Division and reunion, 1829-1909

Front matter

QDDDS7'^3aEa

'Jj.

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Preface To New Edition

I HAVE not had the pleasure of preparing this new edition. It has been prepared, at my request, by my colleague, Professor Edward S. Corwin. I am sure that the narrative he adds, of the years following 1889, will prove a very valuable addition to the book.

The continued serviceability of the little volume, in the judgment of teachers, is a source of very sincere gratification to me ; and I am glad to have its value enhanced by matter from another hand.

WOODROW WILSON.

Princeton, N. J., August 21, 1909.

Author's Preface

In this volume, as in the other volumes of the series to which it belongs, only a sketch in broad outline has been attempted. It is not so much a compact narrative as a rapid synopsis — as rapid as possible — of the larger features of public affairs in the crowded space of sixty years that stretches from the election of Andrew Jackson to the end of the first century of the Constitution. The treatment of the first twelve years of that period I have deliberately expanded somewhat beyond the scale of the rest, because those years seem to me a most significant season of beginnings and of critical change. To discuss the events which they contain with some degree of adequacy is to simplify and speed all the rest of the story.

I have endeavored, in dividing the matter into five parts, to block out real periods in the progress of affairs. First there is a troubled period of critical change, during which Jackson and his lieutenants introduce the "spoils system" of appointment to office, destroy the great Bank of the United States, and create a new fiscal policy ; during which the tariff question discloses an ominous sectional divergence, and viii Authors Preface,

increases the number of unstable compromises between North and South; when a new democratic spirit of unmistakable national purpose and power comes on the stage, at the same moment with the spirit of nullification and local separateness of feeling. Then the slavery question emerges into sinister prominence; there is a struggle for new slave territory; Texas is added to the Union, and the Mexican war is fought to make Texas bigger ; that war results in the acquisition of a vast territory besides Texas, and the old question of slavery in the Territories is re-opened, leading to the sharp crisis and questionable compromise of 1850, and finally to the fatal repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Then there is secession and civil war, which for a time disturb every foundation of the government. Reconstruction and a new Union follow, and the government is rehabilitated. These seem to me the natural divisions of the subject.

That the period covered by this volume has opposed many sharp difficulties to any sort of summary treatment need hardly be stated. It was of course a period of misunderstanding and of passion; and I cannot claim to have judged rightly in all cases as between parties. I can claim, however, impartiality of judgment ; for impartiality is a inatter of the heart, and I know with what disposition I have written.

WOODROW WILSON.

Princeton, N. J., October 24, 1892.

SUGGESTIONS.

The fact that this volume is small and contains a mere outline of events is expected to make it the more useful both to teachers and to the "general reader"; for no subject can be learned from a single book. Only a comparison of authors and a combination of points of view can make any period of history really familiar. The briefer the preliminary sketch the better, if only it be made in just proportion. The use of this book should be to serve as a centre from which to extend reading or inquiry upon particular topics. The teacher should verify its several portions for himself by a critical examination, so far as possible, of the sources of information. His pupils should be made to do the same thing, to some extent, by being sent to standard authors who have written on the same period. The bibliographies prefixed to the several chapters are meant for the pupil rather than for the teacher. They are, for the most part, guides to the best known and most accessible secondary authorities, rather than to the original sources themselves. They ought to be acceptable, therefore, to the general reader also, who is a pupil without a teacher. If he wishes to seek further than these references carry him, he will find the books mentioned a key to all the rest.

The following brief works may serve for reference or comparison, or for class use in the fuller preparation of topics.

X Suggestions,

1. Edward Channing: A Studenfs History of the United States. New York: Macmillan, 1898. — A full and scholarly narrative.

2. Davis Rich Dewey : Finajicial History of the United States {American Citizen Series). New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1903. — Excellently clear and lucid account, with incidental sketches of industrial and economic change.

3. Albert Bushnell Hart : Essentials of American History. New York: American Book Co., 1905. — Good compendium of the necessary facts.

4-7. James Schouler: History of the United States of America tinder the Constitution. Vols, iii.-vi. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co., 1889-1899. — A careful narrative, brought down to 1865. It should be used with caution, because of its strong bias of sympathy in the sectional controversy.

8, 9. Carl Schurz: Life of Henry Clay {American Statesmen Series). 2 vols. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1887. — Covers the period 1777-1852.

10. Edward Stanwood : A History of Presidential Elec. tions. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1898. — An account of the political events of each presidential campaign, with the platforms and a statement of the votes.

11. Westel W. VVilloughby: The A77ierican Constitutional System [American State Series). New York: Century Co., 1904. — Very useful sketch of the development of our public constitutional law.

A fair working library in American History would be furnished by the following volumes, in addition to the foregoing.

A. Bibliography.

1. Edward Channing and Albert Bushnell Hart : A Guide to the Study of American History. Boston : Ginn & Co., 1896. — An excellent manual for students, teachers, and general readers.

2. J. N. Earned: Literature of American History. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1902. — Is fuller than above, and

List of Reference Books* xi

more nearly up to date ; and is also featured by authoritative critical estimates of many of the works mentioned.

B. General.

3-20. Albert Bushnell Hart, Editor : The Ajnerican Nation. New York: Harpers, 1904-1907. — All of the volumes of this series are extremely useful and some are excellent. Volumes x.-xxvi. cover our national history from the close of the Revolution.

C. Special Histories.

21-28. John Bach McMaster : History of the People of the United States from the Revolution to the Civil War. New York : D. Appleton & Co. Six volumes have been published, the sixth in 1904; the seventh will soon appear. — A splendid account of the course of public opinion in the United States, drawn from its records.

29-35. James Ford Rhodes : History of the United States from the Compromise of iS^o. Seven volumes. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1906. — Perhaps the finest piece of historical work yet done by an American. The narrative is brought down to 1877.

D. Biographies.

36-69. John T. Morse, Editor : The American Statesmen Series. Thirty-four volumes. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin & Co. — Most of these volumes are of a high standard of excellence,

70-81. Ellis Paxson Oberholzer, Editor: The American Crisis Series. Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs & Co., 1908. Twelve volumes are already published or about to be. — An endeavor is made to tell the story of the Civil War, its causes, and consequences from the stand-point of the present generation. The volumes are of a high grade.

xii Suggestions.

E. Sources.

82, 83. Thomas H. Benton : Thirty Years* View, or, A History of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, from i?>20-i2><p. 2 vols. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1861-1862.

84-85. James G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 1^61- 1881. 2 vols. Norwich, Conn.: Henry Bill Pub. Co., 1886.

Though the works of contemporaries and of participants, the accounts which Benton and Blaine give of the course of debate and legislation in Congress, for their respective periods, are surprisingly fair.

86,87. Albert Bushnell Hart, Editor: American History Told by Contemporaries. — Vols, iii., iv. New York : The Macmillan Co., 1898. — Excellent for illustrative purposes.

88, 89. William MacDonald, Editor : Select Documents Illustrative of the History of the United States. 1776-1861 ; and Select Statutes, 1861-1898. New York : The Macmillan Co., 1898 and 1903. — Very useful for the purpose indicated.

90-97. John Bassett Moore: International Law Digest, 8 vols. Published by the Government, 1906. — A record of our diplomacy arranged topically. Of great value.

CONTENTS,

L

INTRODUCTORY.

Chapter I. The Stage Of Development In 1829

2. A new epoch, p. 2.-3. A material ideal, p. 3. —

4. Speed and character of growth, p. 4- — 5- ^ ^^^^^ nation, p. 5. — 6. Limitations upon culture, p. 7. — 7. Political conditions in 1829, p. 9.— 8. Development of parties (1789-1824), p. 12. — 9. Election of 1824-1825, p. 17. — 10. The accession of Jackson (1825-1829), p. 19 • 2-21

Chapter II. Party Spirit And Policy Under Jackson (1829-1833)

12. The new President (1829), p. 23. — 13. New political

forces (1829), p. 24. — 14. Causes of Jackson's success (1829-1837), p. 25. — 15. Appointments to xiv Contents.

office (1829-1830), p. 26. — 16. Jackson's advisers, (1829-1830), p. 28. — 17. The " spoils system " (1829-1830), p. 30. — 18. Responsibility for the system (1829-1830), p 32, — 19. The Democratic programme (1829), p. 34. — 20. The Indian question (1802-1838), p. 35. — 21. Internal improvements (1829-1837), p. 38. — 22. Sectional divergence, p. 39. — 23. The public land question {1829-1830), p. 41. — 24. The debate on Foot's resolution (1830), p. 43. — 25. Tariff legislation (1816-1829), p. 48. — 26. Effect of the tarifif upon the South (1816-1829), p. 49. — 27. Constitutional question of the tariff (1829), p. 51. — 28. Calhoun and Jackson (1818- 1831), p. 52. — 29. Reconstruction of the cabinet (i83i),p. 54 — 30. South Carolina's protests against the tariff (1824-1832), p. 55. — 31. Nullification (1832), p. 59. — 32. Presidential election of 1832, p. 62. — 33. Compromise and reconciliation (1832- 1S33), p. 65 23-68

Chapter III. The Bank Question (1829-1837)

34. The Bank of the United States (1789-1816), p. 69.^ 35. Constitutionality of the Bank (1789-1819), p. 70. — 36. Jackson's hostility to the Bank ( 1829- 1830), p. 72. — 37. History of banking in the United States (1783-1829), p. 74. — 38. The branch bank at Portsmouth {1829), p. 76. — 39. Constitution of the Bank (1816-1832), p. 78. — 40. The fight for re- ^ charter (1832), p. 79. — 41. Removal of the deposits (1832-1833), p. 80. — 42. Censure and protest (1833- 1834), p. 83. — 43. Diplomatic successes (1829-1831), p. 84. — 44. Distribution of the surplus (1833- 1836), p. 86. — 45. The "pet banks" (1833-1836), p. 88.-46. Inflation (1833-1836), p. 89.-47. The specie circular (1836), p. 91 69-92

The Slavery Question, ■ xv

Chapter IV. Administration Of Van Buren (1837-1s41)

48. Financial crisis (1837), p. 93. — 49. Banking reform ( 1837-1841 ), p. 95. — 50. The Independent Treasury (1840), p. 97. — 51. The Democrats discredited (1840), p. 98. — 52. A new era of material development (1830-1840), p. 102. — 53. Economic changes and the South (1829-1841), p. 104. — 54. Structure of southern society ( 1829-1841 ), p. 105. — 55. An intellectual awakening (1829-1841), p. 108. — 56. The extension of the suffrage, p. iii. — 57. The re-formation of parties (1829-1841), p. 112. — 58. Character of the Jacksonian period (1829-1841), p. 115 ' • • 03-"5

Chapter V. The Slavery System

60. Conditions favorable to agitation, p. 117. — 61. An- ,

tecedents of the anti-slavery movement, p. 119. — 62. Occasion of the anti-slavery movement, p. 121. — 63. Establishment of the system of slavery, p. 123. — 64. Conditions of slave life, p. 125. — 65. Economic and political effects of slavery, p. 127. — 66. Legal status of slavery, p. 129 11 7-132 x.i Contents,

Chapter VI. Texas And The Mexican War (1836-1848)

67. The Whig programme (1841), p. 133. — 68. The Vice- President succeeds (1841), p. 135. — 69. The programme miscarries (1842), p. 137. — 70. Some Whig measures saved (1842), p. 139. — 71. The Independent State of Texas (1819-1836), p. 141. — 72. First steps towards annexation (1837-1844), p. 143. — 73. Presidential campaign of 1844, p. 145. — 74. The Oregon question (1844-1846), p. 147. — 75. The Texan boundary dispute (1845-1846), p. 149. — 76. War with Mexico (1846-1848), p. 150. — 77. The Wilmot Proviso (1846), p. 152, — 78. The rest of the Democratic programme (1846-1847), p. 154. — 79. Slavery and the Mexican cession (1846-1848), p. 155. — 80. The presidential election of 1848, p. 157 133-160

Chapter VII. The Territories Opened To Slavery (1848-1856)

61. Political and economic changes (1840-1850), p. 161. — 82. Immigration {1845-1850), p. 163. — 83. Issue joined on the slavery question (1849), P- 165. — 84. Independent action by the Territories (1848-1850), p. 167. — 85. Compromise debated (1850), p. 169. — 86. Compromise effected (1850), p. 172. — 87. The Fugitive Slave Law (1850-1852), p. 174. — 88. Presidential campaign of 1852, p. 178. — 89. Symptoms of change (1851-1853), p. 180. — 90. Repeal of the Missouri compromise (1854), p. 182. — 91. The Kansas struggle (1854-1857), p. 185. —92. The Republican party (1854-1856), p. 187. — 93. Territorial aggrandizement (1853-1854), p. 188. — 94. Presidential campaign of 1856, p. 190 ...«*.. 161-193

Secession and Civil War, xvii

IV

95. References I94-I95

Chapter VIII

96. Financial stringency (1857), p. 196. — 97. The Dred Scott decision (1857), p. 197. — 98. The Kansas question again (1857-1858), p. 199. — 99. The Lincoln-Douglas debate (1858), p. 201. — 100. John Brown's raid (1858), p. 202. — loi. Presidential campaign of i860, p. 204. — 102. Significance of the result, p. 208. — 103. Secession (1860-1861), p. 210 196-212

Chapter IX

104 A period of hesitation (1861), p. 213. — 105. President Lincoln (1861), p. 216. — 106. Opening of hostilities (1861), p. 218. — 107. The war pohcy of Congress (1861-1862), p. 219. — 108. Manassas and the Trent affair (1861), p. 221. — 109. Military operations of 1862, p. 223. — no. The emancipation proclamation (1863), p. 226. — III. Radical measures (1862-1863), p. 227. — 112. Military operations of 1863, p. 230. — 113. The national bank system (1863- 1864), p. 232, — 114. Military operations of 1864, p. 233. — 115. Presidential election of 1864, p. 236. — 116. The end of the war (1865), p. 237 . , 213-238 xviii Contents,

Chapter X. Constitution And Government Of The Confederate

STATES.

V. Rehabilitation Of The Union (1865-1889)

CHAPTER XL

RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1870).

125. The problem of reconstruction (1865-1870), p. 254. — 126. Policy of Andrew Johnson (1865), p. 257.— 127. Acts of southern legislatures (1865-1866), p. 260. — 128. The temper of Congress (1865), p. 261. — 129. The President vs. Congress (1866), p. 263. — 130. The Congressional programme (1866), p. 265. — 131. Reconstruction by Congress (1867-1870), p. 266. — 132. Impeachment of the President (1868), p. 270. — ■ 133. Presidential campaign of 1868,

Rehabilitation of the Union. xix

Chapter XII. Return To Normal Conditions (1870-1876)

PACKS

134. Restoration of normal conditions, p. 273. — 135. Election troubles in the South (1872-1876), p. 275. — 136. Executive demoralization (1869-1877), p. 277. — 137. Legislative scandals ( 1872-1873), p. 279, — 138. Serviceable legislation (1870-1875), p. 280. — 139. Reaction against the Republicans (1870- 1876), p. 282. — 140. Contested election of 1876- 1877, p. 284. — 141. The centennial year, p. 286 . 273-287

Chapter XIII. Industrial And Economic Change (1877-1897)

143. The period 1877 to 1897, p. 289. — 144. Reconstruction undone : the New South, p. 292. — 145. New States : polygamy : Indian lands, p. 295. —

146. Immigration : the Chinese question, p. 298. —

147. Labor : strikes : the Pullman strike, p. 300. — 148. The trust problem : railway regulation, p. 304. — 149. The tariff question, p. 309. — 150. The currency question : free silver vs. the gold standard, p. 314. — 151. Civil service, p. 320.— 152. Administrative measures, p. 322. — 153. Relations of the departments of government, p. 323. —

XX Contents.

154. The federal judiciary and the States, p. 324.

155. Foreign relations, p. 325. — 156. Summary

of the period, p. 327 289-327

Chapter XIV. The United States As A World Power (1898-i909)

157. The war with Spain, p. 328. — 158. Steps leading to the intervention in Cuba, p. 328. — 159. The Spanish-American war, p. 332. — 160, Peace terms, p. 336. — 161. Congress and the new dependencies, p. 338. — 162. Establishment of government in Cuba, p. 342 — 163. The United States in the Orient, p. 344. — 164. The Panama Canal, p. 349. — 165. The United States and Latin America, p. 351. — 166. International arbitration, p. 353. — 167. President Roosevelt's policies, p. 353. — 168. The United States after eighty years, p. 356 . 328-357

LIST OF MAPS.

r. Status of Slavery in the United States . . Frontispiece.

2. Territorial Controversies, 1840-1850 . . End of volume.

3. The United States, March 4, 1855 . . . End of volume.

4. The United States, July 4, 1861 .... End of volume.

5. The United States, March 4, 1885 . . . End of volume.

6. The United States, March 4, 1909 . . . End ofvohmie.

EPOCHS OF AMERICAN HISTORY.

DIVISION AND REUNION.

1829-1889.

I.

INTRODUCTORY.

Bibliographies. — Hart's Formation of the Union, §§ 69, 81, 93, 106, 118, 130; Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science (Johnston's articles on the several political parties); Foster's References to the History of Presidential Administrations, 22-26; Channing and Hart, Guide to American History, §§ 32, 33, 56a, 56b, 157-179; Oilman's Monroe, Appendix, 255; Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vii. 255-266, 294-310, viii. 469 et seq., 491 et seq.

Historical Maps. — Thwaites's Colonies, Map i; Hart's Formation of the Union, Maps i, 3, 5 (Epoch Maps, Nos. i, 6, 7, 10); Scudder's History of the United States, Frontispiece (topographical); MacCoun's Historical Geography of the United States, series " National Growth " and " Development of the Commonwealth;" Scribner's Statistical Atlas, Plates i (topographical), 13, 14.

Special Histories. — Johnston's History of American Politics, chaps, i.-x. ; Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections, chaps, i.-xi. ; Henry Adams's John Randolph, 268-306; J. T. Morse's John Quincy Adams, 226-250; F. A. Walker's Making of the Nation; Carl Schurz's Henry Clay, 258-310; Theodore Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, 1-87 ; Tucker's History of the United States, iv. 409-515; Channing's Student's History of the United States, §§ 190-270.

General Accounts. — Pitkin's History of the United States; McMaster's History of the People of the United States ; Von Hoist's Constitutional and Political History of the United States, ii. 1-31 , Schouler's History of the United States, iv. 1-31; Henry Adams's History of the United States, ix. 175-242; W. G. Sumner's Jackson, 1-135 (chaps, i.-vi.); Larned's History for Ready Reference.

I

Contemporary Accounts. — Michel Chevalier's Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States ; Albert Gallatin's Writings, ii. ; Josiah Quincy's Figures of the Past; Daniel Webster's Correspondence; Thomas H. Benton's Thirty Years' View, i. 70-118; John Quincy Adams's Memoirs, vi. 5-104; Alexander Johnston's Representative American Orations ; Alexis de Tocquevihe's Democracy in America, Bowen's Translation, i. 1-72; Ben: Perley Poore, Perley's Reminiscences, i. 88-199; Sargent's Public Men and Events, i. 116-171 ; Mrs. Frances Trollope's Domestic Manners of the Americans ; Martin Van Buren's Inquiry into the Origin and Course of Political Parties, chapters v., vi. ; W. W. Story's Life and Letters of Joseph Story, i.

Chapter I. The Stage Of Development (1829)

2. A New Epocli.

Many circumstances combine to mark the year 1829 as a turning point in the history of the United States. In Changed that year profound political changes occurred, conditions. produced by the forces of a great and singular national development, — forces long operative, but hitherto only in part disclosed. The revolution in politics which signalizes the presidency of Andrew Jackson as a new epoch in the history of the country was the culmination of a process of material growth and institutional expansion. The population of the country had increased from about four millions to almost thirteen millions within the forty years which had elapsed since the formation of the federal government in 1789. The new nation was now in the first flush of assured success. It had definitively succeeded in planting new homes and creating new States Political throughout the wide stretches of the continent instincts. which lay between the eastern mountains and the Mississippi. It had once more proved the capacity of the English race to combine the rude strength and bold

1H29.] A New Epoch. 3

initiative that can subdue a wilderness with those selfcontrolling habits of ordered government that can build free and permanent states. Its blood was v/arm with a new ardor, its power heartened into a new confidence. Party strength and discipline in the mercantile and maritime States of the eastern coast could no longer always avail to decide the courses of politics. A new nation had been born and nurtured into self-reliant strength in the West, and it was nov/ to set out upon a characteristic career.

The increase of population in the United States has from the first been extraordinarily rapid. In only a single Population decennial period, — that in which the great and immi- civil war occurred, — has the increase fallen below the rate of thirty per cent. Generally it has considerably exceeded that ratio. Before 1830 very little of this increase was due to immigration : probably not more than four hundred thousand immigrants are to be reckoned in the increase of nearh' nine millions which took place between 1790 and 1830; but within that period the pace was set for the great migration into the interior of the continent.

At first that migration was infinitely difficult and painful. It had to make its way over the mountains, and The west- through the almost impenetrable wilderness ward move- of forest that lay upon and beyond them, in lumbering vehicles which must needs have wide ways cut for them, and which, whether on smooth or on rough roads, vexed the slow oxen or jaded horses that drew them. Or else it must try the rivers in raft-like boats which could barely be pushed against the currents by dint of muscular use of long poles.

3. A Material Ideal.

It was an awkward, cumbersome business to subdue a continent in such wise, — hard to plan, and very likely impossible to execute. Under such circumstances, Nature was much bigger and stronger than man. She would Struggle suffer no sudden highways to be thrown across with Nature. |^gj. gpaces ; she abated not an inch of her mountains, compromised not a foot of her forests. Still, she did not daunt the designs of the new nation born on the sea-edge of her wilds. Here is the secret, — a secret so open, it would seem, as to baiSe the penetration of none, — which many witnesses of the material growth and territorial expansion of the United States have strangely failed to divine. The history of the country and the ambitions of its people have been deemed both sordid Inspiration "^^^ mean, inspired by nothing better than a of the task, desire for the gross comforts of material abundance ; and it has been pronounced grotesque that mere bigness and wealth should be put forward as the most prominent grounds for the boast of greatness. The obvious fact is that for the creation of the nation the conquest of her proper territory from Nature was first necessary ; and this task, which is hardly yet completed, has been idealized in the popular mind. A bold race has derived inspiration from the size, the difficulty, the danger of the task.

Expansion has meant nationalization; nationalization has meant strength and elevation of view.

" Be strong-backed, brown-handed, upright as your pines ; By the scale of a hemisphere shape your designs,"

is the spirited command of enthusiasm for the great physical undertaking upon which political success was conditioned.

4. Speed and Character of Growth.

Whatever fortune might have attended that undertaking by other instrumentalities, it is very clear that it was

1790-1829.] Character of Grozvth. 5

steam, and steam alone, that gave it speed and full assurance of ultimate success. Fulton had successfully applied Steam Steam to navigation in 1807, and immediately

navigation. ^^^ immense practical value of his invention in the building up of a nation became evident. By 181 1 steamboats had appeared in considerable numbers on the great river highways of the West ; and with their assistance the river valleys began rapidly to fill up with settlers. Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio, indeed, the first fruits of western settlement, had been created without the aid of steam, and were an earnest of what the nation had meant to accomplish, whether Nature were comphant or not. But it was not until 18 10 that States began rapidly to spring up. Within the period of little more than nme years, from April, 18 12, to August, 1821, seven States were admitted to the Union; and by the latter date there were already eleven new States associated with the original thirteen in the conduct of the federal government.

For fifteen years after the admission of Missouri no other State was created. During those years the popula- Distribution tion was being compacted rather than extended, of the people. ]s[q|- Q^iy were those districts entered and fillsd which settlement had hitherto left untouched in its hasty progress, but the density of population within the regions already occupied showed a marked rate of increase. The aggregate population of the nine States which had been created toward the west was already almost half as great as the aggregate population of the States which had formed the Union in 1789.

5. A Rural K"ation.

This growth of population, it is important to note, had not been creative of cities so much as of simple and for the most part sparsely settled agricultural communities, living each its own arduous, narrow life in comparative isolation. Railways were just beginning to be built in 1830; Rural com- travellers moved slowly and with difficulty nmnuies. from place to place ; news was sluggish, extended communication almost impossible. It was a time when local prejudices could be nursed in security; when old opinion was safe against disturbance; when discussion must be ill informed and dogmatic. The whole people, moreover, were self-absorbed, their entire energies consumed in the dull, prosaic tasks imposed upon them by their incomplete civilization. Everything v/as both doing "and to be done. There was no store of things accomplished, and there must needs be haste in progress. Not many manufactures had been developed; comparatively little agricultural produce was sent abroad. Ex- Manufac- ports there v/ere,^ indeed, but more imports.

tures and -nt ■ i <- i i t .

commerce. Neither of thcse, moreover, bore any direct proportion to the increase of population. When foreign wars or the failure of crops in Europe created prices in transatlantic markets which greatly tempted to exportation, exportation of course took place, v/as even for a year or two greatly stimulated, — as, for example, in 1807. But presently it would fall to its old level again. The total value of the exports of 1829 was no greater than the total value of those of 1798. Manufactures, too, had been developed only upon a small scale by the War of 1812 and the restrictive commercial policy which had attended and followed it. Jackson came to the presidency at the beginning of a new industrial era, when railways were about to quicken every movement of commercial enterprise and political intercourse, and when manufactures were about to be developed on the great scale, but before these changes had been accomplished or generally foreseen. Hitherto the country had dreamed little of the economic and social revolution that was to

1 798-1829.] Industry and Culture. 7

come. It was full of strength, but it was not various in its equipment. It was a big, ungainly, rural nation ; alert but uncultured ; honest and manly, but a bit vulgar and quite without poise ; self-conscious, but not self-contained, — a race of homespun provincials.

6. liimitations upon Culture.

There was, of course, not a little culture and refinement in some parts of the country. Among the wealthy planters of "the South there was to be seen, along with simple modes of rural life, a courtliness of bearing, a knowledge of the world and of books, and an easy adaptability to different kinds of society which exhibited only enough of the provincial to give them freshness and piquancy. New Englanders of all sorts and conditions had been affected by a system of popular education, although they had by no means all partaken of it; and those of the better sort had received a college training that had put them in the way of the higher means of culture. Books as well as life, old knowledge as well as new experience, schools as well as struggles with Nature, had gone to make up the American of the time. There were cultured families everywhere, and in some communities even a cultivated class. But everything was condi- American tioned by the newness of the country. Judged society. \y^ ^he Standards of the older society of Europe,

the life of Americans in their homes, and their behavior in public, seemed primitive and rude. Their manners were too free and noisy, their information touching things that did not immediately concern themselves too limited, their inquisitiveness too little guarded by delicacy, their etiquette too accidental. Their whole life, though interesting by reason of its ceaseless activity and movement, and inspiriting by reason of its personal courage and initiative, was ungainly, unsuited to the drawing-room. There was too much strain, and too little grace. Men took their work too seriously, and did not take social amenities seriously enough. Their energy was fine, but had too little dignity and repose.