The new democracy. A handbook for Democratic speakers and workers

Preface

Upon the close of the 1896 national campaign, it was decided at an informal conference of several of the leaders of the Democratic party, to establish a bureau of speakers for the continuous propaganda of Democratic principles by new and young men, while the acknowledged leaders of the party were busy in the Senate and House of Representatives. In December, 1896, headquarters were opened at St. Louis.

Several hundred speakers soon became attached to this bureau, and it was decided to form a permanent organization, that would bring together not only the speakers but all the workers of the party. The outcome of this has been the organization of the National Volunteers of Democracy, with the Speakers' Bureau and Training School as a special department. Each volunteer is expected to assist in forming regular Democratic clubs, except where for special reasons it is found advisable to organize Silver or Populist clubs, and also to build up and strengthen clubs now in existence.

Heretofore, the handbooks for Democratic speakers and workers, have been so stuffed with statistics and figures as to burden and confuse the minds of their readers, consequently there is a demand for something simpler, for something that will give a bird's eye view of the political situation, with suggestions as to best methods of work and speech.

It is to supply such a handbook to Democratic speakers and workers, and to outline the plans of the Democratic Volunteers, that this little book has been written.

St. Louis, Mo., June i, 1897.

Chapter I. Introductory

The New Democracy is the Old Democracy. It is likewise the only Democracy, and in July, 1896, after years of suppression, it became the Regular Democracy.

The Democracy taught by Jefferson and Jackson is the Democracy of Bryan, Stone and the Chicago platform. But the victory at Chicago of true Democracy over the counterfeit that for years fraudulently used its name was not however a finality; it was a beginning, and what was there accomplished nationally is yet to be accomplished locally in many states and cities. We have not only to push on to new and local victories after taking the central citadel, but what is of greater importance, must hold the positions already taken.

It was said that at the Chicago Convention we not only "raised the dead" but "cast out devils."

We must remember, however, that there are other devils, which in many places still possess the party locally, and the miracle of casting them out can only be performed by the power that comes of unselfish patriotism.

It is noble to fight for a righteous cause, but it is glorious to WIN in a righteous fight. The exposure of Republican lies, the betrayal of their every promise made prior to the last general election, the perfidy back of their pre-election threats, have made Democratic victory reasonably certain in 1900. When the country has been cursed four years more by the infamous gold standard and monopoly rule, the majority of the people will favor a radical change. WE CAN BE DEFEATED ONLY IN ONE WAY. Let us repeat this. There is but one possible way by which the producing classes can be defeated at the polls in 1900; that is by the same old trick used by tyrants in all ages, the placing of their own lieutenants as the leaders of the people.

The plutocrats fully appreciate this. They know that the people, weary of Republican misrule, will vote another party into power, hence their only salvation is to guide and control. They can do this in but one way, by having the opposing army officered by generals of their own choosing. It makes no difference how big the army, if the enemy chooses its officers, it is doomed.

This was the trick by which monopoly defeated Democracy in several states during the recent campaign. The forces of the people were hastily organized. The recruits were strangers to one another. By a bold move on the part of plutocracy, backed by ample corruption funds, the willing tools of the money power were in many places made leaders of the very army formed to destroy the money power. As a consequence, we, the people, CAST the votes, while in many places the gold standard representatives of the Republican and Democratic parties COUNTED them ; and incidentally failed to count MANY.

In 1900 the people may poll any number of votes, but, if we fail to stamp out such traitors as David Bennett Hill, Calvin S. Brice, Wm. C. Whitney and John G. Carlisle, who use the Democratic name only to defeat Democratic principles, and who claim friendship for the poor man only to add his product to the fortunes of the rich; unless we expel these conspirators and hypocrites from the Democratic party, with all their abbettors and partners in fraud, we will be defeated in spite of our overwhelming advantage in numbers.

Democracy now means the people against the organized money power. It is simply insanity for us to prepare for battle and select as drill masters, men whose salaries are paid by the very money power against which we fight.

Suppose a million American soldier boys were to march with flying flags and beating drums, against an invading army of Cossacks and Turks, and that by some trick the wily Czar and Sultan should secure the appointment of Russian and Turkish officers over our troops. Should we be surprised if thousands of our brave boys were led headlong into ditches and slaughtered like rats in a trap and our magnificent army cut in pieces by half as many European king worshippers?

We should not be surprised. And no man who knows anything about war could have been surprised when such fate befell the magnificent army of raw recruits led last year by Bryan against the invasion of the European moneyed despots. We were cut to pieces, ambushed, scattered and defeated solely by the treachery of subordinate leaders whom our great champion and the people trusted, who, by sympathies, self-interest and custom, were bound to the very money power that we were fighting to overthrow. And now the very men who sold out the people, who defeated the cause of American independence and fastened upon our nation the rule of the European money power for four more years — these same men, led by that adept in low cunning, that master of political knavery and arch enemy of popular rights, David Bennett Hill, are trying to get a foothold again in the party they have just defeated, are again trying to gain the confidence of the millions whose liberties they sold, and whose children they are now trying to betray into perpetual slavery.

Some may say that it is impossible for these conspirators ever again to get a hold on the Democratic party. Such over-confidence is always a fatal weakness in war. When we know that the only possible way for plutocracy to continue to rule our country is by corrupting the Democratic party and placing its own agents in Democracy's counsels, and that the united money power of the world, will during the next four years (aided by the best talent that can be bought by unlimited funds), attempt to man Democracy's army with plutocracy's hirelings. Our business is not to lull ourselves into a false belief of security, but to work by day and watch by night to defeat the enemy. It is not for us to proudly boast that there is no danger, for there is danger, GRAVE DANGER, SOLEMN AND AWFUL DANGER, THAT WITH AN UNLIMITED USE OF MONEY AND THE PURCHASE OF THE BEST POLITICAL GENIUS AND CUNNING OF OUR COUNTRY BY MON- OPOLY, WE MAY AGAIN BE BETRAYED ON THE EVE OF BATTLE.

When the outcome of our struggle is a world to be gained or lost, civilization to go forward or be derailed, all that is dear to us, all that is most sacred in life saved to us or snatched from us, we cannot be too alert, too eager, or too anxious; cannot prepare or organize too thoroughly for the primaries that are to decide the leadership and control of Democracy in the contest of 1900. We should, each of us, swear in the name of God and man, that all the power and influence we possess shall be earnestly exerted from now until 1900 in ridding our party of these parasites who are in it only to destroy it. We should bitterly oppose the selection of any man for election judge, precinct captain, ward committeeman, city committeeman, county committeeman, state committeeman, national committeeman, or any other place of trust in our party, who Is known to be in sympathy with, or friendly to, the gold standard, or to anv one of the giant trusts now helping destroy our Republic.

If we would destroy the trusts, we must be led only by known enemies of the trusts. If we would be victorious in this conflict against plutocracy, we must follow only leaders whose records prove clearly that they are absolutely free from entangling alliances with plutocracy.

Some say we must harmonize all elements. We cannot harmonize the interests of the man who steals and the man who is stolen from, any more than we can harmonize fire and water. We only weaken our cause by trying to get the men against whom we are fighting to join us.

Some one exclaims we must have the gold Democrats with us, or we are lost. THERE CAN BE NO SUCH THING AS A GOLD DEMOCRAT. The Democratic party stands for the abolition of the gold standard and every other monopoly by means of which scheming monopolies rob the public. A gold Democrat is as much an impossibility as a round square, white lamp-black or a red-hot icicle. The plutocrats who left the Democratic party and enlisted under the banner of Mark Hanna, will never join us except for the purpose of defeating our plans. They will never work for the success of the Democratic banner, unless they themselves carry that banner, and lead us, its followers, into their own traps, wherein we shall be despoiled. For the vote of every traitor and deserter, gained by such cowardly attempts at compromise, we shall lose a hundred loyal votes through sheer despair.

We do not need the gold bugs. If they are honest in their professed change of heart, they will vote for honest, fearless candidates as well as for those of the milk and water brand, or who have no definite programme except their secret pledges to moneyed constituents. If they have not experienced a change of heart, we do not want them, for it is better that they remain open enemies than that they become professed friends, seeking an opportuity again to betray us.

We do not object to receiving in the ranks the man who comes back to the Democratic party and says: "I deserted you, but I wish now to return to the fold; I was a traitor during the last campaign, but I am willing to vote with you hereafter." But the manhood, the self-respect, the en-> thusiasm of Democracy do object and register a vigorous protest to permitting these deserters to assume places of responsibility with power to sell the people out again.

No one objects to the gold-bugs returning to our fold any more than we should to the blind regaining their sight or to sinners desiring to wash away their sins, but we do object to these sinners returning at the price of giving our party organization over into their hands.

A PERTINENT ILLUSTRATION.

An ominous example of the methods being used to capture Democracy by the money power was afforded by the lawless militarism brought into play by the gold bugs at the recent municipal Democratic convention of St. Louis, when, their fraud being discovered, and legitimately defeated by the people at the primaries and at the convention, they appealed to the last resort of despotism everywhere, the force of arms.

For many years a clique of unscrupulous politicians controlled St. Louis Democratic conventions. Early in the April campaign, Mr. Hugh Brady, for many years Chairman of the Democratic City Central Committee, stated in an interview published in the St. Louis papers that a clique of "machine" politicians had "fixed the machine" to nominate Mr. Edwin Harrison for

Mayor. The street railway managers, who last fail knifed Bryan and the Chicago platform, came to the front as Mr. Harrison's supporters. Mr. C. C. Maffitt, who bolted the party last fall, headed his delegation, and in several other wards the Harrison delegations were led by gold boltocrats. The "machine" was for Harrison, and Hugh Brady declared the "machine" could nominate any man it wanted.

The men who supported Mr. Lee Meriwether for Mayor were all aggressive Bryan Democrats and opposed not only the gold standard, but also opposed street car domination in city affairs. They appealed from the "machine" to the people. They pointed out how the leading supporters of the "machine" candidate were gold boltocrats and street railway managers, who use their political influence to escape paying hundreds of thousands of dollars of taxes legally due the City Treasury. They insisted that franchises to monopolize the public's streets ought to be sold, not given away, to private corporations. And on this platform they secured enough delegates to control the convention.

On the morning following the primary election, even the Republic, the organ of the "machine," admitted that Mr. Harrison had but 134 delegates, while the opposition had 153*

When the delegates opposed to Mr. Harrison united in supporting Mr. Meriwether, it was apparent that nothing short of fraud and force could prevent the defeat of the machine. Accordingly, Mr. Ed Devoy, Chairman of the Central Committee, called the convention to order and hurriedly announced as its governing officers Messrs. Lutz, Barrett and Wand, the three campaign managers of the "machine'' candidate.

Scarcely was the announcement made when ex- Governor Norman J. Colman rose and protested against the attempt to muzzle the convention, and nominated for chairman Mr. Sterling P. Bond. Upon Devoy's refusing to put this motion, one of the delegates, R. T. Brownrigg, made the motion which was duly seconded, and Gov. Colman put the question to the convention and it was carried by a majority of the delegates. In a sim-

*See Republic, March 20, 1897.

ilar way secretaries and sergeants-at-arms were elected, the convention refusing to accept the slate prepared by the machine.

After the committees had been appointed and reported, nominations for Mayor were made, and on the second ballot Lee Meriwether received 155 votes, eleven more than a majority of all the delegates elected, and he was accordingly declared the nominee of the Democratic party.

Thereupon ensued a scene more worthy of Russia than of the American Republic. Foiled in the attempt to carry the primaries; foiled again in the effort to force their own tools upon the convention as governing officers, the gold men and the street railway managers who were present on the floor of the convention, played their last card in the game to defeat the candidate pledged to make them pay their taxes, and ordered their servant, Devoy, to do by force what he had failed to do by fraud. A Board of Police Commissioners lent themselves to this shameful assault upon American liberty, and ordered three hundred armed police to drive from the hall the delegates opposed to Mr. Harrison, Sterling

18 TEE IsEW DEMOCRACY.

P. Bond, John J. Fitzwilliam and W. A. Brandenburger, the duly elected chairman and secretaries of the convention, were brutally assaulted by the police. Mr. Bond was carted away to jail in a patrol wagon. Mr. Meriwether, who had been called on to address the convention after his nomination for Mayor, was thrown from the platform by two policemen, and, in company with a majority of the delegates, was forcibly expelled from the hall.

Since the 9th of November, 1799, when Napolean's grenadiers drove the French deputies out of their convention hall at the point of the bayonet, history affords no parallel to this outrage by the St. Louis boltocratic politicians.

That in claiming a convention has no right to elect its own presiding officers the gold boltocrats were utterly wrong in custom as well as equity, will be seen by recalling the manner in which last year the Chicago Convention refused to accept Senator Hill, the National Democratic Committee's suggestion for chairman, and instead elected Daniel, a silver Senator from Virginia.

Although the St. Louis papers subsequently supported Mr. Harrison, whose nomination was only accomplished by the illegal use of three hundred police, those same papers did not hesitate to say, the morning after the convention, that the action of the machine was illegal and tyrannical:*

A WARNING FOR THE FUTURE.

Might never makes right. The candidate whose nomination rests not upon ballots but upon the clubs and guns of three hundred policemen, cannot be the rightful nominee of Democracy, which means people's rule, not police r 'le. When appeal was made from the outrage of thu corrupt

*Witness the following- extracts :

Police Commissioner Bannerman in Globe-Democrat, March 22, 1897:

"The trouble was all started by Ed. Devoy refusing to allow Bonds name to go before the convention as chairman. The whole thing was a scheme on his (Devoy's) part to split the convention. Of course it was wrong to send Judge Bond to the Four Courts in a patrol wagon."

Republic editorial, March 21, 1897:

"Committee Chairman Devoy made a mistake in surrendering the gave before the delegates had elected a temporary chairman. A convention holds within itself the right to choose its temporary officers."

Post-Dispatch editorial, March 31, 1897:

"The blundering began with Chairman Devoy. It was his duty to recognize any delegate who desired to move a substitute for the committee's report. Devoy failed in his duty and furnished provocation for all that subsequently occurred."

Post-Dispatch editorial, March 22, 1897:

"Dr. Lutz had no right to a place on the platform until he was chosen temporary chairman by a vote of the convention. He had no more right political machine, the Court of Appeals decided that the matter was beyond its jurisdiction, that no Court has the power to review the action of the Election Commissioners, even though they certify to the nomination of a candidate without a shadow of right to such nomination.

Had the Court consented to examine the evidence and gone into the merits of the case, it could not but have decided that the rightful nominee for Mayor was Mr. Meriwether, who had the affidavits of a majority of the delegates showing that they had supported him in the convention.

This high-handed attempt of the gold boltocrats to tyrannize over the convention resulted in Democracy's defeat. But despite the stinging than any casual visitor to himself take the vote of the convention on himself as temporary chairman. The plain fact is that the whole of these preliminary proceedings were in every particular irregular, unparliamentary and void."

Post-Dispatch editorial, March 23, 1897:

"The delegates who asserted their right to choose their temporary officers v- right in doing so, and in fact onlv did their duty. THE RIGHT IS SACRE ."

Globe-Democrat, March 23, 1897:

"The attitude of Assistant Chisf Kiely is regarded as having been strained in the interest of the Harrison crowd and significant of the Police Commissioners' domination In Democratic politics."

rebuke administered by an outraged people, the machine is again endeavoring to fasten itself upon the Democratic party of St. Louis.

The same tactics, and even more desperate and lawless ones, will be used by the gold plutocrats throughout our country. The people must be prepared to meet them.

What are the best methods of preparation? It is to give some suggestions as to methods, and to increase, the vigilance of the patriotic Democrats and friends of humanity in whose hands it may fall that this little volume has been written.

Chapter II. How To Begin Work

The immediate purpose of the Democratic Volunteers is to organize and carry en in the most effective way the campaign for 1900. They seek to build up and foster the Democracy of Jefferson, Jackson, Bryan and the Chicago platform by seeing, first, that the common people remain in control of the Democratic party; and, second, that the Democratic party, representing the common people, gets control of the country in 1900. It is further hoped that the Volunteers thus organized and trained, will become a permanent force in the history of our Nation; a power in the guidance of the forces behind the nation's progress; a means of uniting the best intelligence of our race with that faith and deep religious purpose which permeate the common people, and of expediting the conscious co-operation of individuals with those giant forces that are slowly but surely destroying the old, and building up the new civilization. Our plan appeals principally to young men. Our methods are new, at least to this generation, and as we believe that the great battle in which we are engaged must be led by the most vigorous, active and courageous amongst us, we depend principally upon young men for leadership and work.

Knowing that our principles are eternal, and that in proclaiming them we have the support of the great common people of posterity, and of God, the Volunteers are expected to assume, upon all occasions, an attitude of absolute confidence.

We are to utilize every force and every means that perception can discover or ingenuity devise for the forwarding of our movement. We are to proceed, not only by usual, but by unusual methods, taking possession of resources never before thought of in political campaigns or religious crusades. Our principles are to be declared both in public and in private, and propagated methodically and persistently in every existing institution, organization or association of men and women.

The church is the center of activity for many.

This class can be reached best by having our truths come to them through the channel by which they usually receive their opinion and ideals, namely, the church. There are other hundreds of thousands whose lives center about the liquor saloons. To reach these our speakers must go to the saloons. In many agricultural communities, it is customary to hold meetings in school houses, while in good weather, picnics, barbecues and all day gatherings take place in the woods. To these various customs our speakers must adapt themselves. In some sections the camp-meeting lasts for a week or two, in great tents, or in special woodland resorts, permanently constructed and kept for that purpose. Our Volunteers will find here opportunities for effective work.

But for reasons of economy, the greater part of our work will be done outdoors. Plutocracy can afford to hire a dozen halls where one drawing speaker can be secured. Our movement has a dozen speakers to every hall we can afford to hire. We will consider first, therefore, methods of outdoor speaking.

OUTDOOR MEETINGS.

The easiest, the most economical, the most fruitful of the Volunteer speaker's work, will consist of unadvertised outdoor meetings. There is probably not a city, village, or town in America in which a man with a strong voice, mounting some emergency platform and calling out that he has something important to say, cannot, in a short time, attract a considerable crowd. If his message be direct, condensed, sincere and well delivered, he can hold the crowd in any except the most inclement weather. Coming as a surprise does not lessen the effect, if the words are well directed. People who could not be. induced to enter a hall to hear a lecture, people who, if the meeting had been advertised, would purposely remain away, will stop and listen to an outdoor speaker; they will be interested, and may even be converted if the truths are well presented.

Of course, many passersby will listen only for a few minutes and proceed on their way. An outdoor crowd is always a changing one, but this merely necessitates a special outdoor method of treatment. Indoors, an address is expected to be continuous; one point must lead up to another; a line of thought must be followed so as to produce interest cumulative to the end. Outdoor speaking, on the other hand, must be made up of short, concise points, each complete in itself, so that rwo person can listen for a single minute without getting something to carry away with him. Anecdotes should be freely interspersed, but in condensed form.

As the audience is compelled to stand, often on damp ground, and in chilly or excessively hot weather, it is necessary that outdoor speaking should never, under any circumstances, take upon itself the qualities of a pedagogical lecture. On the other hand, it must be made up of illustrations, word pictures, and pungent assertion of those fundamental truths known to be most essential.

HOW TO ARRANGE SUCH MEETINGS.

The speaker arrives in a strange town, having entered afoot, by horse, or by rail. If he have friends in the town, his work will, of course, be less difficult, and it will be comparatively easy to procure a horse and carriage (or a wagon).

The vehicle secured, let him drive to the principal street, stop at the corner selected as the meeting-place, and, standing on the seat, let him announce (his voice pitched high, but not strained, dwelling for at least two seconds upon each word) that a meeting will be held in a few minutes at which "the people will be told how our country can be freed from the curse of Hannaism and monopoly" (or some similar striking expression). Then proceeding to the next corner let him repeat the announcement, and so over the village, or, if it be a city, over as large a section as he can conveniently cover. By making a dozen or more of these announcements he can always gather about him the nucleus of an audience.

If unable to secure a vehicle he may go afoot, carrying a chair to serve him as a speaker's platform. As efficient work can be done in this way as in any other.

In addressing the five or the fifty men, women and boys who compose this audience, it is requisite that he should begin in the same high key and the same deliberate manner and tone in which he made his announcements, addressing himself not to the few in front of him, but to the listeners in front of their stores half a block away. After speaking thus for five minutes, more or less, and arousing the enthusiasm and interest of distant listeners, he should suddenly turn his eyes and attention from ail who are more than fifty feet away, and proceed in his natural tone of voice. Very often persons standing in front of stores and shops, lining the streets for two or three squares, when the speaker changes and lowers his tone and directs his remarks to his immediate audience, will come near to hear, if possible, the completion of some interesting point.

In large cities where there is much noise from street cars and wagons, this work is more laborious, and from start to finish the speech will require all the energy the speaker possesses to keep his crowd together and to increase its number. But in smaller places, or in quieter neighborhoods of large places, after the first announcements, outdoor speaking can be reduced to a very moderate exercise. The average man, after a month's practice, can speak outdoors two or three hours a day, divided into three or four speeches, without any great fatigue, and keep it up the year round, resting only upon days so rainy, stormy or bitter cold, that men will not, for any inducement, stand outdoors.

PRE-ARRANGED APPLAUSE ONE-HALF OF ORATORY.

If friends can secure the free service of a drum corps, a brass band, or a quartette of singers, to help draw the people together, the speaker's work will, of course, be greatly lessened, and much will be done toward saving the voice and energies otherwise necessarily expended in attracting an audience. He will thus be enabled to concentrate all his powers, convincing and teaching his hearers.

But in the absence of drums or music, there is nothing so helpful to the speaker in getting a crowd and in holding it after it has congregated, than a little skilfully pre-arranged applause. If several men, helped by a dozen boys, take their places around the speaker, and from the start take off their hats and cheer lustily about every three sentences, not only does the noise attract attention and draw listeners, but it impresses deeply those who are present, so that each word of the speaker has its effectiveness multiplied. A few men, starting off in this way (if the speaker is bright and forcible), will be joined by half the audience, and, in outdoor speaking, generous applause doubles the effect of oratory. It not only adds weight to the speech, but it strengthens and cheers the speaker, stimulating him to his highest efficiency. It infuses new blood into his veins and new breath into his lungs. It quickens his heart beats and helps clear his voice. It at once establishes a rapport between the talker and the talked-to, and converts what might otherwise be a number of isolated units into a sort of organism, the vital principle of which is one central enthusiasm voiced by the speaker.

To convince the friends of the movement of the necessity for loud cheering from the start by pre-arranged, conscious effort, is often quite difficult, although it is important. Much tact and skill are required to select a dozen young men before the meeting, and train them in a few minutes so that they will follow the cue of the man who is to lead the applause and cheer when he gives the word.