The natural history of secession; or Despotism and democracy at necessary, eternal, exterminating war

Front matter

^i

THE

NATURAL HISTORY

Preface

Some things to human view are accidents. The place they fill in any general system of things, and the assistance they render in any general process of advancement, are not discernible to human scrutiny.

To some minds almost all things, except their own individual existence, interests, and whims, are accidents, at least, not to say nuisances, that ought to be abated. They cry out with the same impetuous vehemence against the insect that disturbs their after-dinner repose, and against a league of traitors sworn to destroy the last remnant of their country's government or perish in the effort.

About an equal amount of plausible persuasion would be required in the case of the insects or of the traitors, to induce this class of persons to cease their opposition to the outrage committed, and even to join in inflicting the like annoyance on their neighbors.

Perhaps it is not an unlawful or unworthy aim to rid this class of the company of some who properly belong not to its number; and to do something in the j^resent emergency of our country's affairs to counteract the mischievous action of such of that number as remain.

In ability for mischief, next superior to those who have no general system and are capable of comprehending none, stand the class who reason fallaciously or from false premises on matters of practical political importance. It

IV PREFACE.

is hoped that individuals of this class will find in the p^- ent treatise a fairness, thoroughness, and reliability of IRgument which will commend itself to their respect, and, eventually, to their confidence, so far as they are sincere searchers after truth that they may act on it.

The third and last class with whom the writer views himself as dealing is composed of those of greater or less ability of reasoning and sincerity of heart, either within or without the boundaries of the loyal States, who have become unconsciously but hopelessly impressed in fiivor of political sentiments and doctrines inimical to the existence and well-being of Popular Government. That this class is both prominent and numerous among us, every day's inscriptions on the page of history verify. Of them the present writer asks no favor, no forbearance. If they are to triumph, he consents to die ; and he does not propose to himself to go down to physical or political oblivion in silence or unavenged.

But Popular Government is not an accident in this world's afi:*airs. It entered prominently into the original plan. From the dawn of Creation's morning, provision began to be made for its advent. An ancient prophet of God divulged the time of its coming, and declared that " it should stand forever."

It is to be not only perpetual but universal. All the institutions of ancient monarchy are to be "broken in pieces and consumed " before it. It came not forth at the war of the American Revolution, to glitter for a time with delusive brightness and then go out in the night of universal despotism which prevailed before. It has not arisen and prevailed on this continent for three-quarters of a century, dispensing unparalleled benefits to those who have been the subjects of its mild, munificent sway, to sink irrecoverably before the first infuriate combination of

PREFACE. V

home-born and foreign despots that should league together for its destruction. The world's great Governor has not brought forth this antidote for all the ills of human tyranny, to bless the nations for a little while, and then become extinct through the absence of those qualifications for leadership which can be acquired only in a despotic state of society.

Such are the convictions under which the following pages have been written ; and they are presented to the public, not without belief that they will contribute to impart to others a measure of the same deep-rooted and considerate faith in the worth, the necessity, the perpetuity of Free Government in which they have been written, and the same cahn purpose to sustain its institutions, or perish when they fall.

That the present century is one of unexampled advancement and celerity of progress in all that pertains to the more useful arts and sciences, is obvious to every one. That this advancement and accelerated progress are due to the relaxation or abridgment of dictatorial rule, is one of those great truths which are gradually making themselves felt and admitted without the puny aid of human logic.

Both the celerity of general movement peculiar to the present age, — which leaves not time for tardy History to perfect its lessons, — and also the exigencies of the new form of civil government that has arisen to fill the place of departing monarchy, demand and justify the present attempt to bring the light of historical reflection to the aid of those on whom devolves the responsibility of defending, not only our existing government, but the very governmental genus to which it belongs, from the fierce and unportended perils that now assail them. And

VI PREFACE.

yet so brief and recent is the period in which historic Democracy is to be found, that any writing of reflections upon it must needs approximate to the writing of current history.

The studies incident to preparing a previous and yet unpublished volume on the Passing Away of Monarchy conferred on the present author some preparedness to treat the topics presented in the following pages. This preparedness was augmented by thirty years alternate residence in different sections, north and south, enabling him, while familiar with the views and mental habits peculiar to either section, so far to rid himself from the controlling influence of these peculiarities as to be able to speak with historic fairness of them both.

The time occupied in the production of the following pages was the intervals of professional business during the first two and a half years of war for suppressing the Secession conspiracy. The date of writing is sometimes introduced for the purpose of referring to events then passed, in illustration of views presented.

During the time which has thus elapsed, many of the practical political positions with which the author set out, and which were then comparatively new and strange, have been extensively adopted by the people and put into operation by the government. While thus much of the novelty of the work will have been lost, this loss will have been measurably compensated by the increased appreciation by the public mind of the importance of the topics of which it treats.

Most of the time spent in the prej^aration of the work has been devoted to attaining the greatest degree of condensation compatible with clearness, in order, as far as

PREFACE. Vn

practicable, to bring its contents within the reach of that large and increasing class of men among us whose habitual readings approximate the limits of telegram.

That the perpetuity of domestic slavery is compatible with the perpetual coexistence of free government on the same soil, is an opinion that has been very generally attributed to the founders of this government, as generally entertained by the people of the country, until a recent period, and is still entertained by the great majority of the people, if we take the whole country into consideration. By historical argument, and by argument drawn from first principles, to confute an opinion that is sustained by so sage and so universal authority, -and in practical politics to take a position antagonistic to the principles on which the government of the country has been conducted from its origin, is thought to be a matter of such gravity as to demand minute, elaborate accumulation in the argument by Avhich tliat position is sustained.

" To see ourselves as others see us," implies the possession of a grace with which our natures are so sparingly endowed, that producing an accurate portraiture of one's self, or even of our government and national peculiarities, is no easy task. To the difficulty arising from this source, add the immature and undeveloped state of that type of government which is succeeding to the place of decrepid and departing monarchy, a type of which our own government is perhaps the only reliable specimen, and the resulting accumulation of difficulties may perhaps excuse any lack of scientific clearness of arrangement that appears in the matter of the following pages. It is no ignoble achievment to present well some features of a subject that still remains too imperfect or obscure to be entirely grasped, or perfectly portrayed ; leaving it for time and a subsequent effi^rt or author, to finish what has only been well begun.

VlII PREFACE.

To the nnliternry character of the Southern people, or to their modesty, it appears to be due, that the religionists of the North have never enjoyed to any considerable extent the benefit of their criticism. The decision of one of their superior judges, to the effect that a disbeliever in future rewards and punishments was not competent to testify in their civil courts, is a true index of a sentiment almost universally prevalent among them, different from what obtains at the North, and which has seldom been expressed.

In the following pages the apparent ignoring of the minor republics of the present and former days, results, partly from convenience in conducting the argument, and partly from the necessity of regarding the United States as alone responsible for maintaining the cause of civil Liberty before confronting monarchies, and not from any disposition to undervalue those bright but less potent heralds of the day of universal freedom from civil despotism.

The violently agitated current of passing events, with the felt pressure of its enormous perils, must bring into occasional use and justify expressions of unwonted energy; such as would have been objectionable in times of prolonged quiet, and used respecting events of only ordinary interest, or importance. The same circumstances will be found to induce, if they do not justify, a trifling expansion of the English language, by sometimes making use of words, the admissibility of which rests on but very recent authority.

That no more time is at his disposal for perfecting the style and diction of the volume is matter of regret to

THE AUTHOR.

Contents

PAOB

Introduction, 15

I

Popular government succeeding monarchy — The greatness and diflaculty of the change — Basis of each — Sketch of the latter — Terms defined — Antagonism of the two — A continent divinely reserved for the development of free government, ..... 19

II

Preparation and transfer of the people who were to inhabit the continent reserved for free government, ....... 23

III

Two permanent settlements on this continent — The difference of character pertaining to the people of each, and the necessary results of this difference, .......... 26

IV

Claim of the North to being considered democratic — Its validity and limit 30

Claims of the South to being considered democratic examined, and found to have been sincere at first, but now false in the extreme, . . 35

The Constitution adopted — Slavery abolished in the Northern States

From what influences, and witli what results, . . . .48

IX

Causes which operated against the abolishing- of slavery in the South — An aristocratic class always existed there — Climate made the negroes thrive — Few wliites had the intelligence to understand, or the energy to assert, their rights, 53

X

Causes of the non-abolishment of slavery in the Southern States continued — The enervation of the whites — The richness of soil — The great number of negroes — The poor whites acquire a love of idleness — The social influence of the negroes degrades and despotizes the whole white community, 59

Same general subject continued — The poor whites of a slave-holdinif community equivalent to a standing army, when contrasted with the destitution of combatants which marks a democracy, . . . 143

XXVI

View of the altered condition of affairs in 1860, compared with 1789 — Was the present precipitation of hostilities necessary ? — As viewed by Northern men, it was not — As viewed by Southern men, it was, . . 148

The state of the Southern masses — The demonstrated aim of their leaders — Inevitable results of separation, 270

XLVI

Concluding reflections — The contemplated cost of the Eebellion — The aim this cost was fitted to subserve — Kight-minded men at fault — The no-punishment class — Abuse of the term democratic— Disjomting the Southern masses from their despotic leaders, . . . 275

XLVII

Concluding rejections — The democrat and despot diverse — Grades of despotism — Developments of — Democracy spontaneous in its spread— If it develops in the South, its triumph universal — Contrast of administrations — Delinquency of the old whig statesmen — Final success, . 290

Appendix A, 305

Appendix B, 306

Appendix C, . 307

Appendix D, 311

Appendix E, 312

Appendix F, 314

Appendix G 325