The riches of Mexico and its institutions

Front matter

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Preface

MEXICO AND HER REVOLUTIONS.

I. Before passing in review the manifold sources of wealth possessed by the territory of Mexico ; before commencing the study of those elements of greatness and of prosperity but ill-developed upon which our Republic can count; before enumerating the list of her actual conquests, let us look over the arena in which they have been realized. Let us take a rapid glance at that stormy period which immediately preceded our own, but of which now remain only recollections and traditions. The bloody and lamentable picture we are about to present, without extenuation of any kind, will not serve so much to condemn the men of past generations, as to show that if in the midst of so much strife they have found time to do something in behalf of the moral and material development of the Republic, their deeds should rather be enrolled in the list of heroisms.

The revolutionary period commences where the war of Independence ended. Hardly had the empire been constituted when, in 1823, Santa-Ana revolted, proclaiming the Federation, and in 1824 Don Jose Maria Lobato gave in his adherence to the revolutionary plan. In August of the same year Don Antonio and Don Manuel Leon rose in arms in Oaxaca and in support of the cause of Lobato ; and in 1827, Bravo and his followers announced the plan of October for the expulsion of the Spaniards. On the 30th November, 1828, the revolution of "La Acordada " broke out in the Capital ; in 1829 there was carried into effect the expulsion of the Spaniards which in its disastrous industrial consequences was equivalent to the worst kind of revolution, and which brought in its train the Spanish invasion of the month of July of the same year. In December also of the same year General Bustamante revolted in Jalapa, Guerrero went to his encounter, and while the brothers Rayon were in revolt in the Capital, Bustamante assumed the presidency ; not that the revolutionary disturbance came therefore to an end; on the contrary, it became concentrated in the south, where Guerrero had gone, and one after the other San Luis, Michoacan, Puebla, in short the majority of the States, joined the revolt.

Shortly after the political assassination of Guerrero (on the 14th Feburary, 1831) came the new rebellion of Santa- Ana in January, 1832, seconded by Texas, Tamaulipas, San Luis and Zacatecas. In 1833 Don Ignacio Escalada rose in Morelia with the cry of " Religion and our Rights," and in July of the same year the Governor of Zacatecas pronounced against Santa-Ana, the Dictator. At this time there began those separatist's movements in Texas which ended with the recognition of her independence. In 1837 came the fresh rebellions of Ugarte, in San Luis ; of Urrea in Sonora; of Guzman in Michoacan, and others in Tamaulipas, all of which preceded by only a few months the first French intervention (in November, 1838). Not for this foreign intervention did the civil war cease. It did so only when Santa- Ana succeeded in getting the better of it in Acajete, on the 3rd of May, 1839.

In July, 1840, Urrea, in conjunction with Gomez Farias, rose in Mexico, the resulting battle lasting fifteen days and ending with a victory for Bustamante. In the following year (1841) General Paredes proclaimed the Dictatorship in Guadalajara, on the 8th of August. Valencia seconded the movement in Mexico on the 31st of the same month and Santa-Ana in Veracruz on the 9th of September. Shortly afterwards occurred a fresh rising in Mexico (December, 1844), and meantime, at the very moment in which the war of American intervention was breaking out, General Paredes raised the revolutionary cry in San Luis. From the time of that intervention until the French one, partial insurrections abounded. In July of 1846, the rebellion of Yanez; in August that of Salas; in February of 1847 that of the "polkos;" shortly afterwards Paredes rose anew in Aguascalientes ; then Don Leon Marquez got up a revolution with not much success. In 1851, Bahamonde in Michoacan and Blancarte in Jalisco rose in arms against the government of Don Mariano Arista, and with them joined shortly afterwards L6pez Uraga who had been sent against them, a proceeding which was imitated later (in 1853) by Kobles Pezuela.

On the 1st of May, 1854, Don Florencio Villareal proclaimed the famous revolutionary plan of Ayutla, afterwards seconded and reformed by Comonf ort in Acapulco ; then came interminable, bloody and fratricidal struggles, developed, now here, now there, amidst the darkness of the dictatorial policy, from one end of the republic to the other. Santa-Ana fell (in 1855) and Don Ignacio Comonfort became President. New risings in Sierra Gorda and Zacapoastla ; the constitution of 1857, which Comonfort betrayed in December of the same year ; he is proclaimed in the midst of the revolutionary effervescence — Juarez comes into power, but not into the capital, where Zuloaga has already proclaimed himself anti-president . The strife between liberals and conservatives which brought in its disastrous train the French intervention, breaks out afresh, and — enough ! What has been said is sufficient to justify our putting the question, " could Mexico in the midst of such " distress, war and pillage, be expected to stimulate her " industries, develop her mines, promulgate and enforce " laws favorable to agriculture, protect commerce, insure " security to life and property, in short, set out with

«' vigor on the road that leads to prosperity and civilisation?" Most certainly she could not. Little, very little could be done in the midst of such commotion in the directions mentioned, and it is sufficient glory for our fathers to have left us the heritage of those political beliefs which rule alone at the present day.

ERA OF PEACE.

II. A new political order of things was inaugurated with the triumph of the Revolution of Tuxtepec, which completely removed the inveterate elements of discord and retrogression which then existed, and placed the country in new and unknown channels of prosperity. The triumph of the Revolution was the triumph of peace, and this latter triumph gave birth to a political-social evolution which made Mexico, heretofore the quarrelsome and retrogressive country of other years, the most progressive nation of Spanish- America. From the political era it had advanced to the economical stage ; from the contest for a beginning, to the struggle for existence; from the metaphysical or speculative epoch to the positive or real.

The Conservative party, which arose from the ashes of the Spanish domination, and which, for nearly half a century had never ceased to sow discord among the Mexicans, had buried itself amidst the ruins of its last attempt and final treason — the French intervention. The triumphant elements, prostituted by the policy of procrastination which they had adopted immediately succeeding their victory, were removed in 1877 and replaced by other and newer ones, more in harmony with the spirit of our Jin de siecle.

To establish a new order of things, it became necessary to inaugurate a formal policy of honesty, acknowledging the credits of foreign nations, and more especially that of the United States ; it was a matter of absolute necessity to

AND ITS INSTITUTIONS.

give ear to the patriotism of the people in order to secure their pecuniary co-operation ; it was unavoidable to increase their burdens with new taxations, and finally, it was inevitable to shirk the duty which confronted the government, of opening up new avenues of trade to commerce, to industry, to mining ; and institute a progressive policy which should be distinctly at variance with the decalogue of the former administrations.

What the result of the efforts of the Executive has been in this direction will be seen in the superficial study which we propose to make of the works recently undertaken through the medium of his Cabinet.

SIEGE OF MEXICO IN TIME OF THE CONQUEST. Mex. R. T. D. Los I

CHAPTEE I.

DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

I. In referring, at this point, to the relations existing between Mexico and other countries and to the work undertaken by the Secretary of Affairs with a view to facilitating and improving the transaction of business pertaining to his department, we will merely notice matters of the greatest importance and omit those of a mere secondary interest.

It would be difficult, if not impossible, in a work of such complicated character as this, to descend to details and to follow, step by step, the delicate and progressive career of Mexican international polity; we will therefore confine ourselves to such a presentation as may be strictly necessary to give a correct and clear understanding of the subject, without venturing upon unwarranted comments or attempting to interfere with the policy of reserve necessary for the adjustment of relations now awaiting a settlement.

The treaties entered into by the administration of 1862, in reference to the Powers which recognized the French intervention and the government of the usurper, were declared void and of no effect. The agents appointed by the government in foreign countries could not retain an official character after the restoration of the Republic but simply that of commercial, private agents, with instructions to be reserved and prudent in their conduct and to obey in all things the laws of the countries in which they resided.

During this period of struggle, friendly international relations were sustained only by the American republics which had always displayed sympathy with the cause of Mexico's independence and liberty; among these the United States deserves especial mention, for, by the moral support which it lent to the national cause, it became entitled to the gratitude and consideration of the Mexican people and of the Mexican government.

President Juarez in his address to the national assembly which convened December 8, 1867, used the following language in this connection :

" By reason of the intervention our relations with European powers were broken off. Three of these powers, by virtue of the treaty of London, entered into war with the Eepublic ; then France alone continued the intervention but the other European powers which had previously entertained relations with the Republic declined to recognize it and, in violation of the obligation of neutrality, recognized the so-called government sustained by France. "In this manner the European governments broke their treaties with the Republic and suspended the relations with us which they have not yet renewed The government has taken care also that the subjects of these nations residing in the Republic should be under the protection of the law and of the governmental authorities. The efficacy of this protection has been sufficient to remove any cause for complaint. It has been practically shown that by reason of the enlightenment of our people and because of the principles of our liberal institutions, strangers living in Mexico are on an equality with Mexicans and enjoy all the rights and privileges granted by the laws, without need of the special protection resulting from treaties." Thus it was that the Executive did not find it inappropriate to declare that he was ready to enter into new treaties in proper and becoming terms whenever those foreign nations might see fit to present them.

The confederation of northern Germany, Spain and Italy promptly displayed a disposition to re-establish relations of friendship with the Republic and sent successive, accredited representatives who were received by the President with due consideration and recognition. The relations with the United States are becoming closer and closer as the mercantile traffic and industrial operations between the two countries increase in volume and are strengthened by mutual confidence.

FRONTIER MATTERS.

II. The difficulties which have arisen in connection with the depredations of uncivilized Indians who inhabit the frontiers of Mexico and the United States have been settled in a satisfactory manner, notwithstanding the gravity which they had assumed. These depredations led to many complaints on the part of the authorities of both nations along the frontier of Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas. (The Mexican government has made concessions to the Indians, more or less important, but their absolute pacification could not be secured in the extensive and abandoned regions which they inhabit, and where not even the American republic has been able to guarantee absolute security for the lives and property of its own citizens. It was proposed on the part of the government of the United States that permission should be granted to its troops to cross into Mexican territory in pursuit of Indians and that they should be subjected, en masse, to the law of extradition, which both nations should co-operate to enforce. But the Executive did not possess authority to grant this permission, and notice to this effect was given to the American minister, whose government persisted in its demand, adding, that it would not be hampered in its pursuit of the savage by any consideration. The Mexican minister made suggestions declaring that his government would find it necessary to enter a protest against the violation of its territory, should such a case arise. Measures were taken to remove and transport, in a peaceful manner, to territory destined for that purpose in the United States, the tribe of Kickapoos who had crossed into Mexico in a time of peace ; but these refused to return to their former reservations.

In the beginning of 1873, it was thought in Mexico that the o-overnment at Washington proposed to renew its negotiations relative to the removal of these Indians and instructions were immediately given to the governors of Nuevo Leon and Coahuila to aid the American officials in the best manner possible, in making a peaceful removal. On this occasion the efforts of the Mexican Government were fruitless, as Colonel McKenzie, in May of the same year, crossed the Bravo river with United States forces and, making a sudden and unexpected attack upon a camp of Kickapoos, killed some and carried off about forty prisoners, women and children. The authorities of the frontier settlements of Mexico, becoming apprised of what had taken place, recruited some armed forces to attack and repel the American troops, but not being able to overtake them, had to return to their respective localities. The Mexican minister in Washington who had received notice of what had happened from the vice-consul at San Antonio, Texas, asked for instructions from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to take suitable action in reference to the matter with the United States ; but no decisive step was taken at once, as it was deemed better on account of the gravity of the situation to await fuller and more complete details and information. The information received brought out some points of which the most important, till then unknown to the Mexican Government, was that the frontier forces of this country to whom was intrusted the task of fighting the uncivilized Indians, had crossed, in pursuit of them, into United States territory where, far from being interfered with, they had been protected, without any thought on the part of the military authorities that their territory had been violated by the presence of Mexican troops in pursuit of a common enemy. This circumstance, together with the fact that the American troops had entered no populated locality on the frontier of Mexico, and that they had inflicted no loss or caused no damage to the inhabitants, during their march, calmed the excitement created on the northern frontier.

Other invasions of Mexican territory occurred subsequently. In November of 1875 an American official carried out his plau to enter Mexican territory in pursuit of certain criminals. General Fuero, by reason of this occurrence, appealed to General Potter, commanding at Brownsville, and notified him that such invasion was contrary to the treaties between the two nations, and that, should he fail to withdraw the troops immediately from the national territory, he would not only protest against the aggression, but would be compelled to repel force with force. General Potter replied by saying that his repeated orders to American officers to make no aggressive move against Mexico, had been disobeyed, but that having repeated them in connection with tbe incident against which a protest had been entered, the American troops had withdrawn.

On the 3d of April, 1877, Lieutenant-Colonel Shaffer made another invasion, taking possession of Piedras Negras, not in pursuit of malefactors, but to wrest from the Mexican authorities by force, two Mexicans guilty of crimes committed on Mexican soil.

The minister of this country at Washington, protested against the invasion on the 28th of the same month and asked that the government inflict punishment on the guilty parties, and give guaranties against similar occurrences in the future. In May following, the Secretary of State replied, saying that he had already asked for information concerning the matter. Notwithstanding, on the first of June, the war department of the United States issued an order to General Ord, in which authority was granted to the United States troops to invade Mexican territory in pursuit of certain classes of malefactors, to capture and to punish them, and to recover the property stolen from American citizens.

While the Plenipotentiary of Mexico at Washington was protesting against this order, the President, through the Secretary of War, was imparting to General Trevino, chief of the military zone of the north, certain instructions intended to obviate those conflicts as far as possible or, at least, in an extremity, to save the honor and dignity of the republic.

General TrevirLo was advised to locate his forces at the most convenient points, so as to guard the Mexican frontier and prevent the thieves of both sides of the Bravo from escaping punishment by simply crossing the river, and to this end, to pursue, within the boundaries of the Republic, malefactors who may commit theft in Mexican territory, and seek safety in the United States, as well as those who, having committed a theft in that country, might cross to Mexico to escape justice; that in case the civil or military authorities of the United States should make a demand for criminals arrested by the troops under his command, his action should be regulated by the extradition treaty in force in 1862. He was authorized, as well, to act in concert with the proper authorities in pursuing criminals, without thereby authorizing, in any event, foreign troops to enter Mexican territory ; to prevent Mexican troops from entering upon foreign soil, and that in bringing these instructions to the knowledge of General Ord or the commander of the United States forces, he would give him to understand that the wishes of the President on this point, contained no other restrictions than those imposed by international law, the treaties of both countries, and the dignity of the Republic. That, as the national government, as a consequence, could not permit foreign forces to enter Mexican territory without the consent of the national Congress, much less allow these forces to exercise acts of jurisdiction such as were expressed in the order issued by the war department of the American Union, he should repel such forces if an invasion took place.

In the month of September of the same year, a party of American soldiers made, another invasion; they attacked the camp of the Lipans, burned their temporary habitations, carried off five aged Indians which they captured in the assault, and a considerable number of horses belonging not only to the Indians, but also to several Mexicans.

A party of a hundred men left Zaragoza in pursuit, under the command of Colonel Inocente Rodriguez, but failed to overtake them, the invading force having recrossed the river Bravo.

This anomalous situation on the Mexican frontier lasted till the year 1882.

On the 3rd of May of this year, the United States minister to Mexico requested the government to allow the American troops to enter Mexican territory in pursuit of rebellious Indians. The reply was given, that only the Senate could grant such permission, and that the Executive could appeal to that body for such authority only when he knew that the United States was disposed to make similar concessions to Mexican troops under like circumstances. The American government, having declared this to be a matter of reciprocity, authority was asked from and granted by the Senate on May 11th, 1882, whereby the United States troops were permitted to enter Mexican territory and the Mexican troops, United States territory, in accordance with the enactments of the same body on May 29th, 1879, and the amendments of October 14th, 1880.

The authority was granted for the period of one year, and the agreement was signed in Washington on the 29th of July of the same year. On the 28th of July, 1883, it was extended for another year, and again renewed for a similar period on October 31st, 1884.

During last year was renewed between Mexico and the United States the agreement, that the Federal troops of the two countries can cross the borders for the purpose of pursuing the savage Indians. This agreement was renewed as a result of the depredations committed by the Apaches who are under the leadership of " Kiel " on the entire frontier of Arizona and New Mexico. The agreement will remain in force during one year from November 25, 1892.

AGREEMENTS RELATIVE TO BOUNDARY LINES WITH THE UNITED STATES.

The special relations existing between Mexico and the neighboring nations of North America and Guatemala, led the Mexican government to direct its attention to measures for settling the difficulties which may arise, in the shape of just and equitable agreements in which it was stipulated that commissions be appointed pending a definite settlement of the boundary lines. In this manner the agreement signed in Washington on July 29, 1882, was negotiated. Its purpose was to determine the manner in which the monuments should be placed which indicated the dividing line between Mexico and the United States, established in conformity with the treatise of February 2d, 1848, and of December 30th, 1853 ; which monuments may have been partially destroyed or misplaced; and how to erect new ones in case of necessity.

The longest period allowed by this agreement for the work of the respective commissions, was four years and four months, but at the request of the American government an extension of eighteen months was granted by an additional document signed December 5th, 1885.

This extra time having expired without the appointment of the boundary commission, both governments signed the agreement of February 18th, 1889, putting in force the stipulations of the treaty of July, 1882, and continuing it for five vears longer, to be calculated from the date of its ratification, October 12th, 1889.

The continuous variations of the river Bravo, have given rise to the difficulties between the two governments. To settle them, the agreement of November 12th, 1884, was arranged whereby rules were fixed to decide questions which might arise from the variations of the rivers Bravo and Colorado, which bound the .two republics.

The agreement was ratified on September 29th, 1886. Another agreement was entered into on March 1st, 1889, for the purpose of facilitating the application of the principles contained in the one preceding. An international boundary commission was established by the first article with exclusive jurisdiction to decide under certain conditions, all differences and questions which may arise by reason of the boundaries indicated by the rivers mentioned. Its duration is to date for five years from December the 24th, 1890, the date of its ratification.

The dividing line indicated by the river Bravo, gave rise to a new international difficulty. In February, 1884. Beaver Island was invaded by several Texans who despoiled and expelled the Mexican citizens that occupied it. Although considered Mexican territory, the right of Mexico to reclaim its ownership of the island seemed doubtful ; on which account, both governments concluded to maintain the statu quo while the matter was being determined by the precedents established. The plans submitted, when the boundaries were traced, were examined, the report of the commission ad hoc sent upon the ground to study the spot in controversy and, also, the report of General Emory, chairman of the American commission and^ no other meansof investigation being at hand, the Secretary of Affairs hastened to send to the Mexican Legation in Washington the letter of September 26th, 1884, in which it was recommended to make known to the Department of State, that the Mexican government did not insist upon its right to the island of Morteritos or Beaver Island or Island No. 13.

AGREEMENTS RELATIVE TO THE BOUNDARIES OF GUATEMALA.

The boundary question has been the cause of constant difficulties with the republic of Guatemala ever since the independence of Mexico, notwithstanding the negotiations initiated by the latter in 1832, 1852 and 1858.

In 1873 several persons, natives of Guatemala, located in a district called Bejucal ; they asked to be considered Mexican citizens, and the government, which has regarded this district as national territory, arranged for the establishment therein of Mexican officials. The government of Guatemala entered a protest insisting that Bejucal belonged to that republic. The Mexican Executive suspended the pending arrangements, and immediately asked the Governor of Chiapas for a report. In view of this report, instructions were again issued on the second of "July following, to carry out the previous order, and an answer was sent on the same date to the Charge d'Affaires of Guatemala, saying that Mexico considered Bejucal as a part of her territory. The government of Guatemala, on the 30th of August disputed the grounds on which Mexico's resolution was based, and protested against the step taken, declaring that she would not renounce her sovereignty over Chiapas and Soconusco. The President of Mexico replying to the statements of Guatemala, insisted upon the resolution he had taken, declaring that he would permit no discussion concerning the possession of Chiapas and Soconusco by the Republic.

A movement was then inaugurated to fix the boundaries of the two countries, as a means of settling the difficulty referred to and any other of a similar nature that might arise. A formal invitation was extended to the government of Guatemala to grant full authority to open negotiations in Mexico and to designate, of common accord, a scientific commission to make investigations, draw plans and obtain the requisite information.

On the 22nd of July, 1874, negotiations were begun with the Guatemalan legation, which had been invested with complete authority, concerning the preliminaries of the boundary dispute, and on the 7th of December, 1877, the duplicate agreement was signed. By virtue of this agreement, a mixed commission composed of engineers was created for the purpose of examining and studying the dividing line between the two countries, which commission was to meet in the city of Tapachula two months after the mutual ratification.

In 1881 the investigation was not concluded and it was proposed by Mexico to remodel the agreement because of the termination of its last period of extension.

" But in the meantime," says Mr. Mariscal, in his report to the Senate in -1882, " a grave incident occurred which determined the manner in which this boundary question, so long-lived and apparently so interminable because of the pains taken by Guatemala to profit by it for the acquisition, in whole or in part, of the territory of Chiapas, should be settled.

Official notice was received of an invasion made by the Prefect of San Marcos, in conjunction with Guatemalan soldiers who demolished a boundary sign recognized then provisionally, as an international mark, and erected another some leagues distant from our territory. This was one of many acts of daring rashness with which the authorities of Guatemala ridiculed our apparent weakness, evidenced by the habitual absence from the neighborhood, of armed troops, either State or Federal. It then appeared to me that only the presence of Mexican troops in the vicinity of the frontier, could prevent the repetition of such acts, by giving the government of Guatemala to understand that the time had arrived to settle the matter in controversy without the evasions and disturbances with which it had always been disgraced.

The President, with good judgment, undertook the task of inaugurating with respect to Guatemala, a more energetic policy, but one based on the strictest justice, and consented to the sending of troops to Soconusco. The troops finally succeeded in overcoming many obstacles which it is unnecessary to mention and, sustained, by their presence, the measure proposed by the Secretary of Affairs — to replace the boundary sign destroyed by the Prefect and other armed Guatemalans, and tear down the one erected by them.

At the bare announcement that troops were marching to the frontier, the government of General Barrios understood that they were determined to defend our rights without yielding longer to ridicule in the shape of audacity or intrigue. He even thought that we were about to make war on him, either ostensibly or in a covert manner, by fostering on the frontier revolutionary movements which we might promote in his territory. He was correct in neither, as we will show at the inception, by declaring the real purpose of the expedition. *' * * That government, believing itself in danger, began to take extraordinary precautions, preparing for war by the organization of its army, the purchase of arms and so forth — heavy and useless expenses which only served to weaken it. But, above all, it was resolved to adopt the measure of which some Guatemalan statesmen had dreamed — it was resolved to appeal to an alliance with the United States, against Mexico, to an alliance that might assume the appearance of a most impartial arbitration.

At this time the Hon. Mr. Blaine was in Washington as Secretary of State or minister of Foreign Affairs, who, with his enterprising and active policy, was attracting universal attention. It was regarded as an opportune moment, and an appeal was made to Mr. Blaine with a view to securing his mediation between Mexico and Guatemala. What followed this appeal is well known, and in what terms the Secretary of State, in the name of his government, proposed to ours an arbitration by the United States. * * * A fact which is not yet generally known, and which, at first, could only have been suspected though it has since been fully established, is that at the time mentioned, extensive plans were being hutched and subsequently being carried into effect in conjunction with the appeals for mediation on the part of the United States, to annex Soconusco and even Guatemala to the United States for the purpose of preventing the latter nation from displaying impartiality in the proposed arbitration and, finally, to give Mexico a powerful neighbor on the south.