Observations on the writings of Thomas Jefferson, with particular reference to the attack they contain on the memory of the late Gen.

Front matter

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"o V x^

Letter I

Mr. Jefferson's letter containing the attack on the character of Gen Lee with observations on it. Gen. Washington's letter to Mr. Jefferson' October 13, 1789, with remarks. Secret hostility of Mr. Jefferson to Gen' Washington. Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Madison, - . page 5

Letter II

Observations on Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Madison, on the state of parties in 1794. Mr. Genet's conduct. Democratic Societies. Society of the Cincinnati. W^estern Insurrection, oi

LETTER in.

The same subject continued. Conduct of Mr. Jefferson with respect to the

Western Insurrection. Letter of Gen. Washington to Gen. Lee, October

20, 1794. Mr. Jefferson's remarks on and connection with Col. Burr—

His calumnies against Alexander Hamilton. Burr's Conspiracy. Luther

Martin, ^

" - - - 45

Letter IV

Continuation and conclusion of Remarks on the letter to Mr. Madison. Mr. Jefferson's attacks on Gen. Washington and his friends— His conduct in reference to Jay's Treaty. Jacobins. Public Debt, - - - 57

Letter V

Mr. Jefferson's calumnies against the friends and measures of Gen. Washington. Impossibility of Mr. Jefferson's believing his own accusations. Mr. Adams. Henry, alias k Comte de Crillon. Mr. Jefferson's inconsistency with regard to the funding system, &c. - - . 73

Letter VI

Mr. Jefferson's famous letter to Mazzei— His disingenuousness with regard to it. Mr. Giles's speech, qq n j LETTER VII.

Observations on Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Van Buren, 29th June, 1824. Loss of Gen. Washington's Diary and of the correspondence respecting the letter to Mazzei. D^ Stuart's statement. Levees, &c. Mr. Pickering. Mr Jefferson's correspondence with Mazzei. Estrangement between Gen Washington and Mr. Jefferson. Criticism on Mr. Tucker's Remarks. Mr. Lewis' letter on this subject. Mr. Jefferson's attack on Judge Marshall,

Letter VIII

Observations on Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr. Van Buren continued. Remarks on Mr. Jefferson's letters to Mr. Monroe, Gen. Gates, Col. Burr, Mr. Campbell, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Taylor, stigmatizing Gen. Washington, his friends and his measures. Gen. Washington's note to Gen. Lee-His regard for Gen. Lee. Debate in French Chamber of Deputies respecting Gen. Washington,

Letter IX

Mr. Jefferson's measures in the Legislature of Virginia. The Declaration of Independence— Remarks on an article on this subject in the New York Review. Comparison between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Mason. Mr. Jefferson elected Governor of Virginia-His flight from Richmond, &c. &c. Remarks on Gen. Lee's Memoirs. Remarks on Mr. Jefferson's defence of his conduct-Charges brought against him in the House of Delegates —His Abdication. Gen. Nelson. Observations on Gerardin's work, 123

Letter X

Gen. Lee— his early life— his military services— his contributions to the public cause. Mr. Jefferson's conduct in this respect. Gen. Greene's letter to the President of Congress relative to Gen. Lee's services. Gen. Washington's letters on the same subject, - - - - 147

Letter XI

Mr. Jefferson appointed Minister to France— His ''Chinese Policy'' with regard to Commerce. Mr. Jefferson and Genet— His connection with Callender. Purchase of Louisiana. The Embargo. Gunboat System. Mr. Monroe's mission to France. Mr. Livingston. Mr. Jefferson's pretensions to the credit of Economical Reform— to Literature and Science —His Ethical Doctrines— He speaks with contempt of St. Paul— Ridicules Plato— Lauds and welcomes Tom Paine— His Materialism, 155

Ill

Letter XII

Gen. Lee's subsequent career — He prepares the Address to Gen. Washington presented by the citizens of Alexandria, and the Resolutions in Congress on the Death of Gen. Washington — Letters to him on behalf of Mrs. Washington. Proceedings in Congress on the subject of a Monument to Gen. W^ashington. A beautiful marble Sarcophagus to contain the remains of Gen. Washington presented by Mr. John Struthers of Philadelphia. Alien and Sedition Laws. Designs of France against the Union. Effects of the Embargo. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adarns. Gen. Lee shares in the hostility of Mr. Jefferson against Gen. Washington, Hamilton, Knox, Jay, Marshall, and others, - - - . 170

LETTER Xm.

Gen. Washington — His Character. Mr. Jefferson's insinuations, his misstatements and contradictions on this subject — His letter to Dr. Jones, with remarks. Gen. Washington's letter to Mr. Nicholas respecting the secret hostility of Mr. Jefferson, ------ 182

Letter XIV

Alexander Hamilton — his character and services — his Duel with Col. Burr — Mr. Jefferson's misstatements and calumnies respecting him — his rancour against him — his letter to Mellish. Mr. Tucker's observations on the character of Gen. Hamilton, with remarks, . - - 194

Letter XV

Gen. Knox — his character — his services — Mr. Jefferson's bitterness against him — Gen. Washington's great esteem for him — Opinions of Lord Moira, Dr. Thacher,and the Marquis Chastellux respecting him — Mr. Jefferson's heartless notice of his pecuniary difficulties. Reconciliation of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, when the latter agrees to sacrifice his former friends — Mr. Jefferson's letter on the occasion, with remarks. Kentucky Resolutions. Strange discovery of Mr. Adams with respect to the Navy. Mr. Jefferson opposed (o the Navy — denounces it and its advocates in 1799 — his letter to Mr. Gerry. Gen. Knox the father of the Navy. Mr. Humphreys' publication on this subject. Note respecting Mr. Jefferson and the Navy — His contempt for "mechanics." Mr. Jefferson's indelicacy in violating the sanctity of social intercourse, - - - 205

Letter XVI

John Jay — his character — his services— his Treaty with Great Britain — Mr. Jefferson's malevolence and continual slanders against him. Justice done him by Mr. Adams with regard to signing the Declaration of Inde-

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pendence. Mr. Jefferson's duplicity in this matter — he attacks the reputation of Mr. Hooper, 221

Letter XVII

Richard Henry Lee — his character and services. Mr. Jefferson's injustice to him — striking instance of it, with remarks. Singular adjurations used by Mr. Jefferson on particular occasions — His unfairness to Mr. Lee in his account of the circumstances attending the adoption of the Declaration of Independence, &c. Remarks on Mr. Jefferson's overture to Mr. Randolph in England. Mr. Lee's attack on and defeat of a British party on the shores of the Potomac. Mr. Jefferson's unfair criticism on the Style of Mr. Lee and his brother Arthur. The opinion of "Junius" respecting that of Arthur Lee. Arthur Lee's letter to the Earl of Shelburne. Criticism on Mr. Jefferson's style. Mr. Lee more eloquent and a better scholar than Mr. Jefferson, 230

LETTER XVIIL

.John Marshall, (Chief Justice U. S.) — his character and services — As statesman, diplomatist, author or judge, the constant theme of Mr. Jefferson's obloquy and abuse. Mr. Jefferson's calumnies not believed even by his partisans. Remarks on the Jeffersoniana. The statements in Marshall's Life of Washington corroborated by Mr. Jefferson's attacks on them. Anecdote of Mr. Bayard, proving that Mr. Jefferson's Anas are not to be relied on. Judge Marshall's political creed coincided with that of Gen. Washington — His mission to France. Mr. Jefferson on this occasion grossly slanders him, and abandons the rights and honour of his country on occasion of the outrages of France — His letter to Mr. Gerry, June 21, 1797. Judge Marshall's account of the infamous conduct of Talleyrand and Barras violently denied by Mr. Jefferson, but by no other person — its truth confirmed by Napoleon Bonaparte. Perpetual contradictions to be found between the different portions of Mr. Jefferson's writings — Ample proof of this — South Carolina Yazoo Company — The Judiciary — The Public Press — France and England — French Jacobins — His Inaugural Address, &c. 243

POSTSCRIPT.

Extract from the Nexo York Review for April, 1839, with Remarhs.

On Mr. Jefferson's credibility as an historical witness — The fallaciousness of his historical testimony — His wanton and unjust disparagement of the characters of the most eminent men in our annals. Contrast between the "Writings of Washington" and those of Jefferson, - - - 259

ADVERTISEMENT.

In preparing the following observations, I felt the want of many sources of authority and information, which exist only in the United States.

It was, in consequence, my intention to postpone their publication until after my return. But that having been unexpectedly deferred, I deem it my duty to submit to the public without further delay, such a defence of my father's memory, as the few materials within my reach, have enabled me to compose. The truths it contains will speak for themselves, and any errors which may be discovered, I shall be most willing to acknowledge and retract.

H. LEE.

Paris, Dec. 2, 1 83 1.

The Notes by the present Editor are enclosed in brackets, for the purpose of distinguishing them.

Introduction

[by the PRESEJfT EDITOR.]

The object of this work is to defend the memory of General Lee from a vague charge of malicious slander. The method pursued is to ascertain, as distinctly as possible, what that communication of General Lee to General Washington was, which Mr. Jefferson alleges to have been slanderous; and then to shew that it was true, and such as it would have been a failure of duty on the part of General Lee to have withheld. To make his defence complete, it was thought necessary to shew, further, that abuse from Mr. Jefferson affords not the slightest proof of demerit, since he heaped it on the heads of the most illustrious men of his country; and that he spared no persons, classes, or nations, who obstructed his purposes or excited his displeasure. To accomplish this, required that extensive examination of his correspondence which will be found in this volume, and demanded, moreover, an inquiry into the justice of those censures which he so profusely applied. This necessarily led to occasional considerations of those leading measures of the federal party which were the objects of Mr. Jefferson's attacks, and the grounds of his reproaches against their authors and supporters. But of these measures no just judgment can be formed without a full and fair consideration of the circumstances under which they were adopted, and the exigences they were designed to meet. Unfortunately, there is no history of the period referred to which commands the unqualified assent of the whole country. Even the character of Marshall has not yet hushed the whispers of party incredulity; nor did it fall within the scope of his design to go into a minute narrative of any events unconnected with the character and conduct of the great subject of his biography. Besides, it terminates in the midst of that crisis, of the whole of which an accurate and impartial account is so much wanting. Therefore, to prepare the reader as briefly as possible to take

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a just view of the subjects of controversy which will be presented to him in the following pages, I can do nothing better than to offer him a few of the most valuable materials for a history of that period.

It would seem impossible that a citizen of this country could desire any evidence better than the testimony of Washington, upon any subject in relation to which he would undertake to bear testimony: for his justice, discernment and love of truth, have received the highest commendation both from friend and foe. The reader will be presented in the course of this work with so many evidences of what was his view of the condition of the country during the eventful years of 1798-9, that I shall insert here an extract from only one of his letters. This was written to Patrick Henry, urging him to resume his place in the councils of his country, to combat the pernicious doctrines which threatened its best interests with destruction. It is dated January 15, 1799, (Vol. II. p. 387,) and after referring to the natural aversion which men of character felt to "expose themselves to the calumnies of their opponents, whose weapons are detraction,''^ he adds: "But at such a crisis as this, when every thing dear and valuable to us is assailed; when this party hangs upon the wheels of government as a dead weight, opposing every measure that is calculated for defence and selfpreservation, abetting the nefarious views of another nation upon our rights; preferring, as long as they dare contend openly against the spirit and resentment of the people, the interest of France to the welfare of their own country, justifying the former at the expense of the latter; — when every act of their own government is tortured, by constructions they will not bear, into attempts to infringe and trample upon the constitution with a view to introduce monarchy; — when the most unceasing and the purest exertions, which were making to maintain a neutrality, proclaimed by the executive, approved unequivocally by Congress, by the State Legislatures, nay, by the people themselves in various meetings, and to preserve the country in peace, are charged with being measures calculated to favour Great Britain at the expense of France, and all those who had any agency in it are accused of being under the influence of the former and her pensioners; when measures are systematically and pertinaciously pursued, which must eventually dissolve the union or produce coercion; I say, when these things have become so obvious, ought characters who are best able to rescue their country from pending evil to remain at home? Rather ought they not to come forward, i

IX

and by their talents and influence stand in the breach which such conduct has made on the peace and happiness of this country, and oppose the widening of it?

"Vain will it be to look for peace and happiness, or for the security of liberty or property, if civil discord should ensue. And what else can result from the policy of those among us, who, by all the measures in their power, are driving matters to extremity, if they cannot be counteracted effectually? The views of men can only be known or guessed at by their words or actions. Can those of the leaders of opposition be mistaken, then, if judged by this rule? That they are followed by numbers, who are unacquainted with their designs, and suspect as little the tendency of their principles, I am fully persuaded. But if their conduct is viewed with indifference, if there are activity and misrepresentation on one side, and supineness on the other, their numbers accumulated by intriguing and discontented foreigners under proscription, who were at war with their own governments, and the greater part of them with all governments, they will increase, and nothing short of Omniscience can foretell the consequences."

The venerable patriot whom Washington thus addressed had expressed corresponding views and sentiments, just one week before, to Mr. Blair, of Richmond, in a letter so admirable, so impressive, and so much to my present purpose, that I shall make no apology for transferring it entire from the appendix to the eleventh volume (page 557) of Washington's Writings, compiled by Mr. Sparks.

«i?e^ Hill, Charlotte, Sth Jan., 1799.

"Dear Sir, —

"Your favour of the 2Sth of last month I have received. Its contents are a fresh proof that there is cause for much lamentation over the present state of things in Virginia. It is possible that most of the individuals who compose the contending factions are sincere, and act from honest motives. Bitt if is more than probable that certain leaders meditate a change in government. To effect this, I see no way so practicable as dissolving the confederacy. And I am free to own, that in my judgment most of the measures lately pursued by the opposition party, directly and certainly lead to that end. If this is not the system of the party they have none, and act extempore. I do acknowledge that I am not capable to form a correct judgment on the present politics of the world. The wide extent to which the present contentions have gone will scarcely permit any observer to see enough in detail to enable him to form any thing like a tolerable judgment on the final result, as it may respect the nations in general. But as to France, I have no doubt in saying that to her it will be calamitous. Her conduct has made it the interest of the great family of mankind to wish the downfall of her present government, because its existence is incompatible with that of all others within its reach. And, whilst I see the dangers which threaten ours from her intrigues and her arms, I am not so much alarmed as at the apprehension of her destroying the great pillars of all government and of social life; I mean virtue, morality, and religion. This is the armour, my friend, and this alone, that renders us invincible. These are the tactics we should study. If we lose these, we are conquered, fallen indeed. In vain may France show and vaunt her diplomatic skill and brave troops; so long as our manners and principles remain sound, there is no danger. But believing, as I do, that these are in danger, that infidelity in its broadest sense, under the name of philosophy, is fast spreading, and that under the patronage of French manners and principles, every thing that ought to be dear to inan is covertly hut successfully assailed, I feel the value of those men among us who hold out to the world the idea that our continent is to exhibit an originality of character; and that, instead of that imitation and inferiority which the countries of the old world have been in the habit of exacting from the new, we shall maintain that high ground upon which nature has placed us, and that Europe will alike cease to rule us and give us modes of thinking.

"But I must stop short, or else this letter will be all preface. These prefatory remarks, however, I thought proper to make, as they point out the kind of character amongst our countrymen most estimable in my eyes. General Marshall and his colleagues exhibited the American character as respectable. France, in the period of her most triumphant fortune, beheld them unappalled. Her threats left them as she found them, mild, temperate, firm. Can it be thought, that with these sentiments I should utter any thing tending to prejudice Gen. Marshall's election? Very far from it indeed. Independently of the high gratification I felt from his public ministry, he ever stood high in my esteem as a private citizen. His temper and disposition were always pleasant; his talents and integrity unquestioned. These things are sufficient to place that gentleman far above any competitor in the District for Congress. But, when you add the particular information and insight which

XI

he has gained, and is able to communicate to our public councils, it is really astonishing that even blindness itself should hesitate in the choice. But it is to be observed that the efforts of France are to loosen the confidence of the people every w^here in the public functionaries, and to blacken characters most eminently distinguished for virtue, talents, and public confidence; thus smoothing the way to conquest, or those claims of superiority as abhorrent to my mind as conquest, from whatever quarter they may come.

"Tell Marshall I love him, because he felt and acted as a republican, as an American. The story of the Scotch merchants and tories voting for him is too stale, childish and foolish, and is a French finesse; an appeal to prejudice, not to reason and good sense. If they say in the day time the sun shines, we must say it is the moon; if, again, we ought to eat our victuals: No, say we, unless it is a ragout or fricassee; and so on to turn fools, in the same proportion as they grow wise. But enough of such nonsense.

''As to the particular words stated to you and said to come from me, I do not recollect saying them. But certain I am, I never said any thing derogatory to General Marshall; but on the contrary, I really should give him my vote for Congress, preferably to any citizen in the state at this juncture, one only excepted, and that one is in another line.

"I am too old and infirm ever again to undertake public concerns. 1 live much retired, amidst a multiplicity of blessings from that Gracious Ruler of all things, to whom I owe unceasing acknowledgments for his unremitted goodness to me; and if I was permitted to add to the catalogue one other blessing, it should be, that my countrymen should learn wisdom and virtue, and in this their day to know the things that pertain to their peace.

"Farewell. I am, dear sir, yours,

"Patrick Henry."

If the testimony of these cool, sagacious, and impartial men required any thing to give it force, it would be found in the remarkable coincidence of their statements. That a change of government was meditated; — that to effect this, a systematic attempt to dissolve the union was being made; — that to facilitate this design, every thing dear to man, and the foundation of all government, was assailed; — that to break the human mind from all those ties with which the good and great of every age and nation have sought to bind it to virtue and lift

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it to God; — and that the weapon chiefly relied on in this nefarious warfare was calumny, — are facts clearly attested by these illustrious witnesses, not in anger, but in sorrow — not to injure, but to preserve. And better evidence it would be impossible to have, except that which may even yet exist among the correspondence of the persons who are implicated in these charges. It was not, however, to have been presumed that any such would have yet been exposed to the public gaze. Yet such was the imprudence which presided over the publication of Mr. Jefferson's Writings, that I turned to them with some confidence, to discover some confirmation of the evidence just adduced. For knowing (as is fully proved in this work) his zealous and active agency in all the political movements of his party in Virginia, it was evident that his correspondence during the period referred to, must, if published, have thrown much light upon the objects of his partizans, and the means by which they were to have been accomplished; and if not published, the very suppression of it would be almost as expressive as the letters themselves could be. For it must be borne in mind that the legislative session of 1798-9 is the epoch of the glory of the Jeffersonians of Virginia. To have been engaged on the successful side of the struggles of that crisis, forms, even now, a title to renown with those exclusive patriots, far superior to any that was won in the fields of the revolution; and it was Mr. Jefferson's aid and guidance through those struggles which has won for him the title of "apostle of liberty." Therefore, as these apostolic services were chiefly" rendered by the aid of the pen, it was to be supposed that every scrip which fell from that potent instrument in the hand of Mr. Jefferson, would have been carefully preserved and diligently disseminated. In turning, however, to his correspondence for six months preceding the meeting of the legislature, and the first month of its session, (the period to prepare for and mature the great measures of that body,) we find the whole embraced between pages 393 and 405 of his third volume; and examining these more particularly, we discover but three for the month of June, 1798, not one for July, but one in August, one in September, one in October, one in November, and in the momentous month of December, pregnant with these famous resolutions of Virginia, not one! How does this happen? That his pen was idle, no one can imagine. Indeed, the letters published prove that it was not. Why, then, during this glorified epoch of his followers, are so many of the epistles of

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this new apostle hidden from the benighted and inquiring world?

If the absence of some create surmises unfavourable to Mr. Jefferson and his party, those which are published are not likely to produce an opposite impression. On the contrary, they point at a change of government, discuss a dissolution of the Union, apologize for "half-confidences" from fears of exposure through the infidelities of the post-offices, and brandish his favourite weapon, detraction, with his usual ruthlessness and skill. To Mr. Taylor, the mover of Mr. Madison's famous resolutions of ^98, he says, (June 1st, 1798,) "Mr. New shewed me your letter on the subject of the patent, which gave me an opportunity of observing what you said as to the effect, with you, of public proceedings, and that it was not unwise now to estimate the separate mass of Virginia and North Carolina, ivith a view to their separate existence.'' From this view, however, he gently dissents, among others, for the following curious and not complimentary reason to either party: ^^ Seeing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others. They are circumscribed within such narrow limits, and their population so full, that their numbers will ever be the minority; and they are marked, like the Jews, with such a perversity of character, as to constitute, from that circumstance, the natural division of our parties."

To the same gentleman he writes again, (Nov. 26, 1798,) "I owe you a political letter. Yet the infidelities of the postoffice and the circumstances of the times are against my writing fully and freely, whilst my own dispositions are as much against mysteries, inuendoes and half confidences. I know not which mortifies me most, that I should fear to write what I think, or my country bear such a state of things. Yet Lyon's Judges and a jury of all nations are objects of national (rational?) fear. We agree in all the essential ideas of your letter. JVe agree particularly in the necessity of some reform, and oj some better security for civil liberty.'' ****** ^^For the present,! should be for resolving the alien and sedition laws to be against the constitution and merely void, and for addressing the other states to obtain similar declarations; and I would not do any thing at this moment which should commit us further, but reserve ourselves to shape our future m,easures or no measures, by the events ivhich may happen.^' He concludes with wishing his correspondent health, happiness and safety, italicizing the last word.

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One thing, at least, is certain from this letter — that "the apostle of liberty" possessed nothing of the spirit of a martyr; but rather than run the remotest risk of encountering the judges and juries of his country, swallowed the mortification of confessing to his friend that he feared to write what he thought; even when those thoughts were to be used for "the better security of civil liberty." Now, Professor Tucker asserts that the charge, often made against INIr. Jefferson's courage, "is preposterous;" and as "conclusive evidence" of the truth of this assertion, avers "that he had determined to challenge" a political assailant in Albemarle, ^^andivoidd have done so, if the friend he consulted had seconded his purposeP^ Yet as this proof of courage may not be quite so satisfactory to some readers as Mr. Tucker thinks it must be to "men in general," — especially as his flights are the only memorable parts of his campaigns against Arnold and Tarleton, when, as Governor of Virginia, he should have been, according to the code of the brave, derived from times as early as Homer,

"The first in valour as the first in place," —

it may be juster, for the purposes of this discussion, to admit that Mr. Jefferson was not very valiant. Yet what must have been the subjects of his correspondence with Mr. Taylor, upon which he was afraid to indulge in more than "mysteries, inuendos and half confidences" — afraid of a judge and a jury if he did? We see that they related to reform, to political measures, to action to be adopted to resist the laws of the land, through which he deemed it pertinent to wish his correspondent safety, and about which he ^^ feared'" to write what he thought. What, then, could have been those designs, dangerous to the safety of those who even uttered them, unless such as are stated by Washington and Henry to have been in agitation, and to have been so systematically pursued as to have disturbed their brave and patriotic souls? But far be it from me to impute any thing criminal to Col. Taylor upon authority so unsafe as Mr. Jefferson's. It is entirely within the laws of his character, congenial with his temper and kindred to his arts, — to instil, under the guise of disapproving, — to stimulate, while pretending to dissuade, — to urge on, while appearing to check, — and, a skilful rider of men as he was, to make the bridle perform the office of the spur. But that Mr. Jefferson had in his own contemplation measures which he deemed grave and dangerous, there can be no doubt; and these letters of his may

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fairly be deemed corroborative of those of Washington and Henry.

But if it be supposed that Washington and Henry were mistaken in the views of their political opponents, it will hardly be questioned, at this day, but that they sincerely entertained the belief they have so solemnly recorded. And if such men were alarmed at the condition of their country, and apjirehended innovation upon its social, and subversion to its political, system, may not those who habitually regarded the first as the father of his country, and the best human guide his countrymen could follow, be pardoned if they were impressed with similar apprehensions? Would it not then be the dictate of justice as well as of charity to believe that those measures of the two first administrations of the federal government which were peculiarly ofiensive to their political opponents, were adopted with a view to the preservation of our institutions, rather than a conversion of them into monarchy? For it should be remembered that, from the beginning, those ranged themselves into the federal party who deemed licentiousness the euthanasia of liberty, and that anarchy was the state of transition through which only our republics could degenerate into despotism. It was to guard against this, as well as to repel foreign aggression, and to harmonize our councils where our interests were common, that they conceived the vast design of the federal government, which they endeavoured to endue with strength suitable to its colossal proportions, and adequate to its benevolent ends. From the beginning, too, these federalists thought that they had but imperfectly executed their gigantic plan; — that the states had more common interests than they had consented to submit to united legislation; and had refused to impart to their common government strength and stability sufficient for the proper discharge of the duties confided to its care. When, therefore, the French subversion (as Gibbon called it) burst upon the world, and stormed every citadel of order, every defence of virtue, every sanctuary of right; — when those frantic efibrts were astonishing mankind with their success, as much as appalling them with their atrocity; — when the fairest portions of Europe had been made hideous by their triumphs, and their prelusive orgies had begun to profane our shores, — was it not natural, nay, was it not necessary, that those same federalists should have been greatly alarmed for their liberties, assailed by this unparalleled hurricane of licentiousness; and for their institutions, attacked by a tempest of anarchy never before equalled upon earth. From all other scourges which