substituted for the word Protestant, in the following sentence : — " No person who shall deny the truth of the Protestant Religion, shall be capable of holding any office, or place of trust, or profit, in the civil department of the state/ It is also stated in the same, that — ' All men have a natural and unalienable right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their conscience/ — Thus," says Mr. H. ? (i they may worship and the state will not interrupt them ; but it will inquire as to the divinity they adore — and if it be not the constitutional Jehovah, the they had their niches in the Pantheon, and seemed placed on actual equality with the heathen gods themselves. But Christianity was not content until it could dethrone, so to speak, those who were so liberal. Surely here was just reason for persecuting it, especially since it was itself a dangerous fiction.

* With notes by George Combe. — Edinburgh, 1847 Maclachlan.

b 2 unlawful worshippers will be excluded from civil offices. They may, however, hold military offices — the state being content to have heathens bleed in its defence/' (Of Constitutional Limitations, p. 27 J

In Massachusetts again, the government has the power to require, " Protestant teachers of piety to be supported by the parishes, when provision shall not be made for them voluntarily." Every Christian sect is to be equally protected by the laws.

" This portrays" (continues Mr. H., justly,) ic the infant state of religious freedom in the cradle of liberty" — to wit — " A species of religious establishment and its compulsory support." Mr. H. rightly says " a species," for equally, as in North Carolina, some form of Christianity is obligatory, or the penalty of what is really persecution by law, as well as by opinion, must be borne.

It is consolatory to observe by an amendment adopted in 1820, that the chief officers of state are now not required to declare that they believe in Christianity :* but the above regulations remain unchanged.

In New York too, f; the legislature may interfere with the rights of opinion — and the courts in the administration of the common law, may punish a man for speaking against the prevailing religion (i. e. Christianity) of the country ! !" {Ibid. 27.)

" But if," continues Mr. H., " law take into

* The revised constitution for New York for 1846, provides, " that no person shall be rendered incompetent to be a witness on account of his religious belief." (Combe, note, p. 81.) Thus perfect religious liberty is slowly but happily progressing, though Combe does not know if the above has passed the legislature. See also further on for confirmation of this reflection in reference to the State of New York favour the religion of the majority, it tyrannizes over the minority ; if it establishes the religion of the Christian, it offends the Infidel, the Jew, and the Heathen.'' As the majority make the laws, it was to be expected that one like that of New York, would sooner or later be made ; but while it exists, let our worthy American friends confess, that religious liberty or equality is a mere hypocritical farce among them. The punishment by opinion was constitutional and not actually unjust in such cases ; but when the majority go further and make actual law on the subject, they then clearly become tyrannical, and if they do not violate the constitution, they certainly violate the laws of eternal and immutable justice.

Mr. Hurlbut mentions the statute of the State of New York on common school education, enacted only in 1844, in which we find, that if "books containing sectarian doctrine of any particular Christian or other religious sect are used in such schools, these shall not be entitled to monies from the school fund of the State ; yet it continues, " nothing herein contained shall authorize the exclusion of the Holy Scriptures without note or comment ! /"* (p. 28.) Mr. H,, says, " 1 do not perceive how the legislature obtained any idea as to what Scriptures are holy and what are not —

* All this shows (even in its disguise), the inherent intolerance of Christianity, -which induced Justinian to put down even the venerable schools of Athens: u That," says Gibbon, " which even Gothic arms did not do, was done by a religion, whose ministry superseded the exercise of reason, resolved every question by an article of faith, and condemned the sceptic to eternal flames /" (Chap. 40, Justinian.) Paganism was in some degree compensated for its utter downfall through the influence of Christianity, by Gibbon's statement, " That its introduction, or, at least, abuse, had some influence on the fall of the Roman Empire." * * * what are with, and what are without note and comment/'