Georges Clemenceau, the Tiger of France

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Georges Clemenceau

GEORGES CLEMENCEAU

BY

II

THE political career of M. Clemenceau is too well known by all for it to be necessary to comment at length upon its different stages and incidents; but at least, they permit us to perceive, in passing, certain essential traits of this striking figure which, from now on, is in the immediate foreground of history.

Born the twenty-eighth of September, 1841, at Mouilleron-en-Pareds, near Fontenay-le-Comte, and having his secondary education at the Lycee de Nantes, this young Vendean recruit arrived in Paris in i860, during the Second Empire. He came to study medicine and fulfill his apprenticeship for man's estate in the Latin Quarter, over which a thrill of liberty was already sweeping.

His father, also a doctor, philosopher, democrat, a lover of books and of beauty, had already inspired in his son, through his personal influence, a desire

I for a serious life in the laboratory and the library where the future doctor feels developing within himself the taste for positive sciences, exact knowledge and logical reasoning.

One morning in 1845 after Orsini had thrown his bomb on the retinue of Napoleon III, the authorities, quickly seized with a madness for repression, tore the father of Clemenceau away from his patients and his books to cast him hurriedly into exile along with a number of ether men no less innocent of this crime. The young student, indignant at beholding his father arrested without reason by two gendarmes, embracing him, made this promise, with clenched teeth : "I will avenge you !"

"Work!" simply replied his father with handcuflfs on his wrists which, moreover, were removed eight or ten days later, so strong was the revolt of the people against such absolutely unjustified violence.

This dialogue is worthy of antiquity. We only recall it to show in what a serious and fervent state of mind our medical student came to the study of science.

It is these months of studious youth, ennobled by 2.2.

an ardent desire for knowledge, by this lofty idealism, which will always be accompanied by his love for the real and the true, that Clemenceau's clear brain began to acquire that strong, general culture, always increased, at all times and through all, by a vast amount of reading.

That is one of his characteristics which must be remembered from now on, because it distinguishes him from many practical men of action who are sometimes a little too negligent of opinions, and because it appears at every hour, in all the forms of his activity.

But this nervous and vigorous Vendean had too much impetuous vitality and was tempered too early in life by a healthy existence in the country, by the pleasures of the open air, to find joy and interest only among books.

The life of his epoch, with its grandeurs, its sadness, its graces, with unexpected picturesqueness and even its banality, sometimes so stimulating, with its struggles of ideas and the ferments which agitate secretly the great city, arouse this young man, whose whole career, in his discourses, in his political policies, in his writings, reveals him so full of life, so in love with life, so fitted to create life. Again, this is one of the essential traits of his personality. With what curiosity, with what fervor he plunges into the life of his times ! His father was a republican idealist, a faithful servant of democracy of which he had never asked any thing except to be worthy of the hope which believers of his kind placed in it. He was exactly the type of man of 1848, generous, disinterested, brotherly, patriotic; and he had implanted in the heart of his son his love for liberty. The Latin Quarter was captivated by him. What a charming way, when one possesses nobility of character to carry ones eighteen years of age! Clemenceau shares its thrills. He frequents rarely the debating societies whose purely verbal agitation seems sterile to him. Life in Bohemia does not amuse him ; but he soon mingles in the less disordered meetings where his clear firm thinking, his logic and his clean cut speech are appreciated. He is of those men who, even before they have a right to vote, have a manner of authority. He collaborates on ephemeral journals of the opposition party where his articles make him suspected by the government.

A few weeks passed in the prison of Mazas, in 1862, for writings pronounced subversive of order and, in 1865, his doctor's thesis on The Generation of Anatomic Elements in which he reveals his fondness for experimental philosophy, are the two first facts which can be inscribed on his record. After this, curious about the world, he travels in order to see what men are, elsewhere, and how they organize their efforts; in order, also, to love and know France better and to serve her better. There is his stay in England and then a longer stay in America where, as a very scholarly doctor, he teaches French literature and translates Stuart Mills' book, Auguste Comfe and Positivism.

Then he returns to France. It is in Montmartre among the artisans, the employees, the shop keepers, and the lesser bourgeoisie of the Butte that he sets up his hope for social betterment, his will for justice. He cares for the people. He counsels them. He guards them from moral sickness, from Utopian schemes, from discouragement. Ardent and strong, full of faith in the future, he is the support of the weak whom he invariably and sincerely loved, for whom he always spoke, wrote and acted, and whom he always wished to protect from all violence whether from above or below.

In 1 871 came the war, the rending of France, humiliation, and the suffering of defeat. This memory will never be blotted out. His heart remains deeply wounded by this sorrow. His whole political life retains the mark of it. The Government of National Defense appoints him mayor of Montmartre where he is popular because of the moral and material welfare he has brought about; and in the election in February, Montmartre quickly elects him its deputy to the National Assembly.

He is convinced,- with Gambetta, that if France has the courage to be firm in her will to resist, she will wear out Germany, already tired of war, and she will obtain, if not victory, at least a peace which harms her less. Therefore, at Bordeaux, he votes against the peace negotiated so painfully under the Prussian knife by Jules Favre and Thiers.

With grief, and hope, he signs the stirring protestation of fidelity to Alsace-Lorraine, This is a solemn oath which pledges his whole life, which he has never forgotten, and which he will keep.

Then come still more torturing hours : civil war under the eyes of the conqueror, in the midst of all the ruin. The ferment is most violent at Montmartre. He hurries there and tries to calm the wrath, to clear up fatal misunderstandings and to restore harmony after so much suffering.

The first shots are fired at Montmartre. Another of his characteristics which must be remembered, is that he is horrified by violence, by the hazardous and summary justice of the street corner, which is almost always injustice. Thus, as soon as he hears the first shots, he rushes to this possible tragedy to try to stop it by all the authority of his youthful prestige. Popular anger outstrips him, quick as is his departure, and before M. Clemenceau is able to arrive, the bloody bodies of General Lecomte and General Clement Thomas are lying at the foot of the wall where the mob has shot them. The irreparable has happened.

Between the Government, which has taken refuge at Versailles, to be near the National Assembly, no longer held at Bordeaux, and the Commune, which has just set up its rebellious power, he rises to perform the task of conciliation, to avoid new violence, to spare the young' Republic blood-stains on its flag, to free its future from rancor and wrath, to keep new grief and suffering from being added to the present grief and suffering.

Courageous attitude! ungrateful role! In order to gain entire freedom of action, he renounces his office of deputy; but finds himself paralyzed by violence. Suspected by all those to whom, on one side or the other, he preaches moderation, he feels that his good will is powerless. Blood flows. Ruin piles up. In the delirium, crimes increase. Terrible repressive measures follow.

After the last volleys normal life takes up its course. Montmartre does not hold a grudge against Clemenceau for having wished to protect the people against itself. From 1871, convinced of the interest he has in the workers, the weak, the disinherited, Montmartre chooses him as its representative in the Municipal Council.

Indeed, having passed his youth in the midst of peasants bowed by toil, and later, among the workers in factories or at the work bench, a witness of the hardness of their lot, the newly elected representative thinks only of ameliorating the conditions of their work and life and of protecting them against all abuses of power.

His fraternal pity has not talked more than it has wept He has the restrained emotion of the strong. But from that time on, he affirms, with the rude and sharp accent of sincerity, a deep respect for man and his rights. It resounds in his speeches and later puts into his writings a note of gently scolding tenderness, and inspires his acts many a time.

In the course of his long political life this friendship for the humble has never ceased. It is a friendship somewhat hard, which feels a sort of modesty in not allowing itself to be seen too much, nor indulging in a pathetic note. Therefore, having dreamed only of liberating the people, of educating them, and of preparing them for equitable, social cooperation, for sixty years of active cordiality, M. Clemenceau can smile and shrug his shoulders when he hears himself called ''^an enemy of the working class" by grandiloquent special orators whose heart is perhaps less close to the workman than is the heart of Clemenceau.

At the Communal Assembly, of which he became 29 president when quite young, he claimed in behalf of Paris, as a proof of confidence which it merited, the right to administer its own affairs, a right enjoyed by all other communes of France. He scarcely had the time to pursue this campaign for municipal selfgovernment, at that time so ardent, but of exaggerated importance, for in the elections of 1876, after the vote of the Constitution which organized the Republic and after the dissolution of the National Assembly, Montmartre sent Clemenceau to the Chamber of Deputies which, like the newly created Senate, was sitting at Versailles.

The first act of the new deputy, in 1876, was his speech on the immediate and complete amnesty for those condemned by the Commune. This discourse is celebrated because of its loftiness of view, its boldness, its logical, concise and vigorous argument.

He pleaded, as extenuating circumstances, the exasperated and rebellious patriotism of the one party and the fear of the other party of being balked once more in the establishment of the Republic, the restlessness of poverty resulting from the too sudden abolishment of the daily pay of the national guards before the resumption of work, certain blunders on the part of the government, the grievous folly of people too long deceived, having suffered too much.

The time to forget had not yet arrived; but if the Chamber of Deputies, moved by this striking speech of moderation, did not follow M. Clemenceau, at least it hailed in him one of the new orators with whom it would be necessary to reckon most carefully.

Very soon M, Clemenceau appears in the front rank of men who, in a Chamber careful not to push evolution unduly and among ministers anxious not to shock the habits of the country, demand a rapid realization of the democratic programme.

The struggles, which at first are intermittent and moderate, become after 1880 bitter and almost continuous.

Whatever personal opinion one may have on the two methods of realizing an ideal, and even if one regrets the lack of harmony which in the two camps hindered able men from placing all their force and ability in the service of France, one must recognize that the attitude of M. Clemenceau was in accordance with all that is known of his temperament and of his passionate firmness of conviction.

His sincerity is evident. He could' not think or act otherwise. He is always courteous even when attacking an adversary; but however strongly he may have been forced at times to treat men harshly, it was the ideas behind them that he was attacking.

He fights bravely, face to face, and fairly. He has physical courage as well as moral courage. Precisely because he does not insult or calumniate any one, he does not tolerate insolence or spiteful insinuations. His perfect politeness from which nothing can make him depart even in the bitterest debates, but which is accompanied by a biting wit, is distrustful. Clemenceau detests violence, but he has a strong feeling of his personal dignity. And on the tribune, or elsewhere, he will not allow any one to make a fool of him.

Smiling, amused, quick to parry a thrust, he accepts with humor even a very sly response to his points, but he is recalcitrant against vulgar insults.

After instantly avenging himself by some terrific joke which puts the laughter on his side, he does not fail to gain complete satisfaction by sending his seconds to call upon his insolent adversary. This office was performed by his two friends, the goodnatured giant, Georges Perin, and Paul Menard- Dorian, charming in his affability. These two men honored my youth with their affection for me. The former is a fencer to be feared on the tribune as well as on the duelling-ground. The latter is a peaceful, prudent, business man. How often they were seen walking along, philosophizing, talking of literature and art which they loved, toward the home of the adversary ! M. Clemenceau's sensitiveness, which became well known, assured him full freedom of discussion even in the worst attacks.

About the same time M. Clemenceau, never neglecting any means of influencing public opinion, founded his famous newspaper, La Justice. Could he have chosen a name more expressive of him? He entrusted the editing to his colleague of the extreme-left, Camille Pelletan, a talented journalist, who excelled in treating the most difficult subjects in a witty and brilliant manner.

Clemenceau was the inspiration of his newspaper, he directed its policy effectively, came every evening to work over the edition and to discuss the ideas

2>2> of his collaborators without ever, in his respect for the opinions of others, imposing his own ideas upon them.

However, he wrote very little. At long intervals, according to the exigencies of parliamentary life, he dashed off a few concise, logical and authoritative lines, which were rarely signed by his initials, almost never by his name, but which bore his stamp. He was recognized.

Yet M. Clemenceau had been a journalist. He sent articles to the Temps from America ; and when he returned to France he had collaborated somewhat on certain papers. But then his political policies consumed all his time. Leaving to his co-editors the comments from day to day, he reserved for himself the resounding exposures from the tribune which had the value of calls to action.

He brought together for the editing of this paper young men who had talent and a future, Alexandre Millerand, Stephen Pichon, Georges Languerre. The latter withdrew very suddenly after a short time. The journal bore the stamp of Clemenceau's personality in other respects besides the political. Contrary to so many parliamentarians who despise literature and art, while rendering them a purely formal homage, and who ill-treat them in general in their partisan sheets, Clemenceau, a man of broad culture, brought up by a father who was a philosopher, a scholar and an artist, gave literature and art the important place which they deserve everywhere.

He had only to recall the role they played in his own education to realize that he had no right to deprive his readers of them. Extremely attentive to all the manifestations of the mind, he perceived their correlations. He hated walls which narrow the field of the intelligence. In order to understand the reciprocal action of politics and literature, he had no need of the caprice of an election to make him live a most zealous literary life and to make him turn to action through ideas.

From this time on, an acclaimed orator, leader of a great party inflamed by political struggles, he honors art and literature along with science. He knows their influence on the intellectual development of a people. He knows what books, pictures, statues are worth as an expression of its feelings and of its state of mind. Therefore he wants his readers to be informed in regard to all the works of the human mind.

As long as La Justice lived, this combative political journal was one of the most literary of the period. Avoiding the usual contradiction of the advanced sheets which, not long ago, defended almost always the most retrograde forms of literature and art, Clemenceau's journal upheld an art of intelligence and of truth, a literature which was alive, human, social, all trembling with the poetry of reality, turned toward the future, unquestionably in harmony with the political tendencies of the publisher. This was done by the vibrating, colorful talent of Gustave Geffroy, "the Just Man of Justice," according to the title with which he was hailed as the Prince of Letters by Barbey d'Aurevilly.

Between a leading editorial by Camille Pelletan, of Millerand or of Stephen Pichon and the amusing political news of Edouard Durranc, a smiling philosopher to whom we owe the famous caption, revived later by the artist Forain, "How fine the Republic was during the Empire," Gustave Geffroy wrote with the most delicate feeling and the finest taste of the works of Claude Monet and of

Rodin, of Camille Pissarro and of Renoir, of J.-F. Raffaelli and of Cheret, of Eugene Carriere and of Toulouse-Lautrec. In his weekly literary review, if not in his almost daily stories, he studied ardently the books of Edmond de Goncourt, Zola, Alphonse Daudet, Barbey d'Aurevilly, Villiers de ITsle-Adam, Rosny, Mirbeau, Huysmans, etc., and later, the dramatists of the Theatre-Libre , the poems of the Parnasians, of Paul Verlaine, later those of Albert Samain, and of all the fine writers of the new generation. Never were readers better informed on the art and literature of their time than were those of this political journal.

Clemenceau was delighted and allowed him to continue. Never was a critic freer under a more broad-minded and liberal patron. Finding the time to look at these pictures, to read and love these books of an art so modern, he would have been careful to dispute the opinions of his critic even if they had dififered from his own. But what satisfaction he felt to see his critic exalt an art and a literature of intelligence, of life, of truth, of generous social tendencies, in conformity with his own taste ! This is a distinguishing characteristic of the journal, which it is necessary to bring to light, because it establishes an essential trait in Clemenceau's character.

La Justice had a charming atmosphere of comradeship about it, with its picturesque decoration of drawings, made by the editors themselves, representing the collaborators of the journal, with Clemenceau at the top and his crew of friendly writers below him, Louis Mullem, Jean A j albert, Charles Martel, Leon Millot, etc., men who were faithful to the journal through friendship. The journal was well edited but little read; and, beginning with its directors, it enriched no one.

The office of the "boss" in a corner of the editorial room was far from solemn and was easily accessible. What interesting discussions on books, art and men took place around Gustave Geffroy's table, on a corner of which in order to talk more at ease sat Clemenceau, jovial and bantering, and suddenly launching into a discussion of ideas. Sometimes there were talks on politics in which such men took part as came and went on business, Eugene Carriere, Stephen Pichon, and J.-F. Raffaelli, Lucien Descaves, Paul Bonnetain, and many younger men who brought to these discussions the fire of their curiosity and the love for Hterature.

It was about 1881 that the patriotism of Clemenceau, disapproving the dispersion of our military forces for the sake of colonial conquests, came into collision with the patriotism of other leaders of the Republic, who, without renouncing any of our hopes, thought to arm us better against German aggression by gaining territory, wealth, and soldiers recruited among the native warriors, and by giving us back faith in ourselves, through military glory. At that time a German aggression did not seem probable and moreover did not come to pass during these years of expansion over-seas.

This divergence of views in regard to the successive expeditions to Tunis, Tonkin, Madagascar, Dahomey and Soudan, was prolonged for a long time. The divergence was just so much more sharp because it was a question of the future of the country.

In the two camps there was an equal desire for public welfare and a care for the interests of France: but they were two opposite conceptions which, in the heat of battle, appeared to be absolutely antagonistic and incapable of being brought into agreement.

Clemenceau's view had numerous determined partisans on the Right as well as on the Left. There were those who, before every other consideration, wanted us to be on guard against a German attack, which was always possible, and who refused to allow our defenses to be weakened even momentarily. There were also those who, in their desire for a generous and peaceful socialistic policy, preferred to devote all their strength to the amelioration of the lot of men. The deputy of the artisans of Montmartre, desirous of making life less hard for the people, belonged, of course, to the latter class. But, beyond this, he had borne with a bleeding heart the tortures, the sufferings, the humiliations of war. He was apprehensive of our rehabilitation which was too rapid to suit him. He had only to recall the alarm of 1875, so vivid still, when we had been saved from irremediable disaster only by the veto of Great Britain and Russia; and he understood at last that the unbroken power of

France is necessary to maintain the equilibrium of the world.

Well informed in regard to the state of mind of the new Germany, which already regretted not having bled us more, and to the insatiable greed for power developed by her success, from that moment he took into consideration the fact that, sooner or later, her mad idea of world-dominion would prove a peril against which we would have to hold ourselves in constant readiness.

Finally, because of his old friends in the unhappy, annexed territory of Alsace-Lorraine, he became one of those who, finding everywhere the love of French civilization and the vivid memory of France, believed that the peace which seemed to sanction such a revolting oppression of peoples, was precarious. So while we were exerting ourselves in the tasks of peace, he wished us to stand on the frontier with grounded arms that we might be born again and grow strong.

The workers for the policy of expansion had in their hearts the same memories, the same prudence and watchfulness for the future; but, reassured in regard to the danger of an immediate aggression, they thought that, without compromising our defense and even by acquiring means to strengthen it later, it was their duty to profit by favorable circumstances to increase the national wealth.

With all the means for prompt and decisive action, the more quickly they acted, the sooner we would be assembled again, with increased strength to guard the Vosges.

Unfortunately the lack of harmony in regard to this policy had no other result than to show up our effort by not supporting such a project with sufficient resources.

Now that the conquest of an immense colonial domain has become a happy fact of history, can w$ not render justice to the clear-sighted, bold statesmen who, before the rivalries of the last ten years, gave to France this increase of power; and, on the other hand, can we not also recognize that the fears of more circumspect people, were very natural at that moment?

It is certainly easier to be just In serene history than during the irritation of political battles. At any rate, even those who were not convinced through Clemenceau's arguments and who regretted his opposition, were glad to acknowledge the loftiness of his views, his constant care for the interests of France, the sober eloquence of his incisive and vigorous speeches.

His speeches of the year 1885 throughout the whole of France dealt with the hastening of democratic reforms and the necessity of a vigilant guard at the frontier without any scattering of strength. They were echoed everywhere and wherever they were made they remained famous.

In spite of the thirty-three years which have passed since the speeches were made, in the provinces his auditors still speak of them as the most striking memory of their lives. It makes little difference whether his listeners were hostile or friendly now; for to-day they have rallied to his splendid effort for national deliverance.

Famous for the stubbornness and the vigor of his opposition, for his incisive eloquence and brilliant argument, admired by some, execrated by others, indifferent to none, he was the leader of a great party for whose triumph he traveled over France on the eve of elections. During several months he spoke from city to city, welcomed by many as a hope, less warmly by those who reproached him for his inexorable criticism, but who gave to his talent the homage of curiosity.

He was then full of the strength of his young maturity.

When he had descended from the tribune and was waiting for the train, Clemenceau, his force and liveliness unaltered by age, charmed every one by his simplicity, his animation and by the loftiness of some idea suddenly thrust in between two jokes. Only the sullen and morose whom he disconcerted failed to be touched by the charm of his personality.

Twice during my youth I was the witness of the strong impression produced by the orator and man, in his famous "swing around the circle." Moreover, having had occasion several times to verify the lasting impression which it left on the minds of those who heard him, I felt I ought to record in the biography of Clemenceau the great power of this propaganda and the picture which he left in the memory of the town and country people, who came to hear him in the neighboring city.

The uneasiness resulting from the confusion and scandal of these uncertain elections, so painful to the honesty of the French people, was not long in producing the Boulangist outbreak.

Clemenceau, who was in sympathy with General Boulanger as long as he believed him to be a patriotic reformer, thinking only of the great task of rehabilitation, was naturally in the front ranks of those who wanted to save France from an unfortunate venture.

It was a long and hard battle during which many blows were exchanged. One cannot throw himself with impunity, as a leader, into the midst of a fight. Long after the order, "Cease firing!" the disappointed and the vanquished were watching for revenge. This is too human a feeling not to be understood.

Clemenceau, who for twenty years had not been sparing of his blows, was particularly exposed to reprisals; but the danger of brawls did not trouble him. On the contrary, with renewed vigor, he kept up the battle for his unchangeable ideas, for the victory of his political methods, and for the means to defend France.

But in the exasperation of political hatred and in the violence of hand to hand struggles, one is rarely fastidious about the means employed. How manymen, even among the best, fail to retain at certain moments, their coolness, their critical sense, and their feeling for moderation.

The most unjust attacks were hurled against Clemenceau. The most fantastic accusations were thrown in his face. In order to recognize their utter falseness, it would have sufficed to examine with calm, good sense the public and private life of Clemenceau, the constant lack of means in which his journal existed in spite of the kindly devotion of rich friends, and of his companions in the fray, ready to serve their cause and their chief.

As proofs were necessary to dupe the honest people who were aroused and credulous and who, with the idea of serving the country, led the assault, needy rascals manufactured them. A storm of forged documents appeared. At first they circulated surreptitiously, but as soon as they fluttered in the wind of battle, their gross and clownish fraud appeared. Or the tribune of the Chamber of Deputies, Clemenceau, pushing aside these trumpery accusations, had only to cite indisputable facts to do justice to them. From that moment not one of them could stand.

The forgers were dragged by the Minister of Public Affairs to the Court of Assizes, where Clemenceau came as a witness to defend the truth. With what serene pride he showed the folly of this venture! But in the violence of political struggles it is not enough to crush so-called proofs. The popular mind holds the impression for a long time.

Thus, while his loyal adversaries, who had been duped by this fraudulent stuff, were grieving over their mistake, others were bent upon perfidious insinuations.