Secrets of the late rebellion, now revealed for the first time

Front matter

ILLUSTRATED EDITION.— PRICE, $2.

SECRETS

OF THE

Chapter I. Pagb

This not a General History of the War, but of Special Incidents not Heretofore Published — Most of the Actors Gone — Whence the Facts Contained in this Volume — Changes Since the War — Facts Herein Mostly New — Old Facts used as Frames and Canvas; New Facts as Pictures — All Reliable — Fabian Policy and Masterly Diplomacy — Written Without Prejudice, and from an Historic Standpoint Only .... 21

CHAPTER n.

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE.

KING COTTON BEHIND THE SCENES.

Meeting of Confederate Congress — Their Acts— President Davis's Proclamation — President Lincoln's Counter Proclamation— Second Meeting of Confederate Congress — Message and Acts — Third Meeting of Confederate Congress, at Richmond— Message and Acts — President Buchanan's Administration.— Lincoln Inaugurated President — His Cabinet — Call for Troops— Strength of Blockade Squadron — Extra Session of United States Congress — Message and Acts — Attempt at Liverpool to Break Blockade — English Blockade-Runners — New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore Blockade-Runners — Business at Wilmington, N. C. — Northern Sympathizers with the South — Quotations from Kattell and from Macaulay Applied to Condition of United States Government 29

I aci

Xii CONTENTS.

Chapter III. Establishing Stations— First Trip And First Passengers

BRAINS AND CAUTION SHIFTING THE SCENES.

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Battle of Gettysburg — The Outsjde and the Inside View of that Battle — Things Known Behind the Scenes — Communication Between North and South Nearly Closed — Necessity the Mother of Invention — President Davis's Plan for Opening New Route — How it was Done — Who the Conductors, and how Managed — Who Kept Way-stations, and how Paid — Guides, Engineers, Brakemen, and how Paid — Depot in Washington — Special Agents in Washington, Balrimore, Philadelphia, and New York — First Letters by New Line, and to Whom — The Baltimore Cotton Ring — The Philadelphia Cotton Ring — The New York Cotton Ring — Heads and Directors of Each — Lamb and Waddell First Passengers on New Line — Difficulties and Amxusing Incidents of their Trip Across the Lines and Through the Confederate States — Their Return — Report to Cotton Rings — Results 41

Chapter IV. Another Conductor On The New Line

CAUTION SLIDING THE SCENES.

Colonel Killgore Conductor on New Line — His Former Services and Character — His First Service as Conductor — Recognized in Baltimore — Alarm, and Happy Termination — Again Recognized by One of Baker's Secret Detectives — Shoots Detective on the Spot — Serves Till Line Closes — Returns to Charleston—-Opens Law-Office — One of the First Men of the State . 65

Chapter V. Nobility After The Nuggets

DIPLOMACY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

Cotton and Gold Markets in 1863 — What They Indicated— Great Divorce Trial — Arguments on Both Sides — First Confederate Loan — By whom Taken — Arrival in New York of Lord Brewerton — His Conference with President McLane — Goes to Baltimore, and whom he Meets — Then on to Washington — Scene

CONTENTS. Xlll

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in Ben. Beveridge's Saloon — Then to English Embassy — Remains with Lord Lyons — Concludes to go South — How he Goes — His Disguise — Hiding in Negro Hut — Midnight Ride Behind a Blind Mule, in a Two-wheel Dirt Cart — How he Gets Through the Union Lines — Arrival in Richmond — Stops with President Davis — Grand Ball at Executive Mansion in Honor of Lord Brewerton — The Dresses of, and who Present — Trip Through Confederate States — His Report to President Davis — Returns to Washington — Attends President Lincoln's Levee with Confederate Officer — Reports to Philadelphia and New York Cotton Rings — Returns to England — Other English Lords in the Confederate States — Sons of Peers in the Confederate Army — All After the Gold Nuggets 71

Chapter VI. In Tight Places And Out

SHREWDNESS PULLING THE WIRES.

Other Incidents in Running the Land Blockade — Mr. Dangerfield a Passenger — His Strange Experiences — Mr. Willis a Passenger, and his Experiences — One of the Conductors Arrested as a Spy — How he Escapes — Senator Johnson in a Bad Fix — How he Got Out — No Ill-will Towards Perpetrators . . 87

Chapter VII. Prisoners, How Used And How Abused

CRAFT AND CRUELTY PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

Bounty Jumpers, by whom and how Encouraged — Richmond Diplomacy, and how Put in Practice — Bounty Jumpers Specially Well Treated — Treatment of Other Union Prisoners at Libby Prison— At Castle Thunder— At Salisbury— At Andersonville — Related by an Eye-Witness 99

Chapter VIII. Guerillas On The War-path

CUNNING AND DUPLICITY PROMPTING THE ACTORS. DESTRUCTION IN THE BACKGROUND.

*' Moseby's Cavalry," how Organized and how Operated — Startling Facts Never Before Published— Four Persons Bound with

XIV CONTENTS.

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Chains, and then Burned with Storehouse and Contents — Stealing of a Horse from Lieutenant-Colonel Phillips — A " Dunkard" Murdered for his Money — Paymaster Tilletson Gobbled Up — Six Union Officers about to be Hung by Moseby's Guerillas, and how Saved — Three Officers Stripped Naked, and Turned Out to Perish — How Rescued — Murder of Cavalry Prisoners After Surrender — Grant and Sheridan's Plan of Retribution — Terrible Results in

Chapter IX. What Became Of Slaves During And After The

WAR.

THE ALMIGHTY DOLLAR PROMPTING THE ACTORS. "we NEBER SEED 'eM ANY MORE."

Number of Slaves Before the War — Number After — What Became of them During and After the War — Droves to Texas — Shiploads to Brazil and Cuba — How the Trade was Carried On — Kidnapping After the War — Northern and Southern Consciences 133

Chapter X

THE CONFEDERACY AS SEEN FROM WITHIN. PRIDE, PASSION, AND WANT IN THE BACKGROUND. Suffering in the South During the War, Related by Those who were Behind the Scenes — Fair Outside Show Kept Up — Going Sixty Miles for One Wagon-load of Provisions — Twenty-Five Boxes of Tobacco for One Bag of Coffee — Gambling Saloons "^ in Richmond — By whom Frequented, and why — Fortune Made on Pins and Needles — Dogs and Cats at a Premium — Party Antagonisms — Congressman Shot Dead on Floor of House, in Richmond — Jealousies About Appointments — Terrible Condition of Currency — Five Dollars for a " Drink," and Ten for a Breakfast, at " Ballard House," Richmond . 149

CHAPTER XL

HOW ORDER WAS MAINTAINED.

KINDNESS AND POWER (hAND-IN-HAND) BEHIND THE SCENES.

Alexandria, Va., Before and During the War— Its Capture, and the Consequences—Military Governor and Provost-Court—

CONTENTS. XV

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The Organization and Business of the Court — Trial of a Secessionist for Assault upon a Union Man — Fined Five Hundred Dollars — Appeal to General McClellan — Remedy Complete— No Similar Cases Afterwards 159

Chapter XII. Judge Freese's "bayonet Court."

OTHER POWERS, AND HOW EXERCISED.

Reports in Northern Journals about Court — Nothing for Show, All for Necessity — Threats of Assassination — Insults to Officers and Sentinels — How Remedied — Arrest of Episcopal Clergyman — Conscience not to be Interfered with — Attempt to Burn Church— How Prevented — Terrible Cruelty to Slaves — Parties Arrested and Tried — Sentence, and its Effect upon the Community — Power of Court Recognized — No like Cases after that 177

Chapter XIII. Loyalty Versus Disloyalty

PREJUDICE AND SELF-INTEREST PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

The Different Definitions given to the word Loyalty — A Third Class Professing Loyalty to Both, but Loyal to Neither — Aptly Portrayed by Macaulay — Cases before the Provost-Court — Mr. E. for Giving " Aid and Comfort " to the Enemy — Sentence— Concerts by Hutchinson Family — Forbid by General McClellan — Sustained by Judge Freese — Great Excitement — The Court Sustained — Loyalty Triumphant 203

Chapter XIV. Disloyalty As Affecting The Rights Of Property

ERROR AND PREJUDICE PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

New Class of Cases before the Court — Abandoned Property — How Regarded by Union Men and Secessionists — General Montgomery and Judge Freese's Views on this Question — Attempt to Take a Piano — Amicable Trial of the Case — Decision of the Court — Confiscation and Sequestration Acts, How Construed by the Court — Happy Termination of Case and End of like Troubles 223

XVI CONTENTS.

Chapter XV. A New Way To Pay Old Debts

JUSTICE SHIFTING SCENES AND PROMPTING ACTORS.

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Another Class of Cases before the Court — Two Hundred Million Dollars Owed by Southern to Northern Merchants — Philadelphia and New York Creditors after Alexandria Debtors— Debtors in Richmond, Goods in Alexandria — Cases taken up by Provost-Court — Rules of Procedure — Principles Involved — Decision of the Court — Justice Triumphant . . . 239

Chapter XVI. Legal Technicalities In Conflict With Common

SENSE.

ANOTHER ACT IN THE DRAMA — PRIDE ON ONE SIDE AND JUSTICE ON THE OTHER PROMPTING THE ACTORS.

Nothing so Uncommon as Common Sense — Cases Illustrative — Efforts among Secessionists and Disloyalists to Close the Provost-Court— President Lincoln's Answer — Secretary Cameron's Answer — Applications to Attorney-General Bates and Postmaster-General Blair — Conference between President Lincoln and Judge Freese — Between Bates, Cameron, and Freese— General McClellan Brought in — His Aid-de-Camp Calls upon General Montgomery — The Order and Wishes of General McClellan — Final Conference between General Montgomery and Judge Freese — The Result — How Received — What would have been the Results of a Different Policy . 265

Chapter XVII. Facts, Figures, And Fair Inferences

What the Calculations of Abraham Lincoln and his Cabinet were at the Opening of Hostilities — How and why they were Mistaken in these Calculations — Facts and Figures from Official Documents to Substantiate Statements 281

Chapter XVIII. Why The South Has Not Denounced The Dem- Ocratic Party

What Keeps the Party Alive—What the Final End of this Republic 303

CONTENTS. XVU

Chapter XIX

/fOW COMES IT THAT THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, WITH SUCH A WEIGHT OF SIN UPON IT, CAN STILL KEEP ALIVE f PACK

This Question Fully and Fairly Answered 315

Chapter XX

FROM ALL YOUR STUDY OF HISTORY, WHAT DEDUC- TIONS DO YOU DRAW AS TO THE FINAL DECLINE AND FALL, IF SUCH A THING IS EVER TO BE. OF THIS REPUBLIC?

This Question Answered by a Review of the History of Other Republics 321

Chapter XXI

THE SPARTAN REPUBLIC— ITS RISE AND FALL, AND WHY. THE ATHENIAN REPUBLIC, AND THE REASON OF ITS FALL. THE THEBAN REPUBLIC, AND THE CAUSES OF ITS DESTRUCTION.

These Lessons Applied to the American Republic 331

Chapter XXII

THE ROMAN REPUBLIC— ITS RISE, GLORY, DECLINE, AND FALL, AND THE REASON THEREOF.

How the Facts of its History may Serve as Lessons to Ourselves — Our Immediate Danger, and what the Remedy .... 343 2* B il

Chapter I. Introductory

EXPLANATIONS AND PLEDGES.

THE '' History of the Great Rebellion," as some have called it, or of " The American Conflict," as others have called it, has been written over and over — by Greeley, by McClusky, by Abbott, by Kattell, by Pollard, and by others — and it is not my intention to write it again : but I Purpose, as Macaulay says in the first two words of that wonderful History of England in which, by the magic of his pen, he has made facts, which, until then, had lain only in the brains of old women, in the traditions of old men, in forgotten newspapers, and in neglected pamphlets, come forth in all the habiliments of life ; some grinning with merriment, and others frowning with despair— some as angels of heaven, and others as demons of hell — I Purpose, throughout the whole of this volume, to write of the sayings and doings of those who, in the great war between the United States and the "Southern Confederacy," stood in the side wings, or behind the scenes, as proprietors, as stockholders, as lessees, as stage managers, as prompters, as scene-shifters, as curtain- droppers, as wire-pullers, and without whom the acts before the scenes could not have been, and would not have been, enacted. Many, yea, most of those who attended to their various parts behind the scenes, while those in front were attending to theirs, have gone to their long homes. Like the hero of a hundred battles —

" They sleep their last sleep and have fought their last battle^ No sound can awake them to glory again;"

yet a few remain, scattered throughout the North, scattered throughout the South, in cities, in towns, in offices, in workshops, in negro huts ; and from these, and such as these, we have gathered and now propose to put on record, the inner or secret history of the greatest war of the nineteenth century — a war in which more men were engaged, more deeds of valor done, more lives lost, and during which there was more of masterly diplomacy exercised, on both sides, than in any war which has occurred since the days of the Roman empire.

Eighteen years ago ! Only three words, uttered in a single breath and seeming but as yesterday, when looking backward, and yet where is the tongue that can tell, or the pen that can write all that has transpired within that time ?

Fields made desolate by battles then are now waving with grain, covered by green swards, or bedecked with flowers ; what were then hastily constructed earthworks are now grassy mounds, covered over with shrubbery ; what then were rifle-pits are now pleasant pathways for man and beast; cities then burned, or otherwise made desolate through the ravages of war, have regained more than their former size, beauty, and commercial prosperity; plantations then laid waste have been restored to more than their former productiveness; wounds, ghastly, bloody wounds, then made by shot or shell, or sabre cut, are now so healed that even the cicatrices are scarcely observable ; and, but for vacant chairs in many households, and too well-filled cemeteries at Arlington Heights,

INTRODUCTORY. 23

at Gettysburg, ^nd all over the land, it would be difficult for us now to realize that a terrible, desolating war had swept over this country within so short a time as eighteen years.

Time is indeed the great leveller, bringing king and subject, master and slave, to a common platform ; nor is it less the great assuager and healer. Passions which burned in the breasts of men with the fierceness of a furnace, eighteen years ago, have so smouldered and died out, that not even a spark can now be found on the hearthstones of their hearts ; and hence it is that what could not have been told fifteen, ten, or even five years ago, without the risk of inflaming passions and leading to greater harm than good, may now be told without the slightest objection either from actors or subjects. In history, as in law, there are statutes of limitation^ and when these bounds are once passed, all that occurred previous to those dates is wiped from the record of personal responsibility, and becomes the property of the historian.

Most, if not all, of the facts which I purpose to incorporate in this history will be new — that is, such as have never been published before. They have been known, of course, to the actors and to a few confidential friends, and vague hints of their existence have found their way in newspapers from time to time ; but never before have they reached the public eye or ear in book form ; nor would they now, but for the fact that the limitation of responsibility has so far passed, that no possible harm can come from their publicity. To make the new facts intelligible as to time and bearing, old facts will, in some cases, have to be repeated, but in all such cases the old facts will be but the frames, while the new facts will be the pictures.

Though we are not at liberty in all cases to give the sources of our information, yet no one need question the substantial correctness of every statement found in this volume, though it may occasionally happen that names have been given incorrectly or misspelled, or that the dates are not precise. To remember names and dates is not easy for any one, and that, after a lapse of fifteen years, some of these should have been partially or entirely forgotten by some of our informants, is not at all strange. Of course we can only give the statements as received. Most of them we have had direct from the lips of those who were participants in the scenes, others from official sources, that is, from those who were in, or directly connected with, governmental departments; others, from hints given at the time, but the details of which could not be stated until the prejudices and passions of the war had subsided ; and still others, from those who had them from the lips of the participants.

Some of the facts and incidents hereafter to be related are but new manifestations of the Fabian policy, and however unfair they would have seemed to Northern people had they been known at the time, yet now, few, if any, will regard them other than as acts of masterly diplomacy upon the part of Mr. Davis and his cabinet. But for this policy, the Southern Confederacy would have had to succumb at least two years before it did ; and, on the principle that "while there is life there is hope," the longer they could prolong the contest the more to their credit. The relative strength of the North and South, at the beginning of the war, may be fairly represented by the numbers 20 and 10, Now take one off from each at five successive engagements, and the figures will stand 15 and 5. Before, the smaller equalled the one-half of the larger number, now it equals only the one-third. Again take one off from each at four more engagements, and the figures will stand 1 1 and i — the smaller representing only the one-eleventh part of the larger, while one more engagement wipes out the smaller nuipber entirely, and yet

INTRODUCTORY. 2$

leaves the one-half of the larger. From this plain mathematical statement it will be seen how important it was for the Southern Confederacy to pursue the Fabian policy of delay, both as to its operations in the field, and in its diplomacy with English and Northern capitalists.

The learning of these '' Secrets of the Late Rebellion " has had the effect to increase, rather than lessen, our admiration of Jefferson Davis as a statesman, and such we think will be the effect upon all who may read this book. However much we may condemn his political principles, however much we may condemn the rebellion, and however rejoiced we may be that he and it failed of success, yet, now that we know of the secret as well as the open difficulties with which he had to contend, we cannot but admire the talent, the energy, and the perseverance with which he overcame them all for months and years ; and at last only yielded to necessities which no foresight, no talent, no energy could have overcome.

Nor is he the only one of the " Lost Cause " whom these " Secrets " make us to admire the more. Others, many others, as will be seen by the following chapters, acted their parts nobly and well, and deserve more credit than has ever yet been accorded to them by the historian ; while others whose secret fiendish acts are herein recorded, acted worse, a thousandfold worse, than the public ever knew or probably would have known but for the appearance of this volume.

In putting on record the following facts and incidents of the war, my aim shall be to view everything from a historic standpoint only. As a Northern man, and as a late officer in the army, my partisanship and prejudices during the war were doubtless as strong as those of any other man ; but so far as I know my own heart, not a particle of that partisanship or prejudice now remains, and I believe that I can write of both sides with equal 3 impartiality. In relating the incidents, I may not have occasion to express any opinion at all for or against; But if I should, my readers may rest assured that it will be done without a particle of prejudice. With these explanations, and these pledges, I am now ready to begin the relation of facts and incidents as they occurred Behind tJte Scenes during the late War. J. R. F.

Chapter II. Running The Land Blockade

KING COTTON BEHIND THE SCENES.

ON the 4th of February, 1861, the Confederate Congress met at Montgomery, Ala. It was composed of nine delegates from Alabama, three from Florida, ten from Georgia, six from Louisiana, seven from Mississippi, three from North Carolina, seven from South Carolina — fortyfive in all.

They adopted the old Constitution of the United States, with the exception of five clauses. The first was a change in the preamble — making the States named, other than "We the people," the contracting parties; the second change related to the ** importation of African negroes," etc. ; the third related to the escape and delivery of slaves ; the fourth related to adjusting disputes between the contracting States; the fifth empowered Congress to "lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, etc." The Constitution, as amended, was adopted February 8th, and on the same day Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President, by a unanimous vote.

On the 18th of February Mr. Davis was inaugurated, and immediately after he nominated, and Congress confirmed, the following cabinet :

Secretary of State... .„ Robert Toombs.

Secretary of the Treasury C. G. Memminger.

Secretary of War L. Pope Walker.

3* 29

This same Congress authorized a loan of fifteen million dollars, secured by an export duty on cotton, and passed an act " To modify the navigation laws, and to repeal all discriminating duties on ships and vessels" — by which the entire coasting trade from Charleston to Galveston was thrown open to the British flag. Had English capitalists framed the law, they could not have made it to please themselves better.

On the 17th of April, 1 861, President Davis issued a proclamation offering to grant letters of marque and reprisal to aid the Southern Confederacy in resisting what he called " the wanton and wicked aggressions " of the United States government.

To this President Lincoln immediately responded by issuing a proclamation, dated April 19th, declaring the Southern ports in a state of blockade.

The Congress of the Southern Confederacy assembled at Montgomery again on the 29th of April, 186 1. President Davis, in his message, advised the immediate passage of a law authorizing the acceptance of proposals for privateers. He denounced the proclamation of President Lincoln in relation to Southern ports as a mere paper blockade. "The loan authorized," he said, "had been promptly taken (by whom, or on what terms, he did not say) ; and that a much larger amount had now become necessary to defray the expenses of the war," etc.. etc.

This Congress authorized President Davis to issue letters of marque and reprisal, and prescribed regulations for the conduct of privateers. It also passed an act prohibiting the export of cotton or cotton yarn from any of the Confederate States, except through their own seaports, under a penalty of forfeiture of the cotton, a fine of five thousand dollars, and six months' imprisonment. It further proposed that the planters should be invited to put their crops into the hands of the government, and

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE. 3I

accept Confederate bonds for their value. On the 20th of May, 1 86 1, this Congress adjourned, to reassemble at Richmond, Va., in two months.

On the 20th of July, 1861, the Confederate Congress reassembled at Richmond. Meanwhile the cabinet had been enlarged as follows :

Secretary of the Navy S. R. Mallory, of Florida.

Postmaster-General .J. H. Reagan, of Texas.

Attorney-General J. P. Benjamin, of Louisiana.

This Congress included sixty-eight members, of whom fifteen were from Virginia, ten from North Carolina, nine from Alabama, three from Florida, ten from Georgia, six from Louisiana, seven from Mississippi, eight from South Carolina.

President Davis stated in his message that " fifty million dollars had been subscribed in cotton," and that "late crops had been abundant." Among the first acts of this reassembled Congress was to adopt the convention of Paris in 1856, in respect to maritime law, whereby the wishes of Great Britain were acceded to in all respects. This was, in effect, that enemies* goods should be respected in neutral ships, and that privateering should be abolished in time of war. The United States government had demurred to these propositions, for reasons ably stated at the time by Secretary Marcy, and afterwards reaffirmed by Secretary Seward. Had they become a part of national law. Great Britain could have taken every bale of cotton from the ports of the Southern Confederacy without let or hindrance. So far as the Confederacy was concerned, this act of their Congress gave full consent; but the United States still objected, nor had the propositions been concurred in by all other nations. This same Congress empowered President Davis to appoint two commissioners, with full powers, to proceed to Great Britain and other

European countries, to negotiate a recognition of the Southern Confederacy, and, if practicable, make treaties of commerce.

Having thus briefly stated the organization, the acts, and the position of the Southern Confederacy with regard to financial and cotton questions — the only questions now under consideration — we will next trace the acts of the United States government bearing upon the same questions.

When the Confederate Congress first met at Montgomery, Mr. Buchanan still occupied the Presidential chair at Washington ; but he had done nothing to interfere with the organization of the Southern Confederacy, nor, in his view of the case, had he any power or authority to interfere. One month after, on the 4th of March, 1 86 1, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was inaugurated President, Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, Vice-President, and immediately after the cabinet of Mr. Lincoln was formed as follows :

Secretary of State Wm. H. Seward, of New York.

Secretary of the Treasury S. P. Chase, of Ohio.

Secretary of War Simon Cameron, of Penna.

Secretary of the Navy Gideon Wells, of Conn.

Secretary of the Interior Caleb B. Smith, of Ind.

Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair, of Md.

Attorney-General Edward Bates, of Mo.

After the inauguration of President Lincoln, the United States Senate remained in session until the 28th of March, occupied most of the time with confirmations.

Immediately after the attack upon Fort Sumter, April 14th, 1 86 1, President Lincoln issued a call for 75,000 troops ; called an extra session of Congress to meet on the 4th of July following, and on the 19th of April, as heretofore stated, issued a proclamation declaring all the Southern ports in a state of blockade. The blockading

FARRAGUT AT MOBILE.

RUNNING THE LAND BLOCKADE. 35

squadron on the Atlantic coast, on the 4th of July, 1861, consisted of twenty-two vessels, with 290 guns and 3300 men, under command of flag-officer Stringham. The Gulf squadron, at the same time, consisted of twentyone vessels, with 282 guns and 35CK) men, under flag-officer Mervin.

This Congress authorized a loan of ;^ 1 70,000,000 ; but made no effort at all to negotiate a loan abroad, as it was well understood that English capitalists were passively hostile to the war, and, so far as they could consistently, favored the Southern Confederacy. With them cotton was king, and from the first moment of its life the Southern Confederacy did what it could to increase the love between King Cotton and his British admirers. Indeed, it was felt all over the North (and hoped for in the South) that there was some danger of European interference, since the desire for cotton, the eagerness for free trade, and the hope of immediate gain might prompt to an interference which the aristocratic element of Great Britain, and the friends of despotism in France, would have rejoiced to see undertaken.

Not long after the United States government had given notice to other nations of the blockading of Southern ports, efforts were made to break or disregard it. Liverpool merchants claimed that, under the treaty between this country and Great Britain, they had the right to enter any port of the United States, and that the attempt to enforce the blockade against British ships was an infringement of national law. The English government having already recognized the blockade as a belligerent right, the British minister in reply told the Liverpool merchants that "if any British ship, being a neutral, knowingly attempts to break an effective blockade, she is liable to capture and condemnation."

Notwithstanding this notification, scores of British merchants resolved to take the risk of running the blockade, because of the immense profits to be made therefrom. To buy cotton for ten cents, and then sell it for thirtycents, per pound, and then to pay the ten cents in arms, accoutrements, and other English manufactured goods, on which they could make a profit of at least one hundred per cent, were opportunities which seldom occurred, and which, in their estimation, would justify great risks. Nor were British merchants the only ones who took this view of the case, as the sequel of this history will show. The merchants and other moneyed men of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore were just as eager for the " almighty dollar," and were quite as ready to take risks to obtain it. The risk was lessened from the fact that the coast to be guarded extended over three thousand miles ; that the number of vessels to guard it (heretofore given) were but few in proportion to the length of coast; and that the Southern Confederacy was as anxious to have them bring their goods and take their cotton in exchange, as English and Northern merchants were to do it. Every Confederate fort and every Confederate soldier was ready to render all the aid possible to every blockade runner, no matter whether from London, Liverpool, Nassau, New York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore. As an evidence of the extent to which trade by blockade running was carried on, it has been estimated that the amount of ships and cargoes sent in by English capitalists to the one port of Wilmington, N. C, from January, 1863, to December, 1864, amounted to ;^66,ooo,ooo. What, meanwhile, was the extent of trade between Wilmington and other Southern ports with New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore capitalists is not known, but probably as great, if not greater, than with English capitalists.