The Spanish-American War

Preface

It has not been my purpose in the preparation of the manuscript of this book to write a full history of the war with Spain ; on the contrary, it has been to place on record some of the prominent facts connected with the organization, equipment, and movements of the army, together with the administration of the War Department, with the hope that such statement will serve a useful purpose as an example, should another crisis of the same kind occur.

The statements in this volume are based upon either my own knowledge or upon the official reports, verbal and written, made during my incumbency of the office of Secretary of War. The descriptions of the fights of Las Guasimas, Caney, San Juan, and Manila are based upon official documents, conversation with participants, and letters from officers high in authority received since the war. A personal visit to the battlelield of San Juan in the spring of 1899 has been of much service, making that field of operations somewhat familiar to me.

v

PREFACE

It has been my good fortune to have placed at my disposal the complete files of the correspondence received by and issued from the headquarters of the 5th Corps during the entire Santiago campaign. Many of these despatches are now published for the first time, and throw an interesting light on the history of the army which accomplished so much and which virtually ended the war with Spain.

An account of the Santiago army and the movements of the land forces in Cuba would not have been complete without a discussion of the relations between Admiral Sampson and General Shafter. The documents quoted in the chapter devoted to that matter should remove a great deal of misapprehension.

I wish to take this opportunity to thank numerous government officials and personal friends, in and out of the military service, for having materially aided me in the collection of data on various matters not coming under my direct observation.

Should war ever again come upon this country and find it so totally unprepared as it was in 1898, I hope that those who have been so profuse in their criticisms, and eager to discover faults, may have the patriotism and pride of country to rise above personalities, and, instead of striving to tear down, may endeavor to strengthen the hands of those upon whom the burden

may fall and whose only hope of reward is that

vi

PREFACE

satisfaction which comes from the consciousness of having labored honestly and unremittingly to serve a government whose flag has never yet known defeat.

Detroit Michigan, 1901.

Contents

CHAPTER PAGE

I. The Cuban Situation in 1898 1

II. Unpreparedness for War 6

Chapter I The Cuban Situation In 1 898

THE thoughtful observer of public events during the years 1895-97 need hardly be reminded that both the Cleveland and the McKinley administrations sought by every honorable means to avoid complications with Spain, though protesting against the conditions prevalent in Cuba. Deplorable as those conditions were, and shocking as was their effect upon the enlightened and humane mind, neither Mr. Cleveland nor Mr. McKinley seemed to feel that this country should, because of them, plunge into war. The conservative and responsible men at the head of the nation's affairs were profoundly averse to war, although they encountered, in holding to this course, the growing opposition of public sentiment throughout the country. As the year 1896 drew to a close this opposition became formidable.*

* The Republican platform, as read and adopted at the St. Louis Convention, June 18, 1896, was as follows :

" We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battles of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression (applause), and our best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty. The government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or the lives of resident Amer-

A I

Even conservative newspapers began to complain, not wholly without a semblance of warrant, that the goverment was leaning to the wrong side in its effort to stand exactly straight, and to hint that the navy had been converted into a police force for Spain's benefit. Denunciations of eminent Senators who advocated peace took on the quality of violence ; indeed, towards the close of Mr. Cleveland's administration sympathy with the insurgent Cubans had become the popular test of human kindness, and protest against war the unanswerable proof of unchristian indifference. President McKinley, therefore, inherited not only the problem itself — a problem which had been steadily intensifying for 3^ears — but a popular demand for intervention which had attained serious proportions and could be resisted only with extreme difficulty. Nevertheless, quite apart from the ideas entertained by the people generally, the facts, as they were made known to the President and his Cabinet, contained material enough for profound anxiety. It was only too evident that a state of absolute barbarity existed in Cuba, and that inhuman cruelties were of daily and contrived occurrence.

President Cleveland had unfalteringly persisted up to the last hour of his term in the policy he had adopted two years previously. Apparently his purpose was to transfer the situation to his successor free from all embarrassments. The fact remains that the state of

ican citizens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe tbat the government of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the island. (Applause.)"

And on this same question the Democratic Convention of 1896 thus expressed itself :

" We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence."

THE CUBAN SITUATION IN 1898

affairs could not have been more embarrassing if he had repeatedly modified his course between the spring of 1895 and March 4, 1897. It was, in fact, inherently intolerable, and it had been made needlessly painful and distressing by a policy on the part of Spain which had provoked the bitterest and deepest resentment of the American people.

Negotiations, with a view to ameliorating conditions in Cuba, were inaugurated as soon as our envoy, General Stewart L. Woodford, reached Madrid. The President and his Cabinet were, one and all, sincerely anxious to avert war, and to that end they labored in genuine harmony, although some felt that an issue which should be at once honorable and peaceful was impossible. The President's honest and persistent effort to avoid or avert war justly entitles him to the gratitude of the American people.

Our negotiations at Madrid were encouraged, but they led to no result. A point was yielded here, another there. The diplomatic atmosphere was one of apparent friendship and conciliation, but the efforts were fruitless of practical results. It seems, however, to be characteristic of the Spaniard, as typified by his government, that, whereas he is always fruitful of alluring promise, he is invariably barren of performance.

The months dragged slowly on — months marked by honest and unselfish effort on the part of the administration, alternately darkened and illumined by Madrid's varying moods. It was obvious that Spain had grown weary of the disheartening and futile struggle in Cuba, and that she lacked either the power or the will to terminate it. It was equally obvious that the United States could not postpone indefinitely the discharge of its responsibilities to civilization and to itself. The difficulty consisted in discovering a common ground upon which the countries could meet without sacrifice of material interests, moral obligations, or the pride of either. That discovery was never made. But the failure was not caused by any languor in the search — on our part, at least — and up to the very last, even after the destruction of the battle-ship Maine, there were those who believed that war could be averted.

Every one who followed the events of 1897 will remember that at last the administration demanded the recall of Weyler and a revocation of his reconcentrado edict. It is common knowledge also that Weyler was recalled, the edict revoked, and Captain-General Blanco sent to Havana, charged with the task of reorganizing the government of the island upon a basis of autonomy. It is difficult to say how far the proposed measures would have fulfilled the necessities of the situation. There is reason to believe, however, that it met the plans and wishes of the Autonomist party. No one can say with certainty that it would have failed, for it was never subjected to the test. The destruction of the Maine swept away forever this attempted adjustment.

Our people, awed by the suddenness and horror of the tragedy, awaited in silence the result of an investigation. It was the dignified self-control of a people accustomed to hear before it strikes. It was the calm of intense repression. The report of the Naval Board that the Maine had been destroyed by an explosion from the outside was followed by

THE CUBAN SITUATION IN 1898

Senator Proctor's speech in the Senate Chamber — that deliberate, dispassionate, but thoroughly convincing presentation of the Cuban horrors as he had seen them for himself. As the Senator spoke the most zealous optimist felt his hopes falling from him and saw at last the vision of the coming cataclysm. The sun had set upon the day of polite palaver and futile effort. Even those who had tried to deceive themselves after the destruction of the Maine abandoned the endeavor then and there.

It became apparent to the American people that the arts of diplomacy had been vainly exerted, and that Spain could no longer be tolerated by the United States as a neighbor in the West Indies. The time for debate had passed — the time for action had come.

Chapter II Unpreparedness For War

AMERICANS have not forgotten— they are not likely to forget — the splendid spectacle of the country's response to the government's ultimatum upon Spain which inevitably resulted in war. It was spontaneous and practically universal; it was sincere and enthusiastic. One realized that thirty-three years of peace had made no change in the American character. More than 100,000 veterans of the Civil War — wearers of the blue and wearers of the gray — pleaded for an opportunity to serve the re-established Union. The sons of those who fought under Grant and Lee showed that the soldierly and patriotic spirit of their sires had lost nothing in intensity by the lapse of years.

If Congress inspired the nation by its unanimous vote for the war fund, the country in its turn gave the whole world a picture of patriotic earnestness such as has seldom thrilled the hearts of brave and honorable men.

Thousands of men offered to enlist before the formal declaration of hostilities. War was declared April 21, 1898.* Under authority of act of Congress, on

* On this day Minister Woodford was given his passports at Madrid. The formal declaration of war by Congress occurred April 25th ; but that act also stated that " war has existed since the 21st day of April."

UNPREPAREDNESS FOR WAR

April 23d the President issued a call for 125,000 volunteers. Within twenty-four hours the nation was aflame. Tenders of service came by the hundreds of thousands. It is safe to say that a million men offered themselves where 125,000 had been called. It is equally safe to add that the administration was as overwhelmed by offers to meet the second call, issued May 25, 1898, for 75,000 men. It was the apotheosis of patriotism.

On the 1st of April our standing army consisted of 2,143 officers and 26,040 enlisted men, distributed over the entire country. This force may be classified as follows :

Officers Enlisted Men

General Officers and Staff Corps 532 2,026

Artillery 288 4,486

Miscellaneous 653

Here was the nucleus about which we had to gather the great army of 1898; and this was the organization with which we were to muster in, equip, organize, and mobilize not only the 125,000 volunteers called for on April 23d, but the subsequent levies, aggregating, with the regular army, approximately 275,000 men. The governmental machinery was altogether inadequate to immediately meet the emergency. It had, during thirty years, been called upon only to plan for and meet the requirements of the regular army in time of peace, and naturally enough had become quite fixed in the narrow grooves of peace. However, the officers at the head of the various bureaus met, as fully as was possible in the existing environment, the crisis, and their zeal, devotion, and professional ability entitle them to the grateful admiration of the people. Under the circumstances they worked wonders, and I deem it a high privilege that I am here permitted to pay this just tribute to them and their assistants.* And I desire to especially mention my very able and conscientious Assistant Secretary of War, Honorable George D. Meiklejohn, to whom too much praise cannot be given.

In order to understand the problem thoroughly, it will be necessary for the reader to acquaint himself with the details of the military situation on and up to April 23d.

On March 9th Congress appropriated "for national defence" the sum of $50,000,000. No part of this sum was available for offensive purposeseven for offensive preparation. The fund, though placed at the President's disposal, remained only an appropriation "for national defence," and he confined the employment of it literally within that limitation. Under this interpretation of the act, it was, of course, permissible to hasten the work upon our coast fortifications, the plans for which had been formulated by the Endicott Board of 1885 and duly sanctioned by Congress at that time. Allotments were made, therefore, out of the $50,000,000 fund to the Ordnance, Engineer, Quartermaster, Medical and Signal corps, as follows: Ordnance, (about) $10,000,000; Engineer, $5,500,000; Quartermaster, $500,000; Medical, $20,000; Signal, $226,400.

* The Inspector-General, Brigadier-General Breckinridge, was commissioned a major-general of volunteers by the President, and did not serve in his department during the war.

UNPREPAREDNESS FOR WAR

All of this was for purposes of coast defence — guns, mountings, emplacements, transportation, etc. — not a cent was used outside of the limits fixed by Congress. There was no disturbance of the status of peace before the declaration of war.

Meanwhile the War Department had been able to do nothing in the way of accumulating material for offensive war — for the emergency which, after the destruction of the Maine, was regarded by the country at large as inevitable. Every arsenal in the country, and every private establishment capable of turning out guns, carriages, powder, ammunition, etc., was working up to its full capacity, day and night, for coast defence; but the War Department could not purchase or even contract for any of the material so soon to be needed for the new army. None of the bureaus had on hand reserve supplies. Being unable to increase its stock, each had produced only enough for the immediate, every-day needs of the regular establishment on a peace basis.

When the declaration of war finally came, the Ordnance and Engineer corps, thanks to the allowance made from the $50,000,000 fund, were in full working order, and had already accomplished much towards the national defence. Regular troops had been moved to the coast and put in camps at various points, including Chickamauga. Within a very few days after the formal opening of hostilities, 1,535 torpedoes and mines, together with the electrical appliances necessary for their immediate operation, which had been provided from the National Defence Fund, were placed in various harbors; and the Signal Corps had been increased to the proportions needed for an effective and complete system of "fire control" in the forts.

It is unnecessary to say that the condition of the coast defences was far from what it should have been, notwithstanding the extraordinary efforts of the Ordnance and Engineer corps between March 9th and April 23d. The truth is that, whereas the Endicott Board of 1885 provided for a thorough system of armament and fortification, Congress, which had sanctioned the plan, supported it so feebfy with appropriations that the work had gone on at a snail's pace, and, in 1898, nearly thirteen years after its adoption, relatively little progress had been made.

To illustrate : The plan required an expenditure of $100,000,000 for the construction and emplacement of the following guns: 8 -inch, 98; 10 -inch, 194; 12-inch, 204; 12-inch mortars, 1,037; rapid-fire, 829; making a total of 2,362 guns and mortars. On the 1st of April, 1898, only these had been emplaced: 8-inch, 9; 10-inch, 44; 12-inch, 10; 12-inch mortars, 88; rapid-fire, none.

Thus, out of the 2,362 pieces of ordnance contemplated in the project of 1885, only 151 were in position April 1, 1898." In thirteen years Congress had appropriated for this great national work less than one -fourth of the sum required for its completion. The War Department had expended the amounts which through successive administrations had been

* There were completed, however, April I, 1898 :

8-inch 10-inch 12-inch 12-inch mortars rapid-fire 88 91 46 70 none

But owing to the fact that the manufacture of carriages had not kept pace with the manufacture of guns, only 151 of these pieces of ordnance were ready for immediate use.

UNPREPAREDNESS FOR WAR

placed at its disposal, but could do no more. It was also straitened in the matter of ammunition. For the 8 -inch guns there were only twelve rounds each; for the io-inch, twenty rounds; for the 1 2-inch, fifteen rounds, and for the mortars, ten. With the belated aid derived from the $50,000,000 fund, the Ordnance and Engineer corps accomplished remarkable results, but, at the best, those results were sadly inadequate. Dilatory and grudging legislation had borne its fruit.

In comparison with the other bureaus of the War Department, however, the Ordnance, Engineer, and Signal corps had been favored. They, at least, enjoyed an opportunity for effort, and had the means of utilizing that opportunity for a month and a half. On the other hand, the Quartermaster, Commissary, and Medical departments, up to April 23d, had been denied even the privilege of endeavor. Not one of these, under the President's interpretation of the term "national defence," had been permitted to take a step outside the ordinary routine; they could not either procure or order anything in the way of equipment — clothing, tentage, harness, commissary stores, medical and hospital supplies, camp furniture, and other material. Because of this, absolutely nothing had been added to the ordinary supply as it existed March 9, 1898.

The emergency confronted us before we had been able to move to meet it.

The personnel of the Quartermaster, Commissary, and Medical corps, numerically, was almost as inadequate as the material. On April 23d there were only 22 trained commissary officers in the service.

In the Quartermaster Department the number of officers was limited by law to 57. Congress allowed 192 medical officers, but when war came only 179 were ready for active service. On this point the Surgeon- General made the following statement to the War Investigation Commission :

" The number of medical officers, 192, allowed by law to the army is inadequate in time of peace. This number includes 15 assistant surgeons authorized by the act approved May 12, 1898. Later in May there were 13 vacancies; 6 officers were engaged in administrative duties in the office of the Surgeon-General and in the superintendence of the library and the Army Medical Museum ; 11 were on duty at medical-supply depots and as chief surgeons of military departments ; I at the United States Soldiers' Home, Washington, D. C. ; 56 at general hospitals and at garrisoned posts ; I as colonel of a volunteer regiment ; while 4 were disabled. One hundred officers were thus left for field service, 5 of whom were placed on duty as chief surgeons of army corps, 36 as brigade surgeons of volunteers, and 59 as regimental surgeons and assistants with the regular troops. The insufficiency of the last-mentioned number was made up by the assignment of medical men under contract."

It should be added that the hospital corps consisted of 723 men — a mere handful. There were many medicines that could be purchased at once in the open market, but a great number of articles indispensable to an effective service in camp or field could not be so readily obtained. Medical chests and apparatus, surgical instruments, hospital tents and furniture, "first-aid packets," * etc., had to be ordered and manufactured.

* A small envelope carried upon the soldier's person, containing antiseptic compresses and bandages for immediate use in emergency, pending the arrival of the surgeon.

UNPREPAREDNESS FOR WAR

In one respect alone was the War Department able to make immediate response to at least a part of the sudden demands upon it. Including those already in the hands of the regular soldiers, there were 53>5°8 .30-caliber Krag-Jorgensen rifles, and 14,895 .30-caliber Krag-Jorgensen carbines. This supply, however, was barely sufficient to meet the requirements of the increased regular army. Nothing was left for the volunteers except 45-caliber Springfield rifles, of which there were 265,895. For these weapons, and for the 7,893 45-caliber Springfield carbines, also in our arsenal, there was no smokeless-powder ammunition, nor was any immediately obtainable. The government did not manufacture the article. Its supply was drawn from the only establishments in the country making it — Peyton & Co., the Duponts, and Laflin & Rand, of which firms one was situated on the Pacific coast and the other two in the East. From the supply thus obtained the United States arsenal at Philadelphia was then turning out .30-caliber ammunition at the rate of 50,000 rounds per diem, but the remainder of the output was taken by the Navy Department, and, as we could not, after the inauguration of hostilities, draw upon Europe, there was no smokeless powder for the volunteer-army 45-caliber weapons. This constituted a serious drawback, as was illustrated in the Santiago campaign.

The situation can be summarized in a few words : The W T ar Department had, on April 23d, accomplished some little extra work on the coast defences; it had ready for use enough .30-caliber rifles to arm the 33,000 men added to the regular army, and enough

45-caliber Springfields for the volunteers, but that was all. There was in the supply bureaus absolutely nothing for the troops included in the first call, and for the other troops provided for during the last days of April, nor for the additional forces created between the 10th and 25th of May, aggregating 249,- 000 men, exclusive of the regular army in its original status. If the wording of the act of Congress had permitted the War Department to make use of some portion of the $50,000,000 for offensive preparations, much could have been accomplished between March 9th and April 23d in the way of getting ready for the impending conflict.

Chapter III

ON the ist of April, 1898, the twenty-five regiments of infantry and the ten regiments of cavalry, all of minimum strength — less than sixty to the company — were scattered over the United States from the Canadian border to the Mexican frontier. The heavyartillery regiments were on the Atlantic, Pacific, and Gulf coasts, and the light-artillery batteries were stationed at various posts in the North, South, East, and West. Few of these regiments were intact. Detached companies and troops were quartered at different posts at greater or less distances from their regimental headquarters.

Fortunately there was no law forbidding immediate mobilization. On the 15th of April, therefore, all of the regulars that could be spared from their stations were sent to New Orleans, Tampa, Mobile, or Chickamauga. Major-General John R. Brooke was assigned to Chickamauga, Brigadier-General William R. Shafter to New Orleans, Brigadier-General J. J. Coppinger to Mobile, and Brigadier-General J. F. Wade to Tampa. The mobilization was effected at the South in order that the troops should be near Cuba in the event of immediate need. Moreover, it was considered desirable to acclimatize the men, as far as possible, preparatory to operations in a semi-tropical country.

A great part of the regular army was, therefore, either mobilized or in process of mobilization when, on April 21st, the American minister at Madrid was given his passport by the Spanish government. The severance of diplomatic relations, under the circumstances then existing, was rightfully interpreted by Congress as tantamount to a declaration of war. On the day following, April 22d, in anticipation of a formal declaration of war, Congress authorized the President to temporarily increase the army of the United States in case of war by calls for volunteers. Four days later, April 26th, the day after the formal opening of hostilities, Congress provided for the increase of the regulars to the maximum strength. The army of 1898 was organized under the provisions of these two laws of April 22d and 26th, and that of May nth, which provided for thirteen volunteer regiments possessing special qualifications.

The act of April 26, 1898, increasing the regular army to approximately 61,000, also provided for a three - battalion formation and the development of companies of infantry to 106 men. This law did not augment the number of regiments of the regulars, but the number of enlisted men. Enlistments were made with the same care as in time of peace, although 216,000 volunteers were entering the service at the same time. The 29,521 men" newly enlisted in the regular army up to June 30, 1898, were chosen from a total number of 127,798 applicants. Thus, 98,277, or 77 per cent., were rejected. This was accomplished despite the fact that about one-fifth of the regular

* The maximum strength of the regular army on a war footing was not reached until some time later.

army officers had been given appointments or assigned to commands of volunteers — a serious obstruction to the machinery of recruitment.

Within a week subsequent to the enactment of this law (April 26th), the War Department was engaged in the simultaneous preparation of three large armies for operation in foreign countries, separated from the United States by distances ranging from 100 to 7,000 miles, and from each other by half the circumference of the earth.

The act of April 226., authorizing the President to temporarily increase the military establishment in time of war by calls for volunteers, at the same time empowered the Secretary of War to recruit from the nation at large companies, troops, battalions, or regiments possessing special qualifications, not to exceed 3,000 men in all. Under this authority were created the three volunteer cavalry regiments. The officers of these regiments were, by the law, selected and commissioned by the Secretary and not by the President. Colonel Leonard Wood, Colonel Jay L. Torry, and Colonel Melvin Grigsby were respectively appointed to command them. On the nth day of May, Congress also empowered the Secretary of War to organize a volunteer brigade of engineers, to consist of not more than three regiments, and to aggregate not more than 3, 500 men. The officers of these regiments were appointed, under the law, by the President, with the consent of the Senate, and under such rules and regulations as might be prescribed by the Secretary of War. The same act authorized the organization of an additional volunteer force of not exceeding 10,000 enlisted men possessing immunity from the diseases incident b 17 to tropical climates. For these so-called immune regiments the officers were to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.

The first call for troops— 125,000 men— was issued on April 23d. This levy was apportioned by law among the States according to population, and was confined first to the militia thereof, where such organizations existed, and then to the citizens at large. The War Department was at once overwhelmed by tenders of service from every section of the country and every State in the Union. Numerous protests against this policy of limitation were received. Veterans of the Civil War— Federals and Confederates alike— were especially insistent. The applications were as universal as they were enthusiastic. The question was, not what States would be called upon for troops, but how many of the thousands of men applying could be accepted?

The War Department favored the recognition of the State militia. Considerations of justice required that those men whose enthusiasm had inspired their entrance into State military organizations should, when the crisis occurred, be given the first opportunity for active service. For this reason it was thought that they were entitled to preference above others who were eager to enter the service. The governors of the several States were therefore informed that members of the State militia would be the first mustered. The War Department especially enjoined the State governors to inform the members of the militia that enlistment must be entirely voluntary, and not through any feelings of esprit de corps or compulsion. This instruction was given to relieve from any reflection upon their patriotism or courage those who could not leave their homes except at great sacrifice.

On the 25th of May the President issued the second call for volunteers — 75,000 men. Events proved that these additional troops were not needed, as 136,000 volunteers did not leave the United States. Still this great force, of course known to the Spanish government, must have had its influence in bringing about so speedy a conclusion of the war.

The number of men furnished by the several States under the first and second calls, including the sixteen regiments with special qualifications recruited at large, is given in the following table :

Officers Men

General officers and staff i.oio i,3 2 9

Alabama 141 3.o6i

Arkansas 9 1 1.934

California 186 4,441

Colorado 49 1,076

Connecticut 100 2,436

Delaware 47 969

District of Columbia 49 922

Florida 48 956