The suppressed history of the administration of John Adams, (from 1797 to 1801,) as printed and suppressed in 1802

Front matter

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Chapter I

Introductory Remarks — Biography of President John Adams — Review of his Political Tenets — Causes of his election 25

CHAPTER n.

Speech of President Adams — Speech of Thomas Jefferson — Remarks — British Piracy — Mr. Monroe's Embassy - 33

CHAPTER HI.

Speech of President Adams — Answer from the House of Representatives — Proceedings of Congress - - 61

CHAPTER IV.

Remarks on the Meeting of Congress — History of the Algerine Treaty — Blount's Conspiracy Investigated — British Piracy _-----_- 81

CHAPTER V.

Speech of President Adams — Address from the Senate — Blount's Conspiracy — Quarrel between Mr. Lyon and Mr. Griswold — Instances of a similar nature in the Par-

IV CONTENTS.

Page liament of Scotland — The House of Commons in England, and the Senate of Lucerne in Switzerland — Communication of President Adams relative to the negotiation with France — Acts passed by Congress - - - 97

CHAPTER VI.

Reflections on the Conduct of President Adams — Dismissal of Mr. Gardner of New Hampshire — Spies encouraged — Anecdote of the spy Oram — Treatment of General Sumpter of South Carolina, at the New Circus, Philadelphia — Federal mob on the 9th of May, 1798 — Dismission of Dr. James Reynolds from the Dispensary at Philadelphia — Persecution by the Dunkards — Federal Addresses — Vanity of President Adams — Remarks of Mr. Callender on the President's answer to the New Jersey Militia — Procession of President Adams from Quincy to Boston — Bostonian Honours — Reception given to President Adams at Faneuil Hall — Characters of the Senators and Members of the House of Representatives - - - - - 124

CHAPTER Vn.

Observations upon the Alien and Sedition Bills — Arrest of Dr. Smith and Mr. Burk — Origin of Dr. Smith's acquaintance with President Adams — Trial of Colonel Matthew Lyon — Barbarous Treatment towards French Prisoners — Case of Joseph Ball and others - - - - 160

CHAPTER Vin.

Meeting of Congress — Speech of President Adams — Remarks— Impeachment of Blount — Gerry's Despatches — Story of the Female Spy and her tubs of Seditious Papers — Acts passed by Congress - - - - - 171

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IX.

Page

Dr. Logan — Capture of L'Insurgente — Murder of Neale Harvey — Trial of Dr. Reynolds — William Duane and others — Attack upon the Aurora office — Case of Ebenezer Giles 191

CHAPTER X.

Trial of John Fries for Hig-h Treason - - - 199

CHAPTER XI.

Trials of Jonathan Robbins, Isaac Williams, and William Frothingham. - - - - - - -212

CHAPTER XII.

Remarks upon an Aristocratical Form of Government — The administration of President Adams compared to an Aristocracy— Quarrel at Trenton between Mr. Adams and his Cabinet — Alexander Hamilton's Letter respecting their difference — Appointment of an embassy to France — Characters of the Envoys — Anecdotes of President Adams and Dr. Franklin — President Adams' jealousy and dislike to Dr. Franklin — President Adams endeavours to calumniate Dr. Franklin — Memoirs of Alexander Hamilton - 222

CHAPTER XIII.

Meeting of the Sixth Congress — President Adams's Speech — Death of General Washington — Proceedings of Congress— John Randolph insulted at the Theatre, Philadelphia— Acts passed by Congress _ - _ _ 238 1* fl CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIV.

Page

Remarks on the Constitution of Connecticut — Trials of Cooper, Fries, Callender, and Holt — General Observations ________ 254

CHAPTER XV.

Lives and Characters of Thomas Jefferson, Aaron Burr, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney - _ _ _ 287

CHAPTER XVI.

Meeting of Congress — President Adams's Speech — French Treaty — Proceedings of the House of Representatives — Anecdote of Mr. Adams — ^Election of the President and Vice-President — Observations on the Dismission of Timothy Pickering and McHenry — Conclusion - - 311

Introduction

As it is in the revolution of empires when truly great men make themselves known, so it may be amid the turbulent strife that at times agitates the political, world — when a people tired, and borne away by a ruthless intriguing faction, to save themselves from ruin, make a bold, determined stand in vindication of their sacred rights, and in defence of their liberties — it is when such powerful sentiments animate the hearts of a people born to be free, and truly enlightened vicAvs direct them to the easy attainment of benefits calculated to secure their freedom, happiness, and future prosperity, that their inmost souls expand, their mental faculties assume their natural proportion and energy, and, in defiance, come forth determined to assert those rights so important and essential to their welfare, and call to their aid those whom they are convinced will save them and their devoted country from anarchy, dissolution, and lasting disgrace.

The Constitution was, in the early period of this Republic (as it now is) the pole-star on which all eyes were intently fixed, the majority of the people believing that as a Washington in the days that tried men's souls, through the aid of Divine Providence made them free and independent, a Jefferson through the assistance of the same All-Wise Being should again be the means of more closely uniting the bonds of the Union by a link still stronger — irresistible to a faction, who, for their own aggrandizement, were willing to see the Constitution trampled under foot, and hurled from the Legislative halls.

At this momentous period, a still small voice was heard from the silent tomb of the father of his country, which was loudly responded to, and aroused the people to adhere to those principles which inspired their patriotic sires in 1776, and with a spirit and power as irresistible as governed them, and bid them onward, did they once more triumph, and place a true patriot son of Virginia, a Jefiferson, to preside over the destinies of the Republic, which an aristocratical faction had endeavoured to overthrow by tyranny, oppression, and the restriction of opinion. Virginia spoke — her voice was echoed and re-echoed by the hills of New England, the answering shores of Georgia, and the reverberating cliffs of the Alleghanies, until every freeman awoke at the summons, and came forth with shield and spear, and the stirring war-cry of " A Jefferson to the rescue — Liberty and Unions

It must be admitted by every impartial and unprejudiced mind, whether one of the old federal school of 1798, a federal whig of 1841, or a republican of the Jeffersonian school, that the letter published in the work from the late Governor John Langdon of New Hampshire, (uncle of the editor,) who was called the Washington of the Granite state, to Senator Samuel Ringgold of Maryland, must have had the effect of hnking together, with hooks of steel, the Republican party from 1801 until 1825, when by bargain and deep intrigue in the halls of Congress, General Jackson was excluded from the high office to which the wishes of the people had destined him. This had the effect of again rousing the Republican party to action; and, in 1829, General Jackson was inaugurated President of the United States, and, full of zeal for the welfare of the people, planned a crusade against bank monopoly — overthrowing the monster as his prowess overthrew the invading British army at New Orleans.

The reader will doubtless be curious to know in what manner, after a lapse of nearly half a century, a copy of the suppressed work, now re-printed, came into the possession of the editor, who has no hesi-

INTRODUCTION.

tation in briefly explaining the source whence he obtained it, and other matters relating to its publication and suppression in 1802, and the cause of his reprinting it at the present calm period after the great pohtical storm which so recently passed over our happy and growing republic.

The suppressed copy of " Adamses Administration^'''' now in the possession of the editor, was presented to his father, (the late Judge Sherburne of the United States District Court for the District of New Hampshire,) by his old friend and correspondent, the late Thomas Jefferson, then President of the United States. The editor in arranging the extensive library of his late father, found the work, and after an attentive perusal, while on a visit to New York in 1840, submitted it to a literary friend asking his advice with respect to printing it anew. This friend although averse to what is called republican principles, advised its republication, and introduced the editor to one of the most extensive publishing houses in New York. The publishers, who were of the same politics as the literary gentleman above referred to, after three days consideration, and consulting the editor of a leading political paper, also of the same creed in politics, agreed to republish it on certain terms, provided the consent of Ex-President John Quincy Adams could be obtained.

The editor soon after was compelled to relinquish his project by unexpectedly having business which took him to Europe. Subsequent duties undertaken for the government in relation to the removal of some of the Indian tribes, have occasioned the reprinting and editing of the work to be deferred till the present day.

It was during the editor's visit at New York in the fall of 1840, that he was informed why and wherefore this book was ever suppressed j while the work was in press, but one individual, a renowned political star of that day, had access to the office ; and the room having but one door of entrance, was so closely watched as to prevent any one from entering or departing without being observed. This political star^ with others, was in the habit of visiting a certain lady conspicuous at that period for her deep political intrigue, with a mind, however, far more exalted, and possessing far more acuteness, in finding out what was in agitation among the intriguing politicians. This political star was in the habit also of imparting to this lady all that transpired from day to day not only in the pohtical but the fashionable world. — One evening this gentleman on a visit to the lady's house appeared buried more deeply in thought than usual, as if something weighed heavily on his great mind, which the lady observing, with all her usual tact, ordered the tray, with a variety of choice wines, &;c., which she invariably found had the desired effect of gaining the secrets, plots, and counterplots from high functionaries. She was not disappointed in her scheme ; the mind of the great man was relieved, and the important secret disclosed in strict confidence^ with a promise of the perusal of the printed sheets as they came from the press. The lady not only perused^ but submitted them from time to time in confidence to the lynx eye oi another political luminary, whose name appearing in no enviable point of view at that juncture, caused the mighty genius some alarm at the part lie was to play in ihePolitical Drama^ and he at once resolved the work should not be made pubhc if money, could prevent it, with the good will of the author. Accordingly, consulting with two of his confiding political friends residing in New York, one now no more, the other still living in the same city in good health, (and as deep in the affairs of the nation as in days of yore,) he privately commissioned them to endeavour to purchase the whole edition. Overtures were made for that purpose in private to the author, and after several secret meetings the purchase was completed for a certain sum, the copies to be counted, and immediately consumed.

Although the two friends of the gentleman, and the publisher, were oni}^ present at the time of the great conflagration., some few copies escaped the flames, and it is said, were privately sold to certain individuals, and by them sent to their political friends at a distance.

It was supposed at the time, that it was through the influence of a certain lady known to Colonel Burr and General Hamilton, that the few copies were saved and distributed ; and that she received a certain sum for her agency in the matter ; and this was the commencement of hostilities between those two political aspirants, which resulted in the fatal duel at Hoboken, the particulars of which are well known in the history of those times.

This work will, in a measure, prove that federalism in 1798, and modern whiggery, are one and the same family ; that the principles which governed the party in 1798, and were carried out at that momentous period, were attempted by the party in 1841. For being elated at their unexpected success, plans were matured for an unmerciful crusade against their opponents, and would have been carried fully into effect, if the wishes of the leaders of 2 • . • • the party, and of President Harrison's cabinet, had prevailed. The President himself was, to the knowledge of the editor, positively opposed to this general proscription. Whether he would have finally yielded to the pressure which he painfully sustained for a month, cannot now be known ; for the hand of an All- Wise Being relieved him from his great anxiety, by calling him to another and a - better world, which destroyed the nefarious measures of his cabinet, and their friends. This alone saved the mandate from being carried out to its full and contemplated extent, of thrusting instanter from office all who were denounced as having in their veins a sprinkling of democratic blood ; thus carrying out a principle laid down by Mr. Adams, never to trust a vulgar democrat to any office of responsibility or patronage ; for the reason, as he once wrote, that " if a family which has been high in office and splendid in wealth, falls into decay from profligacy, folly, vice, or misfortune, they generally turn democrats, and court the lowest of the people with an ardour, an art, a skill, and consequently with a success, which no vulgar democrat can attain." (See Appendix.) Mr. Adams in carrying out this principle, that no democrat should be trusted with office, thrust from an exalted and important station, a near connexion of the editor, whose only fault was in being an honest, upright republican of the Jeffersonian school. Mr. Jefferson, on coming into power, caused him to be reinstated.

It appears, throughout Mr. Adams's administration, that his imagination was disturbed by the gohl'in of Democracy. The same uneasy ambition which characterized him in pubhc, pursued him even to his retreat. Envy and jealousy seemed to have burned in his bosom, and he conceived the Herculean project of prostrating the reputation of Mr. Jefferson, and of raising himself and his family on the ruins of democracy. Yet, amid all this confusion and war of elements, Mr. Jefferson stood, hke Atlas, upon a broad and immoveable basis, with his head in clear sunshine, above the lowering clouds. The principles of the Constitution went into complete and harmonious operation, and the resources of the country were developed, to the credit of this country, and to the admiration of the whole Christian world.

The people flocked to the republican standard, and the result of the second election of Mr. Jefferson demonstrated, that pure republican principles had taken deep root in their affection. They could not be overthrown.

By retirement after the revolution Mr. Adams might have preserved a rank in that luminous galaxy of heroes and statesmen who so gallantly achieved our independence; but his ambitious mind sought eagerly for power — he obtained it ; his abuse of it, under the advice of intriguing pohtical aspirants, caused his downfall, like other ambitious leaders who have risen, flourished, and fallen — proving that this inordinate and unprincipled thirst for power in a republic on the part of a " few at the expense of the many," has always been the inveterate bane of liberty— the semen dissolutionis of political communities. That although men are, by nature, free and equal, yet, there is among them, a perpetual tendency to inequality. Society is constantly diverging into the extremes of affluence and power on the one hand, and penury and weakness on the other. The history of nations is little else than the history of individuals, the existence and prosperity of the one depending in a measure upon the purity, patriotism, and public spirit of the other.

By a constant recurrence to first principles, and an unceasing inspection and scrutiny into the conduct and characters of our distinguished men, we may hope still to preserve our rights, and perpetuate them to all future generations. However elevated his rank, powerful his connexions, or unlimited his hold upon the estimation and confidence of his countrymen, we shall not shrink from summoning the de> linquent to that tribunal, from which there is no appeal — to the tribunal of Public Opinion.

The Editor.

HISTORY

OF

OF

JOHN ADAMS.

CHAPTER I.

hitrodudory Remarks — Biography of Mr. Adams — Review of his Political Tends — Causes of his Eledion.

The United States of America enjoyed, under the administration of the ilhistrious Washington, all those advantages which result from the prudent policy of a virtuous magistrate. The peaceful system which he pursued, repaired, in a great measure, the injuries sustained by a long and expensive civil war. His interests and passions were the same as those of the people, and a constant communication of good offices kept alive their attachments. During the first four years of the present confederacy, the second station of executive public employment, and all of the third grade, remained in the same hands ; nor did any changes take place in the more subordinate, but from voluntary resignation and death. The public debt decreased in a much greater proportion than ever was known to take place in the same period in any nation of the world — the expenses of government were also much less, in proportion to wealth and numbers, than those of any kingdom in Europe. Affairs remained in this prosperous state until the conclusion of Jay's treaty, which the growing propensity for commerce and interest had effected. Then, for the first time, those generous maxims of liberty which had established our

^3 ^ (25)

independence, were observed to suffer — our towns and villages were immediately stocked with British agents, Nova Scotian tories, and French royalists — the epithet of royalist became a distinction more powerful than merit, and the name of republican the most odious of titles. The voluntary resignation of Washington, who probably perceived the disorders which were to follow, and the election of a monarchical president, gave a four years triumph to this hydra of despotism. Before I relate the tyranny and corruption which disfigured this period, it may not be improper to give a short account of the life of Mr. Adams, his political tenets, and the incidents attending his election. This will form the design of the present chapter. John Adams was born at Braintree, in Massachusetts, the 19th day of October, 1735. General report states his father to have been a shoemaker, and the descendant of a Scottish family, who emigrated to Massachusetts Bay about 1650. Young Adams is also said to have prosecuted, for several years, the same business ; until, by the advice of his uncle, who was a village schoolmaster, he applied himself to the study of letters, and relinquished the occupation of Crispin. In the year 1755, he taught a school near Braintree, and continued in this sphere of life for several years. At W"hat period he commenced the study of law is uncertain — we only know that on the 5th of March, 1770, he advocated the cause of monarchy at Boston, in the case of Captain Preston, who barbarously put to death several citizens of that town. Doctor Morse, in a short biography which he has given of Mr. Adams, has the following particulars respecting this trial. " The cause of Captain Preston was most unpopular. The whole town had been in a state of irritation on account of the conduct of Governor Hutchinson and the troops w-hich were stationed in it — their resentment now burst into a flame — but he felt the cause to be a just one ; and the danger of incurring the displeasure of his countrymen could not deter him from undertaking it. He conducted the cause with great address, by keeping off the trial till the passions of the people had time to subside. The trial at length commenced, and lasted several days, during which, he displayed the most extensive knowledge of the laws of his country and of humanity ; and, at the conclusion, he had the satisfaction of proving to Great Britain herself, that the citizens of Massachusetts would be just and humane to their enemies, amidst the grossest insults and provocations." Captain Preston was acquitted.

Mr. Adams was afterwards elected a member of the first Congress, in 1774, and certainly assisted at bringing about the memorable resolution of the 4th of July, 1776, which declared the American colonies free, sovereign, and independent states.

Having been for a considerable length of time one of the commissioners of the war department, and a principal suggestor of the terms to be offered to France for forming a treaty of alliance and commerce, he was sent to the court of Versailles, along with Franklin and Lee, as ministers plenipotentiary of the United States, to consummate that important business. On his return from France, he was called upon by Massachusetts to assist in forming a plan of government ; and this state is, without doubt, indebted to Mr. Adams, both for the excellencies as well as imperfections of its present constitution.

When this business was completed he returned to Europe, vested with full powers from Congress to assist at any conference wdiich might be opened for the establishment of peace; and he soon after received other powers to negotiate a loan of money for the use of the United States ; and to represent them as their minister plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces.

While in Europe, Mr. Adams published his defence of the constitutions of government of the United States of America. To ascertain the political creed of Mr. Adams, it is only necessary to consider a few passages in the preface to this elaborate compilation. According to Mr. Adams, a monarchy, hmited by an aristocratical and a democratical power in the constitution, is the most perfect government of any. " The English," he says, " by blending together the feudal institutions with those of Greece and Rome, have made that noble composition which avoids the inconveniences and retains the advantages of both; and it would be the height of folly to go back to the institutions of Woden and Thor, and of the ancient Germans, after knowing the history of England." Hume and Robertson, he a.sserts, have given such admirable accounts of the feudal institutions, and their consequences, that it would have been, perhaps, more discreet in him to have referred to them, without saying anything upon the subject.

As the principles of Mr. Adams, respecting government, are erected upon the feudal system, and as the theory which he has adopted concerning that system, appears, by his own confession, to be drawn from Hume and Robertson, it is only necessary, in order to expose the fallacy of the political structure which Mr. Adams has raised, to detect a few of the leading errors of these writers.

Hume and Robertson, it is well known, were the slaves of a faction, and that they meanly prostituted their talents to vindicate tyranny, and destroy the rights of their nation — they dwell on what they term the aristocratical genius of ancient times — they take a pleasure in painting the power of the Saxon nobles, and in displaying the abjectness of the people of ancient Britain. From a view of paying a compliment to royalty, they aiiect to consider the Norman invasion as the proper era of the British constitution ; and William the Robber, as the founder of English liberty. Mr. Hume says, " none of the feudal governments in Europe had such institutions as the county courts, which the great authority of the Conqueror still retained from the Saxon customs — all the freeholders of the county, even the greatest barons, were obliged to attend the sheriffs in these courts, and to assist them in the administration of justice."

In every feudal kingdom, however, notwithstanding this strong affirmation, the comes was known and the comitatus. " The comitatus, or county, was the territory or estate of the comes ; and the court he held, and in which he presided, was the county court, to which the freeholders and feudators were called, and acted as assessors or judges."*

Mr. Hume says in another place, " that the great authority of the Conqueror retained the county courts from the Saxon customs." He thus infers that these courts were favourable to the royal authority. The fact, however, is exactly the reverse. The greater jurisdiction there is in the nobles and the people, the more limited is the prerogative of princes. The county courts were eminent and formidable supports of the liberty of the subject ; and instead of giving them encouragement, it was the. interest of the Conqueror to employ his great authority in their suppression.

Mr. Hume, notwithstanding a variety of authorities which oppose his assertions, expresses himself to the following pur-

^ * Doctor Gilbert Stuart's View of Society in Europe.

pose. (Appendix 2cl, to the History of England.) "The great similarity among all the feudal governments of Europe is well known to every man that has any acquaintance with ancient history ; and the antiquaries of all foreign countries, where the question was never embarrassed by party disputes, have allowed, that the commons were very late in being admitted to a share in the legislative power."

The learned work of Archbishop Hincmar, De Ordine Palatii, places this matter in a very different light ; and the Abbe Mably, who copies and comments upon it, acknowledo-es the supreme power of the assemblies of the ancient Germans and Saxons, selects examples of it, and of the interference and consideration of the people. In fact, nothing of any moment or value, in peace or in war, could be done without their approbation. Their assemblies, however, were very different fi'om the Etats Generaux of after times, when the rights of the people were insulted, and the legislative power came to reside in the sovereign — yet it is not uncommon to confound them ; and on the foundation of this error, improper conclusions have been inferred against the commons of England.

While liberty and the deputies of the people made a figure, and while the prerogative of the sovereign was restrained and directed by national councils and assemblies, in the other countries of Europe, it appears the height of wildness to conclude, as Hume has done in his History of England, and Robertson in his plausible introduction to the History of Charles v., that in Britain, the inhabitants were in a state of slavery ; and that the mandate of the prince w^as law. His condition, so far from being despotic, was every moment exposed to danger and insult. He might be deposed for a slight offence — he was elected to his office — and his coronation oath expressed his subjection to the community, and bound him to protect the rights of his subjects.

The Anglo-Saxon laws are proofs, that instead of governing by his will or caprice, he was under the control of the national assembly. In the preambles to them, we find that the wites or sapientes, were a constituent branch of the government. The expression, seniores sapie7ifes populi met, is a part of the prologue to the ordinations of King Ina, anno 712. And these sapientes populi, or deputies of the people, appear in the laws of other princes of the Anglo-Saxons.

By a curious testimony, it is even obvious that the word 3* sapiejitcs must have meant the commons. In the supplication del covnly de Devonshire to Edward III. there are these expressions : " Que luy please par Vavys des prelats, countees, harojis, el autres sages in test present parliament ordeiner, S)T. The bishops, the earls, barons, and other sages, in this present parliament, ordain." This supplication is printed in the 4 Inst. p. 232, in the reign of the third Edward ; from the autres sages expressing the commons, it may surely be decisively inferred that sapientes had the same meaning in older times.

In fiict, the expressions that denote the Anglo-Saxon assemblies, allude to their nationality. " Commune concilium, conventus omnium, concilium cleri et populi, omnium principiwm et omnium sapientum conventus, &c. The common council, the general assembly, the assembly of the»clergy and people, the convention of all the chiefs and all the wise men," are appellations which mark forcibly the interference and assistance of the commons.

Dr. Robertson has, with more art, although not with equal force of thought and reasoning, inculcated the same opinions as Mr. Hume. The former was better versed in Jesuitical intrigue, the latter deeper founded in metaphysical argument. They both employed themselves in the cause of monarchy, and their works, from beginning to concfusion, can only be regarded as plausible defences of prerogative. Mr. Adams, trusting to the undue weight of what are called great authorities, has put implicit confidence in their assertions, and in a theory which was framed by them, for the express purpose of complimenting royalty at the expense of their nation.

From the same cause have sprung the senates of the United States. In England, and every other country where the feudal system has been established, an order of men superior to the commons necessarily exist, and must remain until a total revolution in property as well as government takes place ; but in America, where the distinction of superior and vassal is unknown, and where men hold their property by an equal tenure, the erection of a senate, or house of chieftains, is a direct violation of the rights of citizens, and can serve no other purpose than to clog the wheels of government, and add to the national expense.