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Herbert's illustrated history of the civil war in America

George B. Herbert · 1901 · Scanned text · Free in the US

142,716 words · about 10 h to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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About this book

Author
George B. Herbert
Language
English
Published
1901
Length
142,716 words · about 10 h
Sections
35 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain in the United States

 

Contents (35)
  1. Front matter under 1 min
  2. Preface about 4 min
  3. Contents under 1 min
  4. Chapter II under 1 min
  5. Chapter IV under 1 min
  6. Chapter V under 1 min
  7. Chapter VI under 1 min
  8. Chapter VII under 1 min
  9. Chapter VIII under 1 min
  10. Chapter IX under 1 min
  11. Chapter X under 1 min
  12. Chapter XI about 4 min
  13. Chapter I about 16 min
  14. Chapter II about 26 min
  15. Chapter III about 21 min
  16. Chapter V about 15 min
  17. Chapter VI about 30 min
  18. Chapter VIII about 22 min
  19. Chapter IX about 35 min
  20. Chapter X about 41 min
  21. Chapter XI about 15 min
  22. Chapter XII about 9 min
  23. Chapter XIII about 23 min
  24. Chapter XV about 7 min
  25. Chapter XVI about 18 min
  26. Chapter XVIII about 12 min
  27. Chapter XIX about 12 min
  28. Chapter XX about 17 min
  29. Chapter XXI about 8 min
  30. Chapter XXII about 14 min
  31. Chapter XXIII about 29 min
  32. Chapter XXIV about 9 min
  33. Chapter XXV about 20 min
  34. Chapter XXVII about 30 min
  35. Chapter XXIX about 2 h 41 min

Continue:

Front matter

HERBERT'S ILLUSTRATED HISTORY

OF THE

Civil War in America

Preface

Many years have sped silently away since the closing scenes of the Civil War in America were enacted, and those years, while they have silvered the locks of men who were participants in, or spectators of, the titanic fraternal conflict, have brought to man^s estate, or to the very verge of it, almost a nation of young Americans, who were sleeping sweetly in swaddling clothes, while their mothers were waiting, watching and weeping over the news from the various battle-fields. It is to these budding citizens, more especially, that we address and dedicate this volume, in the humble though fervent hope that its pages may give them a fair knowledge and thorough appreciation cf the great principles involved in the stupendous and cosily National struggle which the cynical cant of the present day too frequently alludes to as "the recent unpleasantness." There have been more p >nderous tomes, of inestimable value to the leisurely student, produced by profound scholars and competent critics on this all-absorbing theme; there have been also skeleton " apologies for a History of the Civil War," serving the purpose only of giving the booksellers something to sell. Between these two there is a great gulf. The average reader shrinks from the task of hunting for crisp facts amid the thickets of theory and comment in the more pretentious volumes, and he turns away hungry for information after scanning a mere cartoon of a battle picture. We cannot hope to fill the chasm entirely, but trust that honest effort, supplementing a well-defined purpose, may succeed in throwing a pontoon bridge over it.

It would be well-nigh impossible to present an absolutely accurate and perfectly full report of a war of such magnitude, extending over so wide an area and embracing so long a period,

Sdl PREFACE.

and at the same time to enter fully upon the underlying political details, within the proposed limits of this work ; but it is competent, by judicious selection, by condensation where permissible, and by amplification where expedient or necessary, to produce a history at once instructive and interesting. This we have essayed to do What measuieof success we have achieved must be determined by the verdict of our readers, to whom we " submit the case without argument." It may not be a proof of our excess of modesty, but, we desire to add that we do not even throw ourself upon the merciful consideration of the Court. Nor will we appeal to the sympathies or prejudices of the jury, lest, like the immortal twelve wiseacres of Dymnchurch, they should bring in a verdict acquitting the defendant but recommending him to mercy, or, like the modern juries of Pennsylvania (especially those of Bucks County), they should sagely acquit, but put the costs of the trial upon the prisoner. We decline a vindication on any such terms.

In all seriousness, however, we feel that our little volume contains a fair resume of the causes which led to the war, the salient events of the campaigns, some essential comments and explanations and liberal pictorial embellishment, calculated to make it a covetable possession. So far as it is possible for human nature to be unbiased, or unprejudiced, we have endeavored to maintain the even tenor of our views amid the exciting, and sometimes irritating, narratives of bitter misunderstandings, mutual jealousies and sanguinary conflicts with which the records of American history abound during the period we have been considering. We have endeavored to avoid equally offensive epithets and excessive laudation, but have felt compelled, however, occasionally, to call a spade a spade, in plain, honest American fashion ; for this we claim immunity, on the grounds that this is a free country, and that, therefore, we have a right to our own opinions while our readers have the undoubted privilege of dissenting at their own option. All of which, as our late lamented Lincoln would have remarked, reminds us of an anecdote. Singularly enough, it relates to an experience of the martyr in question, and was narrated by him in the following words :

PREFACE. Xiii

" One day, when I first came here (Springfield, 111.), I got into a fit of niusing in niy room, and stood resting my elbows on the bureau. Looking into the glass, it struck me what an awfully ugly man I was. The fact grew on me, and I made up my mind that I must be the ugliest mm in the world. It so maddened me ihat I resolved, should I ever see an uglier, I would shoot him at sight. Not long after this,

Andy (naming a lawyer present), came to town, and the

first time I saw him I said to myself: ' There's the man.' I went home, took down my gun, and prowled around the streets waiting for him. He soon came along. 'Halt, Andy,' said I, pointing my gun at him, 'say your prayers, for I'm going to shoot you.' ' Why, Mr. Lincoln, what's the matter; what have I done ? ' ' Well, I made an oath that if ever I saw a man jglier than I am I'd shoot him on the spot. You are uglier, sure ; so make ready to die.' ' Mr. Lincoln, do you really think that I am uglier than you? 'Yes! 'Well, Mr. Lincoln,' replied Andy, deliberately, and looking me squarely in the face, ' if I am any uglier, fire away I ' "

For the application of this we would simply remark, if you find any other history of the Civil War in condensed, compact, handy form, more replete with military, political and social incident — shut U3 up — we deserve it I

Philadelphia,

Contents

PAGE.

CHAPTER T.

Introductory— Early Indications of Discontent— Gradual Development of Sectional Interests— Causes of the Civil Strife — The State Rights Theory— John C. Calhoun and Nullification— The Tariff and Slavery Questions— Brief Review of Presidential Succession— Election of Abraham Lincoln— Preparing for War, . . . . .21

Chapter II

Secession Spreading— The Various Ordinances— Treachery in the Cabinet— Anderson and Fort Sumter— His Heroic Action— Confederate Diplomatic Overtures— Cabinet Changes— The Treachery of Twiggs— Close of Buchanan's Administration, ... 3?

CHAPTER III. ,*— Biographical Sketch of Abraham Lincoln— His Eventful Journey from His Home to the National Capital— Plots for His Assassination— Tho Conspirators Foiled— Intrigues at Washington— Precautions Against Revolution— Lincoln's Inauguration— Abstract of his Address, . 5J

Chapter IV

Composition of Lincoln's Cabinet— Another Attempt at Southern Diplomacy—The Overtures Rejected— Affairs in Charleston Harbor— The Attack on Fort Sumter— Its Gallant Defense by Andersou — Peril of the kittle Garrison— Its Evacuation on April 14th, . . 57

Chapter V

Lincoln's First Call for Ti oops— The Quotas of the States— Secession Refusals to Respond— The Fatal Riot in Baltimore— First Bloodshed of the War- The Evacuation of Harper's Ferry— Spread vi Confederate Sentiment— Lying Rumors of Defections— An Early Specimen of Repudiation Doctrines, ....... 67

Chapter VI

Intermediary Events— The Responses of the Loyal States— Unionists Rallying Round the Flag— Men and Money for Government Aid- Excitement in Philadelphia— Meetings Elsewhere— Spread of Southern Secession— Jottings of Events Among the Confederates, . . 77

Chapter VII

Further Outrages at Baltimore— Burning of the Railroad Bridges— Capture of the Gosport Navy Yard— Butler Moves on Baltimore— The Citv

CONTENTS. XV

PAGE.

Occupied by Federal Troops— The Split in Virginia — Union Sentiment in tbe Mountain Counties— Organization of West Virginia — The Habeas Corpus Act Disregarded, ....... 84

Chapter VIII

The Federal Forces Cross the Potomac — Occupation of Alexandria— Assassination of Colonel Ellsworth— General George B. McClellan — The Battle of Philippi— Butler at Fortress Monroe — The Blunder at Big Bethel— Butler's Report— Confederate Accounts, . . . 100

Chapter IX

Lincoln's Second Call for Troops— The Condition of the Navy— The Special Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress— Abstract of Lincoln's Message— Extracts from Davis' Confederate Message— Proceedings in Congress— Expulsion of Members on Treason Charges— Opposition Tactics of the Minority— The Government Sustained— Vigorous Preparations for War — Adjournment of Congress, . ... . 114

Chapter X

The Battles of Falling Waters, Rich Mountain and Carrick's Ford— The Skirmish at Screytown— The First Battle of Bull Run— Official Reports— Narrative of an Eye-witness— Terrible Scenes of the Retreat —General McClellan Begins to Organize the Army of the Potomac, . 142

Chapter XI

Movements in Missouri— Governor Jackson's Defiance— McCullough's Texan Rangers-the battle of Carthage— Engagement at Dug Spring —Battle of Wilson's Creek- Death of Gen. Lyon— Frem c nt's Operations in St. Louis— Martial Law Proclaimed throughout Missouri, . 156

CHAPTER XH.

General Butler at Fortress Monroe— Relieved by Gen. Wool— The Burning of the Village of Hampton— Magruder Baffled— Butler Assumes the Offensive— Capture of Forts Hatteras and Clark— Capitulation of the Garrisons— Events and Occurrences of a General Character, . 166

CHAPTER XIH.

Movements in Missouri— The Siege of Lexington— Heroism of the Federals—Barbarism of the Confederates— Attack o:i Sick and Dying in the Hospital— Surrender of Mulligan's Camp— General Ulysses S. Grant at Paducah— His Dash on Belmont— Fremont Superseded— Summary of Subsequent Movements, ....... 173

CHAPTER XIV.

Operations in Western Virginia— The Battle of Carnifex Ferry— Death of Colonel Lowe— Floyd's Hasty Flight— Attack on the Summit Post- Repulse of the Confederates— The Kanawha Valley Cleared of Intruders—Movements of McClellan— The Disastrous Battle of Ball's Bluff. 18t i

SVi CONTENTS.

PAGE.

CHAPTER XV.

Naval Movements — An Incident of To-Day— Fate of the Harriet Lane— Engagements Around Hatteras— The Affair of Santa Rosa Island- Bombardment of Pensacola— The Expedition to Port, Royal— Capture of Forts Walker and Beauregard— The Confederates Driven from the South Carolina Coast — Attempted Blockade of Cnarleston Harbor, . 189

CHAPTER XVI.

The Close of 1861— Permanent Congress of the Confederate States— Cabinet Changes— Specimen of Judah P Benjamin's Consistency— Privateering— The Trent Affair— Capture of Mason and Slidell— Diplomatic Correspondence— The Prisoners Released, .... 194

CHAPTER XVH.

Condition of Affairs in January, 1802— Exertions of the Secessionists in Kentucky— The Forces at Bowling Green— Garfield's Victory at Prestonburg— The Battle of Mill Spring -Death of Zollicoffer— The Burnside and Goldsborough Expeditions— Capture of Roanoke Island- Other North Carolina Victories, ...... 200

CHAPTER XVIII.

Important Movements on the Cumbjrl-inJ and Tennessee Rivers— Foote's Flotilla — Capture of Forts Henry and Done'son — Evacuation of Columbus— The '• Gibraltar of the W. st "—General Grant's Brilliant Achievements— Cowardice of Floyd and Pillow— The New Fortifications on the Mississippi— New Madrid and Island Number Ten, . . 207

CHAPTER XIX.

Inaction of the Army of the Potomac— LincoJn's Annoyance— McClellan's Obstinacy — A General Movement Ordered — Advance of McClellan on Yorktown— Siege Operations Begun— The Merrimack, or Virginia, and the Monitor— The Unique Naval Combat in Hampton Roads, . .216

CHAPTER XX.

The Confederates Abandon New Madrid— Siege and Capture of Island Number Ten— The Wonderful Canal Constiuction — Grant Moves on Corinth— The Two Days' Battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburgh Landing— The Confederates Finally Driven Back on Corinth— Siege of Corinth— Beauregard's Flight— Occupation of Corinth by the Federals, . . 225

CHAPTER XXI Stonewall Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley— Operations before Yorktown— Evacuation of Yorktown— Bat' le of Williamsburg— Flight of the Confederates across the Chickahommy— Surrender of Norfolk- Opening the Navigation of the James River, .... 237

CH4PTER XXH.

Capture of Memphis— Battle of New Berne— Operations along the Carolina Coa*w— Capture of Fort Pulaski— Dupont and Sherman in Florida —Butler ^jd Farragut on the Mississippi— Operations against Forts

CONTENTS. XV11

PAGE.

Jackson and St. Philip— Capture of New Orleans— Occupation of the City by General Butler, . . ..... 244

CHAPTER XXIII.

Stonewall Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley— Fight at Winchester- Battle of Cross Keys— McClellaa Before Richmond— Retrograde Movement to the James River— The Battle of Glendale— The Fitz John Porter Affair— Battle of Groveton— General Pope Relieved of His Command, . ......... 253

CHAPTER XXIV Affairs In Kentucky and Mississippi— Guerrilla Morgan's Raids— The Confederates Capture Lexington and Frankfort— Bragg Retreats into Tennessee— General Buell Relieved — General Rosecrans in Command of the Army of the Cumberland— The Battles at Murfreesboio— Some Very Heavy Fighting, ........ 272

CHAPTER XXV.

The Battle of Iuka— Movements Around Corinth— Grant's Communication Severed ;.t Holly Springs— General Sherman at Memphis— The Attack on Vicksburg— Failure of the Movement— Burnside with the Army of the Potomac- Abortive Attack on Fredericksburg— Burnside Relieved < f His Command, ....... 278

CHAPTER XXVI.

President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation— Full Text of the Most Important Stato Paper in the History of the United States— Effects of Its Promu gat ion— Condition of the Federal Finances— Further Calls for Troops,— Demoralized Condition of Confederate Affairs, . . 284

CHAPTER XXVII.

Running Summary of the Earlier Militaiy Movements in 1863— Siege of Vicksburg— Surrender of Vicksburg by General Pemberton— Guerrilla Morgan's Raids— His Captuie, Imprisonmen; and Escape— The Glorious Federal Achievements at Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge, 291

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Hooker with the Army of the Potomac— Disastrous Fight at Chancellorsville-Death of " Stonewall " Jackson— Capture of the Heights at Fredericksburg— Lee's Dash Into Pennsylvania and Maryland— Capture of Winchester by the Confederates— Hooker Superseded by General Meade, ......... 304

CHAPTER XXIX.

The Confederate Invasion of Pennsylvania and Maryland — Meade's Movements tj Check Lee*s Advance -Battle of Gettysburg— Defeat of the Confederates— Meade's Leisurely Pursuit— Engagement at Mine Run— Both Armies in Winter Quarters— Close of 1863— Personal Narrative of the Swamp Angel's Construction, .... 312

LIST OF ILLUSTRATION

General Philip Kearny,

General James Longstreet,

David G. Farragut, ....

Reconnoitering, ....

General Ambrose E. Burnside,

Pickets on Dutv, . . . .

Grant's Headquarters at Chattanooga, .

General Hugh Judson Kilpatrick,

General George G. Meade, .

General Winfield S. Hancock,

General Willjam T. Sherman,

Ruins of Charleston,

Place of Johnston's Surrender to Sherman,

General Philip H. Sheridan, ,

PAGE.

THE POPULAR HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR.

Chapter I

INTRODUCTORY— EARLY INDICATIONS OP DISCONTENT — GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT OF SECTIONAL INTEREST3 — CAUSES OF THE CTVIL STRIFE — THE STATE RIGHTS THEORY — JOHN C. CALHOUN AND NULLIFICATION — THE TARIFF AND SLAVERY QUESTIONS— BRIEF REVIEW 07 PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION— ELEC- TION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN— PREPARING FOR WAR.

Even the hoarse echoes of the cannon's thunder and the clash of steel have sunk to sleep ; the fretful murmurs of semisatiated passion and prejudice which succeeded the savage frenzy of murderous hate have even been hushed, and the timid tenders of reconciliation have been supplanted by an eager anxiety to proffer and respond warmly to fraternal greetings among the citizens of all sections throughout the now happily re- United States. It is therefore opportune to present a coDcise, impartial narrative of one of the most important episodes in the history of modern civilization and the development of human liberty. The term episode is not inappropriate in connection with so stupendous an affair as the Civil War in America, since it was, despite its costly magnitude, whether the basis of calculation be that of mere money or those priceless elements, human life and human blood, but one of the incidents of the conflict of opinions which began with the adoption of the Constitution of this Republic.

For the greater part of a century the exigencies of National development were such that i he germs of disaffection found no sun of popular feeling to warm them into life and action. They were latent, however, and as surely as the scrub oaks appear when the lofty pines are felled and cleared, so the sturdy sproutings of innate discontent were manifested when social and com-

22 mSTORV OF THE CIVIL "WAR.

mercial success liad crowned the untiring efforts of a generation of unselfish, patriotic impulses.

But enough of generalization. The causes of the Civil War — call it Rebellion if you will, deem it Secession if you please — had their origin in but one Hydra-headed element, commonly known as State Rights. From the sovereign citizen to the sovereign State, was an easy transition in popular or personal opinion ; from property in slaves to property interests in relation to tariff legislation, it was even yet more easy to turn, and therefore, Nullification, the earliest exemplar of the laten t controversy, is entitled to but subjunctive rank among the cohorts of dissatisfaction. It was, however, the touchstone of the entire matter, and consequently we must begin our history by rapidly recounting the legislation which led up to the bold attempt of John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, in 1832, to sap the integrity of the Union.

As early as 1812, Calhoun, when taunted by Rear Admiral Stewart with the sham under which the aristocracy of the South, supported absolutely by slave labor, assumed to affiliate with democracy, haughtily retorted, in effect, that such assumption, or pretense, was mere policy designed to aid the South in controlling the Republic ; that the compromises of the past would not be repeated, and that any attempt to crush that policy or to abrogate its consequent power of control, would be met by a dissolution of the compact of the States.

Following closely upon the tariff agitation of 1816, a mere preliminary skirmish, came the heated discussions in 1820 on the slavery question, resulting in the Missouri Compromise, by which Missouri was admitted as a slave-holding State in 1821. Subsequent events proved that Calhoun's decliration of hostility towards compromise measures was not a personal feeling merely, nor an unmeaning threat. The issue was merely postponed and the agitation allayed until 1849.

The passage of the tariff act of 1S24, which afforded protection to the iron trade of Pennsylvania, the manufacturers of the Eastern States «.nd the Northern and Western wool and heinp interests, revived Southern hostility, and when, in 182b, after a bitter controversy lasting nearly a year, the tariff bill,

CAUSES OF THE WAR. 23

imposing duties upon an average basis of fifty per cent., was passed, the outspoken indignation of the advocates of the cotton interests was so violent and aggressive that the long-threatened hour of dissolution seemed at hand.

In the fall of 1828, after an exciting Presidential campaign, John Quincy Adams was defeated, and Andrew Jackson, a native of North Carolina, but a resident of Tennessee, was elected, receiving 178 electoral votes against 83 for Adams' re-election. As usual, the mere partisan rancours of a campaign disappeared as easily and as silently as the morning mists. But gathering clouds took their place, the Bank Charter Act and the reopening of the tariff question precipitating another storm. The first annual message of President Jackson opposed the re-chartering of the Bank of the United States, and suggested that the old charter should be allowed to expire by the effluxion of time in 1836. The corporation power was, however, strong enough to set these views aside, and Congress in 1832 passed the bill to re-charter. This was promptly met by a veto, and failing to comand a two-thirds majority, the friends of the bill were compelled to yield.

Meanwhile the agitation on the tariff ' question had been rapidly spreading, and when, as the result of the session of 1831-32, additional duties were levied upon manufactured goods imported from abroad, the smoldering discontent of the South leaped into flame. It was claimed that again the manufacturing districts were favored at the expense of the agricultural States, and South Carolina, under the lead of John C. Calhoun, with his nullification theory, determined to resist the power of Congress in the premises.

Inflammatory literature was widely disseminated, and other Southern States were invited to join the movement for mutual self -protection. On the 24th of November, 1832, a grand convention was held at Columbia, and the Nullification Ordinance was adopted. This instrument declared that no duties should be paid in South Carolina after a certain date ; that no appeal should be permitted to the Supreme Court of the United States in reference to the validity of the ordinance, and that attempts bv the United States Government to collect revenue would justify

HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR.

secession and the establishment of an independent government. This ordinance was approved by the Legislature of the State then in session. To emphasize the matter the Legislature ordered the raising, arming and equipping of State forces to resist to the uttermost the exercise of Federal authority.

Mr. Calhoun, then Vice-President of the United States, was named as the head of the proposed State organization, and medals bearing the words, "JohnC. Calhoun, First President of the Southern Confederacy," were struck off and distributed. In the streets blue cockades, with a center button ornamented

with a palmetto, the symbol of the new nation, were freely displayed .

Nor did the matter rest here. Colonel Hayne, Senator from South Carolina, boldly advocated, on the floor of the United States Senate, the right of a State, under certain circumstances, to nullify an act of Congress. To his fiery eloquence was op posed the masterly argumentative speech of that master of American oratory, Daniel Webster.

Debate, however, on such a subject, was not President Jackson's modeof meetingand dealingwith a crisis. He promptly issueda proclamation, in which he asserted that " to say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are not a Nation." He declared his intention to collect the revenue under all and any circumstances. This was met by a counter proclamation, in which Governor Hayne, of South Carolina, sustained the Nullification theory, and called for twelve thousand armed volunteers to defend the State against Federal interference. On the 28th of February, 1833, Congress passed the Force bill, which gave jurisdiction to the United

JO'.'.'.I O'.LDVr'KLL CM.1IOCW.

THE NULLIFICATION THEORY. 25

States Courts over cases arising under the revenue laws and materially enlarged the Presidential power in dealing with armed resistance. Thus strengthened, the President dispatched vessels of war to the coast of South Carolina and sent General Winfield Scott to Charleston with troops. Vigorous measures like these, nipped in the bud the immature revolt. The leaders recoiled for the time, the rank and file sullenly subsided, and without bloodshed the point of extreme tension had been reached and passed. Meanwhile Congress considered a bill introduced by the great pacificator, Henry Clay, and in the following spring adopted the measure which, by providing for the gradual reduction of 'he duties complained of, till at the end of ten years they should reach a basis suHi as the South had intimated willingness to accept, removed even the shadow of a grievance, on the tariff score, from the restless spirits of South Carolina.

The slavery question, however, was rapidly resuming its pos.tionas a burning issue, though the financial panic and the Canadian troubles during the administration of Martin Van Buren (1< V 37-1841), tended to keep it somewhat in the background. The close of this administration by the defeat of Van Buren for re-election, be receiving but sixty electoral votes against two hundred and thirty-four for General Harrison, deprived the Democrats, for the first time in forty years, of the control of the Government.

Inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1841, General Harrison, borne down by the weight of years, died within one month of that date, and on the 6th of April Vice-President John Tyler, of Virginia, took the oath of office as President of the United States.

In the current ran of this history, holding its main purpose in view, we have little to consider until in December, 1844, the proposition to admit Texas as a State came before Congress. A clause in the proposed constitution of this State recognized the existence of slavery within its limits. This had been the issue of the Presidential election of that year, and had been the cause of unparalleled excitement. On the 1st of March, 1845, but three days before Tyler's retirement, the annexation bill was adopted, and the prompt assent of the President admitted the "Lone Star State."

The administration of James K, Polk, of Tennessee (1845 to 1849), was chiefly occupied with the Mexican troubles arising out of the Texas boundary question. Towards its close the slavery question again loomed up, David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, having brought before Congress a bill to prohibit slavery in all the territory which might be secured by treaty with Mexico. The defeat of the "Wilmot Proviso," as this measure was termed, led to the formation of a political party, composed of its supporters ; and in June, 1848, they nominated ex-President Van Buren, as the Presidential candidate of the "Free Soil Party." Practically this was but the ventilation of an idea, for the campaign turned upon the personal popularity of Generals Cass and Taylor, the latter being elected, by a large majority, with Millard Fillmore, < f New York, as Vice-President.

President Taylor's first message paved the way for another struggle. In it he advised the Californians to form a State government in readiness for admission to the Union. In accordance with this a convention at Monterey, in September, 1849, framed a constitution prohibiting slavery, and the people adopted it. On the 20th of December, the new Government, with Peter H. Burnet as Governor of the Territory, was organized and a petition was forwarded to Congress asking admission for the State of California.

A bitter controversy was at once initiated and the Missouri experiences were repeated, with this difference, that the North favored and the South opposed the admission. The Southern argument was that with the extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific the right to introduce slavery into California was guaranteed by the general Government, consequently the Constitution of the proposed State should be rejected. The North argued that part of the new State only was affected, that the Missouri Compromise applied only to the Louisiana purchase, and that the people of California had the right to choose their own Constitution. In the bitter debates which followed lundred issues became involved. The South complained that fugitive slaves were aided and encouraged by

HENRY CLAY'S OMNIBUS BILL. 2?

the North ; the Free Soil party demanded the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and Texas added to the imbroglio by claiming New Mexic > as part of her territory.

Again the genius of Henry Clay was invoked. Early in 1850 he was appointed chairman of a committee of thirteen to whom all the vexed questions were referred. On the 9th of May he brought forward "The Omnibus Bill" as a compromise. Its provisions were : First, the admission of California as a free State ; second, the formation of new states, not exceeding four in number, out of the territory of Texas, said states to permit or exclude slavery as the people should determine ; third, the organization of territorial governments for New Mexico and Utah, without conditions on the question of slavery ; fourth, the establishment of the present boundary between Texas and New Mexico, and the payment to the former of ten million dollars from the public treasury for the surrender of the latter ; fifth, the enactment of a more vigorous law for the recovery of fugitive slaves ; sixth, the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia.

During the heated discussion which followed the introduction of the measure, President Taylor died on Jul)" 9th, 1850. Mr. Fillmore took the oath of office and appointed Daniel Webster as Secretary of State. The discussion on the Omnibus bill progressed, and on September 18th, 1850, the last clause was adopted. The President immediately approved the measure, and for a time the excitement was again abated. True, it was but a compromise, and did not affect convictions on either side.

Meanwhile, on March 31st, 1850, John C. Calhoun died, and thus the foremost figure in early secession movements passed from the conflict. His influence, however, had left too deep an impression to be easily effaced. Henry Clay followed on the 28th of June, 1852, and Daniel Webster on the 24th of October in the same y-ar. The close of Fillmore's administration introduced a new element, for both the Whig and Democratic platforms affirmed the wisdom of the Compromise Act of 1850 : a new party, or rather an extension of the Free Sod organization, denied the wisdom of the Compromise., a^d declaring thar

28 HISTORY OB THE CIVIL WAR.

all the Territories of the United States ought to be free, put forth their own Presidential candidate. This was John P. Hale, of New Hampshire. The real contes% however, was between General Winfield Scott and Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, the latter bein, g elected by a large majority.

The pacification, of the Omnibus bill provisions was of very short duration, the anti-slavery party daily growing in determination, if not in actual audacity. In Syracuse, N. Y., afugitive named Jerry was rescued by force from the Government officers, and the rescue of Anthony Burns was almost effected. In this struggle one man was killed and troops were ordered out to aid in the surrender of the alleged slave. In Ohio, Margaret Garner, another fugitive, killed two of her children to save them from slavery. More legitimate efforts to restrict the operations of the fugitive slave law were made in several States by the enactment of laws to secure at Past a jury trial for alleged slaves. Thus steadily and resistlessly the Nemesis of slave-holding brutality was pressing on to the point of actual conflict and its result, the glorious Emancipation Proclamation.

The organization of the vast region west of Minnesota, Iowa and Missouri into Territories was one of the earliest issues of Pierce's Administration. In January, 1854, Senator Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, submitted to the United States Senate a proposition to organize the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. The Kansas-Nebraska bill contained a clause providing that the people of the two Territories, in forming their Constitutions, should decide for themselves whether the new States should be free or slave-holding. This was cutting the Gordian knot with a vengeance, for both the new territories lay north of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes, and therefore the proposition absolutely annulled the Missouri Compromise and virtually restored the naked issue of slavery or no slavery. Sectional feeling ran high and debates were bitter, but the bill passed, and in May, 1854. it received the Presidential sanction.

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