The epoch of reform, 1830-1850

Front matter

•

• n i

Br]

Preface

The object of this little book is, in the first instance, to give a clear and concise account of the changes in . our political system, from the introduction of Lord Grey's first Reform Bill to the death of Sir Robert Peel. That epoch of Reform encloses a group of constitutional changes so important as to entitle it to a distinct place in the history of England. Lord Grey's Reform Bill established the basis of a popular suffrage, gave representation to the great industrial towns, and abolished many old standing anomalies and sources of corruption. The tithe system was brought to an end in Ireland. Slavery was banished from our colonies for ever. The working of women and children in mines and factories was placed under wholesome regulation. The foundation of a system of national education was laid. Our penal code was made human and reasonable. The corn laws were repealed. These changes, and others hardly less important, are the birth of that marvellous period of political activity. Moreover, during this epoch of Reform the relations of the Sovereign to Parliament, vi Preface.

and of Parliament to the People, were established on a well defined and satisfactory principle.

The manner in which all these changes were brought about is a lesson of the deepest political interest to every student. I have been especially anxious to show how the policy which opens the way to Reform is the true antidote to the spirit of Revolution. Some of the grievances under which the English people suffered before this epoch of Reform were severe enough to have warranted an attempt at Revolution, if no other means of relief seemed attainable, and if that desperate remedy had some chance of success. Revolution, however, was avoided in England because English statesmen had learnt the wisdom which statesmen on the Continent had not acquired — the wisdom which teaches a Minister when to make his own opinions and prejudices give way before the pressure of evidence and experience, and of opinions that have not yet become his own. That was the wisdom which English Ministers during that epoch proved themselves especially to possess. They were not for the most part men of great intellect or political genius. Some of the continental statesmen whose mistakes and perversity brought misfortune on their country were men of higher intellectual grasp than some of the English Ministers whose shrewd sound judgment saved England from the peril of Revolution. But the manner in which England was governed during

Preface. vii

the period I have described, made it evident to all that every change in our political system needed for the good of the nation can be obtained by the patient and persistent use of argument and of reason, without any thought of an ultimate appeal to force. This, in itself, is the true principle of political freedom.

I have endeavoured to give my readers something like a picture of each leading public man on both sides of politics during this epoch of Reform. The more vividly we can form an impression as to the appearance, the bearing, and the personal peculiarities of a statesman, the more likely are we to understand the part he took in public affairs, and the purposes and principles which inspired him. The National Portrait Gallery in London is a valuable instructor even to the profoundest student of English history. No period of equal length in that history encloses a greater number of remarkable figures than the statesmen, orators, and politicians from Lord Grey, Lord John Russell, and O'Connell, to Sir Robert Peel, Lord Palmerston, and Mr. Cobden.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

1815. State of Europe after the Peace of Paris and events

leading to Reform or Revolution . . . 5

The Holy Alliance of Austria, Russia, and Prussia . . 9

England under Lord Liverpool and Lord Castlereagh . 11

Repression of popular agitation 16

1817-19. The Blanketeers. Peterloo, Orator Hunt 16

1822. Change of policy with Canning's accession to power . 11

1824. Recognition of the South American Republics .... u

1826. Struggle of Greece for independence. The Great

Powers intervene 11

1827. Battle of Navarino 12

1828. Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts 2

1829. Catholic Emancipation Act 22

Progress of the agitation for Reform. Its leaders . . 25

1830. Revolution in France. Charles X. abdicates 42

Death of George IV. Election of a new Parliament . 38

October 26. Parliament meets. The Duke of Wellington and the Government declare against Reform and are

forced to resign 43

Lord Grey's Reform Ministry 46

1831. March 1. Lord John Russell introduces the Reform Bill 50 March 21. Second reading of the Bill carried by 302 to 301 . 60

The Gascoigne amendment. Lord Grey appeals to the

country 61 x Contents.

PAGE

June 24. Reform Bill introduced into the new Parliament.

Prolonged debates in Committee 63

1831, August 18. Chandos clause 66

September 22. The Bill finally passes the Commons by 345

to 239, and goes up to the Lords, who throw it out on

second reading 67

Excitement in the country 69

December 6. Parliament reassembles 72

March 23. Third Reform Bill passes the Commons 73

Position of the Lords. The ' Waverers ' 73

Lord Lyndhurst's motion. Resignation of Lord Grey.

The Duke of Wellington cannot foim a Ministry.

The King consents to the creation of New Peers and

the Lords give way 75

June 4. The Bill passes the Lords and receives the King's

assent a few days later 76

1833. Emancipation of the West Indian slaves 83

Lord Stanley's resolutions 86

The trade of India thrown open to the world .... 93

Lord Ashley's Factory Act 94

Poor Law Reform . 124

1834. Mr. Ward's motion on the Irish Church ...... 104

Resignations in the Ministry. Commission appointed

to report upon the Irish Church . , . no

Lord Grey resigns and is succeeded by Lord Melbourne.

The King dismisses his Ministers ......... 117

Sir Robert Peel's first Administration 118

1835. June 26. Peel defeated on Lord John Russell's Resolution

on the Irish Church. Lord Melbourne returns to office. Irish Tithe Bill, which was finally passed by

Lord John Russell in 1838 119

Municipal Corporations reformed. Lord John Russell's Bill passed September 7 130

1837. Death of William IV. Accession of Queen Victoria . 139

1838. Separation of Hanover from England . . • 141

Anti-Corn Law League formed 18b

Contents. xi

PAGE

1832-37. Mitigation of the Criminal Laws 144

1837. Electric Telegraph invented 161

1839. State grant in aid of National Education increased, and

henceforward managed by a Committee of the Privy

Council . 143

Alteration of the Convict Laws 147

Abolition of the Press Gang for the Navy ....;. 151

1840. January 1. Sir Rowland Hill's Penny Postage adopted . 153 March 3. The Publication of Parliamentary Debates protected against actions for libel ,..:... 262

1841. Lord Melbourne resigns. Sir Robert Peel's second

Administration 181

Agitation for Repeal of the Corn Laws. The Free Trade controversy l8t

1845. Irish Education. Queen's Colleges. Opposition of Sir

Robert Inglis. Establishment of the Irish Board of National Education 167

Famine in Ireland brings the agitation for Free Trade to a head. History of the Corn Laws. Bright, Cobden, Villiers ....;.: 175-81

Dissensions in the Cabinet. Lord John Russell's letter to the Electors of London 184

Peel is deserted by some of his colleagues and resigns . 186

Lord John Russell fails to form a Ministry and Peel returns to office .......... \ .... . 186

1846, January 22. A new Parliament meets. Sir Robert

Peel declares in favour of Free Trade. Protectionist party of Lord George Bentmck and Mr. Disraeli ; 186- May 15. Repeal of the Corn Laws passes the Commons . . . 187 June 27. The Bill passes the Lords. Peel's Ministry Overthrown in the Commons on the Irish Coercion Bill.

Lord John Russell's first Administration 188

Triumph of Free Trade . 189

1849. Repeal of the Navigation Laws 192

Agitation for further reform. Chartism. The Six Points

of the Charter. Charter riots at Newport ..... 195 O'Connell's agitation for the Repeal of the Union . , 196 xii Contents.

PAGE

He is prosecuted for seditious speaking, but his condemnation is reversed by the Lords. The Young

Ireland Confederation . 200

Revolutions on the Continent 200

1848. Fall of the Guizot Ministry in France 201

Dethronement of Louis Philippe 201

Popular rising in Austria 202

Republic proclaimed in Venice 202

Pius IX. in exile at Gaeta. A Republic at Rome.

Mazzini 202

Hungarian revolts. Kossuth 203

March 23. Defeat of Charles Albert, King of Sardinia, at the

head of the Italians at No vara 203

April 12. France restores the Pope to Rome 203

In England Chartism ends and the Young Ireland party

is broken up 204

Reform triumphs over Revolution 205

1850, July 2. Death of Sir Robert Peel 205

Xlll

PRIME MINISTERS. 1830—1850.

Duke of Wellington Jan. 25, 1828 to Nov. 22, 1830.

Lord Melbourne July 18, 1834 " Dec. 26, 1834.

Sir Robert Peel Dec. 26, ^834 " April 18, 1835.

Lord Melbourne April 18, 1835 " Sept. 6, 1841.

Sir Robert Peel Sept. 6, 1841 " July 6, 1846.

Lord John Russell July 6, 1846 " Feb. 24, 1851.

ADMINISTRA TIONS. 1830—1850.

1. 1828. DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S MINISTRY.

Prime Minister Duke of Wellington.

Lord Chancellor Lord Lyndhurst.

Chancellor of Exchequer . . . Mr. H. Goulburn. Home Secretary ....... Sir R. Peel.

Foreign " Lord Aberdeen.

Colonial u Sir George Murray.

Secretary at War ....... Sir Henry Hardinge.

First Lord of the Admiralty . . Lord Melville, succeded by Sir

James Graham.

2. 1830. THE REFORM MINISTRY.

Prime Minister Earl Grey.

Lord Chancellor Lo/d Brougham.

Chancellor of Exchequer . . . Lord Althorp. Home Secretary Lord Melbourne.

XIV

Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston.

Colonial Secretary Lord Goderich, afterwards Mr.

Stanley.

Secretary at War Mr. C. N. W. Wynn, not in the

Cabinet.

First Lord of the Admiralty . . Sir. J. R, Graham.

Lord John Russell was Paymaster of the Forces but not in the Cabinet.

Mr. Stanley and Sir James Graham resigned office in 1834 upon the Irish Church question, and were succeeded by Mr. Spring Rice and Lord Auckland.

In July, 1834, Earl Grey retired and Lord Melbourne succeeded him : the rest of the Ministers remained in office : Lord Duncannon became Home Secretary in place of Lord Melbourne.

4. 1834. SIR R. PEEL'S FIRST MINISTRY.

Prime Minister Sir R. Peel.

Lord Chancellor. Lord Lyndhurst.

Chancellor of Exchequer . . .Sir R. Peel.

Home Secretary Mr. H. Goulburn.

Foreign " Duke of Wellington.

Colonial " Earl of Aberdeen.

Secretary at War ......... Lord Wharncliffe.

In this Ministry Mr. W. E. Gladstone was Under-Secretary for the Colonies.

5. 1834. LORD MELBOURNE'S SECOND MINISTRY.

Prime Minister Lord Melbourne.

Lord Chancellor In commission, afterwards Lord

Cottenham.

Chancellor of Exchequer . . . Mr. Spring Rice.

Home Secretary Lord John Russell.

Foreign " ........ Lord Palmerston.

Colonial " ....... Mr. Grant.

Secretary at War Lord Howick.

First Lord of the Admiralty . . Lord Auckland.

XV

Later Lord J. Russell became Colonial Secretary, Mr. Spring Rice entered the Upper House as Lord Monteagle, and was succeeded as Char.cellor of the Exchequer by Mr. Baring: Lord Howick was succeeded at the War Office by Mr. Macaulay.

6. 1841. SIR R. PEEL'S SECOND MINISTRY.

Prime Minister Sir R. Peel.

Lord Chancellor . Lord Lyndhurst.

Chancellor of Exchequer . . . Mr. Goulburn.

Home Secretary Sir James Graham.

Foreign " Lord Aberdeen.

Colonial " Lord Stanley.

Secretary of War Sir Henry Hardinge.

First Lord of the Admiralty . . Lord Haddington. President of the Board of

Trade . Earl Ripon, afterwards Mr. Gladstone.

Without office but in the

Cabinet Duke of Wellington.

7. 1846. LORD J. RUSSELL'S FIRST MINISTRY.

Prime Minister Lord J. Rnssell.

Lord Chancellor Lord Cottenham.

Chancellor of Exchequer . . . Mr. C. Wood. Home Secretary ...... . Sir G. Grey.

Foreign " Lord Palmerston.

Colonial " Earl Grey (Lord Howick).

First Lord of the Admiralty . . Lord Auckland.

Paymaster General Mr. Macaulay.

President of the Board of

Trade Earl of Clarendon.

THE EPOCH OF REFORM.

1830-1850.

Chapter I. Reform And Revolution

The epoch of Reform in England is the period of transition during which the representative system in Parliament and the constitutional system in Monarchy became settled institutions. The representative principle in Parliamentary Government is that which secures to the people the right of freely choosing an adequate number of men to speak for them in the House of Commons. The constitutional principle in Monarchy is that which requires the sovereign to act on the advice of his ministers, who are themselves responsible to Parliament, and not to attempt to govern the country according to his own notions and his own will. The epoch of Reform in England coincides very nearly with the epoch of revolution on the Continent of Europe. Where such reforms as those which took place in England are resisted by the force of arbitrary government, the natural result is revolution. As the intelligence of a people develops, and education spreads, there grows up among them a conviction that "the common sense of all," as Mr. Tennyson describes it, is better able to take care of the common interest than the arbitrary judgment of any sovereign or B statesman, however sagacious and well-meaning. A time comes when that conviction has taken full and firm hold of the great majority of a people, and when that time comes, it is no longer possible to prevent the accomplishment of a change in the political system. It is not possible to resist that change, any more than it is to resist the action of any physical law governing the movements of the world. No matter how strong the despotic power which endeavours to resist, the resistance is overcome in the end. The movement of civilised men is everywhere towards representative institutions, and where there is a monarchy, towards the constitutional principle in the monarchy. The wisdom of statesmen and of rulers consists in seeing when the stages of political development have been reached at which successive conditions of arbitrary rule have to give way before the popular movement. When statesmen are wise enough to see this for themselves by the light of their own intelligence, or are made to feel it by the pressure brought to bear on them and are willing to give way before the pressure, we have reform. Where this is not done we have revolt or revolution. If revolt, it is probable that after a severe strain there follows a period of reaction. But that reaction is sure to be succeeded by another period of revolt, and if the resistance of the ruling power be prolonged, there comes at last the period of revolution.

This chapter of history begins with the year 1830, after the repeal of the Test and Corporation Act, in 1828, and after the passing of the great Act of Catholic Emancipation in 1829. Such measures, great as were their results and obvious as were their justice, do not come within the sphere of that kind of political reform which js to be studied in this volume. The principle on which the admission of Dissenters to civil and municipal office,

1830 Political Reform. 3

and the political emancipation of Catholics, was founded, was one of moral justice. No matter what the system of government which prevailed in England, the justice of religious equality in civil and political affairs would have been recognised in time. In some of the most despotic countries in the world there never was any idea of maintaining such a principle of religious exclusion and intolerance as that illustrated by the disenfranchisement of Roman Catholics, and the Test and Corporation Acts. Curiously enough, some of the countries which even in the present day maintain the most antique and anomalous systems of arbitrary government, have never had religious exclusiveness or religious tests as any part of their governing principle. Therefore, it is not right to regard Catholic Emancipation, the recognition of the civil rights of Dissenters, or the admission of the Jews to the House of Commons, as mere measures of political reform. The disqualification was in itself an obvious and gross outrage on the common principle of justice which must be supposed to be the basis of every state system. But while it is perfectly obvious to the modern mind that no man ought to be excluded from citizenship and its full privileges because of his religious faith, it is not by any means equally obvious that a certain proportion of persons living in houses of a certain rental should be either admitted to or excluded from the right to vote. When we come to consider that question we come into the region of pure political reform. In the same way the functions of the sovereign cannot be defined on any principle of obvious and fundamental justice. It must be a matter of growth and development, of adaptation to the wants and the condition of each particular stage of each country's growth : a matter of compromise and arrangement.

Here then, also, we have the working of the principle of political reform, The two most significant reforms accomplished and established in England during the period which this history describes are the reforms in representation and the changes gradually made in the relation of the sovereign towards the people. These principles were formally established in England between the years 1830 and 1850. No matter what further changes may take place in the governing system of this country ; no matter how the functions of the sovereign may hereafter be either extended or restricted ; no matter how the principle of election may be expanded or varied ; all such changes can be but further developments of the principles recognised and established between 1830 and 1850. All over Europe we see the varying process of development of the same principles. In every country of the European Continent the recognition of this principle has been preceded by a period of revolution or of revolt, followed by reaction, and then revolt again. Only in England have the reforms been accomplished without a struggle. Nor is this owing, as is generally supposed, to the fact that the English political system embodied no serious grievance and no genuine oppression. On the contrary, there were many anomalies of English political life which bore down on certain classes more severely and more unjustly than such classes were borne down upon in almost any continental state. The reason why the changes in England were so quiet and so satisfactory, was that English statesmen had arrived at that condition of political intelligence which made them able to recognise the fact that changes which they themselves disliked, and would, if they could, have resisted, had nevertheless become inevitable, and must take place sooner or later, peacefully or with violence. English statesmen were fortunately able to see the immense advantage of accepting the inevitable at the right moment. Wellington and Peel saw that they could not successfully resist the changes which the Metternichs and the Polignacs believed they could successfully resist. To this fact is due the whole difference between the manner in which political changes were wrought out in this country and on the Continent. Had English statesmen been like those of foreign countries, we, too, should have had to describe the period between 1830 and 1850 as a period, not of reform, but of revolution.

In 1830 Europe was just beginning to rise from a long period of depression and of political reaction. The French Revolution had swept over the Continent as a forest fire in America flames from tree to tree. The victories of the great Napoleon set the flag of France floating in every continental capital. From the heights of Boulogne Napoleon threatened England herself with invasion. Suddenly, however, there came a turn in the tide. Napoleon attempted impossibilities, and thus brought ruin upon his ambition and himself. It has been well observed by a French writer that the great difference between Napoleon and Julius Caesar is that Caesar knew what he could not do as well as what he could do, and was therefore successful to the end ; Napoleon did not know what he could not do, and therefore failed. Napoleon dreamed of the complete subjugation of Europe ; of himself as the sole autocrat of the Continent; even of England beaten to her knees and brought under his dominion. He was not a man of sound political education, and did not thoroughly understand any country but his own. He was under the impression that the murmurs of political discontent which reached him from England really showed that the English people would be glad of a revolution effected in their country by means of an invasion from France. He had crushed Austiia, Prussia, Spain, Italy, Holland, and all the continental states except Russia, and he had defeated Russia in the battle-field and forced the Czar to come to terms dictated by himself.

He had set up his brothers as kings in Spain, Holland, and Westphalia ; he had made his brilliant cavalry officer Murat king of Naples, and one of his marshals, Bernadotte, king of Sweden. At one point of his career Napoleon had no acknowledged enemy in Europe but England alone. Pitt, the Prime Minister, son of the great Chatham, had striven long and hard to keep up an alliance of the other European powers against Napoleon, but it had utterly failed ; and Pitt never recovered from the shock given to him by the news of the crushing defeat inflicted upon Austria in the battle of Austerlitz. England stood alone against Napoleon for a long time. She was always victorious on the seas. The genius of Nelson and his successive victories kept alive the spirit and enthusiasm of the English people, even in the hours of deepest depression. At last Napoleon went so far as to issue decrees from Berlin and from Milan in which he prohibited all the European nations from trading with England. He entertained the preposterous idea that he could thus actually destroy the whole trade of England, and reduce her to something like starvation. He quarrelled anew with Russia, and entered upon the desperate scheme of an invasion of that country. Despite the fierce and patient resistance of the Russians he forced his way to Moscow. The people set their city on fire rather than endure its occupation by the French. Napoleon had to begin a retreat amid the terrible rigours of a Russian winter. The Russians harassed his retreating army at every step. The retreat

1815 The Escape from Elba. 7

was only a long series of battles. Between Russian arms and the Russian climate Napoleon lost six -sevenths of his army. He had entered Russia with more than 600,000 soldiers ; he brought less than 80,000 back.

Meanwhile the Duke of Wellington had been defeating some of Napoleon's best marshals in Spain, and rendering the French occupation of that country an impossible task. Austria and Prussia had been recovering their courage and strength. The folly of Napoleon's idea, that he could really extinguish the nationality of the Germans and reduce them to the condition of abject bondmen to the power of France, soon began to show itself. Germany rose against him, and he received an overwhelming defeat at Leipzig. An alliance was again formed for the purpose of crushing him ; England was the inspiring influence of the alliance ; Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, and other powers were joined in it. Napoleon was defeated ; the allied powers entered Paris ; he was deposed and sent to Elba, an islet in the Mediterranean. The allied powers left him the title of Emperor and gave him a little army with which to amuse himself. Lord John Russell visited Napoleon in Elba, and had some conversation with him. Napoleon showed how little he understood of England by telling Lord John Russell that he had no doubt the Duke of Wellington would make use of the great influence of his military success to have himself declared king of England.

The sovereigns of Europe called together a congress at Vienna for the purpose of restoring what they considered to be order, and reorganising the systems and countries which had been swept over by Napoleon's victories. The Bourbon king Louis XVIII. was set up in France. Suddenly, while the congress was sitting, Napoleon escaped from Elba, landed in France, and was welcomed everywhere by the army and the people. The congress broke up ; King Louis XVIII. fled in very unkingly fashion out of the country ; Napoleon was Emperor of the French once more. The allies. prepared to attack him, and pledged themselves never to rest until they had completely broken his power. The only forces immediately available were the English and the Prussians under Wellington and Blucher in Belgium. Napoleon flung himself on the Prussians and defeated them. One of the best of his splendid marshals, Ney, attacked the English at the same time, but had to fall back without success. The object of the English and the Prussians was to draw their forces together ; Napoleon's purpose was to crush the English before the Prussians could come up.

Wellington took up a fine position at Waterloo, not very far from Brussels, the capital of Belgium. He was attacked by Napoleon there : he had to bear the whole brunt of the day alone, for the Prussians only came up late in the evening, and his army was not only outnumbered by that of Napoleon, but had only a comparatively small number of English, Irish, and Scotchmen in it, being in great measure made up of Belgians, Hanoverians, and Hessians. Wellington's generalship and the indomitable courage of his own men triumphed over every difficulty. The finest of the French cavalry could make no impression on them. Marshal Ney himself led more than one desperate charge. It is worth observing, to show how different the real business of a commander often is from the part which he would be made to play on the stage or in a picture, that Ney prepared for one charge by putting his sword into its sheath in order that it might be out of his way, and that Murat, the most brilliant cavalry officer of his day, hardly ever went into action

1 8 14-15 The Congress of Vienna. 9

with any weapon more formidable than a riding-whip in his hand. At last the Prussians came up, and the defeat of the French was complete. Napoleon had to fly for his life. He reached Paris almost alone. He abdicated the throne, went on board an English man-of-war, the Bellerophon, and surrendered himself prisoner. He was sent to exile in St. Helena, an island in the South Atlantic. Thackeray, the great novelist, when a child returning from India, was taken at St. Helena to see the fallen Emperor walking up and down his little garden. Napoleon never succeeded in regaining his freedom, and he died in St. Helena ; still, after all that wild and wonderful career, having scarcely passed middle age.

Meanwhile the Congress of Vienna set to work to restore the old conditions of things in Europe. The continental sovereigns and statesmen had not the faintest comprehension of the realities of the situation. They did not understand that Napoleon had really effaced feudalism, and what was called the divine right of kings. The French Revolution, of which he had been the great weapon and instrument, had destroyed all in the old systems that really deserved destruction and had long been waiting for it. No congress, no Holy Alliance, as the union of some of the continental sovereigns was afterwards called, could restore what the Revolution had actually removed. But the continental sovereigns and statesmen did not see this, and were fully convinced that it only needed a little exertion of energy to bring ba-ck the old order of things. The Holy Alliance was framed by a convention signed with the names of Francis, Emperor of Austria, Frederick William, King of Prussia, and Alexander, Emperor of Russia. The convention declared that these sovereigns had no other object in framing the agreement than to publish to the world their io Reform and Revolution. 1814-27

fixed resolution to take, in the administration of their own states and in their relations with other powers, the precepts of religion for their sole guide. They therefore pledged themselves to " remain united by the bonds of a true and indissoluble fraternity," and to help each other and to use their arms to protect religion, peace, and justice. Finally, the document declared that all powers which should choose " solemnly to avow the sacred principles which have dictated the present act will be received with equal ardour and affection into this holy alliance." These last words gave to the alliance the name by which it has ever since been known. It soon appeared, however, that by maintaining peace, religion, and justice, the allied powers only meant the carrying out of their own despotic will, and securing their own supposed interests. They proclaimed themselves the champions and ministers of religion and justice, but reserved to themselves the right of defining what justice and religion were. Justice and religion meant, according to their definition, the divine right of kings, the sacredness of despotic power, and the suppression of free speech and public liberty of every kind, wherever they could exercise any power of intervention.

So they complacently set to work to put back the hand of time to the historical hour at which it was pointing when the mob of Paris destroyed the Bastile. They restored the dethroned princes and princelings ; they sustained arbitrary authority everywhere ; they proclaimed once again the principle of the divine right of kings ; they put a stop to liberty of speech or publication ; they governed by soldiers and police. They bound themselves by the engagement from which was taken the name of " holy alliance " to unite in putting down revolutionary agitation wherever it should show itself. For a