Front matter
FRANKLIN M.
V SPRAGUE / \ AM. /
Class.
Introduction
fered on behalf of Belgium without involving itself in the war ; but I hold righteousness first and the alternative of peace or war second; and it was our duty to act on behalf of Belgium, be the consequences what they might be. As Mr. Sprague shows, the American government has been derelict in its duty under international law, and, so far from being neutral, has really, by its failure to perform its duty, been of aid to Germany in destroying Belgium. Nor is the failure limited only to failure to protest against the violation of Belgian neutrality and the subjugation of Belgium. As Mr. Sprague shows, outrages of every kind, in defiance of the Hague and Geneva Conventions, have been committed by the German armies in Belgium and Northern France, on the English coasts, and against English and neutral ships; and finally our own ships have been destroyed and our own people murdered ; and yet our administration has not dared to stand up for American honor, for American interest and for the welfare of humanity. I commend particularly what Mr. Sprague has written in connection with the so-called ''sympathetic neutrality," which ex-President Jordan has advocated. In advancing this argument ex-President Jordan has studiously favored criminality by expressing the same sympathy for it as for its victims. He preaches for America the Gospel of national cowardice, so far as our own rights are concerned, and, as regards our international duties,
[ viii ]
Introduction
he preaches the meanest and basest form of abandonment of morality. As Mr. Sprague says, he is profoundly silent as regards all the moral considerations involved in the war; he dares not say one word in condemnation of the abhorrent immorality, of the infamous crime and wickedness, of the guilty parties in this war. He actually says that we are not to be pro or anti anything ! In other words, he takes a position as degrading as if in our internal affairs he announced that he was neutral between the white slaver and the white slaver's victim and was not *'pro or anti" either the bestial creature who rapes a child or the child who suffers the dreadful fate. Mr. Sprague is quite right in saying that the action of our government, in acting on the principles thus set forth by the more abject professional pacificists, has convicted the American Republic of wrong, of cowardice ; and of complicity in the worst international crime that has been committed since Napoleon's downfall a century ago.
America owes it to itself to prepare ; first, so as to be able to act in its own defence; and second, so that its weight may be felt when it takes action, as it ought to take action, in order to fight for righteousness and for the good of others, of humanity at large, if the need should arise ; and it owes it to itself to prove by such action that it repudiates the base and evil doctrine which would teach us that a nation does its duty by observing a timid and selfish neu-
[ix]
Introduction
trality between right and wrong, even when the right is absolutely clear and when the wrong represents every possible variant of international crime.
(Signed) Theodoee Roosevelt,
Oyster Bay
Long Island, N. T.
August 16th, 1915
Contents
CHAPTER PAGE
Intboduction vii
I. "Made in Germany" 1
Chapter I ''made In Geemany"
We do not mean merchandise, but the war. ''Made in Germany" is the proud trade-mark that bespeaks quality. "Made in Germany" will be the historical mark that will designate the most Titanic and Satanic war our planet has witnessed. The hosts of Xerxes at Thermopylae numbered two and a half million. At Issus, Darius had an army of six hundred thousand, while Alexander never commanded over one hundred and thirty-five thousand troops. The armies of both Caesar and Pompey at Pharsalia numbered only seventy thousand. Napoleon invaded Russia with six hundred thousand troops, while the combined armies at Waterloo numbered less than two hundred and fifty thousand. Now Europe trembles beneath the tread of seven million soldiers bent upon slaughtering each other.
The responsibility of beginning the war is greater than any nation can bear. The hysterical attempts of German apologists to exonerate their country does them credit, for the historian of Germany will point out this bloody blotch on her escutcheon and exclaim with Lady Macbeth, "It will not out, 0, damned spot!" Undisputed testimony compels this verdict.
The triple alliance of Germany, Austria and Italy confronts the triple entente of Great Britain, France and Russia. If either of these nations is attacked by one of the other group, both groups or all the six nations are involved. This is so well understood that if one nation is determined upon war no amount of diplomacy can avert it; but diplomacy can — and in this case does — show what nation was determined upon war. This does not imply that other nations were wholly free from blame. The trade-mark ''Made in Germany" does not mean that all the constituents of the article are of German origin, but that the article as a completed product and put upon the market is German. So of this war: ''Made in Germany" does not mean that other nations are not more or less contributory, but that the war, as a completed product, was put upon the world by Germany.
The tragedy at Sarajevo on June 28, 1914, was incidental and a mere pretext. Austria, previously incited by Germany, sent an ultimatum to Servia making ten demands. Servia assented to nine and offered to arbitrate the tenth. No fairer proposition could be made. Upon receiving this answer Austria hesitated, as well she might, for she had no longer cause for war.
At this juncture Austria and all the world turned to Germany. One word from her
"^Made in Germany"
would halt all war proceedings. Would she speak that word? Alas, no! The German ambassador at Vienna said, *'As for Germany, she knew very well what she was about in backing up Austria-Hungary in the matter." Germany's ''White Paper" says, "We assured Austria that any action considered necessary to end the movement in Servia would meet with our approval. She (Servia) had led Europe to the brink of a world war ... we would not advise our ally to take a yielding attitude." The war sure to follow these words may justly be labelled, ''Made in Germany." Austria began at once to mobilize, as did Eussia, Servia 's ally. All Europe is now trembling. Sir Edward Grey in his heroic efforts for peace has about persuaded Eussia and Austria to meet in a peace conference with other nations. Hope springs up everywhere at the prospect of peace which would have filled the world with joy, when "lo! impossible to believe, Germany refuses to enter this conference of the nations
Germany not only precipitated the
war but she desired it."
Upon Germany 's refusal to participate in the proposed conference upon technical grounds, she was asked to suggest some other method for conference but declined to do so.
The civilized world condemns "Austria's brutal ultimatum and indecent precipitancy toward Servia." No government could submit to it and continue independent, and yet
"Made in Germany"
Germany promptly characterized it as *' equitable and moderate." This accords perfectly with her purpose of war.
The triple alliance applies only to defensive warfare. On this ground Italy refused to support Austria. Germany, therefore, was under no obligations to assist Austria ; but she hastens to assure her of support.
Germany, unable longer to conceal her purpose of attacking France, comes into the open and asks England if she will remain neutral on condition that Germany will promise to acquire no French territory in Europe. When asked if she would make the same promise respecting French colonies, she declined to do so. France then was to be conquered and deprived in part or in whole of her territories. This proposal to betray her ally and stand by and see France ruined filled England with surprise and indignation and she promptly rejected the proposal.
At this time, July 31st, Germany made a preposterous demand upon Russia. Eussia had mobilized her troops in the lower districts to assist Servia against Austria and assured Germany that she would not mobilize against Germany or attack her unless Germany took the offensive. In spite of this assurance, Germany, on July 31st, addressed an ultimatum to Eussia demanding that she demobilize all her troops, and demanding an answer within twelve hours ; unless Eussia complied Germany would mobilize her troops on the Eussian and French frontiers.
By this act the die was cast. Three things are to be noted in this demand by Germany. First, Germany exceeded her rights in this ultimatum. No government has a right to demand that another sovereign government demobilize its troops. If Germany really wanted peace, instead of this unwarrantable demand followed by a declaration of war, she would have proposed that both governments demobilize. Second, the time limit of twelve hours in which to answer was impossible, as Germany well knew. Third, this ultimatum made the war inevitable, and it was ''Made in Germany.'*
The utter emptiness of Germany's claim that she is acting only in self-defense and fighting for her life, is seen in the way she treated the offer of England to come to her defense in case of attack. Sir Edward Grey while pleading with her for peace, uttered these most remarkable words : ''If you will only preserve the peace of Europe, I will endeavor to promote some arrangements, to which Germany shall be a party, whereby she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies by Prance, Russia, or ourselves jointly or separately." Germany virtually assured of protection by Great Britain even if the latter had to break with her allies and act "separately"! For any "arrangement" that could give such "assur-
''Made in Germany"
ance" must involve the possibility of acting "separately" if need be. Germany promised the support of England against the world if she will only pursue a course whereby the ** peace of Europe can be secured"! All honor to Sir Edward Grey for these oracular words inspired by the Prince of Peace. They present to Germany the crucial test of her sincerity regarding peace. How does she receive them? She ignores them and declares war.
That Germany made the war is settled at once and forever by the frank admission of the emperor himself. On August 4th, the Kaiser declared from the throne as follows: ''The present situation arose from ill will existing for years against the strength and prosperity of the German empire."
It is not then the tragedy at Sarajevo, nor Servian agitation, nor the Austrian ultimatum, nor Russian mobilization, nor all of these together that is the real cause of ''the present situation," but ''ill will against German prosperity"; Germany resents this "ill will"; she will not allow a feeling of "jealousy" on the part of other nations, and so will punish them by making war upon them.
This reason for war is utterly inadequate and puerile, as shown by the "great strength and prosperity ' ' of Germany, which have developed side by side with this alleged "ill will," no instance of which the Kaiser deigns to specify. If it has been so harmless in the past how does it suddenly become a bogy? The question unmasks the real purpose of Germany, which is conquest and power.
This is just as clearly brought out in the Emperor's speech at the palace before the assembled thousands. He said, "Envious people everywhere are compelling us to our just defense.'' Defense? No attack by anybody is hinted at. No invasion, no hostile act, no threat from anyone, no injury to her interests which are so prosperous as to excite the admiration and envy of the world, and yet Germany must spring to her ''just defense" — against what? Why, ''envious peoples everywhere." To punish them she will drench Europe in blood.
The point now, however, is that this clear and unqualified admission of the emperor shows that the war was "Made in Germany." We can safely go a step further on the highest authority ; the German under secretary of state for foreign affairs said, on July 26th, ''This step was taken on his majesty's own initiative.''
Germany's Attitude Towaed Treaties
A treaty is a solemn contract between nations. The great treaties of Europe begin as follows : "In the Name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity," or "In the Name of Almighty God. " It is the most sacred contract mankind can make. It is more binding than the marriage contract or covenants concerning private property, since all civilization, all prog-
"Made in Germany"
ress in the world, human or divine, depend upon it.
Such a treaty existed between Belgium and the governments of Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria and Eussia. In this treaty Belgium agreed to be neutral in case of war between these parties, and they each agreed to keep out of Belgium and help her keep the others out in case of invasion. Thus Belgian neutrality was guaranteed. Germany was under special obligation to respect this guarantee since she had, through Bismarck in 1870, expressly renewed it and in writing. This obligation was distinctly recognized by the German chancellor, who on August 4th, said in the Reichstag, *'Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and are perhaps even now on Belgian soil. This act is contrary to the rights of nations." Fatal admission, whereat history will pause.
France, trusting to Germany's promise, had left her northern frontier unprotected. Germany would take advantage of this trust and the defenseless frontiers by attacking France through Belgian territory. Accordingly Germany now requests England to become neutral and to violate her agreement to guarantee Belgian neutrality, and to allow Germany to do the same by moving her armies through Belgium and using it as a basis of operations in making war against France. England, profoundly moved and indignant at the vicious character of this request, promptly refuses to repudiate her solemn international obligations by betraying Belgium and sacrificing her own self-respect and honor.
Sir Edward Grey now requests France and Germany to say whether they will respect their guarantee of Belgian neutrality. France answers yes ; Germany, no. Germany now sends an ultimatum to Belgium saying that she cannot respect the latter 's neutrality, but is about to make use of her territory in attacking France. Germany adds that she will respect Belgium's sovereignty and make good all losses unless she offers resistance, in which case Germany will treat her as an enemy.
This message struck Belgium with amazement, indignation and terror. Under the palladium of neutrality she had for seventy years enjoyed peace and prosperity. She was now stunned at the perfidy of Germany in demanding that she violate her sacred promise of neutrality, allow her soil to become the theatre of war, and shamefully betray France, one of the signatories to the treaty guaranteeing her neutrality.
Belgium did not hesitate a moment. She refused Germany's demand and declared that she would defend her ** rights by every means in her power."
Just here dates speak louder than Germany's protestations of desiring and seeking peace and show her purpose of war and her responsibility for beginning it. Belgium received Germany's ultimatum August 2nd ; she replied August 3rd ; Germany attacked her August 4th. German troops, therefore, must have been marching towards Belgium before Germany deigned to give any notice of her purpose.
This contempt of Belgium, this utter oblivion of treaty obligations and the rights of nations staggers the world: indeed, the German chancellor declared that this treaty which guaranteed Belgian neutrality was only ''a scrap of paper. ' '
In the councils of nations what weight can hereafter attach to the promises of Germany? Gladstone's admission that a ''particular position" might exempt a guarantor of neutrality from participating in a war to enforce it, a doctrine that the newer Christian ethics renders more and more untenable, has no application to this case. Germany's only excuse is "military necessity" — the very exigency the treaty was designed to meet.
In a treaty between sister nations Germany solemnly appeals to the "Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity" to witness her sincerity and fidelity in the performance of its stipulations, and then, when it suits her convenience, she calls that treaty "a scrap of paper," tramples it in the dust and plunges Europe in a sea of blood. Has any nation, ancient or modern, civilized or savage, ever presented to the human race a more revolting example of moral apostacyl The blessings of peace, the horrors of war, the sanctity of treaties, national honor, international law, the claims of humanity and the behests of the Almighty, render this cruel and wanton violation of Belgian neutrality an insult to civilization and the highest crime known to mankind.
Geemany's Secret Peeparation foe War
"When Germany's troops had penetrated Belgium and France, certain soldiers were heard to exclaim, *'It seems natural to be around here again." It seems that these soldiers had been detailed months before to visit these places and find out the condition of the roads, the places where supplies could be had, the means of shelter for troops, etc.
Several years ago the Germans, under pretence of digging wells or laying foundations for factories, made concrete platforms in the country before the Maubeuge forts. Somehow these factories did not go up ; but when at length the bugle sounded for war, the factories placed on these platforms took the shape of monstrous cannon of longer range than those of the forts. Thus the forts were helpless and obliged to succumb.
The British embassy at Washington officially declares what indeed is well known, that under pretext of commerce, Germany ** since 1906 has established an elaborate network of strategical railways leading from the Khine to the Belgian
"Made in Germany"
frontier through a barren, thinly-populated tract, deliberately constructed to permit of the sudden attack upon Belgium which was carried out two months ago.
According to the London Times, ''an intercepted letter addressed to the commander of the German gunboat Eber . . . contained instructions from Berlin, dated June 14, 1914, a fortnight before the Sarajevo murders, revealing a complete system for coaling the German navy on the outbreak of war, through secret agents in Cape Town, New York and Chicago. ' ' If this be the fact it shows that neither the Sarajevo tragedy nor any other grievance of Austria against Servia furnished anything more than a pretext for a war which Germany was determined to make.
For years Germany has carried on a spy system in Belgium and France so elaborate and extensive as to be almost incredible. Thousands of spies scattered through these countries and ostensibly acting as business men or laborers, have been busy in obtaining exact information of large and small details which are now in the possession of German officers and are of the greatest value to the invaders. For example, these officers have a list of rich men in every city whom they select as hostages. They have an estimate of the ready money in every city, know where every horse and ton of hay can be found, where every river can be forded and where every bridge is located. It is now remarked ''that at the end or near the end of many bridges having strategic importance there was a German factory." In France it is said *'the Germans know how many bottles of wine may be expected in each locality. ' '
Of course a country providing for a strictly defensive war may employ spies, but a government that will carry on such a spy system as this in other countries at great labor and expense is looking for compensation only in one way, and that is by aggressive war.
We do not know what secret correspondence took place between Germany and Austria prior to the war, but Germany now publishes a ''White Paper" that shows that she alone instigated it. It says, "We assured Austria that any action considered necessary to end the movement in Servia . . . would meet with our approval." It advises Austria "not to take a yielding attitude" toward Servia, even if it "should bring Eussia into the field" and *' involve us in a war." Could Germany have employed language more inflammable? Germany was behind Austria's ultimatum to Servia and Austria was her willing tool ; otherwise she never would have thus challenged both Servia and Russia. It is because the word "war" was first on German lips, because she first advised it, secretly planned for it and took the first steps to bring it on, that we say the war was "Made in Germany."
"Made in Germany'* The Allies Did Not Make the War
The horrors of war have led to the indiscriminate censure of all the nations engaged in it. This is unjust and foolish. War is not the only hell nor the worst one. Unrighteousness or injustice is worse than war. The peace-at-anyprice doctrine is immoral and is opposed to the Christian religion, and, as all experience shows, only postpones the conflict. "First pure (righteous) then peaceable" is the injunction of the Scriptures.
Nations as well as individuals, alone or allied, innocent of wrong-doing, may fight in self-defense, but only as a last resort and after every effort for peace has failed.
The allies did not make this war ; it was made upon them by Germany that spurned every overture of the allies for peace. We do not say that the allies have not made preparations for war in the past, or have done all they could to promote peace, or that they are better or worse than their enemies. It is admitted that past conduct, causes and influences are more or less responsible for the war, but, although German apologists drag these things into the discussion, they are irrelevant. The issue is single. If two men are arraigned for fighting and it appears that one began a deadly assault upon the other in spite of the latter 's earnest request for a peaceful settlement, the court will find the aggressor guilty. The court will not listen to former jealousies and animosities between the parties, but will decide the case upon its own merits and the immediate facts, and will find the aggressor guilty. He who threatened violence, refused peace and struck the first blow will be declared guilty, while the attacked, no matter how hard he hits back, will be declared innocent.
England Did Not Begin the Wab
Chancellor Lloyd-George was earnestly urging a reduction of armaments on the very day Austria sent her ultimatum to Servia.
Winston Churchill's voice was raised eloquently to induce Great Britain to reduce her navy; but when Germany would not agree to any reduction, he felt that England had no choice but must be prepared.
Sir Edward Grey's efforts to prevent war were heroic.
Austria's ultimatum to Servia was on July 23rd. The war began ten days later, August 2nd. During those ten days according to The Outlook, Sir Edward Grey sent no less than forty-seven telegrams and letters, in the interests of peace, to English representatives at the capitals of Europe. This would make four or five letters a day or one every two hours for each of the ten working days of eight hours each. He asked Servia to give Austria the fullest satisfaction if her charges were true ; he urged France, Germany, Russia and Italy to join England in a combined effort for peace. All promptly assented except Germany which declined. Still undiscouraged Sir Edward Grey declared himself ready to join the four powers in any method looking for peace and pointed out the great danger of war. As the danger drew on he made one last supreme bid for peace by a virtual promise to Germany of England's assistance in case of need. Germany had declared that her only object was self-defense against the impending attacks of enemies. Sir Edward Grey now promised Germany that if she would keep the peace, he would '' promote an arrangement to which Germany could be a party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies by France, Eussia or ourselves jointly or separately."
Although Germany ignored these words, which left her without a shadow of excuse for war, the world will not forget them. No sublimer words were ever heard in the parliaments of the world than these uttered by Britain's great statesman and peacemaker. They show conclusively that England did not want war; she did not expect it, was not prepared for it and was the last to engage in it, and then only to fulfil her solemn international obligations, to protect a weaker and worthy nation from destruction by a more powerful one and to preserve her own self-respect and honor.
^'Made in Germany"
EussiA Did Not Begiit the War
All European nations knew of the entente between Servia and Russia, and that Russia would not allow either the territory or sovereignty of Servia to be impaired. When, therefore, on July 24th, Austria sent her impossible ultimatum to Servia and demanded an answer within twenty-four hours, Sazonof, premier of Russia, on the same day asked Austria to extend the time in order that the Powers might have an opportunity to consider the matter. Austria refused. On the 26th, Sazonof appealed to Italy and Germany to influence their ally, Austria, in favor of peace. The next day he accepted England's proposal for a conference of the powers — or any other method that promised peace. The next day he twice telegraphed England urging her to influence Germany for peace. The next day he telegraphed Germany that the Russian mobilization was not against Germany nor did it indicate aggressive measures toward Austria, and urged a conference of Germany, France, England and Italy, and also one between Austria and Russia, to secure peace. Both Germany and Austria refused. The next day he telegraphed England that Russia would adopt any measures England might suggest for peace. On the next two days — July 30th and 31st — he telegraphed Germany, France, Austria, England and Italy, that if Austria would consent to stay the march of
*'Made in Germany"
her armies on Servia, and would allow the powers to consider what reparation Servia should make to Austria without impairing her sovereignty, Russia would cease her military preparations. Austria again refused her consent to this proposal. On the next day Germany declared war against Russia, because Russia refused to demobilize her troops.
The above named efforts of Russia to secure peace are effectively summarized in The Outlook of October 7, 1914.
A careful perusal of the ''White Papers" of both England and Germany and the Russian ''Orange Paper," all official documents, will convince any unprejudiced person that the war was not begun by Russia. On the contrary Russia did everything that a peace-seeking nation could do to prevent war.
When the Austrian troops first attacked the Servian army, the latter, to the surprise of all nations, declined to fight and "fell back." It now appears that this was done at the request of Russia in order to give the powers further time for a peace conference. Russia even went so far as to declare that she was "quite ready to stand aside and leave the question in the hands of England, France, Germany and Italy."
Fkance Did Not Begin the Wae
France had the least to say and was next to the last to act of any state engaged in the war.
It was, however, well understood that France and Eussia were bound to act together. This explains the determination of Germany first to crush France and then turn her attention to Russia. France had given no cause for war. She was not thinking of war and was unprepared for it. This is admitted by the German ambassador at Vienna, who said, ' ^ France, too, was not at all in a condition for facing war. ' '
England asked the powers to meet in conference to stay the war. To this request France replied, ''Your proposal is accepted by the French government. ' '
"When Great Britain demanded of France and Germany to say whether they would respect the neutrality of Belgium, France said, yes ; Germany said, no. Dr. Frederick Lynch, secretary of the Church Peace union, was in France and Germany when the war broke out, and he passed through Liege two days before the German attack upon it. In his ' ' Through Europe on the Eve of War," he says, ''The French had made no move up to this time and were still trying to secure peace by negotiations with the other powers."
In no country, not even in the United States, is the anti-militarist sentiment so strong as in France. Among all classes various organizations and groups of men, clericals, educators, workmen and statesmen have for years been opposing war with such determination as to embarrass and alarm the government. The Confederation of Labor with its 500,000 paying members, the Federation of the Teachers' Benevolent association numbering 100,000, the socialists groups with 100 members in parliament, have all united in an anti-militarist propaganda that has demoralized the army, and defied the government. It was felt that the first shot fired in war might be the signal for another commune. A writer says in view of this feeling throughout France that ''nothing short of actual invasion of her territory by German troops could have compelled France to take an active part in the European conflict."
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