The Commoner condensed

Author's Preface

The Commoner, Condensed, is, as its name implies — a condensation of matter which has appeared in The Commoner during the first year of its existence. The first eighteen chapters contain editorials dealing with subjects of a permanent nature. These are reproduced without elimination or elaboration, and cover the important political, social and economic questions, which have come before the country during the year.

Following the principal editorials which have appeared in the paper under the titles given, is Chapter XIX., containing a selection of shorter editorials taken from what is commonly called the side-head page, the description having reference to the position of the head-lines. The next chapter contains selected editorial paragraphs which have appeared from time to time on the paragraph page. The first five pages of The Commoner are devoted to editorials — the first, second and third to those varying in length from one-fourth of a column to several columns, the fourth to paragraphs, and the fifth to side-heads. As the paragraphs and side-heads usually deal with more transient themes, only a small proportion of them will be found in this volume.

Chapter XXI. contains selected matter from Mr. Will M. Maupin's department entitled, "Whether Common or Not." Mr. Hairpin's contributions consist of poems, fables, dialogues, squibs and bits of philosophy. In his entertaining style he discusses matters political, matters social and matters sentimental. The extracts selected give a general idea of his style of writing.

Chapter XXII. contains a few poems which, because of their special merit, have survived the year in which they were written. The first, the "Ode to a Waterfowl/' appeared in the initial vi Author's Preface.

number of The Commoner. It is my favorite poem, and was brought to my attention by my father. The author of the poem, William Cullen Bryant, has clothed a familiar theme in beautiful language and so embalmed a noble sentiment that it will live and give inspiration for generations to come. Poems dedicated to Jefferson and Jackson are reproduced for the benefit of those who desire something appropriate for occasions on which the faithful do honor to the memory of the "Sage of Monticello" and the "Hero of New Orleans." The author of these poems, Dr. Howard S. Taylor, of Chicago, has been called Democracy's Poet-Laureate because he has shown so much genius in the poetic presentation of democratic principles and in the eulogy of the party's founders and defenders.

"The Penalty," by Mr. J. A. Edgerton, formerly of Lincoln, Nebraska, now of Denver, is a strong and stately application of moral truth to national life. It condenses all history, sacred and profane, into a few brief and impressive sentences.

"Ben Bolt" and "Little Boy Blue" represent the class to which most of the poems reproduced by The Commoner belong, while "Nearer Home" and "Amen" are samples of the poems of a religious nature which have appeared occasionally. It is my aim to exclude from the columns of The Commoner everything objectionable, and, as far as space will permit, include all that is helpful and wholesome. I have received frequent assurance that the poems have been appreciated.

In the Appendix will be found a few articles and letters written for other publications but reprinted in The Commoner.

The index is quite complete and the reader will be able to find with ease any editorial reproduced, any subject discussed or any person mentioned.

William J. Bryan.

Lincoln, Nebraska,

Contents

EDITORIALS.

PAGE

The Commoner t 1

Appendix

The Hill Coinage Bill 426

The Man with the Hoe 429

Ratify the Treaty. Declare the Nation's Policy 434

Industrial Combinations 439

British Rule in Ind^q 445

Address at McKinley Memorial 454

Moral Courage 456

Imperialism 459

Index , 461

THE COMMONER CONDENSED.

THE COMMONEK.

Webster defines a commoner as "one of the common people." The name has been selected for this paper because The Commoner will endeavor to aid the common people in the protection of their rights, the advancement of their interests and the realization of their aspirations.

It is not necessary to apologize for the use of a term which distinguishes the great body of the population from the comparatively few, who, for one reason or another, withdraw themselves from sympathetic connection with their fellows. Among the Greeks "Hoi polloi" was used to describe the many, while among the Eomans the word "plebs" was employed for the same purpose. These appellations, like "the common people," have been assumed with pride by those to whom they were applied, while they have been used as terms of reproach by those who counted themselves among the aristocratic classes. Within recent years there has been a growing tendency in some quarters to denounce as demagogic any reference to, or praise of, the common people.

One editor in a late issue of his paper takes exception to the phrase and says :

This expression is an ill-chosen one and should have no lodgment in the vocabulary of an American patriot and statesman. If we sought its origin, we would look for it in that specious demagogy which has evolved the professional politician, arrayed country against town — the farmer and his sons and daughters against the business and professional men and their sons and daughters — capital against labor, and built up against neighbors the impregnable barriers of prejudice and hate.

This quotation is reproduced because it fairly represents the views of those who criticise the expression. It has, however, an eminently respectable origin. In the same chapter in which Christ condensed man's duty to his fellows into the commandment : Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself ; in the same chapter in which he denounced those who devour widows' houses and for a pretense make long prayers — in this same chapter it is said of Him: The common people heard Him gladly.

No higher compliment was ever paid to any class.

The term, the common people, is properly used to describe the large majority of the people — those who earn their living and give to society a fair return for the benefits bestowed by society — those who in their daily lives recognize the ties which bind together the mass of the people who have a common lot and a common hope. Sometimes they are called "the middle classes" because paupers and criminals are excluded on the one hand, while on the other hand some exclude themselves because of wealth or position or pride of birth. The common people form the industrious, intelligent and patriotic element of our population ; they produce the nation's wealth in time of peace and fight the nation's battles in time of war. They are self-reliant and independent; they ask of government nothing but justice and will not be satisfied with less. They are not seeking to get their hands into other people's pockets, but are content if they can keep other people's hands out of their pockets.

The common people do not constitute an exclusive society — they are not of the four hundred ; any one can become a member if he is willing to contribute by brain or muscle to the nation's strength and greatness. Only those are barred — and they are barred by their own choice — who imagine themselves made of a superior kind of clay, and who deny the equality of all before the law.

A rich man, who has honestly acquired his wealth and is not afraid to intrust its care to laws made by his fellows, can count himself among the common people, while a poor man is not really one of them if he fawns before a plutocrat and has no higher ambition than to be a courtier or a sycophant.

The Commoner will be satisfied if, by fidelity to the common people, it proves its right to the name which has been chosen.

The Commoner Condensed.

A LIVING FOUNTAIN.

Jeremiah gave to literature a beautiful and striking figure when, in charging the children of Israel with apostasy, he said :

They have forsaken me, the fountain of living waters, and hewed them out cisterns, broken cisterns, that can hold no water.

One is reminded of this forcible simile to-day when a large number of our people seem inclined to turn back to the once discarded doctrine of empires. To compare self-government with an arbitrary form of government is like comparing a living fountain with a broken cistern.

When the people are recognized as the source of power the government is perpetual because the people endure forever. The government then responds to their desires and conforms to their character; it can be made as good as they deserve to have and they are satisfied with it because it is their own handiwork. If it has evils those evils are endured because the people recognize that they themselves are to blame and that it is within their power to apply any needed remedy.

A government resting on force is, on the other hand, ever unstable because it excites hatred rather than affection, and is continually at war with human nature ; it is in constant antagonism to that universal sentiment which is defined as the love of liberty. *

All history sustains the self-evident truths which form the foundation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. All history condemns a political structure which appeals only to fear and relies upon bayonets for its support.

HOW THE TAEIFF AIDS THE TKUSTS.

A recent number of the Hardware 'Dealer's Magazine contains an interesting comment on the methods of the wire nail trust. It

A statement which recently emanated from Pittsburg has attracted some attention and comment among hardware men. The points that were sought to be made were as follows : In 1898 there were produced in the United States 7,418,475 kegs of wire nails. These cost the consumer $1.31 per keg. There were exported during the same year 307,194 kegs, at about $1.55 per keg, the foreigner paying a higher price than the home customer. These same nails sold at $1.11 per keg on an average during 1894.

During the last year there were manufactured 7,599,522 kegs, at an average price of $2.57 to the domestic buyers. In the meantime, 752,871 kegs were exported, at about $1.40 per keg. The American customers of the steel wire nail makers paid about $17,- 596,124.37 for the balance of the manufactured nails (about 6,846,- 741 kegs). Had the American consumers been privileged to buy at the quotations granted the foreign buyers, the Americans would have saved about $8,010,686.97 on their purchase.

More than eight millions of dollars! This measures the extortion practiced upon the hardware merchant, but this must be increased by the merchant's profit, if his profit is estimated upon a percentage basis, before it measures the extortion practiced upon the consumer.

And yet some are so devoted to a protective tariff as not to protest against import duties which enable trusts to sell at home at a high price while they sell abroad at a low price.

THE VICE-PKESIDENCY.

It has been intimated that Vice-President-Elect Eoosevelt is desirous of receiving more consideration at the hands of the President than has, as a rule, been given to those occupying his position. Whether or not the report is true is not material, but the ambition, if he does entertain it, is an entirely worthy one.

Why has the Vice-President been so generally ignored by the Chief Executive in the past ? It is said that Mr. Breckenridge was only consulted once by President Buchanan, and then only in regard to the phraseology of a Thanksgiving Proclamation. This incident was related to a later Vice-President who was noted for his skill at repartee, and he replied, with a twinkle in his eye: ''Well, there is one more Thanksgiving Day before my term expires."

According to the constitution the Vice-President succeeds to the office in case the President dies, resigns, is removed, or becomes unable to discharge the duties of the office. The public good requires that he should be thoroughly informed as to the details of the administration and ready to take up the work of the Executive at a moment's notice. The Vice-President ought to be exofficio a member of the President's cabinet; he ought to sit next to the President in the council chamber. Eeceiving his nomination from a national convention and his commission from the people, he is able to furnish the highest possible proof that he enjoys public respect and confidence, and the President should avail himself of the wisdom and discretion of such an adviser. While the responsibility for action rests upon the occupant of the White House he is entitled to, and of course desires, all the light possible before deciding on any question.

Congress can by law impose upon the Vice-President the duty of giving such assistance to his chief, or the President can of his own volition establish the precedent, and it would, in all probability, be observed by his successors.

Many public men have avoided the second place on the ticket for fear it would relegate them to obscurity; some of Colonel Roosevelt's friends objected to his nomination on that ground. A cabinet position has generally been considered more desirable than the Vice-Presidency, but the latter in dignity and importance is, in fact, only second to the presidency, and the occupant deserves the prominence and prestige which would come from more intimate official association with the Executive.

MILITARISM AGAINST PENSIONS.

The following press dispatch from Berlin will be read with interest by pensioners :

To-day's debate in the Reichstag upon a resolution submitted by Herr Nissler, conservative, to amend the pension laws, so that every veteran of the wars of 1864, 1866 and 1870-1871 who is an invalid and unable to support himself would receive 120 marks annually, developed into a terrible arraignment of the government. Speakers of all parties, conservatives, national, liberals, centrists and even socialists, declared their willingness to vote for adequate pensions and censured the government for constantly ignoring this debt of honor, unworthy, as one speaker said, of a country which had embarked on a world policy.

Other speakers declared that the attitude of the Bundesrath in steadily refusing to provide pensions was inexplicable.

As the burdens of militarism increase a government which rests upon force finds it necessary to choose between the army of the present and the soldiers of the past. It can better afford to do injustice to those whose fighting days are over than to alienate those upon whom it must rely for future assistance.

Liberal pensions are possible with a small military establishment, but hardly probable when the resources of a country are drained to support a large body of professional soldiers.

CHRISTIANITY VERSUS WAR.

Erasmus, whose words have echoed through three centuries, has this to say of the antagonism between Christianity and War:

Let us imagine we hear a soldier among these fighting Christians saying the Lord's Prayer just before battle. Our Father! says he. 0, hardened wretch ! Can you call God Father, when you are just going out to cut your brother's throat? — Hallowed be Thy name. How can the name of God be more impiously unhallowed than by mutual bloody murder among his sons? — Thy kingdom come. Do you pray for the coming of His kingdom while you are endeavoring to establish an earthly despotism by ■spilling the blood of God's, sons and subjects ? — Thy will be done in earth as it is in Heaven. His will in Heaven is for peace; but you are now meditating war. — Give us this day our daily bread. How dare you say this to your Father in Heaven at the moment that you are going to burn your brother's corn fields and would rather lose the benefit of them yourself than suffer him to enjoy them unmolested? — Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. With what face can you pray thus, when, so far from forgiving your brother, you are going with all the haste you can, to murder him in cold blood for an alleged trespass which, after all, is but imaginary? — Lead us not into temptation. And do you presume to deprecate temptation or danger — you who are not only rushing into it yourself, but doing all you can to force your brother into it? — Deliver us from evil. You pray to be delivered from evil, that is, from the evil being, Satan, to whose impulses you are now submitting yourself, and by whose spirit you are guided in contriving the greatest possible evil to your brother ?

These sentiments, set forth and commented upon in the Peace Manual, are respectfully commended to those followers of the

Nazarene who preach a strenuous gospel of bloodshed, and who imagine that they see God's hand directing a war waged for conquest and the extension of trade.

TRADE-UNIONISM.

Mr. Wise, a member of the Australian Parliament, in a speech in favor of arbitration, sets forth the necessity for trade-unionism so forcibly that an extract is given below:

Trade-Unionism is, as I have said, to the laborer what capital is to the employer; and without trade-unionism we would not feel that there could be any real freedom of contract between the laborer and the employer.

Freedom only exists when those on either side are free to accept or reject the terms that are offered. To secure that freedom is the object of trade-unionism, because it recognizes that in order to have a fair bargain made, each party to the bargain must be on a footing of equality.

The labor organization not only helps those who belong to it, but it also helps those who are not members. For even those on the outside share to a greater or less extent in the better wages, the shorter hours and the more favorable conditions secured by the labor organizations. If unions or federations make mistakes it must be remembered that perfection is not to be expected in any work of human hands. The good done by these organizations far outweighs the errors which they have committed.

THE BOEES— GOD BLESS THEM.

The reports from South Africa revive the stories of ancient heroism. That a force so small should be able to hold the British army at bay and even re-take some of the surrendered places seems too wonderful to be true. Millions here and throughout the world who believe in self-government and deny the right of a strong nation to cast its sovereignty like a net over a weaker people, are watching with intense interest the unequal struggle of the Boers in defense of their independence. If they succeed in forcing a recognition of their republics, their victory will mark the turning point in the recent trend toward imperial ideas and their sacrifices will be of incalculable value to the human race. If, however, they fail and are compelled at last to submit to the English yoke, their valiant resistance will have furnished innumerable themes for poetry and song, and the lovers of liberty for centuries to come will find inspiration in their courage and patriotism.

THE PAETY OKGANIZATION.

After the defeat of 1896 the gold democrats met and congratulated themselves upon their part in the republican victory and demanded a re-organization of the party. A second defeat has brought forth another chorus of criticism and a demand that the party management be turned over to those who for the past four years have held themselves aloof from the organization and spent their time in condemnation of the policies endorsed in the party platform.

Men who have repudiated the party creed and the party candidates, and yet pride themselves upon their superior democracy, urge a return to what they call the first principles of democracy. Pressed for some definite statement of their views they either evade the question or resort to language too ponderous for the understanding. Whatever differences of opinion may exist concerning the various planks of the Kansas City platform, the indisputable fact remains that that platform embraces the essential principles of democracy as taught by all the great leaders of the past and as accepted by the rank and file. Many democrats who left the party in 1896 came back in 1900 and were cordially welcomed. While not agreeing to every policy set forth, they gave hearty support to the democratic candidates because they believed that the platform was sound in its cardinal principles.

Exact fulfilment of national pledges and adherence to the Constitution, perfect compliance with the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, firm advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine, stern antagonism to militarism, relentless opposition to trusts, uncompromising hostility to an unjust dollar and to a surrender to national banks of the money issuing functions of the government, strong protest against entangling alliance with any other nation, vigorous objection to the plan of wasting the people's money in subsidies to a few individuals, earnest appeal for the restoration of popular government and the principles which have given life and prosperity to the nation — these must represent the fundamental principles of democracy and these received the endorsement of the convention which met at Kansas City.

There is a marked difference between the methods employed by the democrats who believe in the Kansas City platform and the methods employed by those who oppose that platform. The former have fixed principles, state them without ambiguity, and invite judgment upon them; the latter prate about principles, assume a "holier than thou" attitude and declaim about national honors and party traditions, but never put their principles into concrete form or outline a plan for dealing with present political problems. They are against the Kansas City platform, but what are they for ? They are against the silver plank, but what financial policy do they propose? Do they favor the national bank note or the greenback? Are they for an income tax or against it? Do they favor the - popular election of senators, or do they oppose it? What is their attitude on the question of private monopolies ? What would they do with the Philippine Islands? How large an army do they think necessary? . What do they think of government by injunction?

The party as now organized has taken a position on these questions and is ready to defend it. Let the re-organizers present a statement of their views, equally definite and detailed, so that the voters, or the rank and file, if you please, may act understandingly.

When these self-styled democrats left the party they said that they preferred principles to success; now they ask those who remained true to the party to surrender principles in order to secure success under their leadership and they promise success notwithstanding the fact that the defeat of 1894, which came under their leadership, was the most disastrous since 1872, and notwithstanding the further fact that the ticket which they nominated in 1896 carried but one precinct in the United States.

If any change in the present organization is necessary it can be made by the voters in the regular way and at the proper time. If in the meantime, any member of the organization dies, resigns or is replaced, the new member ought to be in harmony with the people who select him, for, as a member of the organization, he acts in a representative capacity.

io The Commoner Condensed.

The only way to insure this harmony, is to insist that the candidate shall be frank and candid in making known his views to those to whom he appeals, and every honest democrat seeking party prominence with a sincere desire to aid the party will be willing to make known his views on every disputed question. Beware of the man who boasts of his democracy but refuses to define it.

The so-called democrats who voted the republican ticket showed by so doing that they were nearer to the republican position than they were to the democratic position. In order to regain their confidence, they must undergo a change or the democratic party must move over toward the republican position. As the re-organizers have manifested no change of heart the effort to re-organize might more properly be called an effort to republicanize the democratic party. To make the effort a success the democrats must either be converted to republican ideas, or be deceived into the support of men who wear the livery of democracy, but lean toward republican doctrines.

SECKET INFLUENCE.

The people have nothing to fear from open enemies. The man who boldly proclaims a principle, no matter what it may be, can do but little injury. No amount of intellect, learning or eloquence can make him dangerous. As Jefferson has expressed it, "Error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it." Truth grows in the open field; the sunshine nourishes and strengthens it. It is secret influence which is constantly corrupting government and securing special privileges for the few at the expense of the many. The man who advocates a thing which he believes to be good for the people as a whole has no reason to conceal his purpose, but the man who tries to secure an advantage which he knows to be beneficial to some class or combination but hurtful to the public, naturally and necessarily employs stealth.

Would the directors of a railroad company adopt and publish a resolution designating their favorite candidate for the legislature, congress, the senate or the bench? Would they candidly set forth why they wanted him and what they expected of him after they got him? And yet it is well known that railroads often take an active part in the selection of public officials.

The Commoner Condensed. n

Would the directors of a trust adopt and publish a resolution naming the presidential candidate they would support and announcing the contribution they would make to the campaign fund ? And yet it is certain that the trusts have in the past interested themselves in campaigns.

Eternal vigilance is the price of protection against bad laws and misrule as well as the price of liberty. Since laws are made, construed and enforced by public officials, it is necessary that great care should be exercised in the selection of them in order that they, when selected, shall guard the interests of the whole people and not be the mere agents of some corporation.

ANOTHER ENDLESS CHAIN.

Secretary Gage recently appeared before a House committee and urged the enactment of a law specifically requiring silver dollars to be redeemed in gold on demand. He argued that, as the legal tender law makes silver the equivalent of gold, the government might as well offer to furnish gold in exchange for silver, as to allow silver to be presented in payment of revenues. To use his own expression :

The government might just as well face the situation and meet this silver with its right hand at the front door as to take it with the left hand at the back door.

And this is the reasoning of a financier ! He sees no difference between a credit money and a standard money; he thinks it a matter of no moment that his plan reduces the quantity of basic money and increases the quantity of redeemable money — or, in other words, contracts the foundation and expands the superstructure.

But of this later. It is worth while to point out at this time that the argument now made by Secretary Gage is similar to the argument which led to the custom of redeeming treasury notes in gold, although the practice of redeeming treasury notes in gold simply surrendered the government's option to select the coin and did not convert a standard money into a credit money. After the custom of redeeming in gold was established the financiers pointed out that the redemption and re-issue of treasury notes formed what they called an endless chain for the draining of the treasury. This argument was used with great effect in securing the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman Law. As soon as that legislation was accomplished the financiers set to work to secure the retirement of the greenbacks as well as the treasury notes on the ground that the greenbacks also constituted an endless chain when redeemed and re-issued. Now that the greenbacks and treasury notes are in process of retirement an attack is to be made upon the silver dollar.

The argument that worked so well against government paper is now to be used against coin. The present law does not require the redemption of silver dollars ; a bill containing such a provision passed the House a year ago but a republican Senate was not willing to go on record as favoring such a measure at the beginning of a presidential campaign, so the matter was left to executive construction.

Now that the election is over the republican leaders are a little more bold and will probably make the law specific in requiring redemption.

Next will come the demand for the retirement of silver dollars by an issue of bonds, or for a withdrawal of their legal tender qualities.

As a reason for retiring silver we will be told that a silver dollar redeemed and then re-issued forms another endless chain. It will be pointed out that there is no limit to the amount of gold that may be drained from the treasury if silver dollars are paid out again after they are once redeemed. The same argument made against the greenback and treasury note will be repeated against a redeemable silver dollar.

The redemption of the standard silver dollar is the first step toward its ultimate retirement, and those who are opposed to its retirement will not be induced to aid in making it redeemable. When the gold standard is complete, gold will be the only legal tender money and bank notes the only paper money. Until this end is reached the financiers will deprecate any agitation of the money question during campaigns and will spend the years between campaigns urging legislative enactments in furtherance of their plans.