The Italian Renaissance in England; studies

Preface

The history of the Italian Renaissance in the countries of Europe outside of Italy still remains a subject half unexplored. No account has as yet been written of the successive steps by which Italian culture crossed the Alps, the different directions it took, and the extent of its influence. The purpose of these studies is, therefore, to supply a link in the chain, and trace the Italian influence in England from the beginning of the fifteenth century until the death of Elizabeth. Separate aspects of this have, it is true, been treated by others. Beginning with Warton and Nott, a number of scholars have searched especially for the ItaHan sources of English poetry. Although in recent years most work of this kind has been accompHshed in Germany, Miss Scott's contribution to a similar subject ought not to pass unnoticed in the scholarly annals of our own country. No serious effort has, however, been made to discover a common impulse running through the Italian influences in England : to find at the university, at court, and among the people at large, in different and even opposite directions, the results of one and the same great

movement.

vii viii PREFACE

In all, three stages can be discerned in the history of the Itahan influence in England during the period of the Renaissance. The first, extending to the end of the fifteenth century, found a centre at the University of Oxford, i It succeeded, after several attempts, in introducing the new classical and scientific learning of Italy into England, and thereby laid the foundation for all future English scholarship, The second and third epochs embrace respectively the two halves of the sixteenth centurj^)^ The growth of Italian culture at court marked the former; it flourished there under royal protection, and assisted in creating the new types of accomplished courtier and learned traveller, often the same individual under different aspects. The third and last period witnessed a great extension of the Italian influence, as it spread gradually from the court to the people at large. At the same time, the moral and national reaction against Italy, which was further fostered by the growth of Puritanism, put an end to much of this influence.

These studies have been divided into two groups. The first is concerned mainly with the Englishman as affected by Italy in scholarship, court life and travel, and later with the movement against Itahan influence. The second treats rather of the Italians in England, — merchants and artists, reformers and adventurers. Allusions of many kinds must necessarily creep into any work attempting to cover so wide a range. Such,

PREPACK ix

however, as refer to the historical and religious relations existing between Italy and England have so far as possible been omitted. Politics and religion in the sixteenth century were everywhere very closely connected, and the Anglo-Italian relations of this nature belong more properly to a history of the Reformation. Only so far as they may have influenced Enghsh life and culture have they been mentioned here.

It may seem idle to rehearse the Italian influence in English literature, so much research has already been expended on it. The labors of scholars on this subject, however, have never before been brought together. Several new ideas and suggestions will perhaps add some further novelty to what might otherwise seem of familiar interest to the specialist.

Most of the illustrations are from prints in the British Museum, reproduced here for the first time. The portraits of Wyatt and Surrey by Holbein are, however, from the well-known Windsor Castle collection. The tomb of Dr. John Yonge, by Torrigiano, formerly in the Rolls Chapel, is now preserved in the museum of the Record Oflice in London, and the original of the manuscript letter in the Duke Humphrey correspondence is in the Royal Library at Munich.

That these studies are not more incomplete is due to the aid and advice of many friends. Above all, the

X PREFACE

writer wishes to express his gratitude to the unfailing courtesy and kindness of the officials of the libraries in which he worked, especially of the British Museum, the Record Office in London, the Bodleian at Oxford, and the Archives of Florence. Lastly he desires to thank Professor Donati of Siena, Professor Pasquale Villari of Florence, Monsignor Giles of the English College, Rome, Mr. Bliss of Rome, Mr. Horatio F. Brown of Venice, Mr. Sidney Colvin of the British Museum, Professor Charles Waldstein of King's College, Cambridge, Mrs. E. H. Blashfield, his sister. Miss Amy Einstein, Mr. Henry A. Uterhart of New York, and Dr. John G. Underbill of Brooklyn. In particular he wishes to thank Dr. J. E. Spingarn of Columbia University for aid, which has at all times proved valuable, and Professor G. E. Woodberry for his ever kindly criticism and advice extending over a period of years.

New York, January 2, 1902.

CHAPTER I Italy and Oxford

Duke Humphrey and his Circle Duke Humphrey as a Patron of Oxford Thomas Beckynton and his Friends .

Early English Scholars in Italy .

The First Oxford Group .

John Free's Letters from Italy .

The First " Italianate Englishman " . The New Generation Grocyn and Linacre in Italy Grocyn and Linacre in England Humanism .....

More as a Friend of the New Learning Colet's Debt to Italy ....

Types of Scholars ....

Churchmen and Letters .

The Literary Patron of the Renaissance

PAGE I

3 7

CHAPTER II The Courtier The New Court Life

The Question of the Gentleman Democratic Feeling in the Sixteenth Century

xi

58 61

Xll

The Perfect Man

Sport in the Renaissance .

Treachery and Quarrels .

Masks at Court

ItaUan Fashions in England

The New Code of Manners

Renaissance Platonism

The Theory of Love .

The " New Woman "

The Courtier as a Diplomat

The Courtier as a Scholar

The Ideal of Arms and Letters

The Art of War

Italian at the English Court

The New Study of Italian

Italian Courtesy Books

The Influence of Italy in Court Life

The Courtier Poet

The New Education of Women

79 81

CHAPTER III The First Accounts of Italy

The New Traveller .

The Two Streams of Travel

The Art and Theory of Travel

The Advantages of Travel

The Englishman in Italy

Travellers' Expenses .

The Interest in Antiquity

Impressions of Rome

Italian Traits

The Admiration of Venice

The Florentines

Interest in Architecture .

"5 117

134 136 140

143 145 147 xm

English Appreciation of the Arts

Italian Spectacles

A Papal Procession .

The Traveller's Observations

PAGE

148 150 151 153

Chapter IV

The New Nationalism The Hatred of Foreigners The Danger of Italy .

The " Italianate Englishman "

The Crusade against Italy Italian Adventurers .

The Subtlety of Italians .

The Decay of Italian Influence

155 156

CHAPTER V The Italians in England: Churchmen, Artists, and Travellers

Italians in Mediaeval England .

Italians at the Court of Henry the Seventh

Henry the Eighth

Italian Physicians at Court

Italian Books in England .

The Florentine Sculptors .

Henry the Eighth as a Patron of Artists

The Italian Influence in Art

English Art Collectors

Italian Reformers

The Italian Church in London

The Venetian " Relations"

Italian Opinions of England

179 181

185 188 190

193 196 200 205 207 213

215 216

XIV

English Soldiers and Sailors The Diplomatist at Court

English Life

The Attractiveness of Englishwomen National Customs . . . .

PAGE

217 219 221 223 225

CHAPTER VI The Italian Merchant in England Italy and Commerce

'^ The First Italian Bankers ....

The Rivalry between Florentines and Sienese Italian Merchants and the Court Florentine Bankers and the Wars of King Edward Venetians and Genoese ....

English Jealousy of Foreign Success , An Italian Banking House Commercial Instruction in Florence . A Merchant's Advice ....

The Hatred of Foreigners The League of Italian Merchants A Florentine Bank in London .

The Italian Community ....

Foreigners and the Court ....

Later Italian Merchants ....

A Popular Uprising

Sir Anthony Guidotti and his Loan . The Anglicized Italian ....

Italian Navigators and Geographers .

Books of Travel

The Italian Influence in Commerce .

229 230

234 238

239 240 242

245 247

249 252

256 260 262 264 266 269

273 277 279 283

CHAPTER VII Italian Political and Historical Ideas in

England

Classical Learning and the New Monarchy Polydore Vergil and his History

XV

Machiavelli in England

Italy and English Political Thought

Democracy versus Aristocracy

The Strength of Absolutism

Alberico Gentile

English Opinions of Machiavelli

Italian Historical Literature

A Philosophy of History .

The Historian's Duties

The Italian Influence in Politics and History

PAGE

293 296 299 303

305 308

309 312

CHAPTER VIII The Italian Influence in English Poetry

Italy and Literature .

.

. 316

The Italian Influence in Mediaeval Poetry

. 317

Latin Verse in England ....

. 318

The New Poetry at Court .

. 319

The " Courtly Makers " .

. 321

The Influence of Petrarch

. 322

Sir Thomas Wyatt

. 325

The Earl of Surrey .

. 328

Petrarchism in England .

. 329

The Artifices of Poetry

. 335

Later Petrarchists

Spenser and the ItaHans .

The Lesson of Italy .

The Latin Poets

Italy and the Pastoral

Madrigals in England . . .

The Italian Influence in Satire .

—- .

The Narrative Poems

Translations from the Itahan .

The Classical Influence

Nationalism in Language .

The Sources of Fiction xvi CONTENTS

PAGE

Italy and the Drama 365

Shakespeare's Italy ........ 369

APPENDIX A English Catholics in Rome

Early Pilgrims 373

English Catholics in Italy ....... 374

The English College ....... 379

Plots and Conspiracies . 381

Protestants in Italy 384

APPENDIX B

English Accounts of Italy in the Sixteenth Century 386

APPENDIX C

Italian Accounts of England in the Sixteenth

Century 388

I. Manuscript Sources 391

II. Printed Sources 393

III. Works of Reference 405

INDEX 4U f

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

36 102

1 10

Sir Thomas Wyatt by Holbein, from the Windsor Castle

collection . . r? ^- ■

^ • • • . I'ronttspiece Letter of Pier Candido Decembrio to Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, from a manuscript in the Ruyal Library I Munich ^'

Thomas Linacre, from a drawing in the Print Room British Museum . . ^ '

John Florio, from an engraving by William Hole

The Earl of Leicester by Zuccaro, from a drawing in the Prmt Room, British Museum

The Adoration of the Magi by Isaac Oliver, from a drawing m the Print Room, British Museum . . . 148 ^

The Tomb of Dr. John Young by Torrigiano, formerly in the Rolls Chapel, now in the Museum of the Record Office, London .

Medal of Queen Mary by Jacopo Trezzo. Medal of Mary Queen of Scots by Jacopo Primavera .

The Earl of Surrey by Holbein, from the Windsor Castle collection .

Sir John Harington by Thomas Coxon . . . .3^6

192 204 xvu

I

THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE IN ENGLAND

Chapter I The Scholar

The influence of Italy on English learning during the Renaissance differed in several respects from that exercised by the other European nations. It was first in the field, and for that reason long single in its power. Its individual influence, moreover, proved the greatest factor in modifying existing intellectual conditions, while it supplemented the entire mediaeval fabric of learning by the new system it had itself originated.

Commencing, virtually, about 1425, a gradual development took place in English scholarship till by the end of the fifteenth century, when Italian intellectual life was beginning to enter on a decline, its lessons had been mastered. Fifty years later, learning in Italy had become a tradition rather than an actuality. Although scholars were plentiful, and foreign students still attended its universities, the reasons which induced them to study there were no longer purely scholarly. In the intellectual life of England at that time, such foreign elements as existed owed their origin

B I to several nations, no one of which could claim ex elusive supremacy. It is thus possible to limit to a definite period of time the Italian influence on EngHsh scholarship in the Renaissance. During this period its course can be traced without unnecessary subtleties. The field can be narrowed still further by remembering that during the fifteenth century in England, learning was almost entirely confined to the universities, and to churchmen who for the most part had received their education in colleges. Lastly, intellectual activity centred almost exclusively around Oxford. Although learned men lived elsewhere as well, they appear rather as isolated individuals than members of the great movement then preparing the way for the reception of the new learning in England. In studying, therefore, the history of the university and of its friends and patrons during that period, one might almost be said to witness the intellectual life of an entire nation condensed and focussed at one point. Oxford, in itself, thus affords an insight into the scholarly history of the EngHsh Renaissance from its beginnings in the decay of the Middle Ages, when the first desire arose to share in the benefits of the new learning rediscovered by Italians, until the time when humanism was no less firmly established in England than it had been in Italy.

II

The Middle Ages had looked upon learning primarily as the handmaid to theology. In the Renaissance, on the other hand, it was regarded as a guide

H to the conduct of life. This difference in conception

brought about the new idea in education which was to

take the place of the encyclopaedic teachings of the

church. The transition from one system to the other

meant an entire revolution in methods of instruction.

A decline came over the mediaeval fabric of learning :

i the old triviutn and qtmdrivmm were done away with,

and studies which formerly had seemed of great importance were now either neglected or dropped entirely.

The questions which once agitated men now gave way to new ones. More and more it was felt that the scholastic training, out of harmony with actual conditions, furnished no longer adequate preparation for hfe. In the early years of the fifteenth century, when the lowest depths of intellectual torpor had been reached in England, the efforts of a single man were to bring about a great change and introduce new rays of light. In Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, son of Henry the Fourth, and in the cultivated circle of his friends, the intellectual hopes of his country were centred. His career is of interest to the literary student, not only as the first conspicuous English example of the Italian princely patron and lover of learning, but as the benefactor of a great university, the collector of classical manuscripts, and the correspondent and protector of learned Italians who dedicated their works to him, many of whom even visited him in England.

Duke Humphrey's first aim as a patron of letters was to surround himself with a circle of scholars. Among hs English proteges were Pecock, Capgrave, and Lydg ite, who translated from Boccaccio. His efforts were a so directed to bringing over from Italy some of the y j)unger humanists to instruct him in the ancient poets a; id orators/ while at the same time he maintained a correspondence with the greater men who could not be tempted to cross the iVlps. The scholars he induced to come over translated the classics for his benefit. Lapo da Castiglionchio brought with him as a fitting recommendation a number of renderings from the Greek. Antonio Beccaria of Verona, who had been one of Vittorino da Feltre's pupils, was later regularly employed by the duke as a translator/ while Tito Livio of Forli even styled himself the "Poet and Orator of the Duke of Gloucester." Although the records of this early period are scanty, there can be little doubt that Duke Humphrey, in gratifying his own cultivated tastes, was also trying to create in England a revival of letters by employing the only means possible, since Italy was then the intellectual centre of Europe — the introduction into England of Italian scholars and scholarly methods. At a time, moreover, when patrons V Ire a necessity to every literary man, the "good

etarum et oratorum interpretes." — ^neas Sylvius, Epist. 105.

ie also Epist. 64, Dec. 5, 1443, Letter to Duke Sigismund of .' jptria.

2 " C'est livre est a moy Homfrey Due de Glocestre, lequel je fis translate! de Grec en Latin par un de mes secretaires, Antoyne de Beccaria de Verone." — Cited in Ellis, Letters of ^' ninent Literary Men, Camden Society, 1843, P- 357* *

J

Duke " acted the part of a Maecenas to the humanists of Italy. Piero del Monte, sent to England as collector of the papal revenues, dedicated to him some philosophical dialogues. The Duke's attention was also called to the new translation of Aristotle's Ethics by Leonardo Bruno, the greatest scholar of his age, which pleased him so much that he urged Bruno to set to work on the Politics. After the first part of this had been completed it was sent to London with a dedication to the duke, but this was withdrawn when his acknowledgment was delayed, and it was dedicated afresh to Pope Eugene the Fourth.^ More fortunate were his relations with another humanist, Pier Candido Decembrio, who offered him a translation of the first five books of Plato's Republic^ first begun by Chrysoloras, which he, continuing his father's work, had at last completed. The documents referring to this affair have been preserved, and are of interest as illustrating similar negotiations between the scholar and his patron. The Archbishop of Milan first wrote to the duke, knowing his zeal in behalf of learning ; having heard that his relations with Leonardo Bruno had come to naught, he wished to inform the duke that an opportunity now presented itself in the translation of Plato's Republic by Pier Candido, a humanist versed in Greek no less than in Latin. If he cared for wisdom or true eloquence, it could be found in this book, which in former times had been a favorite with Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine.^ His

1 Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite, p. 437.

2 Ms. Royal Library, Munich. Ms. Lat. 222, f. 113 et seq.

interest having been aroused by the bishop, a correspondence began between duke and scholar, which brought out the interest of the former in the new learning of the Italian Renaissance. Pier Candido gracefully alluded to the fame the duke enjoyed in Italy, and how much his efforts had accomplished in the revival of letters. The duke was evidently very proud of his patronage of scholars, and both styled himself and was addressed as litteratissimus} He received at first but a portion of the work, and in acknowledging this, he urged the humanist to finish the remainder as speedily as possible, at the same time warmly praising the scholarship displayed in the translation. To this encouragement came a reply, written in the true style of the humanists. Just as the shade of a tree was pleasing to the weary traveller, as the gentle breeze was welcome to the sailor, and the crystal spring to the thirsty man, so were, his letters welcome even as those of a great poet. As soon as he [Pier Candido] heard that the learned Aretine [Bruno] had changed his dedication of Aristotle from Humphrey to the Pope, he at once determined to celebrate the duke in no inferior manner, and for that reason had selected the Republic as in itself a great work and one of benefit to rulers. He compared Humphrey to Julius Caesar, to Octavius and other cultivated princes of former times whose names had been the brighter for their devotion to learning. For this reason he begged him to accept this offering of good will and preserve it as a comfort in his own 1 Ms. cit., f, 246 et seq.

THE SCHOLAR y

Studies. In his reply the duke expressed delight at the beauty of his translation, saying he knew not whether to be more grateful to the author or the scholar whose efforts had once more brought it to hght after it had for so long been buried from view ; through Candido he was at last able to admire Plato ; in the immortal fame which awaited this labor he wished him happiness.^ A considerable amount of miscellaneous information was scattered through these letters; the duke, for instance, was told of Manuel Chrysoloras, whose work had made possible that of an Aretine [Bruno] and a Veronese [Guarino], as well as of many others who now were laboring when but a short time before there had been none. In the last letter of the series, the scholar bade the duke farewell, addressing him (perhaps by reason of his dedication) as Immortalis Princeps?

Duke Humphrey had studied in his youth at Balliol, and in after years the devotion he showed his university was to be his noblest trait. Oxford about that time had sunk to her lowest level. Scholasticism was dommant, but her reputation even in these studies was behind that of Paris. The long wars with France and civil strife at home had greatly affected all scholarly pursuits. For a time the university was reduced to the greatest misery, and the ruin of education seemed imminent.^ Scarcely a thousand students remained in her ruined halls, and those who studied were said to

find no reward awaiting them amid the poverty and distress of the nation.^ In their plight appeals were made at different times to Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury,^ the Duke of Bedford,^ and others, in- i forming them of the condition they were in. The one J truly generous patron they found proved to be Duke Humphrey of Gloucester. Not only were his gifts of books of great assistance to them, but his active support in the defence of their privileges as the special protector of the university was to help them through a period of virtual anarchy. There can be no doubt that he also advocated reforms in their education. At one time, indeed, his relations with them appear to have been somewhat strained, probably on account of their refusing to adopt certain innovations he had pressed.'*

In first advocating the new Italian humanism in England, Duke Humphrey proved himself far in advance of his age. The time was not yet ripe, however, although general dissatisfaction existed with the old scholastic training as a valueless preparation for life. The credit for whatever was then accomplished in England belongs rightly to the Duke of Gloucester and his circle. , What this was, as well as the practical purpose of the new humanism he introduced from Italy, can perhaps best be judged from a letter written in 1444 by ^neas Sylvius Piccolomini, who later

2 Beckynton, Correspondence, I, 277.

3 Epist. Acad., I, 94. * Ibid., I, 64.

became Pius the Second, to Adam Mulin, Bishop of Chichester and Keeper of the Privy Seal : —

" I read your letter with eagerness, and wondered that Latin style had penetrated even into Britain. It is true that there have been amongst the English some who have cultivated the eloquence of Cicero, amongst whom common consent would place the Venerable Bede. Peter of Blois was far inferior, and I prefer your letter to any of his. For this advance all gratitude is due to the illustrious Duke of Gloucester, who zealously received polite learning into your kingdom. I hear that he cultivates poets and venerates orators ; hence many Englishmen now turn out really eloquent. For as are the princes, so are the people ; and servants progress through imitating their masters. Persevere, therefore, friend Adam. Hold fast and increase the eloquence you possess ; consider it the most honorable thing possible to excel your fellows in that in which men excel other Hving creatures. Great is eloquence ; nothing so much rules the world. Political action is the result of persuasion ; his opinion prevails with the people who best knows how to persuade them." ^

Numerous letters passed between the duke and the university during the many years in which he defended its privileges. His first benefactions had begun in the early years of the fifteenth century. His last were to be almost forty years afterward. During

1 Opera, Epist. LXIV; cited by Creighton, Early Renaissance, p. 19.

lO ITALIAN RENAISSANCE IN ENGLAND

this time it was his wisdom alone, the authorities wrote him, which had revived learning and enabled scholars to devote themselves to it with fresh energy. It was almost a divine inspiration, they added, which led him to revive the studies of philosophy and the liberal arts ; they only trusted he would provide for the continued maintenance of this learning ; there was urgent need for books and money to carry on the lectures in science and philosophy which they knew enjoyed his favor, and they furthermore requested his aid in providing a permanent foundation for these.

From time to time, he gave them the books they wanted, and assisted them in other ways as well. Many letters of gratitude were written him ; if refinement of life, munificence and Hberality, it was said, could confer immortal fame, that fame would be his. It was in vain they had searched the records of antiquity : there was no one to surpass him in learning and literary culture ; nor was his fame confined to England, but had crossed the sea and the Alps, so that among all the Christian princes none was more renowned for his knowledge of the Greek and Italian writers. Night and day they now were able to devote to their scholarly tasks ; not only they themselves, but even eloquent and learned Italians toiled over the work. It was a pleasant sight to see the number of volumes received from Greece and Italy. * Under his patronage, Greek literature, buried for so many centuries, had again come to life, and once more the philosophers could be studied in their original tongue. The ae 1

THE SCHOLAR II

very foundation of eloquence, which he had carried over to England from Italy and Greece, would be exhausted in the effort to render him due thanks. If the Latin races owed him this, how much greater gratitude ought the English to feel. Previously there had been, it is true, a university at Oxford, but study there was none, for there were no books ; now, however, through his gifts, they too could discern the secrets of learning. Oxford must, therefore, always be the home of his glory : if, then, the Trojans vaunted their Hector, the Macedonians their Alexander, the Romans' their Caesar, it was for Oxonians to extol Humphrey ; and while distant rays might reach the students of every clime, it was they who enjoyed, so to speak, the very beams of the sun itself.^ However great the exaggeration and flattery of these letters, they yet show a decided zeal for learning, and the beginnings of the Renaissance feehng for antiquity. On Duke Humphrey's part, the taste was encouraged by presenting Oxford at various times with from three to four hundred books, purchased, for the most part, in France and Italy. Among these were the writings of Petrarch and Boccaccio, the text and commentaries of Dante, and the great writers of antiquity, whose works had been rediscovered by Italian humanists.^ By these gifts, it was said, from having been almost without books, the university had grown rich. Once more in their longforgotten majesty the ancient tongues had been re-

2 Vide Munimenta Academica, Indentures of 1439, 1444, etc.

vived, and everything which had been written was now accessible to students.-^

Around Duke Humphrey were grouped the other scholars of the age in England. His prot^g^ was Thomas Beckynton, Bishop of Wells and a doctor of laws of Oxford, who corresponded also with many learned Italians, among whom were Flavio Biondo of Forh, Angelo Gattola and Piero del Monte. His letters reveal quite a little group of English humanists, — such men as Adam MuHn, Thomas Chandler and William Grey. Nicholas Bildstone, the Archdeacon of Winchester, and Richard Pettworth, the secretary to Cardinal Beaufort, were also among the few English scholars then familiar with the new Italian studies. Certain other foreigners resident in England should be mentioned as well. Simon de Taramo, the papal collector, wrote a letter to Duke Humphrey in 1427, full of the new Renaissance spirit of humanism, realizing the duke's weakness in that direction.^ The most important, however, was Vincent Clement, who, although perhaps a Spaniard by birth, had yet been educated in Italy. He was at different times the papal collector in England and Duke Humphrey's orator at Rome, where he may well have purchased books for Oxford.^ He was certainly known as " the star of the university," and in all probabiHty had studied there. Later, King Henry the Sixth requested that the degree of doctor of divinity be conferred on him, since it was

1 Epist, Acad., I, 244.

2 Beckynion, I, 283. ^ Ibid.

intended to add to his prestige as papal proctor at the English court. -^ Various indications point him out as a man of great cultivation. His correspondence with Thomas Beckynton was full of classical and humanistic allusions, as for example when the latter thanked him for a volume of poems by the Itahan, Pontanus." In this early group of Clement and Beckynton, Chandler and Mulin, the first indications of the new spirit brought in by the Italian Renaissance can be found in England. The scholars centred around Duke Humphrey, who acted as their patron. With his death, however, in 1447, the first period of English humanism may be said to have ended. It was not a great age ; its scholars were for the most part obscure men, whose names, with scarce an excei^tion, have been forgotten. Its very knowledge of Greek, even if not confined to the Italian humanists in England, probably died out. Nevertheless, in marking the first stage of a new movement, in providing the foundation on which succeeding generations might build, in evincing a zeal for letters, the age deserves a place in the annals of English scholarship; and Duke Humphrey's name, perpetuated by his library, should live for the encouragement he gave the new learning.