The proletarian revolt. A history of the Paris commune of 1871.

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Introduction

Most of the historians of the Commune have said very little concerning the situation of affairs which gave birth to this extraordinary uprising. It is true that some of them have recognized its essentially proletarian character, but few have connected the Commune with the long series of events which led up to it. These authors have seen in the Paris revolution merely an outbreak of the turbulent members of society, discontented without reason and engaged in hopeless rebellion against the position in life to which ignorance and incapacity had consigned them. Many writers upon this subject, unable to divest themselves of their prejudices, and striving rather to give a popular than a just description of this revolt, have declared the aspirations of the French proletariat to have been compounded of folly and iniquity, leading, on this occasion, to an attempt to destroy the foundations of society and inaugurate a reign of lawlessness and disorder. Contentedly believing all things old to be good and all usages established to be necessary, these writers have taken but little notice of the developments in industrial and political economy, or of the increasing intelligence of the workers and their consequent realization of their changed condition.

It would be necessary to trace the history of the evolution of capitalist production, and to review the political and literary progress of modern civilization, to recount in detail all the nil INTRODUCTION.

causes which led to this great uprising. It , will be sufficient here to indicate the principal historical events which have logical connection with the Commune.

The presence of that spirit of inquiry and of secular progress, which, during the preceding four centuries had developed civilization, made possible the American and French revolutions. In them was signalized the advance of political democracy and the decline of absolutism, monarchical and religious. That surrounding economic conditions continually fostered discontent, accelerated the intellectual advance and raised the Democratic aspirations of the proletariat, is evidenced in the doctrines promulgated advocating a more equitable distribution of natural resources and industrial products, by a political rearrangement of society. The uncertainties caused by the swift changes in their industrial condition, together with the dissipation of the religious credulity of the past, produced among the workers in all civilized nations such independent thought and farreaching desires as to dismay the foremost in the ranks of those striving for a mere political democracy. The conquest of science and invention reacted upon the moral and intellectual growth of the time. Not content with the surrender of divine prerogatives of domination by kings and ecclesiastics, this new movement demanded the abrogation of the political supremacy which has its basis in the private ownership and control of the social powers of production.

During the revolutions of 1848, which shook nearly every throne in Europe, almost the first indications of distinct working-class political activity are to be recognized. In every quarter of Europe

INTRODUCTION.

the Red Spectre of Communism stalked before the astonished eyes of the middle-class, who had intended to secure by these revolts which they had initiated, merely constitutional government, freedom of the press, of speech and the supremacy of commercial interests. Frightened by this unexpected apparition, the bourgeoisie quickly made terms with the defenders of monarchical and aristocratic privileges, sacrificing many of their reforms in the interests of " public order."

While the authorities were engaged in suppressing these uprisings, working-class representatives from various countries met at London and issued the Manifesto of the Communist Party. The ideas enunciated by this programme spread among the workers in every civilized land, and the influence of the manifesto was soon to be traced in all the working-class agitation of the time.* Vigorous as were the efforts of governments and their commercial and clerical allies to prevent speakers and writers from spreading the new doctrines, it was only in the suppression of speech that the authorities were measurably successful. But the progress of ideas keeps pace with social development.

Publications poured from secret presses and were widely circulated among the "lower orders of society."

In 1864, the International Workingmen's Association was founded. The purpose of the organization, as stated by its founders, was to " weld into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe and America ." This Association flourished.

* Previous to 1SS8, the text had been reprinted many times in Switzerland, England, America and France. Two editions in Russian were printed in Geneva, one by Bakounine [1864], and one by Vera Zasulitch [1882]. It has been published in Danish and Spanish several times and once in Armenian. Its circulation has been enormous.

VI INTRODUCTION.

It was the most prominent and formidable workingmen's society of its day, and was the first recognition of the complete identity of the workers' interests in all civilized countries.* In France it grew rapidly, and the most intelligent and advanced of the proletariat became its members.

The most superficial acquaintance with the progress of industrial development, and the consequent revolution in the conditions of existence of vast masses in society, should convince anyone that an organized attempt to establish a social democratic autonomy was sure, sooner or later, somewhere, to be made; the peculiar situation of

♦Permanent statutes adopted at its first meeting, London, 1864, and confirmed at its Geneva congress in 1866 :

" In consideration that the emancipation of the laboring classes must be accomplished by the laboring classes, that the battle for the emancipation of the laboring classes does not signify a battle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of class rule;

" That the economic dependence of the laboring man upon the monopolist of the implements of work, the sources of life, forms the basis of every kind of servitude, of social misery, of spiritual degradation, and political dependence;

♦' That, therefore, the economic emancipation of the laboring classes is the great end to which every political movement must be subordinated as a simple auxiliary;

" That all exertions which, up to this time, have been directed towards the attainment of this end, have failed on account of the want of solidarity between the varions branches of labor in every land, and by reason of the absence of a brotherly bond of unity between the laboring classes of different countries;

" That the emancipation of labor is neither a local nor a national, but a social, problem, which embraces all countries in which modern society exists, and whose solution depends upon the practical and theoretical cooperation of the most advanced lands; »

' ' That the present awakening of the laboring classes in the industrial lands of Europe gives occasion for new hope, but at the same time contains a solemn warning not to fall back into old errors, and demands an immediate union of the movements not yet united;

•' , in consideration of all these circumstances, the first International Labor Congress declares that the International Workingmen's Association, and all societies and individuals belonging to it, recognize truth, right, and morality as the basis of their conduct towards one another and their fellow-men, without respect to color, creed, or nationality. This congress regards it as the duty of man to demand the rights of a man and citizen, not only for himself, but for every one who does his duty. No rights without duties; no duties without rights."

INTRODUCTION. Vll

Paris and of France in 1 871, seemed to the workers to supply the necessary conditions for such an attempt. The traditions which the French people had inherited from the great revolution of 1789, no doubt influenced many of the partisans of the Commune. The belief, too, that there was a scheme on foot in the Assembly to restore the Orleanists, prompted many of the advanced Republicans to join in the movement. But the tens of thousands of National Guards, made up exclusively of workingmen, under the control of an elected body composed almost entirely of workingmen, stamp the uprising with an indubitably proletarian character. Its significance can hardly be overestimated. It was a skirmish of the forces which will meet in greater actions on broader fields. Its history is that of the greatest revolt of "free " workers the world has ever seen.

In consideration of the almost world-wide unrest among the wage- working class, and the tremendous growth of social democratic opinion, it is believed that a just survey of the incidents of such a movement and an attempt to portray its significance will be acceptable to all inclined to invesigate the social problems of the age.

This volume is therefore submitted to the public with the consciousness that the facts ascertainable have been fairly presented, and it is hoped in a manner which will, to some extent, correct the many popular misconceptions regarding the acts, the interests and the personnel of the Commune.

San Francisco, January, 1898.

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J-AeFi^u/vs dc^u^ie ^/lo ^rr^n^issemcn^s i^(6.- irAie/i, P^^ris is e^u/uiUx^ .

I. France and The Second Empire

The France that the Revolution of 1789-96 produced was one in which " neither the upper nor lower crust could long endure." Feudalism had held a longer sway there than in England, and the constitution which was a heritage from the days of Danton could not form a lasting basis of governmental action. The progress to the revolution of 1830 developed the working class as a conscious social factor, and here first appeared, in somewhat vague form, the proletarian movement for what is now known as Socialism. This Revolution of 1830 was a middle-class affair, but so determined were the proletarians and so desperately did they defend the barricades that they distinguished themselves from the bourgeoisie whose initiative they had followed. This was repeated on a larger scale in 1848, and the workingmen, to further differentiate themselves, took up the red flag as their banner, an act which gained for them the name of Red Republicans.* One of the results of the displacement of Royalty in 1 848 was the elevation of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte to the presidency of the newly constituted French Republic. He was elected by an immense popular majority. The circumstances of 'coup d'etat," by which he became Emperor^ are too well known to be related here.

*Before the middle of June, 1848, the assembly issued a decree dissolving the national workshops. Forty thousand men took to the barricades to the

The International Workingmen's Association became a prominent factor in politics during the Second Empire. The various political parties, from Orleanists to Communists, for several years preceding 1870, viewed with much the same complacency the too evident decadence of the Empire. All classes in society were restless. The Orleanists hoped for a restoration to power. The w^orkingmen had received little and had nothing to hope for in a continuation of the Napoleonic regime. Various events of more or less importance had made the Emperor unpopular; his warlike ventures had not raised the military prestige of France; his cousin, Pierre Bonaparte, was simply fined ^5000 for the murder of citizen Victor Noir. Gigantic schemes of fraudulent speculation, countenanced and fostered by those in high places, absorbed the earnings and savings of the people and involved thousands in ruin. Judicial tribunals were debauched and the public officials rioted in corruption and extravagance. f

It became necessary to divert the public mind from the rottenness of the government. In order to do this, and with the hope of re-establishing confidence in the Empire, a war with Germany was resolved upon. A pretext was found in the claim of a Prussian prince to the succession of the

cry of " bread or death." Eight thousand were killed in the fight, double that number were taken prisoners, three thousand of whom were afterwards shot in cold blood. * * * * *.* * *

The Patnae, an organ of the government, spoke in these terms: — "We are surrounded by cannibals. If they remain in their lair they must be extinguished; if they come out they must be cut to pieces.'" M. Montelembert, the great Ultramontanest, declared in the assembly, that, " It is necessary to undertake against socialism a Roman expedition at home. .... There only remains for us war— war carried on energetically and by every means." M. Thiers declared the constitution giving manhood suffrage *' a vile bit of rag. " During 1850, the constitution was revised, manhood suffrage destroyed, and over four millions of workmen disfranchised.— /SftetcWey.

fThiers, renewing his tortuous cunning and servile skillfulness, sought to profit by all the Imperial mistakes.— Locfttoood

FRANCE) AND TH^ S]$COND EMPIRE. 3

throne of Spain. The national spirit was aroused, and the dissatisfied people became eager for hostilities. France sent into the field soldiers in abundance, but inefficiently disciplined, and officered by men whose tactics are a mystery, and whose operations were almost wholly unsuccessful, The French armies won but one important battle ; the Germans added victory to victory on French soil until Sedan fell. Another series of victories brought them to the gates of Paris. The French troops had scarcely delayed their march.

Napoleon III aspired to imitate the first Emperor, but the Second Empire will only be contemplated in pity for its victim, the French nation.*

As the International Workingmen's Association was a prominent element in the Commune, it may be well hereto record its position regarding the war between Germany and France.

In the Reveil of ]uly 12th, 1870, was published a manifesto "to the Workmen of all Nations," from which we extract the following few passages: —

"Once more," says this document, "on the pretext of European equilibrium, of national honour, the peace of the world is menaced by political ambitions. French, German, Spanish workmen ! let our voices unite in one cry of reprobation against war ! . . . . War for a question of preponderance or a dynasty, can, in the eyes of workmen, be nothing but a criminal absurdity. In answer to the

war-like proclamations of those who exempt themselves from the blood-tax, and find in public

*The rascality of ministers, the unskillfiilness and tTeason of generals, the shame of Sedan and Metz, the tortures of the siepro of P*ri8, and the disgTaceful capitulation which followed the infamies of Borucaux and Versailles made up the closing scenes of the Second Empire.— Lockwood.

misfortunes a source of fresh speculations, we protest, we who want peace, labor, and liberty ! . Brothers of Germany ! Our division would only result in the complete triumph of despotism on both sides of the Rhine. . . . Workmen of all countries ! Whatever may for the present become of our common efforts, we, the members of the International Workingmen's Association, who know of no frontiers, we send you, as a pledge of indissoluble solidarity, the good wishes and salutations of the workmen of France."

This manifesto of the Paris section was followed by numerous similar French addresses, of which we can here only quote the declaration of Neuilly-sur-Seine, published in the Marseillaise of July 22nd: — " The war, is it just ? No ! The war, is it national? No! It is merely Dynastic. In the name of humanity, of democracy, and the true interests of F'rance, we adhere completely and energetically to the protestation of the International against the war."

The German workmen of many cities replied in like sentiments.

A mass meeting of workmen, held at Brunswick on July 1 6th, expressed its full concurrence with the Paris manifesto, spurned the idea of national antagonism to France, and wound up its resolutions with these words: — "We are enemies of all wars, but above all of dynastic wars. . . With deep sorrow and grief we are forced to undergo a defensive war as an unavoidable evil; but we call, at the same time upon the whole German working-class to render the recurrence of such an immense social misfortune impossible by vindicating for the peoples themselves the power

FRANCE AND THE SECOND EMPIRE. 5

to decide on peace and war, and making them masters of their own destinies."

At Chemnitz, a meeting of delegates, representing 50,000 Saxon workmen, adopted unanimously a resolution to this effect: — " In the name of the German Democracy, and especially of the workmen forming the Democratic Socialist Party, we declare the present war to be exclusively

dynastic We are happy to grasp the

fraternal hand stretched out to us by the workmen of France. . . . Mindful of the watchword of the International Workingmen's Associations: Proletarians of all countries unite^ we shall never forget that the workmen of all countries are our friends and the dCvSpots of all countries our enemies.'' The Berlin branch of the International also replied to the Paris manifesto: — ** We," they say, **join with heart and hand your protestation. . . . Solemnly we promise that neither the sound of the trumpet, nor the roar of the cannon, neither victory nor defeat, shall divert us from our common work for the union of the children of toil of all countries."

THE PARIS COMMUNB.

II. Paris — September 20 to March 1

Paris, in 1870, was a city of almost 2,000,000 inhabitants, and, as to-day, the gayest and most fashionable capital in the world.* The city is built on both sides of the river Seine, whose islands formed the nucleus of the metropolis. It is elliptical in shape, environed by numerous villages and by thickly-settled country. The city is surrounded by a fortified wall, 21 miles in internal circumference, encircling an area of 30 square miles. Detached forts, 16 in number, guarded the approach to the line of fortifications. Fort Valerien, the largest and most advantageously situated, being on the west of the ellipse formed by Forts Issy, Vanves, Montrouge, Bic^tre and Ivry, these five lying to the south of the city.

The fall of Sedan on September ist was not made known to the Parisians until September 3. The authorities were justly condemned for holding back the news, and their pusillanimity aroused the citizens, who, on September 4.th, ousted the corpse of Imperialism, and there was at the Hotel de Ville immediately instituted that incarnation of plans and inaction, the self-constituted Government

*The ancient Lutetia Parisorum; historically noticed by Csesar in "Com, mentaries" fifty years' B. C ; originally the chief settlement of the Parisii. a Gallic tribe conquered by the Romans. Population in 1869, 1,875.000 Paris has 20 arrondissements, each having a Mayor and two councillors. The Prefect of the Seine, appointed by the government, is the chief city - official; sometimes referred to as Central Mayor or Mayor of Pafto.

SBPTEMBEIR 20 TO MARCH I. 7

of the National Defence. The members of the deposed house of deputies, elected under Napoleon III, seized the reins of power, and at once took on themselves all functions of government. General Trochu, commandant of Paris, refused to have anything to do with the new government unless he was made its head. Fearing his influence with the military, he was made Governor of Paris and Commander-in-Chief of the armies. M. Tht rs refused to be placed in any position in this government, which was dependent on the caprice of an excited populace. He had sometime before distinguished himself by referring to the people as " vile multitude,"* Jules Favre, an orator of advanced years, was made Minister of Foreign Affairs. Leon Gambetta became Minister of the Interior.

Etienne Arago was appointed Central Mayor, and made a speech in which it was apparent that he considered the Commune established.**

"The first step taken by the new government was to send Thiers on a roving tour to all the Courts of Europe there to beg mediation by offering the barter of the Republic for a king."t An order was issued for the release of all political prisoners, which set at liberty Henri

*Thiers, holding,' himself in reserve to participate in the intrigues, which he saw a vast field iov.—Lochwood.

**Many who use the word commaine glibly have a very imperfect understanding of its significance, and little imagine that it is as harmless and innocent a word as township, and means pretty much the same thing. The commune, with an emphasis on the article, means simply Paris, or, in a secondary sense, the administrative officers collectively governing Paris. France is divided into departments and communes, the same as our states are divided into counties and townships, and Paris by itself forms one of these communes. The insurrection in Paris, of March 18, 1871, was one in favor of extreme local self-government The idea was to make each communf) at least as independent as one of the states of the United States, and to unite tSX the communes into a confederation with limited powers. The movement in favor of the autonomy of Paris is an old one, and has been supported by many able and respectable Frenchmen. One in favor of the movement is, however, properly called a communalist, and not a communist, and the movement itself is communalism — not communism. — Richard T. Ely.

tAddrasB of Int. W. A.

8 THS PARIS COMMUNE.

Rochefort, Gustave Flourens, Cluseret, Delescluze, Grousset, Vermorel and Eudes; also Megy and the others concerned in the bomb plot *

Raoul Rigault, a young law student of revolutionary tendencies, established himself as head of the police department, where he continued for sometime, the government not daring to depose him, for fear of antagonizing the radicals. More puerile conduct, in all respects is difficult to imagine than that of this singularly established government.

Public meetings were addressed by Socialists and members of the International in all districts of the city. A demand was made on the government for an election. A Committee Central was chosen from the arrondissements; the method of choice was as follows: in each of the 20 arrondissements a meeting was held; a Committee of Vigilance was elected by acclamation, and from this body four were selected from each arrondissement, making a Committee Central composed of 80 members, which at once made its headquarters at the headquarters of the International.

Paris had undergone a dozen seiges, was now well provisioned, and, with the constant addition of detachments driven in by the Germans, in condition to support a long and vigorous defence. The Parisians were vexed and mortified by the misfortunes of the French arms. In the belief that the Germans could not sustain the attacks from without and the arduous labors of so

*Megy had been sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment for killing an officer who had unlawfully attempted to arrest him for participating in what was known as the " Complot of Bombs," a plot to overthrow bj' force the Napoleonic Government In this affair there was also convicted and sentenced to shorter terms of imprisonment; Ferre. law student, Cournet, journalist and Moilen, physician Protot, lawyer, also accused, was by influence released, and defended the others when they were on trial for taking part in the plot.

SKPTKMBER 20 TO MARCH I. 9

great an offensive undertaking, upon the subsisance that could be brought to or acquired in a hostile country, the inhabitants of the capital believed their situation secure. There were about 500,000 men under arms in the city.

On September 20th, the siege began. It is now conceded that the fall of the city was acknowledged to be but a matter of time by General Trochu.* lycon Gambetta was sent out of the city in a balloon, to rouse the country to the support of Paris, and his efforts were not unsuccessful. Trochu had "plans" which were not operative. The troops sent against the Germans from the outside were not supported by the city's defenders. The populace was incensed at the tardy tactics and timorous endeavors of the Government of the National Defence. The radicals wanted a Commune; the bourgeoisie were content with any form of control which would make a resistance adequate to the armament and ability of the city. The defence was understood to be a farce, and so expressed in the correspondence of those high in official position in the government. Bismarck afterward said of Trochu: '* If he was a German general, I should have him shot."

*Four months after the siege began, Trochu, in the presence of his colleagues, addressed the assembled Mayors of Paris. He said "The first question put to me by my colleagues on the very evening of September 4th was this: Paris, can it, with anj' chance of success stand a siege by the Prussian army ? I did not hesitate to answer in the negative. Some of my colleagues here present will warrant the truth of my words and the persistance of my opinion. * * * i told them the attempt of Paris to hold out would be a folly. * an heroic folly."

In a letter to Gambetta, M. Favre avows that what they were "defending" against w not the Prussian soldiers, but the workingmen of Paris. During ihe whole continuance of the siege the Bonapartist * ♦

whom Trochu had wisely intrusted with the command of the Paris army, exchanged, in their intimate correspondence, jokes at the well-undei'stood mockery of defence (see, for instance, the correspondence of Alphonse Simon Guiod, supreme commander of the artillery of the Army of Defence of Paris and Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor, to Suzanne, general of division of artillery, a correspondence published by the Journal Offi.ciel of the Commune.)

lO TH:^ PARIS CQMMUNK.

Mixed factions of workers and bourgeoisie nearly obtained control of the city October 31st. Flourens, Delescluze, and Blanqui were the leaders of the movement. Some members of the government were taken prisoners; but many of the bourgeois battal ions of the Guard supported the government, and, not desiring an internal war in the beseiged city, the insurrectionists released their prisoners, and retired, under the express agreement that no action was to be taken against any of the participants in the uprising. By a plebiscite November 3d the government was retained in power; feeling secure, it immediately issued warrants for the apprehension of the leaders in the affair of October 31st, although it had been pledged to take no action against any concerned. This brought the condemnation of all fair-minded people upon the administration. Arago, the Mayor, at once resigned, and Jules Ferry, a lawyer, was appointed to succeed him.

On January 6th, red placards were posted in the city condemning the government and demanding the election of a Commune. These were signed by the representatives of the arrondissements, among the signatures were between thirty and forty names of those afterward active in the work of the Commune. January 19th, in response to the demands for the government to ''do something," a sortie of 85,000 troops was made, which seemed likely to be successful in the morning, but was mismanaged and failed in the afternoon. A council of the governmental and city officials was held on January 20th, and declared further resistance useless; Trochu was displaced and General Vinoy put in command, but tlie essential character of the "defence" remained the same.

SKPTE^MBER 20 to march I. II

On January 22d, there wa an uprising, supported by a large force of the Guards. The seat of government, the Hotel de Ville, was defended by the Mobiles. The latter opened fire, it is said on the order of Gustave Chaudey, one of the Mayor's deputies; the Guards returned the fire; in all 30 were killed and many wounded; the authorities took some prisoners and insurgents were repulsed.

An order was written on January 27th, by Brunei, colonel of regiment in the Guards and Piazza, commandant of batta .lion, for an assembling of the National Guard, the overthrow of the commanders of the forts and their occupation by the Guards, who were to hold them at all hazards against the Germans. To deliver the forts seemed to the Parisians the delivering of the city, to which they were unalterably opposed. But few Guards were at the rendezvous; the Prefect of Police obtained possession of the order, and Piazza and Brunei were imprisoned to await a military court trial.

The German flag was hoisted on the forts on January 29th . An armistice was agreed upon and an election to be held February 8th. What was termed an "armistice" was in reality the surrender of Paris. The object was specifically stated to be '' to permit the Government of the National Defence of France to convoke an assembly, freely elected, which will pronounce on the question whether war shall be -continued, or what terms of peace shall be made."*

The terms were mortifyingly humiliating to the Parisians. The city was virtually starved into the acceptance of them. Dogs, cats and rats were used as food and had high market prices. Jules Favre, in his negotiation with Bismarck, stipulated

♦Harper's Magazine, March, 1871.

for the retention of their arms by the National Guards, who were to be '' charged with the preservation of the peace of Paris."*

That the National Guards were allowed to retain their arms was not to preserve order in Paris, but because the government did not dare attempt the disarmament. There was a sullen disapproval of the terms of the armistice throughout the entire country, and in Paris in particular. The Guard, it was safe to believe, would resist, ostensibly from patriotic motives, the disarmament. As a matter of fact, the Socialists, Communists, Internationals, and ultra- Republic an leaders had the National Guard's ear, and this, with the other circumstances surrounding their probable condition after disbandment, made the Guards an uncertain factor in the government's calculations. The National Guard was almost entirely made up of workingmen; they saw Orleanists, Imperialists and Clericals, all of whom they recognized as enemies, conniving at the terms of surrender. Arrears of rent had accumulated against the Guardsmen while they served the state at about 30 cents a day. Building and other industries were almost entirely suspended. This condition precluded the possibility of a return to labor by members of the Guard should it be disbanded. They were incensed at the suggestion of disarmament.