Junius finally discovered

Preface

IN the preparation of this discussion I have thought best to make Uberal quotations from the writings of "JUNIUS," SIR PHILIP FRANCIS, and from those of the person whom I conceive to be the real author of the "JUNIUS LETTERS," whose name I will disclose in a subsequent part of this volume. I have made these quotations solely for the benefit and convenience of my readers, in order to save them the trouble and expense of collecting quite a number of books on the subject, most of which are now out of print and very difficult to procure. It has taken me quite a while to get these books into my possession, and at considerable pains and expense to me, most of them having to be imported from London, where they were written and published; but I consider that I have been amply repaid, as they have enabled me to investigate this abstruse question in all of its phases, which, otherwise, I could not have done. The reader being furnished with these quotations for ready use and inspection, will be able to compare the different styles, sentiments, political opinions, etc., of these writers, the aims and objects which they had in view, and in this manner to draw his own conclusion upon the subject.

I hope that my readers will observe that almost every proposition laid down by me is sustained by facts, and by history, in which the books and pages are cited. That I rarely volunteer an opinion of my own, unless it is amply supported by historical facts, or corroborated by well-known authors and able critics. If the reader will examine the books of Mr. Taylor and H, R. Francis, frequently referred to in this discussion, wherein they contend that Sir PhiHp Francis was the author of the "Junius Letters," he will discover that almost every one of their propositions is founded upon their own opinions, surmises and conjectures, without any facts or history to sustain them; the reason why, is very evident: there were no facts or history in existence which tended to prove their contention. It is impossible to prove a fact which does not exist.

I have also inserted the opinions of several eminent Hterary critics on this controversy, in order that my readers may compare them with those expressed by me. If my views shall merit and receive the approbation of those who may follow me through this discussion, I shall feel fully compensated for the pains and labor which I have bestowed upon this book, regardless of the expense of its publication.

THE AUTHOR.

Dedication

As a tribute to the THOMAS PAINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, which has achieved so much towards perpetuating the name of the patriotic author of the "Common Sense" and "The Crisis" pamphlets, which were written and published by him just before and during the dark days of the American Revolution, I dedicate this volume.

The first suggestion ever made to the American Colonies to assert and fight for their emancipation from the tyrannical oppression of Great Britain appeared in these pamphlets, which outlined the principles finally incorporated in the Declaration of Independence, and which eventually resulted in the achievement by the Colonies of the inestimable blessings of Liberty.

Part I

JUNIUS FINALLY DISCOVERED in the person of a very talented Englishman who fought with the Americans in the Revolutionary War.

PART I.— JUNIUS

"TNOUBTLESS no literary enigma has ever perplexed the -'— ^ minds of so many eminent literary critics as the authorship of the celebrated Junius Letters. Sir Harris Nicholas, an eminent writer, says in his "Analysis" of the subject: "The extraordinary interest which the community has taken in this question, has given birth to at least one hundred volumes or pamphlets, besides numerous essays and letters in magazines and newspapers;" and that a "great and universal curiosity is still felt to know who wrote the Letters."

About forty persons have been suggested by the friends of eminent writers as the author of these wonderful letters, and all have been successfully eliminated from the contest for the honor, in one way and another, by very profound critics, except Sir Philip Francis; and still, up to the present date, the riddle has never been solved. ''Stat nominis umbra.'' If the reader will acquit me of egotism, I believe that I can and will unravel the mystery to his entire satisfaction, provided he does not expect me to produce positive proof from Junius himself that he disclosed his real name; which proof has never yet been made, according to all writers on the subject.

On the 21st day of January, 1769, the first one of the authentic political letters of Junius appeared in the "Public Advertiser," a newspaper owned and published by Henry Sampson Woodfall, in the city of London, England, and the last one appeared in the same paper on the 21st day of January, 1772, covering a priod of exactly three years. These remarkable letters were written from time to time, being forty-seven in number, written over the signature "Junius." Seven were written over the signature "Philo Junius," who was really Junius, being another name assumed by him, under which he defended himself. These letters, with four written by Sir WiUiam Draper, one by Mr. Home, and a few others, were revised and corrected by Junius, and presented by him to his pubHsher, Mr. Woodfall, and were pubHshed by him under the name of "Woodfall's Junius."

Besides these, Junius wrote quite a nimiber of "Miscellaneous Letters," and many "Private Letters" to Mr. Woodfall; also a few over the names "Lucius" and "Atticus"; possibly one over the name "Brutus," which last three are generally considered to have been written by Junius.

All of the foregoing letters can be found in two volumes in Bohn's Standard Library, under the name of "Junius by Woodfall," which were compiled by him from all the writings of Junius, which he had in his possession; to which the reader is referred, if he wishes to get all the writings of Junius. Bohn's Standard Library Edition of Junius is used by me in this discussion.

Almost from the very beginning of his letters he assimied the fictitious name of "Junius," for which he had a most excellent reason, to which I will hereafter allude. He started out by saying: "I am the sole depositary of my own secret [his name] and it shall perish with me," which resolution I think he kept to the last; except, that he may have given his pubUsher, Mr. Woodfall, a hint as to his identity, this being a necessity for carrying on his voluminous correspondence with him, as I will show in a subsequent part of the subject.

In order that the reader may know something of the personality of this mysterious author, his style, sentiments, doctrines, politics, and advice given, I will here insert his "Dedication to the English Nation":

"DEDICATION TO THE ENGLISH NATION"

"I dedicate to you a collection of letters, written by one of yourselves, for the common benefit of us all. They would never have grown to this size without your continued encouragement and applause. To me they originally owe nothing, but a healthy sanguine constitution. Under your care they have thriven. To you

PART I

they are indebted for whatever strength or beauty they possess. When kings and ministers are forgotten, when the force and direction of personal satire is no longer understood, and when measures are only felt in their remotest consequences, this book will, I believe, be found to contain principles worthy to be transmitted to posterity. When you leave the unimpaired, hereditary freehold to your children, you do but half your duty. Both liberty and property are precarious, unless the possessors have sense and spirit enough to defend them. This is not the language of vanity. If I am a vain man, my gratification lies within a narrow circle. I am the sole depositary of my own secret, and it shall perish with me. If an honest man, and, I may truly affirm, a laborious zeal for the public service, has given me any weight in your esteem, let me exhort and conjure you never to suffer an invasion of your political constitution, however minute the instance may appear, to pass by, without a determined, persevering resistance. One precedent creates another. They soon accumulate and constitute law. What yesterday was fact, today is doctrine. Examples are supposed to justify the most dangerous measures, and where they do not suit exactly, the defect is supplied by analogy. Be assured that the laws, which protect us in our civil rights, grow out of the constitution, and that they must fall or flourish with it. This is not the cause of faction, or of party, or of any individual, but the common interest of every man in Britain. Although the King should continue to support his present system of government, the period is not very distant at which you will have the means of redress in your own power. It may be nearer, perhaps, than any of us expect, and I would warn you to be prepared for it. The King may possibly be advised to dissolve the present Parliament a year or two before it expires of course, and precipitate a new election, in hopes of taking the nation by surprise. If such a measure be in agitation, this very caution may defeat or prevent it.

"I cannot doubt that you will unanimously assert the freedom of election, and vindicate your exclusive right to choose your representatives. But other questions have been started, on which your determination should be equally clear and unanimous. Let it be impressed upon your minds, let it be instilled into your children, that the liberty of the press is the palladium of all the civil, political, and religious rights of an Englishman, and that the right of juries to return a general verdict, in all cases whatsoever, is an essential part of our constitution, not to be controlled or limited by the judges, nor in any shape questionable by the legislature. The power of King, Lords, and Commons is not an arbitrary power. They are the trustees, not the owners, of the estate. The fee-simple is in US. They cannot alienate, they cannot waste. When we say that the legislature is supreme we mean that it is the highest power known to the constitution; that it is the highest in comparison with the other subordinate powers established by the laws. In this sense, the word supreme is relative, not absolute. The power of the legislature is limited, not only by the general rules of natural justice and the welfare of the community, but by the forms and principles of our particular constitution. If this doctrine be not true, we must admit that King, Lords and Commons have no rule to direct their resolutions, but merely their own will and pleasure. They might unite the legislative and executive power in the same hands, and dissolve the constitution by an Act of Parliam_ent. But I am persuaded you will not leave it to the choice of seven hiuidred persons, notoriously corrupted by the Crown, whether seven millions of their equals shall be freemen or slaves. The certainty of forfeiting their own rights, when they sacrifice those of the nation, is no check to a brutal, degenerate mind. Without insisting upon the extravagant concession made to Henry the Eighth, there are instances in the history of other countries, of a formal, deliberate surrender of the public liberty into the hands of the sovereign. If England does not share the same fate, it is because we have better resources than in the virtue of either House of Parliament.

"I said that the liberty of the press is the palladium of all your rights, and that the right of juries to return a general verdict is part of your constitution. To preserve the whole system, you must correct your legislature. With regard to any influence of the constituent over the conduct of the representative, there is little difference between a seat in Parliament for seven years and a seat for life. The prospect of your resentment is too remote, and although the last session of a septennial Parliament be usually employed in courting the

PART I 11

favour of the people, consider that, at this rate, your representatives have six years for offense, and but one for atonement. A death-bed repentance seldom reaches to restitution. If you reflect that in the changes of administration which have marked and disgraced the present reign, although your warmest patriots have, in their turn, been invested with the lawful and unlawful authority of the Crown, and though other reliefs or improvements have been held forth to the people, yet that no one man in office ever promoted or encouraged a bill for shortening the duration of Parliament, but that (whoever was minister) the opposition to this measure, ever since the septennial act passed, has been constant and uniform on the part of government — you can not but conclude, without the possibility of a doubt, that long Parliaments are the foundation of the undue influ- . ence of the Crown. This influence answers every purpose of arbitrary power to the Crown, with an expense and oppression to the people, which would be unnecessary in an arbitrary government. The best of our ministers find it the easiest and most compendious mode of conducting the King's affairs; and all ministers have a general interest in adhering to a system, which of itself is sufficient to support them in office, without any assistance from personal virtue, popularity, labor, abilities, or experience. It promises every gratification to avarice and ambition, and secures impunity. These are truths unquestionable. If they make no impression, it is because they are too vulgar and notorious. But the inattention or indifference of the nation has continued too long. You are roused at last to a sense of your danger. The remedy will soon be in your power.

"If Junius lives, you shall often be reminded of it. If, when the opportunity presents itself, you neglect to do your duty to yourselves and to your posterity, to God and to your country, I shall have one consolation left, in common with the meanest and basest of mankind: Civil Hberty may still last the Hfe of JUNIUS."

From a perusal of his political writings, it is evident that he had a fixed and settled purpose in mind from the beginning, which I will concisely state, according to my own opinion :

At the time when he wrote his first letters, under the names of "Lucius" and "Atticus," and also when he wrote his first letter as Junius, the political situation of England was in a deplorable condition. The Government had recently emerged from a seven-years' war with France, and was overwhelmingly in debt. Spain had also been giving England considerable trouble about the Falkland Islands. George the Third had recently become King; he was young and inexperienced, being only about fifteen years old when the first Junius Letter was written; consequently, his mother, the Princess Dowager of Wales, was Regent until the young King attained his majority. She was governed almost entirely by Lord Bute, then Prime Minister of England. He and the Queen Regent had the tutelage of the young King in their own hands, and moulded his character and political opinions after their own notions, which were on a very selfish and arbitrary line; besides, history informs us that he was, by no means, an intellectual character, which frequently showed itself during his reign.

He was often influenced by bad men in the Ministry, to suit their evil purposes; all of which made the King, when he entered the throne, and his Ministry, very unpopular with the people, and caused them to be very restless under the Government. He continued Lord Bute as Prime Minister, and was under his baneful influence, owing to his inexperience in governmental affairs. Lord Bute selected a weak and inefficient Ministry to suit his own selfish purposes. The Parlament was, at that time, mostly composed of men of very poor ability, very venal in their characters, each looking out for his own private interests, utterly ignoring the good of the Government and the people at large.

A treaty of peace was about to be concluded with France, which was very unfair to England, and which Lord Bute, with his great personal influence over the King, the Ministry and Parliament, succeeded in getting through and ratified. It has been said in history that the Prime Minister was bribed by France for his influence in concluding the treaty.

These grievances, and others of a similar nature, exasperated the people against Lord Bute and the entire Govern-

PART I 13

ment, and made them very restless for a change of officials; he became very obnoxious to the entire Whig Party, among whom were Lords Chatham, Temple, Rockingham, Calcraft and others, who were then either in the Ministry or in Parliament; and, although in the minority, were quite a power to be reckoned with; so that Lord Bute resigned on April 8, 1763. He was succeeded by Lord Grenville as Prime Minister, who inaugurated a very bitter contest against the celebrated John Wilkes, who had been elected to Parliament by an overwhleming majority from London and Middlesex County over a Mr. Luttrell, and succeeded in ousting him from his seat and placing in his stead the person whom he defeated.

This was regarded as a high-handed piece of lawlessness, directly violative of the constitution. Wilkes entered the contest at the next election, and was chosen by the people by a still larger majority; but was again rejected by the House of Commons. He was re-elected three times by the people of Middlesex County, and was three times rejected by the Parliament.

This exasperated the people more than ever, and also the Whig party. They all considered that Wilkes had been persecuted by Parliament, and without a shadow of law or reason for the iniquity. Lord Grenville also had the odious Stamp Act passed in March, 1765, heavily taxing the American Colonies, which spread general dissatisfaction among those people, as well as great discontent in England. Thereupon, the King dismissed the entire Grenville Ministry, and appointed the Marquis of Rockingham as Prime Minister, with an entirely new Ministry, which repealed the Stamp Act in June 1767, but soon this Ministry came to an end, by internal dissensions and treachery among themselves.

In August, the Earl of Chatham, the great leader of the Whig Party, was placed at the head of the Ministry, but many of the other members were not in harmony with him, which caused violent dissensions among them. The King had not failed to put in the Ministry some of his favorites, to represent his views.

Shortly thereafter, a new bill for taxing the American Colonies was secretly put through Parliament by Lord Townshend, without consulting Lord Chatham, who had been sick, and was, part of the time, absent from the Ministry, and at variance with a majority of them; they, well knowing his violent opposition to the Act, passed it through during his absence.

This Act placed a heavy duty on tea, among other things, which exasperated the Colonies very much, and asserted the right in England to tax them in any way she chose.

Against this procedure, the Colonies openly rebelled, and on the arrival of the first cargo of tea, at Boston, the citizens boarded the vessel and threw the tea overboard.

Shortly thereafter. Lord Chatham resigned as Prime Minister, which broke up the Ministry. The Duke of Grafton was then appointed as Prime Minister with an entirely new Ministry, known as the Grafton Ministry, which was even worse than any of its predecessors.

It was composed of strong adherents of the King, and bitter enemies of the Colonies; as the question of American taxation was at that time, a very vital issue. This critical juncture of affairs gave birth to the Junius Letters.

About this time, Junius, the great political gladiator, appears upon the stage, and published the first of his celebrated Philippics, in which, he openly and boldly espoused the cause of the American Colonies, warning the Government of Great Britain that if it persisted in its course, it would bring on a revolution among the Colonies, which it finally did.

At the same time he directed a very caustic and severe criticism against the King, the Ministry and the Parliament, but especially against the Duke of Grafton, who was the principal object of his denunciation, which struck terror and consternation to the minds of them all. They well knew the powerful effect it would have upon the people, who were already in a state of unrest and suspicion. His open and avowed purpose was to overthrow the hated and despised

PART I 15

Grafton Ministry, dissolve the Parliament; and some writers say, to dethrone the King, but I do not agree with them in the last proposition, as it is not hinted at in any of his writings. My idea is that, in the overthrow of the Ministry and the dissolution of Parliament, he hoped and expected greatly to improve the condition of the Government by making it more liberal and republican in form, and in this wise to ameliorate the condition of the people.

In order that the reader may be able to comprehend the situation more fully, and understand the main object and purpose of his attack, I will here insert a copy of his first Letter:

Letter I To The Printer Of The Public Advertiser

January 21, 1769 "Sir:

The submission of a free people to the executive authority of Government is no more than a compliance with laws which they themselves have enacted. While the national honour is firmly maintained abroad, and while justice is impartially administered at home, the obedience of the subject will be voluntary, cheerful, and I might almost say, unlimited. A generous nation is grateful even for the preservation of its rights, and willingly extends the respect due to the office of a good prince into an affection for his person. Loyalty in the heart and understanding of an Englishman, is a rational attachment to the guardian of the laws. Prejudices and passion have sometimes carried it to a criminal length; and whatever foreigners may imagine, we know that Englishmen have erred as much in a mistaken zeal for particular persons and families, as they ever did in defence of what they thought most dear and interesting to themselves.

"It naturally fills us with resentment, to see such a temper insulted, or abused. In reading the history of a free people, whose rights have been invaded, we are interested in their cause. Our own feelings tell us how long they ought to have submitted, and at what moment it would have been treachery to themselves not to have resisted. How much warmer will be our resentment, if experience should bring the fatal example home to ourselves!

"The situation of this country is alarming enough to arouse the attention of every man who pretends to a concern for the public welfare. Appearances justify suspicion, and when the safety of a nation is at stake, suspicion is a just ground of inquiry. Let us enter into it with candor and decency. Respect is due to the station of Ministers; and, if a resolution must at last be taken, there is none so Hkely to be supported with firmness, as that which has been adopted with moderation.

"The ruin of prosperity of a state depends so much upon the administration of its Government, that to be acquainted with the merit of a Ministry, we need only to observe the condition of the people.

"If we see them obedient to the laws, prosperous in their industry, united at home and respected abroad, we may reasonably presume that their affairs are conducted by men of experience, abilities and virtue. If, on the contrary, we see an universal spirit of distrust and dissatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade, dissensions in all parts of the Empire, and a total loss of respect in the eyes of foreign powers, we may pronounce, without hesitation, that the Government of that country is weak, distracted and corrupt. The multitude, in all countries, are patient to a certain point. Ill usage may rouse their indignation, and hurry them into excesses, but the original fault is in Government. Perhaps there never was an instance of a change in the circumstances and temper of a whole nation so sudden and extraordinary as that which the misconduct of Ministers has, within these very few years, produced in Great Britain. When our gracious Sovereign ascended the throne, we were a flourishing and contented people. If the personal virtues of the King could have insured the happiness of his subjects, the scene could not have altered so entirely as it has done. The idea of uniting all parties, of trying all characters, and distributing the offices of state by rotation, was gracious and benevolent to an extreme, though it has not yet produced the many salutary effects which were intended by it. To say nothing of the wisdom of such a plan, it undoubtedly arose from an unbounded goodness of heart, in which folly had no share. It was not a capricious partiality to new faces; it was

PART I 17

not a natural turn for low intrigue ; nor was it the treacherous amusement of double and triple negotiations. No, sir, it arose from a continued anxiety, in the purest of all possible hearts, for the general welfare. Unfortunately for us, the event has not been answerable to the design. After a rapid succession of changes we are reduced to the state which hardly any change can mend. Yet there is no extremity of distress, which of itself ought to reduce a great nation to despair. It is not the disorder, but the physician; it is not a casual concurrence of calamitous circumstances; it is the pernicious hand of Government, which alone can make a whole people desperate.

"Without much political sagacity, or any extraordinary depth of observation, we need only mark how the principal departments of the state are bestowed, and look no farther for the true cause of every mischief that befalls us.

"The finances of a nation, sinking under its debts and expenses, are committed to a young nobleman [the Duke of Grafton] already ruined by play. Introduced to act under the auspices of Lord Chatham, and left at the head of affairs by that nobleman's retreat, he became Minister by accident; but, deserting the principles and professions which gave him a moment's popularity, we see him, from every honourable engagement to the public, an apostate by design. As for business, the world yet knows nothing of his talents or resolution; unless a wayward, wavering inconsistency be a mark of genius, and caprice a demonstration of spirit. It may be said, perhaps, that it is his Grace's province, as surely as it is his passion, rather to distribute than to save the public money; and that while Lord North is Chancellor of the Exchequer, the first Lord of the Treasury may be as thoughtless and as extravagant as he pleases. I hope, however, he will not rely too much on the fertility of Lord North's genius for finance. His Lordship is yet to give us the first proof of his abilities. It may be candid to suppose that he has hitherto voluntarily concealed his talents; intending, perhaps, to astonish the world, when we least expect it, with a knowledge of trade, a choice of expedients, and a depth of resources equal to the necessities, and far beyond the hopes of his country. He must now exert the whole power of his capacity, if he would wish us to forget, that, since he has been in office, no plan hass been formed, no system adhered to, nor any one important measure adopted for the reHef of public credit.

If his plan for the service of the current year be not irrevocably fixed on, let me warn him to think seriously of consequences before he ventures to increase the public debt. Outraged and oppressed as we are, this nation will not bear, after a six years' peace, to see new millions borrowed, without an eventual diminution of debt, or reduction of interest. The attempt might rouse a spirit of resentment which might reach beyond the sacrifice of a Minister. As to the debt upon the civil list, the people of England expect that it will not be paid without a strict inquiry how it was incurred. If it must be paid by Parliament, let me advise the Chancellor of the Exchequer to think of some better expedient than a lottery. To support an expensive war, or in circumstances of absolute necessity, a lottery may perhaps be allowable; but, besides that it is at all times the very worst way of raising money upon the people, I think it ill becomes the royal dignity to have the debts of a King provided for, like the repairs of a county bridge, or a decayed hospital. The management of the King's affairs in the House of Commons cannot be more disgraced than it has been. A leading Minister repeatedly called down for absolute ignorance, ridiculous motions ridiculously withdrawn — deliberate plans disconcerted, and a week's preparation of graceful oratory lost in a moment, — give us some, though not adequate ideas, of Lord North's parliamentary abilities and influence. Yet before he had the misfortune to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, he was neither an object of derision to his enemies, nor of melancholy pity to his friends.

"A series of inconsistent measures had alienated the Colonies from their duty as subjects, and from their natural affection to their common country. When Mr. Grenville was placed at the head of the Treasury, he felt the impossibility of Great Britain's supporting such an establishment as her former successes had made indispensable, and at the same time of giving any sensible relief to foreign trade, and to the weight of the public debt. He thought it equitable that those parts of the Empire which had benefited most by the expenses of the war, should contribute something* to the expenses of the peace, and he had no doubt of the constitutional