Front matter
i'
THE FIGHT OF THE SLOVENES, THE WESTERN BRANCH OF THE JUGO- SLAVS, FOR NATIONAL EXISTENCE
BY
Preface
One of the primary causes of the World- War was Germany's determination in the interests of Pan- Germanism to crush the Jugoslavs ; and from this point of view the cataclysm of 191 4 was merely the crisis in the long' and dogged struggle which has been waged for centuries between Germanism and the Jugoslavs, and of which European public opinion has been so curiously ignorant.
In this struggle the Serbs and Croats were more fortunately placed than their brothers the Slovenes, v/ho, being the most westerly of the Jugoslavs, were compelled to bear the brunt of the German attack. In the early Middle Ages the Slovenes were first among the Jugoslavs to found an independent State, and though they were also fated to be the earliest victims of German conquest, they nevertheless continued to form a strong ethnical barrier, beyond which Serbs and Croats, sheltered from the tyrannical influence of the Holy Roman Empire, could develop their social and national characteristics. But it was not until the nineteenth century, when Pan- Germanism began to expand towards the southern seas, that the Slovenes became in truth the Bulwark of their race, and the severity of
6 PREFACE
their struggle warned the rest of the Jugoslavs that their fate too was hanging in the balance. Owing to their north-westerly position the Slovenes form the true national^ political, and economic rampart of Jugoslavdom, and like outposts on exposed gtound they watched the advance of the gigantic foe whose purpose it was to destroy the Jug'oslavs and enslave Italy. For the dire menace of the German peril was always lelt in the Slovene north sooner than in Zagreb (Agram) or Belgrade or in the cities of Lombardy.
A recognized State has its diplomatic representatives abroad, whose duty it is to represent its interests, and to keep other nations informed as to its home affairs. A nationality, without an independent State organization is in an unfortunate position, as its diplomatic work perforce devolves upon private enterprise. Undoubtedly the political leaders of a nation without a State owe it to their position to keep foreign countries informed of the conditions at home, especially if these conditions might imperil the peace of the nations. Unfortunately, the leaders of the nation dealt with in this book have not done this, and now, in the midst of the most tremendous upheaval the world has witnessed, a Jugoslav who has never before taken a share in politics has been called upon to rectify their omission. As the book had to be written in a foreign
PREFACE 7
country, the author was obliged to draw mainly on his personal knowledge and memory, and the material at his disposal unfortunately, was not as extensive as it would have been in his own country.
For this and other reasons the book does not pretend to deal exhaustively with Slovene life in all its aspects. Only a historian of literature could adequately interpret Slovene intellectual life to the British public, and illustrate the value of Slovene literature to the nation and to humanity ; for the Slovenes boast a considerable number of men of letters worthy of a niche in the world's pantheon of literary genius. And only a master of word-painting' could do justice to the beauty and charm of the Slovene lands in language of sufficient wealth and beauty.
The author is conscious of being neither a poet nor a literary expeit, and has therefore contented himself with sketching in broad outlines the origin and history of the Slovene people, in an endeavour to acquaint the British people with a small and unknown ally, but one whose pluck and perseverance has long and sturdily withstood Pan- Germanism on the shores of the Adriatic.
The chapters in this book wtere written in spring, 1915— with the exception of Chapter 11, which wias written in spring*, 191 6 — with' the object of bringing the Slovenes nearer to
8 PREFACE
English readers, and to unfold to them a new national world and its past arid present, its aims and aspirations. It maty come as a surprise to some readers to realize that German methods have been at work for a thousand years in the Slovene lands, and to trace the connection between the events and conditions described in these pages and some of the burning questions of the hour.
It is almost an article of religious faith with the Slovenes that the present crisis will decide their fate. They feel that it is a question of now or never, and that the long, grim struggle must at last lead to national independence, or else end in national extinction.
But the end of this strugigle cannot be a matter of indifference to Europe, for by the national death of the Slovenes an extremely important strip of territory would become German. In that case Germany would be the real gainer, as German Government tactics and German social ideals would triumph where to-day the SJav democratic ideal is still holding its own against fearful odds.
My book is not conceived in a spirit of hate or controversy. It is merely intended to thYow an important light on the life -or -death struggle waged by a poor but self-reliant and courageous people who are coming forward at this great moment in history, convinced of the justice and integrity of their cause.
Contents
PAGE
PREFACE . . . . .5
CHAPTER
Chapter I
NATIONAL STRUGGLE OF THE SLOVENES OCCA- SIGNED BY THE POLITICAL ATTITUDE OF GERMANY
The Great War has brought the Jugoslav question into prominence, and the greatest event of a generation is indissolubly bound up with the Jugoslav struggle for existence. Yet Western Europe at present knows very little of the most western branch of the Jugoslavs (Southern Slavs), which, though caught as in a wedge between Germans, Magyars, and Italians, yet dares to look forward to a happier future. If it is true that England has only recently discovered the Serbs and Croats, it is fairly safe to say that as yet she knows not enough about the Slovenes. And yet for centuries the Slovenes have opposed German aggression in the cause of democracy and the equal rights of nations — in short, for the same ideals which impelled the Allied Powers tOi take up arms on behalf of Belgium and Serbia,; only with this difference,
u that the conflict between German brutality and the Slovenes was confined to the narrow borders of home politics far removed from the general knowledge of Europe, whereas the World-War is being fought out in the full light of public opinion, v
Hitherto the Slovenes have attracted very, little interest, and yet they occupy an important geographical position in the Slav world, as their territory lies close to the very heart of Austria and they constitute the only obstacle between Germany and the Adriatic. They are a Jugoslav nation numbering about one and a half millions, and forming the bulk of the inhabitants of
* Styria, Carniola, Carinthia, Gorica-Gradiska,
• Istria, and Trieste — that is to say, of six of the kingdoms and principalities represented in the Vienna Reichsrat. More than any other Slav nationality, excepting the Czechs, they have become imbued with Western civilization and Western ideas, and it would be a great misfortune, not only for the Slav race but for Europe, if this sturdy, industrious, arid intelligent young
• nation were condemned to be Germanized or > Italianized through oversight or neglect on the part of the statesmen whose task it will be' to formulate the terms of the world-peace.
At the end of the war Jugoslavs will be confronted by the great task of reconciling and fusing the ideas ancj ideals of the Slav races in
*HE SLOVENES' NATIONAL STRUGGLE 1^
the East with those of the Latin and Anglo-Saxon races in the West. And the solution of this problem will be greatly helped by strengthening such Slav elements as by their nature^ form the link between East and West.
By instigating the World- War, Germanism has shown itself a champion of race-hatred and racial conflict, and certainly not an element lof culture capable of uniting the nations of Europe in peaceful progress. Europe has learnt to its cost what immense sacrifices and efforts will be necessary if the spectre of German world-rule is to be laid for ever. Experience is proving the danger of having allowed Germany to become so great that German organization and German ** discipline " could imperil the peaceful relations between the States of Europe^ and the issue of the present war can only assure us the blessing of peace in the future if all the natural obstacles to German aggression are adequately supported and strengthened. From this point of view the case of the nations who have had to fight for their very existence with Germany has become a European problem, and it is from this point of view that this book on the Slovenes has been written.
- The history of the Slovenes is the story of a desperate struggle for national existence. From the days of Charlemagne till the World War this struggle has been waged without peace, armistice,
U A BULWABK AGAINST GERMANY
. or hope of reconciliation, and it can only end in ^ victory or national extinction. Germany, has denied the right of existence to the Slovenes, who have had to fight in turn for their language, their land, civil and democratic freedom, social existence, and the chance of development . » The watch- word of the Slovenes is, "War to the knife against Germanism," and for centuries nothing has stirred the soul of the nation so ^ deeply as the hope and expectation of seeing! the detested German Junkerdoni finally crushed by the Allied Powers. Thus would the Slovenes be rid of their worst enemy, and they might reasonably look forward to a freer and happier future .
In speaking of the fate of the SJovehes, we might aptly draw a comparison between the principles of government as observed in the British Empire and those practised by Germany. On the one hand, we find wise, common-sense, practical statesmanship, political tolerance j on the other, clumsiness, absurd pedantry, brutal illiberality, and fatuous pettiness. And a people so wanting in statecraft, so lacking in tact and political wisdom, have the ludicrous audacity to call themselves Lords of the Wiorld !
In the treatment of the languages problem in Austria by the Germans and their puppets, the Austrian Government provided an exhibition of ridiculous incapacity. Years ago, the Government
THE SLOtiENES' NATIONAL STRUGGLE iS
regarded it as decidedly unpatriotic if a German candidate for an official position in a district of mixed nationality showed himself conversant with the non-German tongue of the district ; whereas it surely would seem more suitable to send a German official, who only knew German, to an exclusively German district. But the German mind cannot entertain the idea that a native population has any conceivable claim to having its administration carried on in its own language.
The behaviour of the Germans in Posen, Schleswig, and Alsace-Lorraine affords ample proof of their incompetency to deal with' a civil population possessing a separate language. Not strong enough to exterminate the non- German nationality, their aggressive intolerance has only roused intense opposition, and has made the Germans the worst hated of all nations in the world .
It is amazing that the Germans in Austria should have been equally short-sighted. The Slavs have contributed greatly towards safeguarding the Empire against the Turks, and surely had a full claim to a just share in it, seeing that they formed the mjajority of the population. Moreover, the Austrian Slav tongues are closely related, they boast an important literature, and are sister -tongues of the Russian language, which is spoken over more than onesixth of the globe ; good reason, one would
U A BULWARK AGAINST GERMANY
suppose, why a German official should study the language of his district and thereby greatly facilitate his official duties.
English procedure in India has been very different throughout. The languages problem is a hundred times more complicated in India than in Austria, yet it has been solved by England without any difficulty. An Austrian official would only be called upon to master a few different dialects of one of the principal Slav tongues, and by no means the forty- two radically distinctive languages of India. An English Indian civilian is absolutely compelled to know the vernacular of the district where he holds his appointment. The languages examination for the Indian Civil Service is exceedingly stiff, and if a candidate fails in this, he is disqualified for the Service. The national susceptibilities of the natives are treated with consideration. The author once had occasion to explain the Austrian languages problem to an Englishman who had held a high position in the Indian Civil Service, and who at once volunteered his opinion, that if Austria were by chance to become possessed of India, the country would be ablaze with rebellion within a month, and every German and Austrian massacred, even if every single native were guarded by a policeman.
The genius which has prompted England to grant to each of her colonies a suitable form of
THE SLOVENES' NATIONAL STRUGGLE 17
self-government proves her one of the greatest civilizing factors in the world, and has justly aroused the admiration of students of political science as well as of practical statesmen. Canada, Australia, and South Africa bear witness to the colonizing genius of the English, and their Constitutions are founded on the principle that the liberty of the subject forms the basis of all social and economic development.
The clumsy tactlessness of the Germans renders them quite unfit for the creation of a great colonial Empire, and it is to be hoped that the world-peace will reduce them once more to the position of a continental nation which is content to grow potatoes and speculate on metaphysics. A nation that has proved itself incapable of creating a regime of civil liberty at home, has no right to compel other nations to submit to a yoke of blind obedience to an aristocratic and military bureaucracy ; but if Germany were to become a world- Power, she would still remain incapable of evolving either Home Rule or any other form of independent Constitution for even the most civilized nations which had the misfortune to fall under her sway. For the hideous conditions now prevailing in the Dual Monarchy Austria is indebted chiefly ,to the Germans, whose influence on the Austrian Germans prevented the granting of reasonable autonomy to the various Austrian nationalities. It is the incredible narrow-mindedness of the Germans which has reduced Austria to a state of chaos and made her a danger to the peace of Europe. When it is too late, Austria will doubtless discover that true and healthy imperialism cannot exist without national autonomy.
Chapter II Political Geography Of The Slovene Lands
During the course of centuries thie Slovenes have lost quite half their national territory, but the true interest of their case lies in the historical importance attaching to their fate. With the German encroachment upon Slovene territory from the north-west, and Magyar inroads from the north-east, the bridge that linked up the Northern Slavs with the Jugoslavs was broken down. This ancient fact has acquired renewed political and diplomatic importance through the World- War, and it will be one of the problems of European diplomacy to restore this lost connection between Northern Slavs and Jugoslavs. ^ In the seventh century the Slovenes and their kinsmen, the Serbs and Croats of to-day, migrated into the lands south and \vest of the Danube, and if they had been guided by a judicious policy when settling in their new home, they might easily have developed into one of the Central Powers of Europe. The heritage then occupied by the western Jug'oslavs comprised present - day Sty^ia, Carniola, Carinthia, Gorica-Gradiska, ' eastern Friuli, eastern Tyrol, the Lun^au in Salzburg, all Upper and Lower Austria south of the Danube, and all Pannonia west of the Danube. Thus the Slovenes were masters of a large tract of country, practically the whole of the later Habsbui^g possessions, and at least one -fourth of Hung'ary. As this territory reached as far as the Danube, the Slovene lands bordered on Czech territory on a frontier in the north-west. Besides their brother -Slavs, the Czechs, the Slovenes had the Bavarians as their neighbours in the north], and the Lombards of Northern Italy in the south-west.
Many pf the place-names in the Austrian Alpine provinces are Slovene to this day. The word ** windish ** (i.e. *-* Slovene ") which occurs frequently in the place-names of the Tirol, Salzburg, Lower Austria, and even of Bavaria, is always proof of a former Slovene settlement.
Unfortunately as settlers the Slovenes proved themselves neither judicious nor far-sighted. Instead of occupying the marshes, and thus protecting the country against possible attacks, they preferred to concentrate in the hilly interior, leaving the gates open to foreign invaders . Their descendants have had bitter cause, to rue this neglect, for if the early settlers had been wiser, Slovene territory would never have dwindled as
SLOVENE POLITICAL G^EOGEAPHY 21
it has actually, done. Originally extending from the Inn, the Erno, and the Danube right down to the Adriatic, it has now shrunk to barely half its former size, to the incalculable detriment of the whole Slav race.
At one time the Czechs were neighbours of the Slovenes, not only in the north-west but also in the north-east . In proposing to unite Bohemia with the Jugoslavs by a strip of territory extending southward from the neighbourhood of Pozun (Pressburg), Denis, who has delved more deeply into Slovene history than any other modern writer, touched upon one of the Slav peoples' most important geographical and political problems. The Magyar wedge which now divides the Northern Slavs from the Jugoslavs did not exist in the early days ,of Slav settlement when Bohemian territory bordered upon the Slovene. To this day the counties ,of Szala and! Vas as far as Szopron are larg^ely inhabited by Slovenes, and so the distance between the most northerly of the Jugoslavs (in Szopron) aiid the most southerly of the Northern Slavs (the Czechs in Pozun (Pressburg)) is scarcely greater than the distance betwieen Vienna and Pozun. During the centuries of SJovene independence, before the Magyars came into the country and settled on the ' shores of the lake of Balaton, western Pannonia was the centre of Slovene political power and intellectual life. Thus far east did
22 A BULWARK AGAtNSi' GERMANlf
the Slovene sw^ay extend, and tp this dky Nagy Kanizsa and many other important towns in Hungary bear Slovene names.
A map of the Slovene lands of to-day forms a melancholy contrast to a historical map of a fewhundred years ag'o. German aggression from the north and Magyar aggression from the east have woefully encroached upon the borders of the Slovenes, by sheer force of numbers pressing more and more heavily upon the most western of the Jugoslavs and gradually ousting them from their inheritance. In this respect the Italians have been far less dangerous neighbours.
At present Slovene territory extends about as far towards the west as does the territory . of the Czechs farther north. It reaches its north-western extremity in sv. Mohor on the Zila, north of Pontafel, and is bounded on the west by a line drawin from sv. Mohor down to Resiansia on Italian soil, and then east of Cedad (Cividale) and as far as Kormin (Cormons). From Kormin (Cormons) the Slovene boundary runs to the south of Gorica (Gorizia) and along the Soca (Isonzo) almost as far as Gradisk'a, and then along the southern slope of the Kras (Carso) down to the sea. In the south the Adriatic forms the boundary via Trieste and Koper and as far as Pirano, where the Croat element begins to predominate, and mingles with the Slovene element on the coast. In Istria Slovenes and
SLOVENE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY 23
Croats live side by side, and it is not necessary to define a boundary between the two branches of the Jugoslav race. Towards the east a boundary is provided by the political frontier of Croatia, extending northwards from Reka (Fiume) as far as Radgona (Radkersburg) in Styria, the inhabitants of Zumberak (Sichelburg) being more Croat than Slovene. North of Radgona (Radkersburg) the linguistic continuity of the Jugoslav territory extends only as far as St. Gothard on the Raab, but a few scattered Jugoslav communities exist in Vas and Szala, as has already been stated, and there is an isolated Slovene-speaking district near Szopron.
No Jugoslav can think without bitterness of the northern racial boundaries, for it is there that the Jugoslavs have lost most ground, and that the full force of the German attack has told most heavily on the Sliovene people. The northern frontier has always been the vulnerable point in Jugoslav territory, and nowhere has the national struggle been waged more violently or with heavier losses than in the fruitful wine country of Styria, and the Alpine forest-land of Carinthia. In this connection it is interesting to note that none of the maps dating from the days of Austrian Absolution betray any attempt to belittle Slovene territory. In its dealings with the various national problems of the Dual Monarchy, the absolutism of a bygone age was
24 A SULWARK AGAINST GERMANY
far more just than the German National fanaticism of to-day.
In the fifties of the nineteenth century the official linguistic boundary ran considerably farther north than it does now. On the old maps it is traced as passing between the districts of Maribor and Graz in Styria, and therefore coincides with the true dividing line between German and Slovene linguistic territory. Beyond a doubt, therefore, Austria was in those days more generously disposed towards a nationalist policy, but this tolerance vanished as soon as the various nationalities were handed over to Prussianism. At present the official northern linguistic boundary runs from Radgona (Radkersburg) on the Mur, through Spielfeld and Arvez (Arnfels) to Labod (Lavamiind) in Carinthia. From there it passes north of Velikovec and Klag^enfurt, through the historically famous Gosposvetsko Rolje to Blatograd (Moosburg), thence thtough the Vrbsko and Osojsko Lakes to Beljak (Villach), till it reaches the north- western limit of Jugoslav linguistic territory in sv. Mphor (Hermagor) in the Zila valley.
This territory includes the crown lands of
Carinthia, Styria, Carniola, and the Austrian-
Illyrian littoral. Roughly speaking, it is bordered
r on the north by the rivers Mur and Drave, in
the west by the Soca (Isonzo), in the south by
I the Adriatic, and in the east by the Croatian
SLOVENE POLli?ICAL GEOGRAPHY 2&
political frontier, which is identical with that of the Holy Roman Empire of thfe Middle Ages. From this it may be seen that Slovene linguistic territory extends for some distance into Italy, and that several counties in western Hungary are likewise inhabited by Slovenes.
The home of the Slovenes is rich in beautiful and varied scenery. In the north it includes part of the Alpine world, with all the solemn grandeur of its rugged peaks — zl world of wondrous beauty, which is reflected in the frank and kindly souls of its inhabitants. Farther southward, the Carinthian forest-land with its far-flung range of wooded hills gives place, in Styria, to one of the richest wine-growing countries in the world. The rhythmic outlines of the vine-clad hills, and the harmonious and picturesque charm of this country are well expressed in the cheerful temperament of the Slovenes, and in that glad acceptance of life which is one of their chief characteristics. In Carniola the towering majesty of the Alps stoops to the lovely, hilly country that unites Slovene territory with the kindred soil of Croatia. Here, in the Bela Kraine, the regular outlines and sober green of the sunny vineyards bring a touch' of subdued colour, a note of satisfied repose into; the tender beauty of the landscape. In Southern Carniola, where the mighty amphitheatre of the Kras looks down upon Trieste at its feet, the Slovene landscape assumes a new and sombre aspect. In the Kras country the cheery, poverty and sunny temperament of the Slovene chang^es to a graver, almost melancholy mood, and the rugged, unspoilt nature of the country seems reflected in the equally rugged simplicity of the minds of the natives. The rocky soil of the Kras hides a strange dark world of giant caves, full of weird shapes and fantastic outlines. From the roof of this world of subterranean marvels the eye travels over a boundless horizon to the blue distance of the Adriatic. Down there on the coast, where capital and labour are bestirring themselves in one of the world's great seaport towns, Slovenedom breathes the crisp, salt air of the sea ; and under that invigorating touch our people are concentrating all their strength in the hope that they may yet be united with their brother Jugoslavs, and in union with them win their rightful place among the nations.
Towards the west the Karst descends to the
Vipava Valley, beautiful under a southern sun,
and rich in fruit-gardens and viney^fds. These
lead into Gorica, the most iwiestern of the Jugoslav
lands, and the varied beauty of the landscape
cannot fail to charm the traveller. Here lies
the heart of the Slovene South, here under
} the glowing sun of Gorica, in the vineyards
^ whose southern slopes mark the Italo- Slovene
\ linguistic frontier, and from whose ridge is visible
the first silvery glimpse of the sea, and here
SLOViENE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY 2?
Slovene energy and Slovene patriotism were most highly, developed.
It is only natural that this country, so near to the very heart of Europe, should have been felt by Germanism as a formidable obstacle on the road to the south and the east. A strong^ Slovene element is quite equal to the task of shutting off Germany from the Adriatic. Pan-Germanism conceived it to be one of its first national duties to break down the Slovene barrier in order to occupy the hinterland of Trieste. It should never be forgotten that Bismarck called Trieste " the point of the German sword." Nowhere does the German desire to destroy the independence of the smaller nationalities appear so openly as in these lands between the Alps and the Adriatic. The position of the Slovene country ig analoigous^ to that of Switzerland, and, like Switzerland', it is surrounded by countries and races pf different languages. .When the Great Powers of Europe proclaimed the neutrality of Switzerland, they did so because they considered an independent Switzerland essential to the welfare of Europe. Perhaps Europe will some day discover that it would greatly assist the cause of peace, and indeed fulfil one of the pre-conditions of peace, if the Slovene countries were definitely placed beyond the reach of both German and Italian ambitions, and accorded unity with Ju'g^oslavia.
The Slovene question is a European question.
28 A BIJlWARK against GERMANY
In olden times this country was the great highway, between north and south, a land where north and south met and blended in quite a special fashion. Here, at the junction of three great, distinct civilizations, the German, the Italian, and the Jugoslav, the Great Powers ought tO; create civic liberty, and the possibility of free, untrammelled development in the future. Romans, Goths, Byzantines, Slavs, and Germans have for centuries contended for this strip of land', but none have been abUe to retain their hold on it, until the Habsburgs succeeded in incorporating it for centuries in their agglomeration of States. But this is the age of nationalism. The highest power is no longer vested in dynasties, but in the nations, whose fate is bound up with the fate of the land, and the Slovenes also must be accorded the right of deciding their own fate, and of crying ** Halt I " to the aggressive schemes of Germany, Austria, and Italy.
Chapter III The Most Western Branch Of The Jugoslavs
Having considered the importance and extent of . the national territory of the Slovenes — the lands between the Mura, the Triglav, the Soca (Isonzo), and the Adriatic shore as far as Reka (Fiume) — their national character and historydeserve to be dwelt upon.
The Slovenes are Jug'oslavs. Their fate is inextricably bound up with that of all other Jugoslavs, and there can be no future for them apart from the rest of their race. It is not easy to find a parallel to the precisje relationship between the Slovene and the rest of the Jugoslavs. The population of the British' Isles affords no suitable comparison, as the difference of race and language between the Scotch, Welsh, Irish, and English is considerable, and even the dialects spoken in various parts of England differ far more than does the Slovene from Croatian or Serbian. Perhaps the linguistic and national conditions in Italy offer the best comparison. If the Tuscan speech had not been adopted as the Italian literary languagie, arid the Tuscans were in the habit of writing" in their dialect, the Venetians in theirs, and the Piedmontese in theirs — ^that would give a fair idea of the difference between Croatian and Slovene. Only a Slovene would understanid a Croats, a Serb, or even a Bulgar far morie easily than a Venetian would a native of Tuscany. Moreover, modern Slovene and Croatian have been established as literary languages for barely a century, and neither tongue can yet be considered stereotyped. It certainly seems more than likely that the changes following upon the World-War will also affect the language of the country.
Lubor Niederle^ the well-known Czech ethnologist, maintains that in 1908 the Slovenes numbered 1,500,000, and the Serbo-Croats 8,550,000 souls.
In no Jugoslav country has the struggle between Slav and German been contested so fiercely as in the Slovene provinces. German lack of consideration, coupled with that brutal disregard of the rights of all non- Germans which is so faithfully reflected in Germany's foreign policy, have long been experienced at first hand' b^ the Slovenes. The struggle for the land between Drava and Mura is a scene in the World's Tragedy, and it will be played out in the World- War. In view of their historical significance, the story of the Slovenes is well worth considering in detail.
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