Handbook of polar discoveries

Preface

IT is often asserted that this twentieth century is above all an age of utilities and materialism, which is but half the truth. Despite the extraordinary development and the modifying influences of industrial arts and inventions, the spirit of human aspiration and pride of accomplishment have not materially waned. It therefore results that the past five years have been marked by a succession of polar expeditions which in hazard of effort and success of achievement are inferior to none of the earlier voyages. With the new records of Cagni to the north and of SCOTT to the south, the expansion of the original of this volume into a HANDBOOK OF POLAR DISCOVERIES is not entirely inappropriate.

This volume represents more than 70,000 pages of original narrative, from which the author has faithfully endeavored to compile such data of accomplished results as may subserve the inquiries of the busy man who often wishes to .know what, when, and where, rather than how.

It is confidently believed that no important Arctic geographic addition to knowledge has been omitted from this record. While the original scope of the volume did not include scientific research, yet the more important investigations are mentioned, and the sources whence farther information can be drawn have been indicated in the final chapter.

iv Preface

It should be borne in mind that this is a Handbook, not a Narrative of " Polar Discoveries " ; and if the detailed story of adventure is wished it must be sought in the original works indicated at the end of each chapter.

Avoiding the strictly chronological plan usual in most polar summaries, the topical method of treatment has been followed, as presenting sharper pictures of local conditions and clearer ideas of relative advances in the various geographical districts.

If the author has dwelt somewhat fully on American expeditions, and especially on the work he personally commanded, such a course has been taken with some misgivings, and at the request of American geographers. For this only the indulgence of the public and of the critic is craved.

A. W. GREELY.

Washington City, February, 1906.

Contents

Chapter Page

I. The Scope and Value of Arctic Exploration 3

II. Early Northwest Voyages — to 1750 .... 12

Chapter I The Scope And Value Of Arctic Exploration

THIS record sets forth rather what men have done than how they have done it, so that such pictures of Arctic travel as here appear are subordinate and incidental to the main subject, — that of Polar Discoveries. If one would gain an adequate idea of the true aspects of such voyaging he must turn to the original journals, penned in the great White North by brave men whose ' purpose held to sail beyond the sunset.'

In those volumes will be found tales of ships beset not only months, but years ; of ice-packs and ice-fields of extent, thickness, and mass so enormous that description conveys no just idea; of boat-journeys where constant watchfulness alone prevented instant death by drifting bergs or commingling ice-floes ; of land-marches when exhausted humanity staggered along, leaving traces of blood on snow or rock ; of sledge-journeys over chaotic masses of ice, when humble heroes straining at the drag-ropes struggled on because the failure of one compromised the safety of all ; of solitude and monotony, terrible in the weeks of constant polar sunlight but almost unsettling the reason in the months of continuous Arctic darkness ; of silence awful at all times, but made yet more startling by astounding phenomena that appeal noiselessly to the eye ; of darkness so continuous and intense that the disturbed mind is driven to wonder whether the ordinary course of nature will bring back the sun or whether the world has been cast out of its orbit in the planetary universe into new conditions ; of cold so intense that any exposure is followed by instant freezing ; of monotonous surroundings that threaten with time to unbalance the reason ; of deprivations wasting the body and so impairing the mind ; of failure in all things, not only of food, fuel, clothing, and shelter, — for Arctic service foreshadows such contingencies, — but the bitter failure of plans and aspirations, which brings almost inevitably despair in its train.

Failure of all things, did I say? Nay, failure, be it admitted, of all the physical accessories of conceived and accomplished action, but not failure in the higher and more essential attributes, — not of the mental and moral qualities that are the foundation of fortitude, fidelity, and honor. Failures in this latter respect have been so rare in Arctic service as to justly make each offender a byword and scorn to his fellow-laborers and successors.

Patience, courage, fortitude, foresight, self-reliance, helpfulness, — these grand characteristics of developed humanity everywhere, but which we are inclined to claim as especial endowments of the Teutonic races, — find ample expression in the detailed history of Arctic exploration. If one seeks to learn to what extent man's determination and effort dominate even the most adverse environment, the simple narratives of Arctic , exploration will not fail to furnish striking examples.

This volume attempts to justify its title as a 'Handbook of Arctic Discoveries,' whereto one may turn with

The Scope and Value of Arctic Exploration 5

confidence for succinct accounts of all important voyages and of such minor explorations as are of popular interest. What should appear in, and what should be omitted from, such a volume is obviously a matter of personal opinion, which with the author is the result of diligent research for many years. Under the above plan only such voyages or parts of voyages are treated, as either contributed materially to original geographic knowledge, to the development of other sciences, or as by purpose and action especially merit recognition. Scores of geographic expeditions, following well-known routes, have failed to enhance the knowledge of the world beyond local and minor points, which alter inappreciably charts of normal scale. Original extensions of knowledge — however small or in whatever direction — are always valuable to the world, but supplementary information commands attention only when material and important.

As a work of this kind is necessarily a summary of many narratives, it is proper to here add that references have always been made to original accounts in English or French, otherwise to the most complete translation into one of these tongues.

In preparing this summary of such Arctic explorations as are of historical value, it has been thought that clearness of statement and convenience of reference would be subserved by avoiding the usual method of strict chronological sequence, and adopting a plan whereby all discoveries should be co-ordinated with the particular phase of polar work to which they pertain. Consequently there appear under separate and comprehensive chapters such important and interesting topics as the Northwest Passage, the Northeast Passage, the Franklin Search, International Polar Stations, and Voyages to the North Pole.

This course will tend to dissipate the wide-spread im-

6 Hatidbook of Arctic Discoveries

pression that all Arctic voyages have been made for practically the same general purpose, whereas polar research has passed through three distinctive phases : first, for strictly commercial purposes in connection with trade to the Indies ; second, for advancement of geographic knowledge ; and third, for scientific investigations connected with the physical sciences.

Under such a plan it is not the purpose of the author to dwell on the very early voyages, prior to the sixteenth century, since their extent and results are very largely indeterminate and disputed. Whatever of temporary success marked the daring voyages of the Norsemen and other sea-faring races, yet no permanent settlement, or indeed definite geographical information, remain to the world from any Arctic journey, save in Norway, made prior to the middle of the sixteenth century.

Commercial interests dictated the grand series of voyages wherein England, competing with Spain from the period of the ventures of the Cabots to the discoveries of Baffin, sought for a short route to the Indies across the the Pole or by a Northwest Passage. As the futility of efforts by these routes became more or less apparent, — and as the naval strength of Spain and Portugal ensured their continued monopoly of the growing and valuable trade of the Orient, — the attention of England was turned in sheer desperation to the Northeast Passage, as possibly offering a competing route. While this quest proved impracticable for the sailing ships of the sixteenth century, yet its prosecution inured to the great financial advantage of England, through the establishment thereby of intimate and exclusive commercial relations with the growing and hitherto inaccessible empire of Russia.

The renewal of the true spirit of geographical exploration, in the early part of the present century, gave rise to

The Scope and Value of Arctic Exploration 7

a series of unparalleled voyages in search of the Northwest Passage, which resulted in the most splendid geographic achievements of the century. These voyages were not splendid alone from the definite results attained, nor from the almost superhuman efforts that ensured success, but also from the lofty spirit of endeavor and adventure that inspired the actors. The men who strove therein were lured by no hope of gain, influenced by no spirit of conquest, but were moved solely by the belief that man should know even the most desolate regions of his abiding place, the earth, and the determination that the Anglo-Saxon should do his part. Franklin said : —

' Arctic discovery has been fostered from motives as disinterested as they are enlightened ; not from any prospect of immediate benefit, but from a steady view to the acquirement of useful knowledge and the extension of the bounds of science ; and its contributions to natural history and science have excited a general interest. The loss of life in the prosecution of these discoveries does not exceed the average deaths in the same population at home.'

Parry adds : —

' Such enterprises, so disinterested as well as useful in their object, do honor even when they fail; they cannot but excite the admiration of every liberal mind.'

The latest phase, that of systematic scientific research in the polar regions, has developed almost in its entirety during the past quarter of a century. At present such has become the attitude toward Arctic voyages that an expedition can scarcely command support unless it claims to be in the interests of science. This transition in the status of science relative to Arctic work has been wrought by a few men, and among them there is no other who, by personal effort and argument, has exercised a more potent influence than Baron A. E. von Nordenskiold. Doubtless the scientific work of Nordenskiold incited and gave direction to the well-known efforts of Weyprecht that eventuuated in the establishment of the International Polar Stations, where geographic and commercial ends were rigidly subordinated to systematic scientific research.

From the voyages under consideration the contributions to material interests and to the sum of human knowledge have been neither scanty nor inconsiderable. The air, the earth, the ocean, even the universe, have disclosed some of their rarest secrets to scientific voyagers in polar lands. Within the Arctic Circle have been located and determined the poles of the triple magnetic forces. In its barometric pressures, with their regular phases, have been found the dominating causes that affect the climates of the northern parts of America, Asia, and Europe. From its sea-soundings, serial temperatures, and hydrographic surveys have been evolved that most satisfactory theory of a vertical interoceanic circulation. A handful of its dried plants enabled a botanist to prophetically forecast the general character of unknown lands, and in its fossil plants another scientist has read unerringly the story of tremendous climatic changes that have metamorphosed the face of the earth. Its peculiar tides have indicated clearly the influence exerted by the stellar worlds on our own, and to its ice-clad lands science inquiringly turns for data to solve the glacial riddles of lower latitudes.

It should not be inferred that more material gains are wanting as the direct result of Arctic research. Although the English navigators failed to reach China and monopolize its trade by a northeast passage, they nevertheless opened a way through the White Sea- route to the previously unapproachable empire of Russia, from the Czar of which were obtained large and exclusive trade privileges that inured for many years to the mutual advantage of

No. II.

No. II.

SHAKESPEARE'S NEW MAP, 1600. (After Hakluyt Society Map)

The Scope and Value of Arctic Exploration g

England and Russia. The northern voyages likewise resulted in the valuable whale fishery that, as Scoresby says, ' in a short time proved the most lucrative and the most important branch of national commerce which had ever been offered to man.' This emphatic statement is devoid of exaggeration in the slightest degree. Scoresby gives year by year the products of the Dutch whale-fishery in the Arctic seas from 1668 to 1778, which aggregated in value over one hundred millions of dollars. When it is known that Scoresby himself caught in thirty voyages fish to the value of a million dollars, it will not be considered extravagant to place the products of the British whale-fishery at two hundred and fifty millions of dollars. Starbuck gives the product of the American whale-fishery from 1804 to 1877 as three hundred and thirty- two million dollars, making the aggregate of the three nations, — America, England, and Holland, — more than six hundred and eighty million dollars. How far this amount should be increased on account of seal, walrus, and other strictly Arctic sea game need not be considered.

Bering failed to outline the definite geographic relations of Asia and America, but his voyage directly resulted in the extremely profitable sea and land fur-trade of the Bering Sea region, and similarly grew up the Hudson Bay trade. Altogether it may be assumed that in a little over two centuries the Arctic regions have furnished to the civilized world products aggregating a thousand millions of dollars in value.

Thoughtful writers have not failed to note the wondrous influence that the initiation of adventurous voyages in the middle of the sixteenth century wrought on the future growth of England. In this respect the consensus of modern opinions justifies the import that Nordenskiold attaches to the joyous speeding of the Northeast Expedition of Willoughby and Chancellor, in 1553 : 'All was joy and triumph ; it seemed as if men foresaw that the greatest maritime power the history of the world can show was that day born.'

The extent, of geographic knowledge regarding the Arctic regions at the end of the sixteenth century is shown by the reproduction herewith of the northern part of the chart of 1600. This was called by Shakespeare 'The New Map, with the augmentation of the Indies.' Friesland and Estotiland of the Zeni chart remain, but other traditional lands have given way to the discoveries of Dutch and British navigators, — Barents, Davis, and Frobisher. Spitzbergen, Nova Zembla, and Greenland appear, although the last-named country is bisected by Frobisher Strait, which by a natural error (Chapter II) was charted on the wrong side of Davis Strait.

The map of G. Delisle, in Voyages an Nord ( Amsterdam 1 715), indicates the progress made in the century following the publication of the New Map of 1 600. Baffin and Hudson Bays, Jan Mayen and Spitzbergen have been thoroughly explored ; Nova Zembla, however, is figured as part of the mainland of Asia, notwithstanding the great Siberian rivers, the Yenisei and Lena, appear, and the coast as far eastward as Swjatoi Noss. Greenland is still bisected by a strait, and the memory of Zeno's Friesland abides off its eastern coast, which shore stretches northward near to the 78th parallel. The marked feature is the wide expanse of unknown region between Asia and America, that remained to be filled in under the inspiration of the voyages of Bering a quarter of a century later, and the entire absence of knowledge regarding the north coast of America.

The map of Barrow, the great British Arctic authority, of 1 8 18, shows that no advance was made in the eighteenth a

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The Scope and Value of Arctic Exploration n

century, and so is not reproduced. In short, it shows retrogression, for not only was the entire coast of North America left vacant, but the discoveries of Baffin in 1 6 1 6 were distrusted, as shown by the omission of Baffin Bay from the chart. Barrington the same year was even more definite, for he entered on his map the legend ' Baffins Bay, according to the relation of W. Baffin in 1616, but not now believed.'

It thus remained for the nineteenth century, with its wealth of industrial inventions and store of indomitable energy, to make the Northwest and Northeast Passages, to outline the northern coast of America, and to discover the archipelagos and islands situated poleward from the three continents of the Northern Hemisphere.

Scoresby : The Arctic Regions and Northern Whale- Fishery (2 v. Edinburgh 1819) ; Richardson: Polar Regions (Edinburgh 186 1) ; Markham (C. R.) : Threshold of Unknown Regions (London 1876) ; Nordenskiold : Studien u. Forschungen, — Hohen Norden (Leipzig 1885) ; Hartwig: Polar World (London 1886); Lindemann : Arktische Fischerei der Deutschen Seestadte, 1620-1868 (Gotha 1869) ; Reste : Histoire (Zordrager's) des Peches (3 v. Paris 1801-2). Read 'Polar Regions' in 9th edition Encyclopaedia Britannica ; and ' Polar Research ' in The New International Encyclopaedia, Vol. XIV.

Chapter II

THE discovery of the continent of America and the search for a Northwest Passage are inseparably connected, the first event having directly resulted from the latter pursuit. The idea of such a passage originated with John and Sebastian Cabot, father and son.

Sailing, probably in May from Bristol, the Cabots, 24th June 1497, 'discovered that country which no one before his time had ventured to approach.' The weight of opinion inclines to the belief that this was part of the mainland instead of Newfoundland. If Sebastian Cabot made such claim it was not recognized as a continent by the authorities, as shown by the entry in the Privy Purse accounts of Henry the Seventh, — ' the 10 of August, 1497. To him that found the New Isle, ;£io. '

The second voyage under Sebastian Cabot, made with five ships in 1498, was more definite in its results, for during that summer he coasted along the American continent northward to about 67 30' n., doubtless discovering the mouth of Hudson Strait, — where appalling dangers and abundant ice obliged him to retrace his way southward, until he reached the vicinity of the thirtyeighth parallel, — still searching for a passage, as far as ' that part of the firme lande now called Florida.'

Thus from the first venture on the Passage resulted a knowledge of some eighteen hundred miles of American sea-coast. While the explorations thus made disclosed the existence of a great continent as an insuperable barrier to voyagers for China, it incidentally gave such an accurate knowledge of America as led to unexpected advantages in later voyages, enabling explorers to have more specific aims and definite destinations.

Cortereal, Verrazzano, and Gomez (1500-15 24) — the last non-English navigators in search of the northwest way to Cathay — failed of their declared intentions, but their voyages were otherwise fruitful. Thence sprang up the lucrative fisheries, pursued by the Portuguese, Basques, and Spaniards in the waters of Newfoundland, and also was developed a more accurate knowledge of the resources of the coast lands of the New World. It is even probable that these adventurous fishermen pushed gradually northward along the rock- bound coast of Labrador and into Hudson Strait and Bay, between 1540 and 1570.

It was only gradually that England came to appreciate the important advantages inuring to Spain and Portugal from fleets manned by danger-hardened sailors, that on the one hand gathered the riches of the northwestern seas, and on the other garnered the wealth of the Orient.

The Northeastern voyages, the founding of the Muscovy Company, and the weakening of the Hanseatic League were preludes to the re-opening of the Northwest Quest, which was to assume practical form after fifteen years of assiduous exertion on the part of Sir Martin Frobisher. Asher has well said that Frobisher first gave national character to the search for the Northwest Passage ' by bringing all the most eminent interests in the country — political and aristocratic, scientific and commercial — to bear on this enterprise.' Queen Elizabeth, Earl Warwick, Lok, — a wealthy merchant who supplied most of the funds, — and even D r Dee, the official adviser of the closest and most jealous commercral corporation of the day, the Muscovy Company, cordially supported the undertaking. Frobisher sailed rejoicing, 7th June 1576, with three tiny craft. The pinnace foundered in a violent gale, and his remaining consort deserted, but with stout heart he continued his voyage in the Gabriel, — a frail bark of 20 tons burthen, in which to-day the passage of the well-known Atlantic would hardly be attempted. The results of the voyage were a mass of misleading geographic information and quantities of equally worthless gold-earth, which inspired two other disappointing voyages. The gold search ended in financial losses and bitter disappointments, and an excited adventurer transformed an extensive ice-field of Davis Strait into an island, which grew in importance and size as the returning ship sailed toward England. This mythical island, charted as Busse Island, soon disappeared from the maps ; but another geographical error, — the Frobisher Strait of southern Greenland, — held its place in Arctic charts for many years, perplexing geographers and explorers, and forming the basis of wild theories, even to this generation three centuries later. Frobisher's sailingchart placed, as did all existing maps, the south end of Greenland in 65 n., and when he reached the mainland of America he fell into the error of believing it to be Greenland, which he naturally supposed to be divided by the newly discovered strait, which was thus mapped as in Greenland instead of in its correct position in America.

One fact was, however, established by Frobisher's exploration, on which the supporters of Northwest voyages rested their hopes of ultimate success and arguments for renewed attempts. He had determined the existence of a broad (Frobisher) strait in America, navigable for hundreds of miles between 62 and 63 n., and of a second (Hudson) strait broader and more easily navigated, between 6o° and 62° n.

The first great advance toward the discovery of the Northwest Passage resulted from the three voyages of John Davis, of Sandridge, a distinguished seaman whose abilities as a sailor were no less conspicuous than his skill as a pilot and knowledge as a navigator.

Under letters patent, the right of search by all northerly routes was granted to a company which sent Davis forth in 1585 with the Sunshine, 60 tons, and the Moonshine, 35 tons. Sighting Greenland 20th July, he well describes it as a ' land being very high and full of mighty mountains all covered with snowe, no viewe of wood, grasse or earth to be seene, and the shore two leagues into the sea full of yce. The loathsome view of the shore and irksome noyse of the yce was such as to bred strange conceites among us.' On 29th July he was off the west coast near Godthaab, having ' past al the yce and found many green and pleasant Isle? bordering upon the shore.'

Crossing the strait which now bears his name, Davis reached Cape Dyer, sailed nearly to the head of Cumberland Sound, and returned to Dartmouth, 30th September.

Davis's voyage of the following year, made in the same vessels, with the addition of the Merimade, 120 tons, and a pinnace of ten tons, added nothing to the Northwest discoveries of the preceding year. However, he stretched southward along the American coast to Labrador without observing the entrance to Hudson Strait. On this voyage the unfortunate little pinnace, North Star, was lost in a violent storm.

The third voyage of 1588 was made in the Elizabeth, the Sunshine, and the Ellen. Following the west coast of Greenland to the vicinity of Sanderson's Hope,

Davis found the 'sea all open to the westward and northward ' at his farthest northing, 72 12' n. Thence he steered westward, passing through the dreaded middle ice-pack of Baffin Bay ' a mighty bank of ice,' says Davis. From Mount Raleigh, the western side of Davis Strait, he reports that there was no ice toward the north, but a great sea, ' free, large, very salt and blue, and of indeterminable depth.' This last voyage, one of most reckless gallantry, must have taxed to the utmost the skill and seamanship of Davis in navigating his fleet of tiny vessels through unknown waters, amidst constantly recurring dangers the more terrific from their novelty. The remarkable discoveries of Davis covered the west coast of Greenland from Cape Farewell to Sanderson's Hope, and on the American side, from Cape Dyer, Cumberland Island, to Southern Labrador.

His descriptions of the Greenlanders are quaint, curious, and instructive, showing them to have been, three centuries ago, the same ' tractable people, void of craft or double-dealing ' as we know them to-day. Of the voyage of Weymouth in 1602 Fox remarks : 'He neyther discovered anything more than Davis, nor had any sight of Greenland ; . . . yet these two, Davis and he, did, I conceive, light Hudson into his straits,' into which he sailed 'an hundred leagues west and by south.' The ventures of Knight and Hall, 1605-7, were failures, and the next honors were gained by a man whose recorded life runs only from 1607 to 161 1. Four years are a brief period, but it was enough for Henry Hudson to make an impress on his own generation of great and adventurous seamen, and yet more to render his name imperishable in history. He visited almost all the known Arctic lands of Europe and America, and in whatever direction he turned his energies, remarkable successes followed.

Hudson's earlier voyages, 1607-9, along the coasts of Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, are elsewhere (Chapters III and V) mentioned. In 16 10 he returned to service under England, and in a voyage at the expense of three gentlemen, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Diggs, and Master John Westonholme, — attempted the search for a Northwest Passage.

Hudson sailed on his fourth known voyage, in the Discovery, from London, 17th April 16 10, to try 'if, through any of those inlets which Davis saw ... on the westerne side of Fretum Davis any passage might be found to the other ocean.'

Touching at Iceland and later making the east coast of Greenland in 65 ° 30' n., Hudson found the shore ice-bound. Standing southward and imagining one of the many inlets to be Frobisher Straits, he rounded Cape Desolation (Farewell), sailed west and entering a (Hudson) strait passed, 21st July, to a point where he 'found the sea more growne than any wee had since wee left England.' He was in Hudson Bay.

Cabot, Davis, and Weymouth had visited the mouth of Hudson Strait, and there is the best of cartographic proof that the Portuguese fishermen had even entered the bay. Their charts of 1558 show their familiarity with the strait, while the atlas of Ortelius in 1570 definitely outlines the (Hudson) bay. However, Hudson's achievements were so striking, and his fate so tragic, that his name properly abides with the great inland sea, in which as elsewhere he distanced his predecessors in successful exploration.

His ship beset with ice, his officers mutinous, and his men sick with fear, yet Hudson continued his voyage, and following the east side of the bay reached its southeastern extremity, James Bay, where, frozen-in the 12th of November, the expedition wintered. One man died and provisions were scanty, but Hudson was a man of resources, and so supplemented short rations by hunting and fishing, which furnished forth large amounts of suitable food. During the autumn he had displaced his mate and boatswain for mutinous conduct, and the winter bred bad feeling, which culminated after Hudson had broken out of winter quarters and was exploring the western shore. The mutineers, led by Henry Green, a protege" who owed everything to the generosity of Hudson, set adrift in a small shallop, 21st June 161 3, the captain, five sick men, and John Hudson, possibly Hudson's son. A ninth man, John King, the carpenter, loyally cast in his fate with his commander. Thus perished by the basest ingratitude Henry Hudson, for diligent search the following year by Sir Thomas Button was fruitless. The mutineers fared little better, for Green and four others perished at the hands of savages, and the rest barely escaped from death by starvation in their wretched homeward voyage to merited imprisonment in England.

Hudson died living up to his noble rule that men should c achieve what they had undertaken, or else give reason wherefore it will not be.' If he found not the Northwest Passage, his discoveries in connection with the search therefor gave to England the wealth of furry landgame in the Hudson Bay territory as a supplement to the inheritance of finny sea-game in the Spitzbergen whale-fishery, the result of his earlier voyages.

Sir Thomas EirrroN, pursuing the route laid down by his unfortunate predecessor, also found Hudson Bay full of dangers. He lost five men by the natives, and quite a number died at Port Nelson, where he wintered. His voyages gave no information as to Hudson's exact fate, but Button crossed the bay from east to west, — first of navigators, — and explored its western shores.