Preface
An understanding of contemporary Europe is largely dependent upon an appreciation of two lines of development which have their origin back in the early years of the eighteenth century. The one gave rise to modern methods of carrying on business and industry ; the other gave us a new conception of the relation of government and the governed. In other words, to form a proper estimate of existing conditions in Europe we must follow step by step the revolutionary changes in commerce and industry and the tremendous advance of democracy which have in a special manner characterized the history of the past century and a quarter.
The effort of the authors of the present volume has been to present in bold relief these particular phases of modern life, mindful at the same time of the necessity of maintaining throughout a proper perspective. This task becomes increasingly difficult as we approach our own day. The march of events, however, has been so rapid that correspondingly more space has been devoted to contemporary history than to the earlier epochs. An effort has been made throughout the volume to emphasize only the sahent points in European progress and to present them in a form attractive to high school students, showing the interrelation of these facts and emphasizing especially their bearing upon the two aspects of the history of Europe to which reference has already been made.
Those teachers who favor placing special emphasis upon the development of England in presenting the history of Europe will, we trust, find sufficient material for their purpose in the accompanying pages. The authors, however, have sought to avoid giving undue prominence to EngHsh development, reaUzing that other states on the continent have played no inconsiderable part in world progress. Their object has been rather to give the high school student just that residuum of facts and iv PREFACE
impressions about Europe, as a whole, which should be the possession of every well-informed man of affairs. The volume does not represent in any sense a compromise between European and English history. It follows very closely the outlines prepared for the History Teachers Magazine a few years ago by Dr. A. M. Wolf son of the Julia Richman High School, New York City, in association with one of the authors of the present volume. These outhnes represented an attempt to put in definite syllabus form the ideas of the framers of the report of the Committee of Five. This syllabus has been carefully tested out in the class room, and the present volume has been prepared in harmony with these experiences. The authors trust it will serve to crystallize the divergent views as to what should be taught in the secondary school in the field of contemporary history and will also give an added impetus to instruction of a broader and more cosmopolitan character. In this event it will have served a most useful purpose and will amply repay the time and effort expended.
The authors' thanks and appreciation are due to Professor George Mathew Dutcher of Wesleyan University and to Mr. H. F. Biddle of the Plainfield, New Jersey High School, for critical reading of the proofs, to Mr. J. C. Ware of the South Side High School, Newark, New Jersey, for help in securing illustrations, and to Mrs. J. M. Bensing of the North Plainfield, New Jersey Schools for assistance with the collateral reading references.
The authors wish to acknowledge their indebtedness for the following illustrations: to the Avery Library of Columbia University, for several of the illustrations; to Stevens Institute, for ''John Stevens's Locomotive;" to the Pennsylvania Railroad Company for ''The Modern Locomotive;" to Mr. Cornelius Vanderbilt and to the New York Times, for "Le Bourget 30th October, 1870" by Detaille; to // Progresso, for "The Victor Emmanuel Monument;" and to the New York Telephone Company, for "The Telephone Exchange, Old and Modern."
Chapter One Social And Political Conditions In Europe In The
EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY p^Qj.
1. Introduction i
2. The establishment of constitutional government in England . . 2
3. The party system 4
4. England in 1740 5
5. The establishment of the power of the monarch in France ... 8
6. Rise of Russia and decay of Sweden 16
7. Rise of Prussia 20
8. The passing of Holland 21
9. The decay and attempted reviv^al of Spain 22
10. The great states about 1740 23
11. The reform movement 23
12. The philosophers and economists 24
13. Their influence: the age of enlightened despotism 25
Chapter Two
INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL CONDITIONS IN EUROPE IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
14. The guild system 32
15. Government interference with and regulation of industry ... 34
16. Changes in the guild system 35
17. The domestic system and the germination of the modern
factory 36
18. Domestic trade: its nature and importance 38
19. Trade routes and transportation facilities 40
20. Banking facilities 42
21. The stock exchange 44
22. Rise and development of the trading company 44
23. The Portuguese as traders and colonists 47
24. The Spanish colonial empire : the policy of the Spanish rulers . 48
25. The Dutch as traders 40
26. The mercantile system 50
27. The new science of political economy: its relation to trade
and industry 53
V vi CONTENTS
Chapter Three The Rival Colonial And Commercial Powers And The
COMMERCIAL WARS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
PAGE
28. The older world powers and their decay 57
29. The expansion of England and France 58
30. The rivalry between England and France 62
31. The War of the Spanish Succession and its effects upon colonial
and commercial development 63
32. The War of the Austrian Succession 66
2;^. Colonial interests involved 68
34. The French and Indian War 70
35. CHve in India 72
36. The Seven Years' War 74
37. Attempts of England to modify her colonial policy 75
38. The opposition in America 80
39. The American Revolution 83
Chapter Four The French Revolution And The End Of The Old Order In France
40. The old order and the reform movement in France 90
41. Class privileges 90
42. Feudal survivals 91
43. Financial mismanagement 92
44. The system of taxation 93
45. Economic burdens 96
46. Organization of the government 96
47. The administration of justice . 97
48. Condition of the common people 97
49. Agitation under Louis XV 98
50. Louis XVI and his efforts at reform 99
51. Necker and the summoning of the States General loi
52. Formation of the National Constituent Assembly 104
53. Interference of Paris: Fall of the Bastille 107
54. The end of the old order no
55. Removal of the government to Paris m
56. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Constitution
57. The civil constitution of the clergy and the flight of the king . . 116
Chapter Five The French Republic And The Struggle With Europe
58. Decline of the monarchy 122
59. Rise of clubs and parties 123
CONTENTS vii
PAGE
60. Opposition of the king to the assembly and the outbreak of war 1 26
61. The abolition of royalty and its consequences 127
62. The Convention and the declaration of the republic 131
63. The crisis of 1793 and formation of the Committee of Public
Safety .^ 135
64. Work of the Committee of Public Safety 136
65. Dictatorship of Robespierre and his overthrow 140
66. The reestablishment of constitutional government 144
67. The dismemberment of Poland 146
Chapter Six
68. The government and the army in 1795 149
69. Training and personality of Bonaparte 150
70. Bonaparte in Italy: Campaign of 1796-7 154
71. Bonaparte in Egypt 156
72. Establishment of Bonaparte's power in France 159
73. The work of peace 162
74. The establishment of Bonaparte's power in Italy 165
75. Bonaparte and England 166
76. Extension of Napoleon's power over central Europe 168
77. Napoleon's power at its height 171
78. The influence of the Napoleonic regime 174
79. The nationalist reaction against Napoleon 176
80. The Moscow campaign and the War of Liberation 179
81. The Hundred Days and Waterloo 181
82. The Congress of Vienna and the reconstruction of Europe ... 182
Chapter Seven
83. The old manorial system of agriculture and its defects .... 190
84. Improvements in methods of tillage 192
85. The revolution in agriculture 194
86. The nature of the industrial revolution 195
87. The revolution in the manufacture of textiles 196
88. Improvements in the iron industry and in pottery 200
89. The steam engine and its application to industry 201
90. The revolution in transportation 203
91. The factory system and its effects 206
92. The effects of the industrial revolution 209
93. Growth of socialism 213
94. The industrial revolution on the continent 215 viii CONTENTS
Chapter Eight Metternich And The Struggle For Constitutional
GOVERNMENT P^qE
95. Metternich and the reaction in Europe 219
96. The Tory reaction in England 222
97. Metternich and the Holy Alliance 225
99. Unrest in Germany and the doctrine of intervention 229
100. The July revolution and its effects 231
loi. The revolution of 1848 in France 235
102. The revolution of 1848 in Germany 237
103. The revolution of 1848 in Austria 240
104. The revolutionary movement in Italy 242
105. Results of the revolution of 1848 244
106. Recognition of the rights of the people in England 245
107. The reform measures of 1832-3 247
108. Other social reforms 250
Chapter Nine The Ascendancy Of Napoleon And The Nationalist Wars, 1848-1871
109. Character and aims of Louis Napoleon 256
no. The Second Republic and its problems 258
111. The formation of the Second Empire 260
112. The new empire and Europe: The Crimean War 262
113. Mazzini and Cavour and the struggle for Italian unity .... 265
114. The completion of Italian unity 267
115. The rise of Prussian leadership in Germany 273
116. Bismarck and the reform of the army 276
117. The Seven Weeks' War and the exclusion of Austria from
Germany 278
118. Intrigues and enterprises of Napoleon III 281
119. Outbreak of the Franco-German War 282
120. The close of the war and the formation of the German Empire . 287
Chapter Ten
THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE INTO ASIA AND AFRICA THE NEAR EAST AND AFRICA
121. Conditions favorable to the spread of European influence in
Asia and in Africa 295
122. European rivalries and the growth of Imperialism 302
123. The nature and origin of the Near Eastern Question 303
124. The War for Greek independence 305
125. The struggle between Turkey and Egypt 307
CONTENTS ix
PAGE
126. Russia and the Crimean War 308
127. The Russo-Turkish War and the Congress of Berlin 310
128. The emergence of the Balkan states, 1878-1908 312
129. The Turkish revolution and its consequences 315
130. The opening up of Africa by the missionaries and explorers . . 317
131. England and France in Egypt 320
132. France, Germany and Italy in Africa" 321
133. The extension of EngUsh influence in South Africa 324
Chapter Eleven
THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE INTO ASIA AND AFRICA (Continued) THE FAR EAST AND THE EUROPEAN WAR OF I914
134. Origin of the Far Eastern question 326
135. The awakening of Japan 331
136. China and its civilization 333
137. Chino-Japanese War, 1894-5, and its effects 336
138. The conflict between Russia and Japan 339
139. Japan as a great power 341
140. The great colonial powers of the present day 344
141. The influence of expansion upon the European situation:
the European War of 1914 349
Chapter Twelve
142. The domestic problems of individual states in 1870: their
origin and nature 359
143. The preponderance of Germany in Europe: maintenance of the
monarchical principle 363
144. Bismarck's domestic policy 367
145. The reign of William H 368
146. The maintenance of autocracy in Russia 370
147. Nicholas II and the struggle for representative government . . 374
148. The Third Republic in France 376
149. The spread of constitutional government and the extension of the
suffrage 381
150. The Irish question and the reform of Parliament 384
151. The separation of Church and State in Europe 393
152. The spread of socialism and the increase of social legislation . . 395
153. Intellectual and scientific progress in Europe 398
Appendix I. Important Events in European History 407
Appendix II. General Bibliography 411
Appendix III. A Synchronological Chart Showing the Rulers of the
Principal European States from 1688 to 1916 417
Index 421
LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS
PAGE
Sweden and Russia at the Time of Peter the Great 17
The Portuguese Colonial Empire about 1550 46
Spain's Colonial Empire about 1550 49
The Colonial Empire of Holland about 1650 51
European Powers in the East about 1700 60
Western Europe at Outbreak of War of Spanish Succession. {Colored)
facing 62 Western Europe at the Close of War of Spanish Succession. {Colored)
facing 6s
French Colonial Empire from the 17th to the Early 19th Centuries. . 71
India before Clive. {Colored) facing 72
India in 1785. {Colored) facing 72
Growth of Brandenburg-Prussia 74
The World (1772). {Colored) facing 82
British Colonial Empire in 1783 85
Plan of Revolutionary Paris 109
France in 1789 114
France in 1 791 115
Europe in 1 789. {Colored) facing 178
Europe in 181 2. {Colored) facing 178
Industrial England, 1 700-1 750 211
Industrial England since 1750 • 211-
Industrial Map of Europe. {Colored) '.facing 215
Europe in 1815. {Colored) facing 219
Distribution of Races in Austria-Hungary 223
Austrian Possessions in 1848 223
Italy in 1815 269
Italy, Showing Dates of Unification 269
German Empire, Showing Dates of Unification 290
Ottoman Empire in 1878 313
Ottoman Empire after the Balkan Wars 313
Africa in 1884. {Colored) facing 318
Africa in 1914. {Colored) facing 318
The Far East in 18 15. {Colored) facing 326
The Far East in 1914. {Colored) facing 326
Territorial Possessions of Great Britain, 19 14 346
Territorial Possessions of France, 1914 347
Territorial Possessions of Germany, 1914 347
Territorial Possessions of Portugal, 1914 348
Territorial Possessions of Holland, 1914 348
Territorial Possessions of the United States, 1914 348
The Great World War, 1914- 351
World Colonies and Dependencies, 1914. {Colored) between 358, 359
Europe in 1914. {Colored) facing 398
X
MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY
Chapter I
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN EUROPE IN THE EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
1. Introduction. — With the opening of the eighteenth century the history of Europe centres largely about two countries whose beginnings carry us back into the early Middle Ages, France and England. Germany, or the Holy Roman Empire' as The Holy it was officially known, had sunk back into a position of insig- ^°"^*° Empire nificance. The religious wars, which closed with the Treaties of Westphalia in 1648, had left her so weak politically and so exhausted economically that she had ceased to play any considerable part in European affairs. It was no longer necessary for Europe to reckon with Spain, or to fear the weight of her influence. This was because of the disasters which had accompanied the efforts of Philip II to stem the tide of Protestantism, especially his supreme move, the sending of the Spanish Armada The Spanish (1588). Although France, like Germany, had been torn asun- Armada der by a series of religious struggles, known as the Huguenot Wars (1562-1598), she was fortunate in having at her command a succession of great men like Henry IV, Richelieu, and Mazarin, who not only healed the wounds occasioned by this France long struggle but created by their labors a state so strong as immediately to play a leading part in shaping the history of all western Europe. The period in her history from 1661 to 1 715 marks the reign of one of her greatest kings, Louis XIV, ^®"*s XIV who practically dominated his age and was the representative ruler of the latter half of the seventeenth century. In the Middle Ages the Holy Roman Empire had been the centre of interest; then the rising states of France and England. They dropped out of sight for a time as the result of the long and bitter warfare which began in the reign of the English king, Edward III, and with the Reriaissance period Spain became the great European state; with the end of the eighteenth century, however, France and England came into their own again and Spain sank into insignificance.
2. The Establishment of Constitutional Government in England. — England at the beginning of the eighteenth century began to stand for certain lines of development; the same thing may also be said of France. In England the people had been recognized as the real source of authority, enjoying an amount of liberty unknown upon the continent of Europe. They had been admitted to an important share in the government and were conspicuous for their share in the management of their own affairs. It had been a long struggle. The Stuart kings who came to the throne at the very opening of the seventeenth century (1603) tried to rule as absolute monarchs and were so unmindful of the rights of the people that the second king of that line, Charles I, plunged England into the Great
The Great Civil War. He was striving to establish his right to rule Eng-
land without a parliament, denying to the people any participation in the government through their representatives. Even though for the moment England was ruled by the Rump Parliament, his execution estabhshed the right of the people to a voice in their government. When his son, Charles II, was restored to the throne in 1660, the right of the people to share with the King in the government was clearly recognized, as the Declaration of Breda, which outlined the conditions of the
The Restoration Restoration, provided for the settlement by parliament of such vexed questions as the relation between church and state, and the rights and privileges to be accorded to those who had supported the Puritan cause. Charles II found it necessary first to select a single man and later a group of men to act as intermediaries between himself and parliament, that he might work in harmony with their wishes. He found these in men like the Earl of Clarendon and the Earl of Danby and in the little group known as the Cabal. In the latter is to be seen the beginnings of the modern cabinet. His successor, James II, however, undertook to rule England as tyrannically as had his father, Charles I, before him, but not by dismissing parliament. He assumed the right to dispense with such laws as interfered with his freedom of action, suspending the operation of others when they came in conflict with his authority. His object seems to have been to make England Catholic. His subjects, however, rose in rebellion and he fled the country, taking refuge at the court of Louis XIV in France. This was the Revolution of 1688. Parliament Revolution of issued an invitation to his Protestant daughter Mary and her ^^^^ husband William of Orange to come over from Holland and rule England, and in drawing up the terms upon which the new sovereigns should rule the country they established the idea or principle firmly in England that parliament was not alone equal to the king and a partner with him in the management of affairs, but that it was really his superior; that from it he derived all his power and authority. This great document was known as the Bill of Rights. This, with the Toleration Act of The bui of 1689, practically removed for all time the question of re- '^ ligion from English politics as a paramount issue. The former provided in one of its clauses that the ruler must be a member of the Church of England; the Toleration Act gave to every The Toleration Protestant, other than Unitarians, the right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. Catholics were excluded from the provisions of the act, as were also the Jews. It was long after this before they were permitted to hold political office and were allowed the right to worship as they pleased. With one exception, that of Prussia, England stood alone among the nations of Europe in the recognition of the principie of toleration. It is interesting to note that this principle was also recognized at a very early date in certain of our The Act of American colonies. The Act of Settlement (1701), which may Settlement g^jg^ ^^ considered as one of the direct consequences of the Revolution of 1688, made provision for a Protestant succession by recognizing the Electress of Hanover as next in succession to the branch of Stuarts represented by William and Mary and Anne.
3. The Party System. — ^ At the opening of the eighteenth century England was ruled by parties. These were known as Whigs and Tories. The party system of government, which is so familiar in America to-day, developed in England very slowly and had its origin in the reign of Charles II (i 660-1 685). The king had tried to show favor to the Catholics by a Decla- The Declaration ration of Indulgence, removing some of the restrictions which of Indulgence j^^^ 1^^^^^ placed upou them. The result was a great outburst
and Exclusion ^ ^ _ " ^
Bill of opposition from the Protestant element in parliament and
throughout the country, who even went so far as to try to exclude from the throne the king's brother, who was known to be a devout Catholic. A bill was introduced called the Exclusion Bill, and the supporters of the bill were known as Petitioners; its opponents as Abhorrers. The struggle extended to the country at large, and the two parties into which the people divided gradually came to be known as Whigs and
The Whigs Torics, designations attached to the Petitioners and Abhorrers as nicknames. By the close of the reign of James II, England was divided between these two parties, and the invitation sent to William and Mary in 1688 was signed by their recognized leaders. When William tried to secure the passage through parliament of such measures as he desired, he found it necessary to consult with the leaders of the majority party. At first he tried to use the leaders of both parties, but as the Whigs were in the majority at the time he was forced to narrow his choice to the single party and formed what was known as
The Whig Junto ^he Whig Junto. This marked the beginning of what is called cabinet government.^ Any measure which the king desired must first meet with the approval of this group of ministers, who then made it their business to see that it met with favorable action at the hands of the party in parliament. They stood between the king and parliament and were in the course of time looked up to by the country as the real heads of the government. George I did not trouble himself to consult with each member of his cabinet; he preferred to deal with one of their number, who could act as their spokesman, and so the office of prime minister arose. It should also be added that The Prime this king did not care to attend the meetings of the cabinet, as he understood very little of what happened there, because of his ignorance of the language ; and this arrangement, whereby all business was transacted through a single representative of their number, seemed to answer every need. Walpole was the first great prime minister (1721-1742), but he Waipoie brought the office and the party system into some disrepute by his unblushing corruption. He cynically remarked of a group in the House of Commons, "Every man has his price," and secured and maintained his leadership and that of his party in the House of Commons by buying votes, conferring titles, bestowing commissions in the army and navy, and utilizing the various expedients at his command to secure the necessary number of votes for his legislation.
4. England in 1740. — The English system of party government, which was the only government of its kind in Europe, was thoroughly established by 1740. It could be looked upon as essentially democratic in character, i.e., based upon the idea that the people were the centre and source of all power. When we come to examine the two parties which ruled the country at this time, we find that these did not draw their membership from the entire male population. In the first place there were great numbers who were excluded from voting and holding Voting office by the provisions of the Toleration Act and such meas- ^ See Sec. 2 on the Cabal.
Representation ures as the Test and Corporation Acts passed in the reign of Charles 11. Then again the system of representation, which had been fixed long before this time, provided only for the representation of certain communities. The conditions of voting were fixed at the same time as the representation and varied according to the particular district which returned mem-
An Eighteenth-century Election In this spirited engraving by Hogarth, the great cartoonist and satirist of the eighteenth century, is shown the method of "PolKng the Vote" at an Enghsh election. Voting was by word of mouth, and every opportunity for intimidation and fraud existed. This was one of the abuses corrected by law during the nineteenth century.
bers to the House of Commons. In consequence of these arrangements only the wealthy mercantile and commercial classes in the towns and cities and the squires, or country gentlemen with considerable estates in the rural districts, enjoyed the right either to elect members of parliament or to offer themselves as candidates for election to the lower house. These classes, then, ruled England through their respective parties. The Whigs were powerful in the urban communities; the Tories in the country districts. In general the Tories could be found supporting Party Platforms the king and royal authority; they were the conservative element in the community. The Whigs, on the other hand, were a more aggressive, radical body, inclined to protest against any unusual exercise of authority on the part of the king or of his ministers. They were keenly interested in the expansion of England's trade and in the development of her commerce. The Tories naturally represented the agricultural interests of the country.
The gradual increase in the control of parties may be seen by examining the reigns of the English rulers from the accession of WilHam and Mary through the reign of George I (1688-1727). In Anne's reign the queen, though opposed to the Whigs, was powerless to prevent the war of the Spanish Succession or to bring it to a close. Although war was declared by the Tories the struggle was essentially a Whig affair, waged to further their commercial interests. The Whigs soon ousted Power of the Tories, directing the course of events from 1705 to 17 10. ^^^^^^^ The Tories finally succeeded in getting the upper hand and concluded a treaty of peace, but quickly lost their advantage when George I came to the throne, and his reign marked the beginning of a long period of Whig domination.
The English government then was in the hands of a king whose power, in the course of events, had been largely transferred to a prime minister, although all business was still transacted in the king's name; a cabinet, drawn from the same party as the prime minister and largely subject to his control and leadership ; and a parliament consisting of two houses but dominated largely by the lower house, in which a constant struggle was being waged between Whigs and Tories. Neither the cabinet nor prime Relation of minister were recognized by law. This very important part of Cabinet to King the governmental machinery developed as the result of the needs and circumstances of the hour and never received the official sanction of parliament. Then, as now, the king ruled
Power of Parliament
Struggle with Louis XIV
Influence of France but did not govern. The sovereign was expected to sign every bill which had received the approval of the ministry and both houses of parliament. Parliament, as has been already shown, was not a truly representative body, but was the instrument for furthering the interests of the country gentry, or the well-to-do trading classes of the towns. In the course of time the king simply selected the leader of the party in power in the House .of Commons as prime minister, and he in turn selected the members of his cabinet. To each of these was usually intrusted an important department of government, e.g., foreign affairs, finance, the army, navy.
No less important than these political changes, which created a government more liberal than any on the continent, was the long struggle with Louis XIV, which began back in the reign of Charles II and closed in 1 713. This forms a part of the struggle for commercial supremacy between the great states of Europe and will be described in detail in that connection.^ By it England won an enviable place among the nations of Europe. She clearly demonstrated her superiority over the French upon the sea and thereby placed herself well in the lead commercially. She also did much to safeguard the independence of the smaller states of Europe and to prevent the building up of a great French empire out of their territories and Spain's vast possessions.
5. The Establishment of the Power of the Monarch in France. — Throughout the latter part of the 17th century it was France who had been acknowledged as leader among the great states of Europe. In almost every particular she presented a marked contrast to her neighbor across the Channel. Henry IV, Richelieu, Mazarin, and Louis XIV had labored to exalt the monarch rather than the people to the highest place in the government and had succeeded so well that the French monarch could boast with much of truth, "I am the state." The reign of Louis XIV marked the most brilliant period in French his- 1 See Chapter in.
Louis XIV
Power of the King tory. Not only was France feared by her neighbors, but her achievements in art and in Hterature, and likewise her institutions, were widely imitated. The king was not only the centre and source of all authority, but he was also the generous patron of artists and writers. The luxury and splendor which he encouraged made France the home of beautiful tapestries, fine furniture, and stately architecture. The ruler was fond of lik-
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