A historical account of His Majesty's visit to Scotland

Introduction

The visit of George the Fourth to the Scottish metropolis may well be considered a remarkable event in our national annals. Certain it is, that no other event of a domestic nature could have occurred more honourable to the people of Scotland, or more gratifying to their feelings. Edinburgh is regarded by the Scots with pride, and a veneration almost religious, of which strangers to their character can have no adequate conception. It is not merely the capital of the country, and celebrated as a seat of science and of literature, but it has still higher claims upon their respect as the favourite abode of their ancient monarchs — as the scene, in latter ages, of every great political transaction in which the nation has been concerned — and as the depository of the only remaining symbols of its former independence. Its castle, its palace, its courts of justice, those hallowed vestiges of the olden time, are familiar household words in the remotest districts : they are still approached by the provincial Scot with the pious feeling of a pilgrim, and never fail to inspire him with all the fervid enthusiasm of patriotism.

The English and Scots, though politically united, are still, in respect of their religion, customs, and laws, distinct and separate nations. It would seem, therefore, that the feelings peculiar to each, if not cultivated and cherished, ought at least to be carefully respected. But, unfortunately for Scotland, for a long period after the Union, it seems to have been doomed to entire neglect ; or, if the attention of government was occasionally directed to that country, it was in the spirit of vengeance, to devise the means of chastising its pride and subduing its spirit. This period was, emphatically, the dark age of Scotland, during which its energies slumbered ; and it appeared to the world, not so much an integral part of the British empire, as one of its most inert and unwilling appendages. It was reserved for the great mind of a Chatham first to appreciate the resources of Scotland, and to give a direction to the national genius, not less honourable to his administration than advantageous to the country. It cannot be disputed, that since that period the Scots, both by flood and field, have revived, in its purest lustre, the martial glory of their ancestors ; and established, by their devoted loyalty, as well as their romantic courage, a claim to the admiration and lasting gratitude of the sister kingdom.

But such is the obduracy of certain habits of thinking, that the merits of the Scots have been but reluctantly acknowledged. It was their peculiar misfortune to be obnoxious to both the great political parties into which the English nation has been long divided. The one party, inheriting the resentments and antipathies of the old cavaliers, were pleased to consider the Scots as a nation s . culatively republican in their politics ; and, in religion, as gloomy and intolerant bigots. The other party, again, were contented to view the Scots only through the medium of events which had endangered the Hanoverian succession. In their minds, the heroic, though criminal, enterprise of some of the Highland clans to restore the exiled family of the Stuarts to the throne of Britain, impressed the character of Jacobitism upon the whole nation. It was most ungenerously forgotten, that the only determined popular opposition made to the rebel army was by the Presbyterian Lowlanders of Scotland, aided by the clans who adhered to their allegiance ; — and that, had the English Jacobites been as resolute as they were zealous, the cause of despotism might ultimately fcave triumphed, in spite of all the military force which could have been arrayed in support of the Constitution. It would appear, in short, as if each party, nay, as if every individual in England, had determined to take only a partial view of the Scottish character ; and hence, it is not at all wonderful that, at different periods, the country should have been subjected to imputations and reproaches the most inconsistent and contradictory. It would be difficult to determine, whether the invectives and sarcasms of a Dr Johnson, or of a Churchill and a Junius, are the most acrimonious and illiberal ; — but it is consolatory to know, that some of them, at least, must have been false and groundless. In addition to political prejudices, there were others of a more vulgar kind, which were nourished by the joint influence of ignorance and political feeling. Some of these were so remarkably gross, as to be now as much a matter of laughter as of astonishment ; but yet so deeply rooted and prevalent as to have infected, in some measure, the minds of the most intelligent Englishmen. It was to little purpose, that almost every Scotsman who emigrated to England, vanquished, on his own behalf, the prejudices entertained against his country. These still remained in force ; — and vices and imperfections, which could be discovered in no individual Scotsman, were unsparingly imputed to the whole people of Scotland collectively.*

It was not to be supposed, that the first monarchs of the Hanoverian line should be able to withstand the influence arising from the active prejudices of their English subjects. They could not estimate the force of 'principle in the minds of an educated, religious, and reflecting people; — but imagining, that with the mass of the Scots, as with the vulgar of other nations, loyalty was no more than a matter of feeling, they concluded, that the Scots must be irrevocably attached to the pretensions of a family, which, besides having produced the most illustrious champions of the nation's independence, had borne sway in Scotland from the very foundation of the monarchy.

George III. was the first of his race who rose superior to the prejudices of the English and those of his family. It is probable, that the circumstances of his education may have disposed him to receive favourable impressions of the Scottish nation. But, independently, the religious and moral characteristics of that people could not fail to engage the esteem of a pious and virtuous monarch ; while, in their conspicuous valour and proverbial fidelity, he

* The only exception that occurs to these remarks is furnished by the accomplished Walpole, who, in his Catalogue of royal and noble authors, pays the following compliment to the Scottish nation : — " It is not my purpose to give an exact account of the royal and noble authors of Scotland. I am not enough versed in them to do justice to writers of the most accomplished nation in Europe ; the nation to which, if any one country is endowed with a superior partition of sense, I should be inclined to give the preference in that particular," — Page 307.

recognised qualities the most estimable in the sight of a sovereign, especially of one in whom courage and good faith seem to have been inherent and constitutional. The accession of George III. forms an epoch, as it were, in the Scottish annals. Since then, the points of contact between the two nations have been so infinitely multiplied, that ignorance no longer lends its sanction to bitter prejudices and rankling antipathies, which have been succeeded by mutual esteem and mutual affection. Nothing, perhaps, has contributed more to the accomplishment of this happy change, than the works of the immortal Burns, and of a great living author, whose genius has shed a dazzling effulgence over the world of letters. These works have unfolded peculiarities of thought and of feeling in the Scottish people, which, but for their masterly exposition, might have remained for ever undiscovered by our southern neighbours. They have presented the national character, in the most imposing form, to the British public, with whom it has become, in some measure, a favourite and a fashionable study. The institutions of the country, and the influence which they have had upon the morals of the people, have been subjected to the most intense observation ; and in these much has been found deserving both of praise and of imitation.

With the people of Scotland it has always been a subject of regret, and with others it may be the subject of astonishment, that a kingdom so ancient as Scotland, — the cradle of a race of kings not more unfortunate than illustrious, whose blood still runs in the veins of all the reigning monarchs of Europe, — a country rich in every natural object which can inspire delight or terror, — possessing a metropolis of surpassing grandeur, a royal palace, and all the paraphernalia of sovereign power, — and, above all, inhabited by a martial people, who have been profuse of their blood and their treasure in supporting the glory of the empire ; — that this kingdom, having such special claims upon the regards of royalty, should never have been visited by any member of the reigning family (if we except the Duke of Cumberland, the son of George II. whose military duties demanded his presence in Scotland), from the era of the Revolution till the present period. It will be recorded, in imperishable characters in the hearts of the Scottish nation, to the honour of George IV. that, so soon after his accession as circumstances permitted, he amply compensated this unmerited neglect, by his gracious visit to their ancient metropolis. After the union of the two crowns, Scotland was visited in succession by James VI. and the two Charleses ; but no previous royal visit was so truly complimentary and affectionate, or so elevating to" the national feelings, as that of his present Majesty. It is true, that James and his unfortunate successor were received by their subjects with the most gorgeous magnificence; by which, however, they as much indulged their national pride as demonstrated a love for their sovereign. James had provoked the fears and jealousies of his Scottish subjects, by his avowed hatred of the Presbyterian system, and his incessant and insidious attacks upon it ; and to the citizens of Edinburgh, notwithstanding all his bonhommie, he had rendered himself particularly obnoxious, by his arbitrary invasion of their privileges, and the most gross and unwarrantable exactions.* The visits of Charles I., were

* Appendix A.

entirely for a political purpose, — to stem the tide of disaffection, which had set in against him from his northern dominions, the people of which, in that fierce and intolerant age, abhorred both his politics and his religion. But in George IV. we recognise not only the most powerful monarch on the globe, but the most accomplished gentleman of the empire, whose visit to us has been dictated by a spirit of the purest benevolence and affection. He is the first of his race whose title to the throne has been altogether free from objection and cavil, and which men of the most discordant principles concur in supporting. We do not attach much importance to the opinions or dogmas of the school of Filmer ; but, in estimating the joy which his Majesty's visit is calculated to inspire, it is a circumstance of no small account, that his rights are imiversally acknowledged. Now that the asperity of feeling which was provoked by the oppressions of the last of the Stuarts has been softened down by the influence of time,— that their faults have been expiated by the most signal misfortunes, — there is greater scope for the natural partiality of the people of Scotland to their native race of princes ; and how much must their joy, on the present occasion, be exalted by the animating reflection, that in George IV. they behold the natural and genuine representative of that ancient race, — of the immortal Bruce, — of a long line of patriot and heroic kings, many of whom were endeared to their subjects by their wisdom, clemency, and love of justice !

Were we to judge of the loyalty of the citizens of Edinburgh by the splendid receptions which, in former times, they were accustomed to give to their sovereign, we would conclude, that they were the most loyal and dutiful subjects in existence. The costly apparel in which they appeared on these occasions, the splendour of their pageants, and the value of their donations, convey a very exalted idea of their opulence at that early period. On the occasion of James VI. arriving in Edinburgh to meet his parliament, in 1579, the town-council seem to have deliberated no less than seventeen days upon the preparations to be made for his reception ; and issued a number of edicts, which, in the present day, would be considered sufficiently arbitrary ; one of which directed the removal of " red timber, swine, and beggars/' from the city, under the pain of discretionary punishment. The king was conducted into the city under a magnificent canopy, and encountered in his progress a number of allegorical personages, and other " dainty devices. 1 " And the burgesses, besides appearing in suits of the richest velvet, and hanging their walls with Arras tapestry, presented him with the following pieces of plate : — A silver basin and ewer, weighing six pounds and ten ounces; two flackets of eight pounds weight ; six covered cups, four of which weighed twentyeight ounces each, and the other twenty-four ounces each ; four candlesticks of thirty ounces each ; one saltseller of twenty-four ounces ; a plate of twenty ounces, and one dozen of plates of ten ounces each.

In 1590, on the occasion of James'' marriage with Anne of Denmark, the citizens of Edinburgh, to escape the burden of entertaining the Princess upon her arrival, until the palace was fitted up for her reception, paid James the sum of 5000 merks ; and despatched a ship to Denmark at an expense of i?500 Scots per month, to bring home his Majesty and his royal bride.* On their arrival at Leith, they were attended by the town-council and the principal citizens, richly apparelled. At the West-Port, the Princess, after hearing a Latin oration addressed to her, was received under a canopy and conducted to the palace ; forty-two young men, dressed in white taffety and gold chains, and masked as Moors, dancing before her the whole way* At her marriage, which was celebrated in St Giles 1 church, the council presented her Majesty with a rich jewel, held in pledge by them for i?4000, which the king's necessities had compelled him to borrow, and contented themselves with the royal promise of re-payment. At the same time, in compliance with a rescript of his Majesty, they gave an entertainment in the Mint to the Danish ambassador and those composing the Queen's suite, which cost £54>0, Scots money. And, in return for all this generosity, James, shortly afterwards, compelled the council to borrow from him ^40,000 Scots, (part of the Queen's dowry), at ten per cent, interest, though the rate of interest at which they then borrowed was only five per cent.

In 1618, King James, after a residence in England of fourteen years, determined upon visiting his ancient kingdom. Preparatory to his journey, he addressed a letter to

• The following is a table of the relative values of Scottish coins :

2 Pennies make 1 bodle

2 Bodies 1 plack

The value of a pound Scots is exactly 20 pence Sterling.

the Scots Privy Council, in which he labours to do away the unfavourable impressions which had been made on the minds of his subjects, by certain rumours respecting the objects of his visit ; which he declares was undertaken solely from " the salmon-like instinct" of visiting the place of his nativity. James, at the same time, had the condescension to send from London patterns of the gowns which the Magistrates of Edinburgh were to wear upon his arrival. The Privy Council, with a most commendable zeal, proceeded to make preparations for the suitable reception of his Majesty. They directed the immediate repair of the palaces of Holyroodhouse and Falkland, and the Castle of Stirling ; — and issued proclamations, prohibiting the slaying of bucks in the King's park at Falkland, and of muirfowl and partridges, during his Majesty's stay, within ten miles of his residence. They also issued directions to the city of Edinburgh, of the nature of municipal regulations. By these, it is curious to observe, that, in order to avert from the city the reproach and scandal of strangers, the Magistrates are enjoined to see that the lodging houses " be furnest with honnest and clene bedding, and weele washin and weele smellit naprie, and others linningis, and with a sufficient nomber and quantitie of good veshells, cleane and cleir, and of sufficient lairgeness."

On the 16th of May, James made his public entry to the capital. At the West-Port he was received by the Magistrates and Council, in their robes, and the principal citizens, dressed in black velvet; — in whose name a learned oration was addressed to him by Mr John Hay, deputy town-clerk, who seems to have been a leading personage in his day, both as an accomplished rhetorician and an expert negotiator. The King was afterwards entertained with a sumptuous banquet by the citizens, who also presented him with 10,000 merks Scots, in double gold angels, in a gilt silver basin. It is recorded, that the expenses incurred by the city on this occasion amounted to not less than i?47,000 Scots. But James had in reserve for himself amusements of a more intellectual kind. Being desirous of making a parade of his learning, he determined upon having a philosophical disputation in the college of Edinburgh ; which was afterwards adjourned to the royal chapel of Stirling. Thither the learned professors repaired ; and, in presence of the King and the flower of his nobility, and of many learned men, both Scots and English, controverted no less than three different theses ; the first being, that inferior Magistrates ought not to be hereditary ; the second, on the nature of local motion ; and the third, concerning the origin of fountains. The disputants, whose names were Adamson, Fairlie, Sands, Young, Reid, and King, acquitted themselves so much to the King's satisfaction, that he declared, " these men knew the mind of Aristotle as well as he did himself when alive ;" and, summoning them into his presence, after supper, he expressed his opinion of their respective merits in a speech, which is a perfect example of the grotesque fancy and barbarous taste of the royal pedant. — " Adam" said the Monarch, " was father of all, and Adam's son had the first part of this act : The defender is justly called Fairlie, (Scotice a, wonder) ; his thesis had some fairlies in it, and he sustained them very fairly, and with many fairlies given to the oppugners. — And why should not Mr Sands be the first to enter the sands ? But now I clearly see that all sands are not barren, for certainly he hath shewn a fertile wit. Mr Young is very old in 7

Aristotle. Mr Reid need not be red with blushing for his acting this day. Mr King disputed very kingly, and of a kingly purpose, concerning the royal supremacy of reason above anger and all passions." And, on its being observed, that his Majesty had taken no notice of Principal Charteris, who, though a man of great learning, was prevented, by extreme bashfulness, from speaking in so august an assembly, James replied, that " his name agrees well with his nature, for charters contain much matter, yet say nothing ; yet put great matter in men's mouths.'" The King concluded, by signifying his royal pleasure, that he would be Godfather to the College of Edinburgh, which thenceforth should be called the College of King James ; — and being ambitious of the profound remarks which he had uttered surviving in " immortal rhyme, 1 ' he directed them to be versified ; which appears to have been done by some anonymous bard.*

But the reception which was given to Charles I. in 1633, when he arrived in Edinburgh to hold a Parliament and be formally crowned, surpassed all that had preceded it in pomp and magnificence. So soon as the privy council were certified of the final determination of his Majesty to visit Scotland, they directed large supplies of provisions to be collected in all the royal burghs, which it was probable he would visit ; and the repair of the roads in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and the counties in Scotland through which he might happen to travel. "j* Among other minute instructions, they gave orders for removing from the West-Port the heads of malefactors which were placed upon it, and to take

* Appendix B. t Vide Appendix. C.

down a gallows and a malefactor hanged on it, at the east end of the Links. The town-council appointed a committee to examine precedents of the ceremonials observed on the occasion of a royal visit ; and exerted themselves in devising the means of making a propyne, or present, to his Majesty, and of giving him a reception in all respects suitable to his high dignity. The naturally fine genius of the poet of Hawthornden, on this occasion, was subjected to the severe drudgery of preparing speeches and poems, to be recited to the King, stuffed with the most forced conceits, fulsome compliments, and extravagant imagery ; though it must be confessed, that part of the poetry, if deficient in simplicity, possesses considerable vigour and even brilliancy.

On the 15th of June, Charles made his entry to the city in great state, attended by a splendid retinue, composed of his officers of state, the nobility and prelates, all marshalled in order, according to previous arrangement.* At the Port the solemnity of the procession was greatly disturbed by a contest which arose between the old sons of Earls and the Lords of Parliament, (the representatives of the lesser barons, or county members), upon a point of precedence, which, after a long discussion, conducted, it would appear, upon the highway, was determined, in favour of the former, by the award of the sovereign. At the West Bow was erected a stately triumphal arch, on which Caledonia appeared, in an ancient and rich attire, who, in a copious speech, congratulated his Majesty on his safe arrival.-f* At the western end of the Tolbooth, in the High Street, stood another triumphal arch, on which were painted the por-

• Appendix D. f Appendix E.

traits of the Scottish Kings : within the arch, Mercury appeared conducting the first Fergus, who bestowed many paternal and wholesome advices upon Charles. At the Cross appeared the rosy God, and, issuing from the cross, streams of wine, which flowed copiously, " to the great solace of the commoners.'" At the Tron, a high mount was raised representing Parnassus, on the middle of which was a pyramid of great height, with a glass fountain, whence Hypocrene issued. In a cavern of the mountain sat two bands of vocal and instrumental music, with an organ to complete the concert, which performed a piece of music called Caledonia, composed for the occasion by the best masters. On the northern side sat Apollo and the muses. When the divine harmony ceased, Apollo addressed himself in a panegyric to the King, and presented him with a volume of poetry composed by the members of the University. As the procession advanced along the High-Street, which was lined by the citizens, armed, and in their best apparel, his Majesty was saluted with peals of ordnance from the castle, and the joyous acclamations of his subjects. A grand banquet was afterwards given to the King ; the expense of which, and the other disbursements attending his entry, amounted to i?41,489 Scots money.

In 1641, Charles the First again visited Edinburgh, for the purpose of conciliating his presbyterian subjects, by divesting himself of nearly the whole of his royal prerogatives. On this occasion, a splendid banquet was given to his Majesty, which cost the city £12,016 Scots money.

The Scots, enraged at their favourite scheme of establishing Presbyterianism in England being foiled by the Independents, who had also carried their political innovations to a length which the Presbyterians had never contemplated; detesting, too, the atrocious murder of the unfortunate Charles, they embraced the cause of his successor with the greatest ardour. The citizens of Edinburgh, in particular, raised and equipped a regiment of 600 men ; and in the following year, as the city had been wasted by a plague, they met a demand upon them for a new armament, by the payment of ^40,000 Scots into the national treasury. When Charles the Second landed at Leith, the citizens, notwithstanding the desperate state of his affairs, determined to receive him with all possible magnificence ; but, on account of the expenses to which they were then subject in fortifying the city and its harbour, they agreed to limit the cost of his entertainment to 50,000 merks. But, as Charles found it expedient to decline the invitation of the citizens, they provided him with an elegant dessert, at an expense of £4*33 Scots, and generously presented him with £0,000 merks, as " a testimony of their loyal affection, and of their readiness to offer up their lives and fortunes for his Majesty's service, in the preservation of religion, king, and kingdom."

The conduct of the Scots at this perilous crisis shews, that, though they had stood forward as the champions and apostles of civil and religious freedom, for monarchy in the abstract they had a profound and unalterable veneration. This was a feeling which experience has since demonstrated might, by proper attention to their peculiar opinions, have been improved by the misguided Stuarts to the greatest advantage. No people are more susceptible than the Scots of grateful and kindly impressions ; and, though averse to all noisy ebullition of feeling, when calamity overtakes those to whom afFection or gratitude binds theni, no nation excels them in constancy under suffering, contempt of danger, and unshaken fidelity.

We have been thus copious in our details of previous royal visits, merely for the purpose of presenting a contrast between the taste of former times and that of the present day. The former may be found the more showy ; but the latter the most rational and manly. The natural and unconstrained respect of his loyal subjects, and their hearty welcome, must please a monarch, enlightened as he is generous, infinitely more than the quaint contrivances of hoary pedants, whose inventions are put to the task by the voice of authority. The place of allegory is well supplied by the thewes and sinews of that primitive race of men, who have descended from their mountains, to greet the royal presence, attired in a garb which, more than even classic drapery, inspires the most heroic recollections. If there is no pageantry or mimic display, there is the real, unsophisticated appearance of a brave and hardy people, who, even under the most adverse circumstances, have commanded respect, and the recent deeds of whose warriors have fixed upon them the attention of an admiring world.

HIS MAJESTY'S VISIT TO SCOTLAND.

Chap. I

When his Majesty, in the course of last summer, was graciously pleased to visit the Irish capital, an expectation was very confidently entertained by the people of Scotland, that he would bestow a similar honour upon them, before returning to London. It would be too much to say, that their pride was not at all affected by the circumstance of Ireland being the first to receive so conspicuous a proof of royal condescension and favour; but their good sense readily acquiesced in the justice and cogency of those motives, not less benevolent than politic, which determined his Majesty to give to that country the preference. Circumstances intervened which rendered the royal visit to Scotland inexpedient for the time, — a disappointment which was severely felt by the Scottish nation, but which was relieved by the assurance, that the wished-for event would take place in the course of the ensuing summer.

In the spring, the rumour of the King being about to visit Scotland was again revived and implicitly relied on, until contradicted in a form, which, though not official, was so decided and peremptory as to induce the opinion that his Majesty had suspended his gracious intentions. But all doubt and uncertainty were soon removed, by a letter received by the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, upon the 18th of July, from Lord Viscount Melville, Lord Privy Seal for Scotland, intimating, that his Majesty had positively resolved to visit Scotland during the summer, and might be expected to reach Edinburgh on or about the 10th of August. The deputy-keeper of Holyroodhouse received a letter to the same effect, in order that the necessary preparations might be made for his Majesty's reception.

The announcement of this intelligence produced in Edinburgh a sensation not to be described, and which was communicated to the remotest extremities of the kingdom. In the capital, the countenance of every one instantly assumed an air of animated joy ; and the bustle of preparation, which was visible in all quarters, foretold the grandeur of that scene to which all looked forward with the most eager expectation. The deep feeling of enthusiasm which was felt on the occasion, and the habitual gravity and reserve of the national character, were beautifully displayed in the magnificent scale of the preparations, and the orderly, quiet manner in which these were conducted. Various buildings offensive to taste were removed in an instant ;— others were made to change their appeai^Ce; — roads were constructed and repaired ; — arches did platforms erected ; — crowds of strangers Eoured in upon the city ; — and, after all, never did Edinurgh enjoy more profound tranquillity. It was, besides, most honourable to the loyalty of the inhabitants, that though party spirit had previously raged among them to a deplorable height, they suspended their animosities as if resolved, by mutual consent, there should be no alloy to the general happiness. Both parties seemed animated by one common feeling ; and thus furnished a satisfactory and gratifying proof, had proof been wanting, that difference of political opinion by no means necessarily occasions even a shade of difference in attachment to a constitutional monarch.