Original letters from Richard Baxter, Matthew Prior, Lord Bolingbroke, Alexander Pope, Dr. Cheyne, Dr. Hartley, Dr. Samuel Johnson, Mrs Montague, Rev. William Gilpin, George Lord Lyttleton, Rev. John Newton, Rev. Dr. Claudius Buchanan, &c., &c.

Front matter

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Contents

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BIOGRAPHICAL Illustration of Richard Baxter 1

I. From Richard Baxter to Dr. Allestree - - 4

Letter I

From RtCHARD Baxter to " the Rev. Dr. <* Richard Allestree, the King's ProfeS'^ " sour of TheologiCy at his Lodgings in Christ's- '' Church, Oxford:'

yl S your ingenuity giveth me full satisfaction, -^•^ I am very desirous to give you such just satisfaction concerning myself, that you may think neither better nor worse of me than I am : we old men are prone to have kinder thoughts of our childish old acquaintance than of later^ and to value most their esteem, whom we most esteem ; and the current report of your honesty, as well as knowledge, commandeth a great estimation of you from us all. I was before the warre offended much at the multitude of ignorant drunken readers, who had the care of souls, and the great number of worthy ministers who were cast out and ruined, and of serious Christians that were persecuted for praying together, an(J for little things. 1 was one of those that were glad that the Parliament, 1640, attempted a reformation of these things, which 1 expressed, perhaps, too openly. I lived in a town (Kederminster) then famous for wickedness and drunkenness. They twice rose against me, and sought to kill me. Once for saying the infants had original sin, &c.; and next time for persuading the churchwardens to execute the Parliament's order (the King's being yet with them) for defacing the images of the Trinity on the cross; when they knockt down two strangers for my sake, who carried it to their graves. Then the old Curate indited meat the assizers, I never heard for what, but I was forced to be gone. If any did but sing a psalm, or repeat a sermon in their houses, the rabble cried, Down with the Round- Heads, and were ready to destroy them ; so that the religious part of the town were forced to fly after me to Coventree, where we lived quietly ; but having nothing of their own, they were constrained to become garrison soldiers, and I took my bare dyet, to preach once a week, refusing the offered place of chaplain to the garrison.

The newes of 200,000 murdered by the Irish and Papist strength in the King's armies, and the great danger of the kingdom, was published by the Parliament; my judgment then was, that neither King nor Parliament might lawfully fight against each other ; that dividing was dissolving and destroying; and only necessary defence of the constitution was lawful : but that the honum publicum was the essentiall end of government ; and though I thought both sides faulty, I thought that both the defensive part, and the salus populi, lay on the Parliament's side, and I very openly published and preached accordingly. The Parliament still professing, that they took not arms against the King, but against subjects, that not only fled from justice, but sought by arms to destroy the Parliament, &c. In a word, my principles were the same with Bishop Bilson's (of subjection) and Jewet's, but never so popular as K. Hooker's. When I had stayed iri Coventree a year, my father in Shropshire was plundered by the King's soldiers, (who never was against the King or conformity.) I went into Shropshire, and he was for my sake taken prisoner to Linshull. I stayed at Longfoid garrison for two months, and got him exchanged for Mr. R. Fowler. In that time, the garrison being a little more than a mile distance, the soldiers on each side used frequently to have small attempts against each other ; in which Judge Fiennes' eldest son was killed of our side, and one soldier of their side, and no more that I know of. I was present when the soldier was killed, the rest ran away and left him ; and other sol--

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diers hart him not, but offered him quarter, but he would not take it, nor lay down his armes : and I was one that bid him lay them down, and threatened to shoot him, but hurt him not, he striking" at me with his musket, and narrowly missing me. I rode from him; and Captain Holidaye, the governor, being behind me, shot him dead ; and it grieved me the more, because we afterwards heard that he was a Welshman, and knew not what we said to him. I never saw man killed but this; nor this indeed, for I rode away from him. Above twenty prisoners we there took, and all, save two or three, got away through a sinke-hole, and the rest were exchanged. I returned to Coventree, and followed my studies another year ; all that garrison abhorred sectarian, and popular rebellious principles. The Parliament then put out the Earl of Essex, and new-modelled their armies ; and srave Fairfax a new commission, leavino- out the King ; when before, all the commissions were, to fight for King and Parliament. Naseby fight suddenly followed: being near, I went, some daies after, to see the field and army ; when I came to them, (before Leicester,) divers orthodox captains told me, that we were all like to be undone, and all along of the ministers, who had all (save Mr. Bowles) forsaken the army : and the sectaries had thereby turned their preach ers^ and possessed them with destructive principles against King, Parliament, and Church, And now they said, " God's providence had put the trust of the *^ people's safety in our hands, and they would, ^* when the conquest was finished, change the ^* government of Church and State, and become " our lords," This struck me to the heart ; I went 'mong them, and found it true. Hereupon they persuaded me yet to come among 'em, and gotWhally (then sober, and against those men) to invite me to his regiment, (the most sectarian and powerful in the army.) I went home to Coventree, and slept not till I had called together about twelve or more revfBrend ministers, who then lived there, (divers arp yet living,) and told them our sad case ^ and that I had an invitation, and was willing to vei)ture my life in a tryal to change the soldiers' mipds. They all consented. I promised presently to gpe. I asked leave of the committee and governnient, who consented. Before midnight the garrison reviled the committee for consenting. They sent for me again, and told me I must not goe, for the garrison would mutinie. I told them I had promised, and would goe. But I, (foolishly,) Jo satisfie them, told my reasons, which set Lieut.- Colonel Purefoy in a rage against me for so accusing the army. The next morning I went, and ynet wjth the consequent of my errors for Crom-

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well had notice of what I had said, and came about before I could get thither: and I was met with scorn, (as one that came to save church and state from the army.) There I staid awhile, atid found, that Ijeing* but in one place at once I could doe little good. I got Mr. Cooke to come and help me, (who since helpt Mr. G. Booth into Chester for the King*, and was imprisoned for it, though now he is silenced.) He and I spent our time in speaking and disputing against the destroyers ; and I so far prevailed as tp render the seducers in the regiment contemned, except in one troop, or a few more. I told the orthodox Parliament men of their danger. But Cromwell frustrated my cherished hope, and would never suffer me to come near the General, nor the head-quarters, nor himself, nor never once to speak to him. When the warre seemed over, I was invited home again ; but I called near twenty ministers together at Coventree, and told them that the crisis was not now far off; the army would shortly shew themselves in rebellion against King, the Parliament, and Church; and I was willing to venture my life to trie to draw off as many against them as I could. They voted me to stay. I went back, and it pleased God, that the very first day that they met in Nottingham in council, to confederate, as I foresaw, I was not only kept away, but finally separated from them, by bleeding almost to death, (120 ounces at the nose.) Had not that prevented it, I had hazarded my life at Triploe Heath, where they brake out, but had done little good ; for when the sober part then declared against them, they drew off about 5000 or 6000 men; and Cromwell filled up their places with sectaries, and was much stronger than before. All that I could do after was, to preach and write against them. This is a true account of the case of } our old friend,

R. BAXTER,

How little knew Mr. Durell how falsely he described my case at Kidderminster, I may not |iow stay you w^ith a narrative.

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MATTHEW PRIOR.

- It is Doctor Johnson's observation, that " Prior has *' written with great variety, and his variety has made " him popular. He has tried all stiles, from the gro- " tesque to the solemn, and has not so failed in any as " to incur derision or disgrace." A singular resemblance will be found between this description of his works, and the events of his life, and the character of his condu£l; the former being niarked by vicissitudes of elevation and depression; the latter, by public usefulness, and private licentiousness. Born July 21, 1664, of parents sufficiently humble to have escaped the certain knowledge of his biographer, he passed some time at Westminster school, under the care of the celebrated Dr. Busby ; and, engaging accidentally the notice of the witty Earl of Dorset, the Maecenas of his day, he obtained an academical education in St. John's college, Cambridge. In 1691, he resolved to try his fortune on that best theatre for the exhibition of talent, the Metropolis; where, attracting notice by some of his publications, he became an objeft of ministerial patronage, and was sent as secretary of the embassy to the Congress at the Hague; " an assembly," as Johnson " remarks, of princes and nobles, to which Europe has, " perhaps, scarcely seen any thing equal; where was

•* formed the grand alliance against Louis the Four^ " teenth, which at last did not produce effects propor- •' tionate to the magnificence of the transaction.'* The favour of King William, which he gained by his di-» plomatic talents, and judicious application of poetical flattery, raised him to the office of Under Secretary of State, and afterwards to that of Commissioner of Trade, when he lost the secretaryship, by the removal of the Earl of Jersey. It was now that he changed his politics; left the Whigs, and became a Tory; a change which was afterwards rewarded by degradation from his political honours, and the discomfort of temporary imprisonment. In the year 1713, Prior was an accredited plenipotentiary at the Court of France; where he continued to exercise the high duties of the situation, and to enjoy its honours, till August 1714, when the Tories fell, and our poet was involved in their disgrace. He remained in Paris, however, till the March following; and then returned to his country, only to experience the melancholy reverse, of apprehension and confinement. It was during his stay in France, and after the change of the ministry, that he wrote the ensuing letter; a document which seems to contradict Johnson's assertion, " that he was not *' able to return to England, being detained by debts ** which he had found it necessary to contract, which <' were not discharged before March :" since Prior does not even hint at such a cause of detention, in his confidential communication to Lord Townsend, Our poet seems to have been, like most other men, a mixed character; with some of the fire of genius, but more of its eccentricity: good natural principles, but occasional perversions of them: upright in the main, but led by circumstances, every now and then, into obliquity of conduct : in short, he seems to have exemplified in himself that pliability of conscience, which he has so well described in the following sprightly lines, attributed to his muse :

For conscience, like a fiery horse. Will stumble, if you check his course 5 But ride him with an easy rein.

And rub him down with worldly gain, He'll carry you through thick and thin. Safe, although dirty, to your inn.

LETTER rr.

Froyn 31r. Prior to Lord Townsend.

MY LORD, Fontainhleau, Oct, 12, 1714.

TT Am sure you will not think that I make •^ you a compliment of form only, when I congratulate to you the honour of being secretary bond fide, I had rather you had the seals than any man in England, except myself; and I wish you all satisfaction and prosperity in the course of your business, and iu every part of your private life, I need not ask you for your favour; for, taking it for granted that you think me an honest man, I assure myself of every thing from you that is goodnatured and generous. How long I am, or am not, to be here, or when I am to be recalled, your Lordship will soonest know; all that I can tell you upon that subject is, that our friend and ally Mr. Cunningham is mightily pleased with me. Pray, my Lord, do me all the good you can ; and if, as we say here, the names of party and faction are to be lost, pray get me pricked down for one of the first that is desirous to come into so happy an agreement. And as I know so good a design as the obtaining and ensuring peace suits admirably ■well with the sweetness of your Lordship's temper, I'll take my oath on't it, graduates extremely well with my present disposition and circumstances. I cannot presume to hope for the happiness of seeing you very soon ; for though I should be recalled to-morrow, I shall savour so strong of a French Court, that I must make my quarantine in some Kentish village, before I dare come near the Cock-pit. In every place and estate, I am, with great truth and respect,

Your Lordship's

Most faithful, most humble, and obedient servant,

MATTHEW PRIOR.

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LORD BOLINGEROKE.

That truth only is permanent, and that virtue alone can secure immortality to talent, is strikingly exemplified in the fate which the philosophy and writings of Lord Bolingbroke have experienced; since now ihey are either entirely neglected, or remembered only to be reprobated or despised. " A graceful person," says Dr. Joseph Warton, " a flow of nervous eloquence, *' a vivid imagination, were the lot of this accomplished " nobleman ; but his ambitious views being frustrated '* in the early part of his life, his disappointments " embittered his temper ; and he seems to have been *' disgusted with all religions and all governments." Hence he became factious, discontented, and petulent, in his politics ; absurd, inconsistent, and impious, ia his religious speculations; and, though a patriot and Theist in profession^ he was, both in practice and principle, an enemy to legitimate power, a despiser of dignities, and a reviler of God. As an instance of the effects of his own dark system upon his moral conduct, it is sufficient to adduce his behaviour to Pope, bis friend and panegyrist ; whom he first degraded into the charader of a tool, and vehicle of his own destrji6live notions, by insidiously furnishing him with the scheme of the Essay on Man^ the pernicious tendency of which the poet did not perceive ; and after. his friend was no more, employed the unprincipled Maiiet to calumniate his memory. *' Mallet," says Johnson, <* had not virtue, or had not spirit, to refuse

" the office; and was rewarded, not long after, with the " legacy of Lord Bolingbroke's Works." These he published in a splendid edition of five volumes in quarto.

Had the following letters contained the least taint of his Lordship's polluted opinions, they should not, notwithstanding their graceful ease, have found their way into the present volume; for, next to the guilt of those who coin profligate principles, we hold them to be most criminal who give them circulation^ by committing them to the press.

Even during the temporary popularity of Lord Bolingbroke's writings, many able refutations of the principles contained in them were pnblished by the friends of religion and good order; but none more complete, satisfactory, and convincing, than the Letters of Dr. John Leland, in his View of Deistical Writers, from the commencement and close of which we beg leave to quote the following passages.

*' The works Lord Bolingbroke had published 'in " his own life time, and which are republished in this *' (Mallet's) edition, had created a high opinion of the " genius and abilities of the author. In them he had *' treated chiefly concerning matters of a political '^ nature; and it were greatly to be wished for his own " reputation, and for the benefit of mankind, that he " had confined himself to subjects of that kind, in that " part of his works which he designed to be published •' after his decease. These his posthumous works make *' by far the greater part of this collection. His Letters " on the Stud]/ and Use of History ^ which were pub- " lished before the rest, and prepared the world not to "look for any thing from him, that was friendly to " Christianity or the holy Scriptures. But I am apt ** to think, that the extreme insolence, the virulence " and contempt, with which, in his other posthumous

" works he bath treated those things that have been " hitherto accounted most sacred among Christians, *^ and the open attacks he hath made upon some "important principles of natural religion itself, have " exceeded whatever was expected or imagined. There *^ is ground to apprehend, that the quality and repu- " tation of the author, his high pretensions to reason " and freedom of thought, his great command of words, '^ and the positive and dictatorial air he every where " assumes, may be apt to impose upon many readers, " and may do mischief in an age too well prepared al- " ready for receiving such impressions." ^' Thus I " have considered what the late Lord Bolinijbrokehath " offered in these Letters against the authority of the *' holy Scripture, and the Christian religion, as far as " may be necessary to take off the force of the objec- " tions he hath raised against it, and which seem to " have nothing in them proportioned to the unusual " confidence with which they are advanced. It is hard " to see what good end could be proposed by such an " attempt. But perhaps it may be thought an advan- " tage, that by * discovering error in first principles " ' founded upon facts, and breaking the charm, the " ^ incbanted castle, the steepy rock, the burning lake, " * will disappear.'* And there are persons, no doubt, " that would be well pleased to see it proved, that *' Christianity is no better than delusion and enchant- " ment; and particularly, that the wicked have nothing '^ to fear from the burning lake,^ some apprehensions of *' which may probably tend to make them uneasy in '* iheir vicious courses. But I should think, that a true " lover of virtue, and of mankind, who impartially " considers the purity of the gospel morals, the exceU

* See his Letter on the Use and Study of Retirement, vol. ii. p. aai.

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" lent tendency of its doctrines and precepts, and the ** power of its motives for engaging men to the prac- *^ tice of piety and virtue, and deterring them from *' vice and wickedness, will be apt to look upon it as a *' very ill employment, to endeavour to expose this *' religion to contempt, and to set bad men free from " the wholesome terrors it inspires, and deprive good " men of the sublime hopes and sacred joys it yields. ** But Christianity hath withstood much more for- " midable attacks, and will, I doubt not, continue to " approve itself to those that examine it, and the *' evidences by which it is established with minds free ^' from vicious prejudices, and with that sincerity and " simplicity of heart, that seriousness and attention, " which becomes them in an affair of such vast im* " portance."

LETTER III. From Lord Bolingbroke (o Sir William Wyndham

Chantilly, Jan. 12, 1736.

T Received yoursof the 22d of December, O.S. -*" this moment; and an opportunity of sending it to Paris to-morrow or Saturday being likely to present itself, I answer it instantly, in hopes it will be delivered by this safe conveyance,

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time enoiigli to be carried to you by Mr. Wyndham. My brother4n-law, who sets out this day for London, has one for you likewise. I did not doubt, my dear Sir William, of your approbation, when I writ the letter you mention. You are capable of feeling, that true spirit carries a man into retreat on some occasions, as it plunges him into all the bustle of the world on others. If I had not gone into England, and begun to settle and take root there again, when the late King drew me into the measure, if I may use such an expression, it is easy to imagine what my enemies, and even my friends, would have said, with appearances on their side. If I had taken my hand from the plough, when the late King died ; it is easy likewise to imagine what the same persons would have said, with reason, I think, on their side. If I continue to act any longer the same part as I ha\^e acted in England for some years past, and the only part I would act if I was there ; I know what judgment I should make of myself, and what every man of sense and spirit would make of me likewise.

The wisest, the most decent, and the only dignified part I can take, is, therefore, that I have taken. I have taken it, and I will support it. The declared friend of my friends j the declared enemy of my enemies; ready to sacrifice myself at any time for the liberty and welfare

c 2 of the country in which I was bom, and at all other times content and happy in the state of a philosophical cosmopolite, in the ordinary course of private life. You know how much indulgence I have for my passions, my fancies, my weaknesses. How much it is, according* to my system, a part of wisdom to give great way to them, and pay little regard to common notions, received customs, and the quen diset on? so terrible to most persons. But in the great turns of private life, and in every part of public life, I condemn this indulgence ; and I respect the opinion of mankind, I mean that opinion which is founded in judgment, and will last j not the momentary applause of the vulgar.

My whole scheme for the rest of my life is ready formed in my mind, and my mind immoveably fixed to pursue it; but the affair which I recommend to you and Bathurst, is a preliminary so necessary, that I cannot, without the communication of it, even begin to act and live as I propose to do, or at least with the ease and satisfaction I shall find, whenever this preliminary is executed. I say no more on this head, but depend on you ; and expect to hear from you, as soon as you have thought, consulted, and informed yourself a little more about it.

Though the project we have so often talked of for marrying Charles, be, in that one point of view wherein I have considered it, extremely desirable; there is no doubt but it may cease to be so, when it is seen in another. You have seen it in that other, and you are, therefore, a much better j udge. He will be very easy in the matter. Nothing" could tempt him, but the prospect of an immense fortune; and, if I know him, he will prefer, even to that, the enjoyment of his liberty. Let me say one w^ord to you on this subject. 1 have studied him this summer more than I ever did before. You will never g"ive him a turn for public business, but he has notions of virtue and honour strong about him ; and he is one of those nags whom you may guide with a thread, if you play with his mouth, but who will grow restive to the spur, and run away, if he is much checked.

I come now to the article of your letter that relates to my Lord Gower. I agree that Mr. Leveson must know the language, so as to speak it with ease, before he can mix in the good company of this country with pleasure and profit. 1 agree, likewise, that it will be necessary that he should wear off that aukward, shy habit, which our young fellows contract, and which his natural temper fortifies perhaps, before he can make such a figure in this company as it becomes him to make, and as it will be expected he should make, even at his first appearance. If he was at Paris, therefore, I should not advise producing

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him yet awhile in much company; and that I did produce him in, should be of a kind he would sooner assimilate with, than he would with the people of the Court, and of a certain rank and air of the world. But the objections against his being at Paris, drawn from the danger of his falling into the habits of his kinsman, and the other English, are strong, and, upon second thoughts, they seem to me decisive.

The best resolution that can be taken, therefore, is that of weaning him, by little and little, from the habits he has ; fitting him by little and little for the world, and introducing him by little and little into it ; and all this at a distance from his kinsman, and other English, who would confirm his old habits, or teach him worse.

By a letter which my wife has received from Lord Cornbury since I began this, I see that Lord Gower has thoughts of sending him directly to us ; and I confess that I should be glad that be did so. When he has been for some time with me, I shall make a better judgment of his character; and my opinion concerning the manner in which his travels ought to be directed, will turn principally upon what I shall observe of his character. I will judge, in consequence of that notice, as well as I can ; and my Lord Gower may assure himself, that I will employ the best skill I have in this affair,

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with zeal and affection. As to Mr. Gravenkop, I know him well, and think well of him ; all I have to recommend is this, let him be in the boy's eye a friend and companion, not a governor. Let him be the same in the eyes of the world ; a person attached, as they say abroad, to the family, and who travels on that principle with himj this hint is of more consequence than you can imagine. In the mean time I will enquire about the several academies that are abroad. That in our neighbourhood at Augers is quite fallen ; and that of Luneville will now fall, I suppose, likewise.

Pray renew to my Lord Gower the assurances of my being his faithful servant ; they are very sincere. I need say no more at present about his son; but if he sends him hither, I should be glad to know the time, that I may order mine so as to have an opportunity of attending him; for it is possible that I may take a trip to Paris, and even to the waters of Bourbon, in the spring.

Adieu, dear Sir William. All here are devoted to you and yours; but neither here, or any where else, is any man so much as your old and faithful friend^

B.

Letter IV

Jjord BoLiNGBROKE to Sir Wm. Wyndham.

February 27, 1737.

I Received yesterday your letter of the 28tli of January, dear Sir William; and though I have this morning little time, I employ it to answer what you write to me ; and this I shall do in very few words. As to all expedients of borrowing, and living longer on my capital, which has been, during many years, and by many ways, annually reduced, I cannot resolve to take them. To live by expedients, in all the senses of these words, has been my aversion always, however I may have been obliged to live so; but at my age, in my circumstances, and with my present temper of mind, to live so would be madness, if by any means I can avoid it. I want ease and tranquillity more than money ; and, therefore, in my proceeding toward the sale of Dawley, I care little what advantages I give another, provided I secure soon to myself the advantage of settling my affairs in a way to have no further trouble about them, and to bring me a revenue, not equal to my fund, but equal to my scheme of life. 1 suppose the estate and advov/son worth about £l9/)00. If Mc-ad, or jmy one else, will give me, without more ado, £(iOOO for the house, and all the furniture in it, so that I may not lose the present opportunity ; close the bargain, Sir William, and I will ratify it. You ask what furniture I except. Besides books and pictures, I answer, in this case none; and especially if Dr. Mead be the purchaser, to whom, upon his own account, and out of regard to his late brother's memory, I should be glad that the advantage of this purchase accrued. The furniture already in place, and the house, even reckoning the latter almost as materials, are worth the £6000. If my wife has left any box, or other odd article, which she may desire to have over, it will be such a trifle as to cause no dispute. In order to guard against the objection you make, it will be proper to say, as it is most true, ihat what you are now empowered to do, is only for the present moment, wherein I have particular reasons for selling ; and that I shall not think in the same manner, this moment over.