Slavery and the domestic slave-trade in the United States. In a series of letters addressed to the Executive committee of the American union for the relief and improvement of the colored race

Front matter

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SLAVERY

AND THE

Contents

LETTER I.— New Haven.— Purpose of the author in undertaking tlie journey — Public sentiment in Connecticut respecting Slavery and the Colonization Society — Cause of the increased activity of the friends of colonization — Canterbury school, -and the college for free blacks — Connecticut not opposed to the improvement of the colored race, ....'* 9

LETTER IL — New York.— An unceremonious introduction to a fellow traveller — His sentiments in regard to compulsory emancipation — Mob-law in Georgia — Interview with the President of the Anti-Slavery Society — His distinguished character for benevolence, 15

LETTER III.— New York.— Condition of the free blacks in the Northern States — Their prospects — Their gradual change of employments — Comparison of their condition, &c., with that of Irish laborers — Sabbath Schools — Tendency of the education of the free blacks to foster bad passions, 21

LETTER I. New Haven, July 10, 1835

To the Executive Committee of tlie American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored Kace :

As the journey which I have now cominenced was undertaken at your request, and for the promotion of the benevolent purposes of the American Union, I know not how I can better discharf^e the duties which your kindness has imposed upon me, than by recording, in a series of letters directed to you, the impressions which 1 may receive, and the information which I may obtain, from day to day, respecting the situation and prospects of the colored people of this country. Their future condition is dependent, in so great a degree, upon the progress of public sentiment, that it must of course be a prominent object to ascertain the pres- 2 ent state of public feeling upon this subject, and to inquire how far recent discussions, respecting this people, may have aftected their present prospects. In passing through Connecticut, I have omitted no opportunity, which an extensive and intimate acquaintance with its citizens has afforded me, of ascertaining their sentiments in relation to this subject. Like the people of the other New England States, they have become deeply interested in the present discussions respecting southern slavery, but, so far as I can perceive, no considerable impression has been made upon them in favor of the doctrine of immediate emancipation. The opposition to this doctrine, on the other hand, appears to be more strenuous and decided here than in Massachusetts. This fact may be attributed to the more intimate connection between the people of Connecticut, and those of the Middle and Southern States.

The Colonization Society has always numbered among its friends the principal men of this state. From its commencement, they have favored its design of planting christian colonies upon the shores of Africa, for the purpose of conveying to them the blessings of civilization and religion, and of affording an asylum for such of the free people of color, as should be induced, by a love of independence, to seek for a permanent residence in the land of their fathers. But though friendly to these designs of the society, they have, in general, manifested no remarkable zeal in its favor. It has ranked, in their view, with the other benevolent societies of the day, which they have been called upon to sustain by their contributions ; and they have assisted in supporting it, rather from a sense of duty, than from a deep feeling of personal interest in its objects. From the first, there were some who believed that its purposes were chimerical, and especially that its influence could never m.aterially affect the condition of the great body of the colored people in this country. When, at length, an organized opposition arose, and the objects and tendencies of the society were openly called in question, many who had afforded to it their aid, rather in compliance with fashion and general custom than from a settled conviction of duty, withdrew from its support. Some of these are now found in the ranks of its opponents, but a greater part, though by no means indifferent to the welfare of the slaves, or rather because they are not indifferent to it, have taken no part in the contest between the two societies. Its remaining friends are now more ardent than at any former period, but, in general, they do not claim that colonization affords the only means of benefiting the colored race. With scarcely an exception, I have found them disposed to unite in any feasible plan for improving their moral and intellectual condition, without reference to their final destination, whether as colonists abroad, or as residents in this, their native country.

That there is at present a reaction in Connecticut in favor of the Colonization Society, is evident, and the causes are perhaps equally so. A prominent cause undoubtedly is, the alarm which is generally felt in regard to the measures of the Anti-Slavery Society. This has led those who wished to stay the progress of principles, which they deem to be of dangerous tendency to the future peace and prosperity of our country, to unite in favor of that society, against which the principal efforts of the abolitionists have been directed. Had the latter never assailed this society, it is doubtful, whether the apathy, which had for some time prevailed respecting colonization, would, for many years, have been shaken ofi'; but now, those who fear the consequences of anti-slavery doctrines, generally yield a ready support to those of colonization.

The excitement, which so long prevailed in this state, respecting the Canterbury school, has now subsided, but no change of sentiment respecting it seems to have occurred. The time has not yet come for writing the history of that school, or of the attempt to found at New Haven a college for colored youth ; nor, when it shall arrive, is it probable that very enduring laurels will be gained by those who acted a prominent part, either in efforts for establishing those institutions, or for preventino- their establishment. For the honor of the

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State, I am happy to believe, that it cannot be fairly inferred from these transactions, nor even from the acts of its legislature upon this subject, that there has ever been a general disposition, on the part of its citizens, to prevent the intellectual and moral improvement of that unfortunate race. This I think will be evident, whenever these transactions shall be exhibited in their true light ; but there is perhaps reason to fear, that the measures which the state was induced to adopt, for the purpose of opposing what she viewed as a dangerous and pernicious fanaticism, were not wholly free from danger to the cause of civil freedom and of human rights. The acts of her legislature, of her courts, and of the citizens of Canterbury, it is easy to hold up to ridicule or reproach ; but it is not easy to represent, in their true light, the measures to which those legislative acts, and the decisions of her courts were opposed.

LETTER II, New York, July 11, 1835

Foreigners often complain of the unceremonious manner, in which certain classes of Americans take the liberty of introducing themselves to strangers, and of entering into conversation with them. From the frequency of the complaint, it is probably not wholly without foundation ; and it is easy to conceive, that our peculiar institutions, operating upon men uninstructed in the etiquette of more polished society, may lead them occasionally to adopt a style of address offensive to persons of fastidious taste, who are accustomed to more ceremony in their social intercourse.

I was forcibly reminded of this alleged characteristic of my countrymen, as 1 was passing yesterday through Long Island Sound, on my way from New Haven to this city. After enjoying, for some time, the beauty of that fine expanse of water, its deep bays encircled with woods, and the pleasant farm houses, and neat country seats, which adorn its shores, and after exhausting the usual topics of conversation, with the few persons on board the boat, with whom I happened to be acquainted, I had retired to a shady corner, and was deeply engaged in reading. A short time only had passed in this employment, when I was interrupted by a middle aged stranger, who came behind me, and without even the formality of, " with your leave, sir," began to examine the book which I was reading, and soon inquired what it was. A single glance was enough to satisfy any American to what class of society the stranger belonged, and that no offence was intended. His object w^as simply to draw me into conversation, and this w^as the somewhat awkward expedient which he had chosen for accomplishing it. I replied accordingly, that it was a new work on African slavery. It soon appeared that this was a subject in which my new acquaintance took a deep interest, and he proceeded indirectly to inquire wdiere I lived. " May be," said he, " you are a southerner." — I rephed, that I lived in Boston. He then told me,

that he belonged to S , in Connecticut, that

he was a Baptist, and knew some of the Baptist clergymen in Boston very well — having heard them

preach in S . He then remarked, that he

thought " it was quite time that something was done about the slaves at the south, — that according to all accounts, they were very badly used, and if their masters would not set them at liberty, they n ought to be made to do it." I endeavored, but probably to no purpose, to convince bim, that the people of the north had no right forcibly to interfere with the slavery of the south, however much we might deplore its existence. It appeared that he had heard the discussions of a lecturer of the Anti-Slavery Society, and this was the inference w4iich he, in common with many others of the same class of our northern citizens, had derived from them ; — that it was the duty of the friends of humanity to compel the slave-holders immediately to liberate their slaves.

This was probably a false inference from the positions of the lecturer, as the sentiment is distinctly and earnestly disavowed by the anti-slavery leaders. Still it is an inference very often made, and evinces the necessity of enlightening the understanding more upon this subject, and of addressing the passions less.

Several other passengers at length took a part in the conversation, among w'hom was one, who had formerly resided for many years in Georgia, and to whom that state was said to be under no small obligation for the able services rendered by him, as civil engineer, in promoting her schemes of internal improvement, but who was, at length, driven from the state by a mob, formed within sight of her capitol, and deprived of nearly all his property, the laborious earnings of many years of enterprising industry. The excitement, of which , he was the innocent victim, had arisen from a seditious publication, sent from the north by some unknown individual, for the purpose, as it was said, of exciting the slaves to insurrection. An enemy had intimated that this gentleman was concerned in disseminating the obnoxious publication ; and the mob, without inquiring into his guilt, would have proceeded at once to imbrue their hands in his blood, had he not escaped from them.

This morning I called upon a distinguished member of the Anti-slavery Society, for the purpose of engaging his co-operation in measures, for ascertaining the actual condition of the free colored people of the north, especially of those inhabiting the principal cities. This measure was intended as a foundation for efforts to relieve their wants, w^hether physical or moral ; and by ascertaining their actual condition, to prepare the way for its improvement.

The proposal did not meet w'ith his entire approbation. He thought we were already sufficiently acquainted with their situation ; that It was not mere Information on this subject which was principally needed, but the removal of a cruel prejudice against them. To disclose their poverty, and the meanness of their employments, he thought, would but bring them into greater contempt ; and that such a census would be attended with great difficuhy, on account of their unsettled and migratory habits. If, however, there should appear to be any adequate advantage arising from such a measure, he had no doubt that it would be cheerfully undertaken in New York, and the requisite funds obtained.

His whole conversation left upon my mind an impression of the deepest interest, on his part, in this unfortunate class of our fellow citizens, and a readiness to aid in any proper measure, which, in his view, was likely to relieve them. Indeed a long' acquaintance with his principles and views, not only authorizes, but requires me to declare? that in genuine benevolence of heart, and in all the varied acts of beneficence by which kindness can manifest itself to the poor, the ignorant, and the unfortunate, there is no man, in the whole length and breadth of the land, that can claim pre-eminence over the individual of whom I have now the honor and the pleasure to speak, and who needs, to an intelligent and pious community, no other designation than this, that among American christians he has long been distinguished as first in every good work. To those who have been so forward in reproaching him for the part he has taken in relation to African slavery, I may be allowed to say, while holding opinions upon this important subject essentially different from his, that for the relief of human suffering, and the enlightening of human ignorance, the entire contributions made by some wealthy states, where his name is the theme of daily reproach, would scarcely equal the numerous, unostentatious, but noble benefactions of Arthur Tappan.

LETTER III. New York, July 13, 1835

There is little in the present condition of the colored people of the northern states of a nature to encourage the friends of abolition, either immediate or gradual. Here slavery has ceased to exist, but the expected influence of liberty, in elevating the character, and in) proving the condition of the colored race, has been hitherto very imperfectly realized. Their social and political relations continue unaltered, nor is there the slightest evidence that, in these respects, the progress of public sentiment is becoming more favorable to their elevation. On t[)e contrary, the few attempts which have been made by theoretic philanthropists, to press their claims to social equality, have uniformly resulted in an indignant rejection of those claims.

An opinion that they are inferior to the whites in mental endowments is, no doubt, extensively prevalent ; but this opinion is not the foundation of the aversion to which I have alluded, which is directed exclusively to their persons, and is not materially affected by their talents, or even by their virtues. In regard to social equality, therefore, their case appears at present to be altogether hopeless ; but there is, perhaps, no insuperable difficulty in their elevation to higher, more lucrative, and more honorable employments ; and it still remains to be determined, whether, when the avenues to wealth shall be in a greater degree opened to them, a change will not gradually follow in their political and even in their social relations. In regard to their employments, a change has already occurred in New York, and in the more eastern cities of the Union. It is said to be but a few years since the hod-carriers and other laborers of the same class in New York, were principally negroes ; now they are almost exclusively Irish Catholics. The latter, it is generally believed, are capable of performing far more labor than the former; and they are also much more industrious in their habits. Mr. M. of this city, who has studied attentively the character of these two classes of laborers, says that an Irish Catholic seldom attempts to rise to a higher condition than that in which he is placed, while the negro often makes the attempt with success. In his opinion, the negroes in New York evince a greater capacity for improvement than the Irish Catholics, and have so managed as to keep possession of those employments which require less labor and fatigue, while they have left the more laborious ones for their rivals in business. Mr. J., who has devoted more attention to the improvement of the colored people than almost any man in this country, has remarked, that in visiting the houses of the negroes and of the Irish laborers, he has usually found the domestic comforts of the latter, and their style of living, far inferior to what he had witnessed in the abodes of the former.

The negroes in New York have also the character of being far more trusty, and more kind and affectionate in their dispositions than the Irish. Parents do not, in general, fear that black nurses will be wanting in kindness to the children entrusted to their care, but equal confidence would seldom be placed in Irish nurses, whose kindness and fidelity had not been proved. This comparison is made, not for the purpose of depressing the character of Irish laborers, but of elevating that of the negroes, by showing the confidence placed in them as an entire class, and independently of personal acquaintance with them. -.

Yesterday being Sunday, I went out in search of an African Sabbath school, but haviuir nerdected to make precise inquiries in regard to their location, I did not succeed in findini^ one. At lencrth I met a black boy in a clean Sunday suit, with a book in his pocket, who told me that he was going to a school in the basement of a building, which he pointed out, at no great distance. Concluding, without further inquiry, that this must be one of the schools of which I was in search, I entered, and found, that, with the exception of my guide, there were none but white children present. The school belonged to the Dutch Reformed church, and was but thinly attended. One class, however, consisted of young men, natives of Poland and Roman Catholics, who were attending the school solely for the purpose of learning to read and pronounce the English language. The superintendent informed me that they received and taught all the colored children whom they could induce to attend, but that these were few in number, and irregular in their attendance. The only one now present constituted a class by himself, in the absence of his colored companions. The girls of this school were taught in a different apartment, and were far more numerous than the boys ; but I observed no colored children among them. From this school I went to that connected with Dr. Spring's church. This is a large, and apparently a well regulated school, but it contained no colored children.

From the inquiries which I made of the friends of the negroes in New York, it seems doubtful whether the black children here are educated in a better manner now, than they were many years ago. Mr. S., who is perhaps somewhat addicted to the inquiry, " why the former days were better than these," remarks, that since the excitement respecting the abolition of southern slavery, the colored people of this city have been taught to distrust the good intentions of those in whom they formerly reposed confidence. He thinks it is greatly to be fearc ', that since that period, their education has consisted, in too great a degree, in the cultivation of malignant feelings towards the whites, and of vain wishes to possess a rank in society, which, in his view, there is little prospect of their obtaining at any time, while mingled with the whites ; and least of all while they shall exhibit no better claims to superior distinction, than the possession of their present sentiments on the subject of human rights. It is possible, he observes, that a greater proportion of colored children may now be taught to read and write than in former years • but it is doubtful whether their education, consisting of all those influences which tend to form the intellectual, moral, and religious character, is bv:tter now ihan it was many years since. On the con:r-:ry, he thinks there is reason to fear, that they are laying a foundation for lives less happy, and less useful, than those of their fathers. 3

LETTER IV. Philadelphia, July 14, 1835

On board the steamboat in which I left New York, I found Mr. L)., a native of New England, who had long resided in the south, but who, within a few years past, lias removed to New York. Our conversation, as we crossed the bay and ascended the Raritan, naturally turned to the days when we had both resided in the Southern States, and had there formed attachments, which led us still to take a deep interest in everything affecting their interests. I found my old friend was no abolitionist, in the present restricted sense of the term ; still he cherished all his former kindness of feeling towards the slaves, and the same aident wishes that some rational plan could be devised to restore liberty to them, and security and prosperity to those who have inherited so sad a birthright as the possession of slaves. He is not altogether a cordial friend of the Colonization Society, for he fears tliat its tendency is, to prevent the adoption of really efficient measures for the removal of slavery. Still he does not wish the labors of the society to cease, but rather to be employed, with augmented resources, in improving the condition of Africa, and of those colored persons who may desire to go to the land of their fathers.

From South Amboy to Bordentown, several of my fellow travellers upon the railroad were from the south. They spoke of slaves, ai^d of the Anti- Slavery Society, in such a manner as fully to evince their attachment to perpetual slavery. They w^ondered that the north would suffer anti-slavery doctrines to be publicly taught, and discussions respecting the propriety of slavery to be continued ; and above all, that foreigners were permitted to take a part in these discussions. They declared that it was time to put an end to such seditious proceedino-s, and that a meetino^ of southerners was soon to be held in New York to take the subject into consideration. When I spoke to them of the danger which attended an interference with the subject, lest, while we attempt to prevent discussions and publications tending to produce insurrection, we should subvert the great principles of the liberty of speech and of the press, it was obvious that their ideas respecting these privileges were essentially different from those entertained in New England. The measures to which they alluded for ihe suppression of anti-slavery principles had, in general, no reference to legal proceedings, but to personal intimidation and violence.

The friends upon whom I have called, as well in this city as in New York, have evinced great eagerness to know what measures tlie American Union are proposing to adopt respecting slavery. Such is the excitement which agitates almost every mind, that the intellectual and moral improvement of the African race, and the difiiision of correct principles respecting the religious, political, and social evils of slavery, are processes far too tardy to satisfy the general demand for immediate action.

The Young Men's Colonization Society of Pennsylvania are zealously engaged in giving stability to their promising colony at Bassa Cove. Among the friends of this society, Mr. Elliot Cresson deserves to be especially mentioned for his untiring zeal in the cause of African Colonization. To him, and to other friends of the colored race in Philadelphia, I am under many obligations for their personal kindness and polite attentions, and for the facilities which I have enjoyed through their means, for obtaining the most valuable information in regard to the condition of the free colored people of the Middle States. The friends of colonization in this city favor the objects of the American Union ; but some of them are desirous that our efforts to instruct and elevate the colored race should be confined, in a great degree, to the colonies in Africa. The separation of the white and black races they consider as an essential part of every plan for permanent benefit to the latter, and accordingly they suppose it best, in our efforts to improve their condition, that we should commence with this principle. This advice is unquestionably the result of a sincere conviction, on their part, that such a course is most expedient : but I need not say how much it is at variance with the views of those who formed the Union, and by whom it is supported.

In my walks in this city, I have observed, among the laborers, a larger proportion of negroes than in New York, and a proportionably smaller number of Irishmen. There appears to exist, in the lower class of white laborers in this city, a very bitter hostility to the colored people, the cause of which 1 do not fully understand. Its natural effect in producing a return of hatred, is very apparent ; and unless something is done to raise the tone of moral feeling in both classes, it is evident that great evils may result from their mutual animosities.

This hostility to the negroes, on the part of the lower class of whites, is not, however, peculiar to Philadelphia. It is occasionally manifested, in an alarming degree, by the populace in several of the eastern cities, and even in the Southern States.

The negroes also, though they feel great respect for the wealthier and more intelligent whites, do not hesitate to express their contempt for such of them as are poor and ignorant ; and thus the elements of hostility are perpetually in operation, and are ready, whenever an occasion offers, to burst forth into a flame.

Pennsylvania, as a frontier territory between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding states, is becoming the receptacle of manumitted and fugitive slaves, and is exposed to all the inconveniences incident to such a population — and these are neither few nor small. Should the present system of parr tial manumission and expulsion continue to prevail at the south, it is impossible to foresee the full amount of evils which must result from their removal to the Middle States. In Maryland, and the states farther south, they are forbidden to reside after manumission ; and hence a great part of those who are liberated, or who escape from servitude, flee to the Middle States, especially to Pennsylvania and New York. Here they meet the tide of Irish immigration, and a contest conmiences for obtaining the means of subsistence. Such, however, is the superior industry of the Irish laborer, that he is gradually supplanting his rival, wherever severe and patient toil is requisite ; and the free negro is often driven, by the joint operation of sloth and of real inability to acquire employment, to resort to dishonest means of support. It is impossible that this state of things should long continue ; and if the free states had no other interest in the subject of slavery, and no right on other accounts to raise their voice upon the subject, the evil of which I now speak, would be sufficient to justify them in expressing their fervent wish for the final termination of a system, which occasions a constant influx of a class of citizens who threaten destruction to all their valuable institutions.

LETTER y.

My journey from Philadelphia to this city was rendered pleasant, not only by the rich variety of beautiful scenery, through which we pass, and which one can never cease to adnnire, but also by the company with which I travelled. Among others into whose society I was accidentally thrown, were two families from the extreme south, who were returning slowly homeward from their summer's tour to the Northern States, and stopping so long in the principal cities through which they passed, and at the various watering places which they visited, as to reach Louisiana after the first frosts of autumn should have rendered their return safe. The gentlemen might have been twenty-five or thirty years old ; the ladies were a few years younger. The latter had each the charge of an interesting child two or three years old, the special care of which was committed to two colored nurses, who were their only attendants. It was not easy to determine which of the group were happiest, the sedate, intelligent, and dignified fathers, the accomplished mothers, the playful children, or their young, well fed, and well dressed nurses.

The situation in which domestic slaves are often placed, in prosperous, moral and intelligent flimilies, is one of far more unmingled happiness than is usually imagined by those who have never witnessed it. The mistake into which many fall, upon this subject, arises principally from their failing to estimate properly the amount of happiness occasioned by the mutual affection between the white and the colored members of the same family. This attachment is of course a more available source of happiness in virtuous families, than in those of an opposite character; but, like parental and filial affection, it is rarely entirely wanting, even in the most hardened and profligate. ; This relation is in reality more like that of parent and child, than like any other with which it can be compared, and is -altogether stronger than that which binds together the northern employer and his hired domestic. The slave looks to his master and mistress for direction in everything, and insensibly acquires for them a respect mingled with affection, of whicli those never dream who think of slavery only as a system of whips and fetters — of unfeeling tyranny, on the one part, and of fear mingled with hatred, on the other. The latter is the usual picture of slavery which is presented to the people of the north, and it is no wonder that southern masters, who know how wide from truth this representation is, are not particularly ready to listen to the counsel of those, whom they perceive to be so ill-informed upon tlie subject. Wanton cruelty may be too often practised by masters, as it is by many parents ; but this, which is but an occasional incident of slavery, should not be exhibited as the prominent evil. This may be removed by the influence of humane feelings, and especially by christian j)rinciple ; but countless evils will still remain, inherent and inseparable from the system.