Front matter
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Contents
Tntroduction Sei
In Political Fields .
Schools and Colleges .
Chapter One
The most colossal conspiracy against the United States in its history was unearthed at Bridgman, Michigan, August 22, 1922, when the secret Convention of the Communist party of America was raided by the Michigan Constabulary, aided by county and Federal officials. Two barrels full of documentary proof of the conspiracy were seized and are in possession of the authorities. Names, records, checks from prominent people in this country, instructions from Moscow, speeches, theses, questionnaires—indeed, the whole machinery of the underground organization, the avowed aim of which is the overthrow of the United States Government, was found in such shape as to condemn every participant in the convention.
It is now known and can be made public to what extent this movement, inspired from Moscow and directed by Lenin and Trotsky, has grown since the first seeds were sown a few years ago. The seriousness of the menace may now be measured for the first time. The ramifications of the organization are now known. It can be stated with authority that the Workers’ party of America is a branch of this organization, placed in the field by orders direct from Moscow and supported by the illegal branches of the Communist party. It is known that agents of the Communists are working secretly, through “legal” bodies, in labor circles, in society, in _professional groups, in the Army and Navy, in Congress, in the schools and ‘colleges of the country, in banks and business concerns, among the farmers, in the motion picture industry—in fact, in nearly every walk of life.
These agents are not “lowbrows,” but are keen, clever, intelligent, educated men and women. They are experts in their several lines. Their programs, which are now known, show that their plans for inciting the negroes, the farmers, the clerks, the workmen in industry, members of Congress, employees in Government departments everywhere, to violence against the constituted authorities, have been drawn with almost uncanny appreciation of the psychology of each group, with facts and figures so manipulated as to appeal to those approached, with false premises so cleverly drawn as to fool almost anyone.
The names of persons interested directly or indirectly in this movement are astounding. They range from bricklayers to bishops, and include many prominent official and society people. It must be understood that by far the greater number of these people do not know to what they are lending the use of their names and influence or to what they are giving their money. They have been approached to give aid to the Workers’ party, or to the many relief organizations which have sprung up disguising Communistic activities, or to the forward-looking, “advanced” schools of political thought. They do not know that their names are on what are known in the secret circles of the Communists as “sucker lists” comprising the names of people who have given to one or another of the various “causes” which are manipulated by the Communists and who can, if properly approached, be induced to give again.
These are not idle words. The plans and programs of the Communists contain the proofs. But for the length of the documents they might all be printed in full. They are worth the study of all true Americans, for by suggestion and innuendo, they are designed to bring about the moral annexation of the United States to Russia, and by direct words they show that Lenin and Trotsky with their precious group in Moscow, control the secret as well as the open work of the Communists of America in all its ramifications. The coal and railroad strikes of 1922 are striking examples of the opportunities afforded the Communists for making and abetting disorder. For the Communists thrive on disorder. Trouble is a rallying cry for them. They deliberately “plant” their agents in labor unions for the purpose of inspiring disorder. Their creed is to make capital out of strikes, riots, and every other form of popular unrest. Their plans for the coal and railroad strikes, which were so extensive a feature of 1922, were laid in 1921. Their sympathizers attend church meetings for the purpose of presenting arguments to weaken the faith of members of the church. They preach free love, the nationalization of women and children, and openly proclaim that the breaking up of the home ties is an advance in civilization.
Many of the leaders of this movement in the United States are foreigners who cannot speak the English language. In the ranks are large groups of non-citizens whose sole reading is the radical papers printed in their native language. Communist literature includes thousands of books, pamphlets, magazines and newspapers printed in various editions to meet the requirements for their foreign readers; fully a half score of languages other than English are found in this literature. ‘Much of the scheming is done by these foreigners, but a part of it, and practically all the putting into effect of the results of the conspiracies, is the work of native Americans.
The raid at Bridgman will go down in history as one of the most important events in the war against Radicalism and World Revolution. Seventeen delegates to the convention were arrested on the spot and others were later apprehended in different parts of the country. All who were there have been identified by the records which were captured and which answer any pleas of alibis. The place of the convention was an ideal one. It was in a wooded valley on the estate of Karl Wulfskeel, less than a mile from Bridgman and about twelve miles each from St. Joseph and Benton Harbor. Small hills surrounded the meeting place from which lookouts could keep watch and give warning of the approach of strangers. The grove in which the convention was held is close by a few cottages, which the owner was accustomed to rent to summer campers and which served to house the seventy-odd delegates to the convention. The spot could be reached only by a wagon road, not in good repair, so that swift automobiles could not travel with sufficient speed to prevent flight.
Watchers were also stationed in the town of Bridgman to note and report the presence of any strangers and on August 21, this foresight yielded its rewards. Word was also received from Chicago of a raid in that city on the offices of William Z. Foster, who was in attendance on the Bridgman convention, in his official capacity as head of the Trade Union Educational League. Foster and some of the higher-ups from Russia and the United States escaped during the raid but later seventeen were caught. Foster himself was arrested the next day in Chicago, and denied that he was at Bridgman—but the authorities had the minutes of the meetings, including rollcalls to which Foster answered “present,” and the text of the speech delivered by Foster. Denial was useless.
Preparations had been made, as is always the case at the illegal meetings of the Communists, to secrete the records in case of discovery. In this instance a hole had been dug back of one of the cottages into which were dumped typewriters, mimeograph machines, adding machines, the private papers of the delegates and the official records of the convention when the authorities swooped down upon the conspirators. They are called conspirators advisedly, for the purpose of the Communist party of America is to overthrow the Government of the United States by violence, by armed revolution, and to make this country like present-day Russia.
It is interesting to note that every member of the Communist party has what is known as a “party name,” by which alone he is known to the other members. Rule No. 12 of the regulations governing the meetings at Bridgman states that “no one shall disclose or ask for the legal name of any person present.” The identity of many members is unknown, although the party name of practically every member is now on record.
The delegates who were in attendance at this illegal annual convention of the Communist party of America came from all parts of the United States. There were also present honored guests (albeit in an official capacity) from Moscow, bearing instructions from their chiefs, Lenine, Trotsky, et al., and they gave explicit orders as to what should be done in this country looking to its overthrow. There were present besides Foster, C. E. Ruthenberg, three times candidate for mayor of Cleveland; Ben Gitlow, the New York labor leader; Ella Reeve Bloor, who says she has been arrested more than a hundred times for radical agitation among workers; Robert Minor, J. Lovestone, Ward Brooks, direct representative of the Communist International, of Moscow; Boris Reinstein, representing the Red Trade Union International of Moscow; Rose Pastor Stokes, whose spectacular radical career is well-known; William F. Dunne, candidate for governor of New York on the ticket of the Workers’ party, a “legal” branch of the “illegal” Communist party, and many others. The seventeen arrested at or near Bridgman were Thomas Flaherty of New York; Charles Erickson, Charles Krumbein, Eugene Bechtold and Caleb Harrison of Chicago; Cyril Lembkin, W. Reynolds, Detroit; William F.
Dunne of Butte, Mont., and New York; J. Mihelic, Kansas City; Alex Ball, Philadelphia; Francis Ashworth, Camden, N. J.; E. McMillin, T. R. Sullivan and Norman H. Tallentire, St. Louis; Max Lerner, Seatile, and Zeth Nordling, Portland, Oregon.
The convention was called to order on the afternoon of August 17 by Comrade J. Lovestone, Secretary to the Central Executive Committee. Lovestone, whose party name is L. C. Wheat, had just returned from a trip to Germany where he secured $32,000 from the International Propaganda Bureau. At the head of this organization is Karl Radek, the notorious Bolshevik who has been identified with the Communist movement since the time of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and whose real name is Tobiach Sobelsohn’. The International Propaganda Bureau was organized for the specific purpose of pooling and distributing all propaganda funds so that the money could be quickly placed where most needed. A definite proportion of the funds collected in the United States is sent to this bureau in Berlin, a definite portion being retained for direct propaganda work here.
The convention was quickly organized, committees appointed, and the work begun. William Z. Foster figured largely in the organization, he having been seated as a fraternal delegate by virtue of his position as head of the Trade Union Educational League. Comrades Ben Gitlow and Caleb Harrison were chosen chairmen by the “Presidium,” or governing body, of the convention.
The regulations governing the convention, drawn by the grounds committee, illustrate the efforts made to prevent any knowledge of the proceedings becoming known outside the secret circle. All persons were forbidden to leave the grounds without permission of the grounds committee, and if granted this permission they must register when leaving and report when returning. “No person shall mingle with strangers,” reads Rule No. 4, and the next one provides that no persons shall be allowed to send messages or mail letters. Rule No. 6 reads, ““No incriminating literature or documents shall be kept in baggage or in rooms. All such matter must be turned over to the committee every evening. The grounds committee must arrange for the safe keeping of this matter.”
The rules prescribed the time lights should be out, what time the delegation should get up in the morning, and when they should bathe and that “all persons going in bathing must wear bathing suits.” Lest some trace of their plans become known it was forbidden to write on tables, seats, or any part of the premises, and all were prohibited from “throwing away papers or written matter of any kind;” it was provided that “all written notes, not longer required, must be handed to the committee for destruction.” Roll calls were held three times a day to guard against spies getting in or leaving, and all grants to leave the grounds must be reported at every roll call.
Following the organization of the convention and the adoption of the
1 Webster, Kerlen, Beckwith—Boche and Bolshevik, p. 27 (Beckwith).
rules and regulations, Comrade Ward Brooks, of Moscow, addressed the convention in German. Notes taken in English by Comrade Max Bedacht, a member of the Central Executive Committee, were found among the buried records. At the outset of his address Comrade Brooks admitted that “for the first time since the Third International” the party was faced by really serious problems. He said:
“The revolutionary situation immediately following the Russian Revolution gave its impress on the Communist International. It was thought that we were really at the beginning of the world revolution. Some say that this crisis will be the final one. Others that it will be followed by a period of prosperity.”
Evidently prosperity is not to be desired, for the Communist movement thrives on the dissatisfaction of the masses. Throughout their literature and in all their speeches the Communists stress “class struggle,” preaching always the need of creating class consciousness as a step toward the “struggle.” Comrade Brooks’s explanation of the present situation follows in the next two paragraphs:
“The situation is really that although the economic situation is bettering, still the political consciousness and the class struggle are sharpening. Capitalism has no way out to regain complete health. The situation in the Entente is such that England and France are constantly at odds. America is at odds with the rest of the world. This leads to a great complication of interests. Thus the revolutionary movement is solidifying. Ireland endangers the position of Great Britain on the Continent.
“Germany is the greatest proletarian power, with seventy per cent -urban population. ‘The bourgeoisie cannot for any length of time hold power. The slogan of a proletarian government by the German Communist party is not artificial, but is based on the desires of the proletariat. Germany is the seed of Europe. France is so closely connected with Germany that an uprising in Germany would ultimately lead to a revolution in France.”
Comrade Brooks went on to report on conditions in Italy, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Finland, Japan and Russia, painting the picture in brilliant colors for his American hearers, turning every defeat of Communist plans to victory by twisting the significance of the developments which led to the defeat and claiming the results as satisfactory to the Communists. Among other wild claims he made was that Russia herself had contributed ninety-nine per cent to the relief of the famine sufferers of that country. Then he turned to America.
“The American situation. What has happened? Much and better. The Communist party in America sees more concretely, more definitely, its goal and also sees the methods. The tactical questions were never so intensively discussed as during the last year. This will fit them to take the lead in the class struggle. As far as results go nothing is to be seen as yet. Are we better or worse off than we were last year? Better, because the party exists and knows why it exists. It is more fit for the purpose of the Communist party than it was last year.” :
Inasmuch as they were among themselves at Bridgman there was no need of pretending that the work of the Communists was legal. The differentiation of the legal and illegal branches was made clear, and the fact that the illegal branch is regarded as the more important and the controlling branch is plainly stated. For it is in the work of the illegal branch of the organization that the violations of the laws of the country are committed, the conspiracies fathered by Moscow and imposed upon the party in America are carried out. The report of the Adjustment Committee, of which Robert Minor was chairman and of which Brooks and Reinstein of Moscow were among the members, consisted of revolutionary resolutions, which were adopted, as follows:
“1. To multiply tenfold the activities of the whole membership of the Communist party in the trades unions is not only a question of the life and death of the party, but, alongside of another form of the work among the masses, the best counterbalance against controversies that tear the party to pieces.
“2. The road to revolution in America leads over the destruction of the power of the yellow leadership of the American Federation of Labor. This aim can be accomplished only through work within the American Federation of Labor for the conquest of this organization. Therefore it is the main task of the Communists to work in the American Federation of Labor.
“3. The main goal of the Communists in their trades union work is the unification of all organized labor into one federation.
“4. The work in the independent unions must be carried on in the above spirit. The necessary and right amalgamations (not artificial ones) of independent unions within a certain industry or in local councils should be influenced by the Communists so that they are not carried through in a separatist spirit against the American Federation of Labor but as a step toward the general unification of labor and in support of the work within the American Federation of Labor.
“Oo. The tendency for the formation of a national federation of independent unions or the amalgamation of local councils into a competing ~ federation against the American Federation of Labor is harmful.
“6. The existing councils wishing to affiliate with the Red Trades Union International should not be discouraged but should be attracted under the condition that they support the trades union program of the party.”
ILLEGAL PARTY MUST CONTINUE
“1. The illegal Communist party must continue to exist and must continue to direct the whole Communist work.
“2. The open work in all forms and especially in Number Two! is the main task of the party.
“3. A legal Communist party is now impossible. Should conditions change, only a convention can change the party’s policy.”
2 The legal branch.
RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO!
“1. According to the thesis of the Second World Congress of the Communist International the réle of the Communist party in the Proletarian Revolution is, ‘The Communist party is the organized political lever by means of which the more advanced part of the working class leads all the proletarian and semi-proletarian mass.’
“2. The Communist party in its revolutionary outlook does in no country feel itself bound by the existing laws forced upon it by the bourgeois class state; not only in the historic revolution which it strives to bring about and which naturally cannot be carried out legally, but also in its activity in the period of preparation does the Communist party and the fighting proletariat come in open conflict with bourgeois justice and the organs of bourgeois state apparatus. Whether in spite of these facts the Communist party can exist as an open party, tolerated by the enemy as a so-called legal party, or whether it must exist as an illegal party depends upon a number of circumstances which differ in various countries and from time to time. Even an open Communist party must be armed for the eventuality of exceptional laws against it and also for the carrying out of many permanent tasks it must maintain an illegal apparatus. The present situation in America makes the existence of a legal Communist party, as it exists in Germany, France, Italy, etc., impossible. In spite of all differences America belongs in the category of countries like Finland, Poland, Roumania, Jugoslavia where the Communist party must be illegal. In spite of the fact that lately an extension of the possibilities of legal activities has taken place, prospects for the possibilities of an open Communist party within a reasonable length of time do not exist. The American illegal Communist party, therefore, is and remains The Communist party, the only section of the Communist International in this country.
“3. The centre of gravity of the Communist party lies in its open activities. The whole open work of all Communists in the legal political field, in the trades unions and all other organizations, and in the press, must be directed by the Communist party. The direction of this whole open work will not lead to a neglect of the illegal party work but, quite the contrary, will instill the party with real life and give its work political significance. It will direct its attention to the great problems of the struggle of the proletariat. It will establish the real connections between the party and the masses and their struggle. If in the future Number Two should become a revolutionary mass party which can openly and unrestrictedly operate as and call itself a Communist party, then the present underground organization will become an illegal apparatus within that party and must be adapted to the new situation and new functions. For the practical carrying out of these policies the following rules must be observed:
“A. In all their activities the Communists are subject to the directions and discipline of the party.
1 Illegal and Legal. {25]
“B. Every member of the Communist party is in duty bound to be active in Number Two.
“C. The Central Executive Committee will see to it that the directing body of Number Two will be subject to its guidance in the composition of its membership as well as in the execution of the political directions of the Central Executive Committee. All meetings of the Number Two must be prepared for by the Number One. This is especially important for the conventions of the Number Two which, under present conditions must be preceded by a convention of the Number One.
“D. The same holds true for local party committees.
“FE. The meetings of party committees of Number One as well as the organizations and groups of Number One must be devoted, along with inner organizational questions, mainly to discussions of plans of action in the open work. These meetings must not duplicate and thus hinder the open work but must become the driving force of the open activities.
“F. The Number Two shall be recruiting ground for the Number One and must be the constant source of new forces. ~ “G, No member of the Number One is allowed to neglect Number One work but must be in constant touch with the illegal organization. This must give the members backbone and direction for the open work.
“H. The Central Executive Committee publishes monthly an illegal organ for the discussion of important party questions to be distributed among party members and sympathizers. By actual work the Central Executive Committee must keep in constant touch with the membership so that its decisions are not carried out by purely mechanical means, but also and more important, by a thorough understanding of party policy and technique on the part of the membership.
“I. The publication of illegal propaganda and agitational literature for mass distribution shall be adapted to political necessity whenever the legal possibilities are exhausted.”
TO PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP
“1.—The program of the Number Two must be short. A manifesto which in short, concise sentences, not in the form of a narrative or a syllogism, contains the declaration of principles.
“‘2.—The red thread of the program is the idea and the practice of the class struggle. In this connection mass-actions should be dealt with. This part must be American; it must deal with partial struggles of the American masses as well as with the general struggle of the thirty million of American workers. In this portion must be stated the basic elements out of which our trade union tactics are developed. The fundamentals of the United Front should be here expressed.
“3.—The political part must lead up to the climax of the proletarian dictatorship. This formula appears in contradistinction to the dictatorship of the capitalists. American democracy must be analyzed.. Rule of the thirty million for the overthrow of capitalism as against rule of Wall Street for the conservation of exploitation. Soviet rule as the historic form of a proletarian regime in the transformation period.
“4.—One or two sentences may be inserted in a fit place dealing with the yellows and reformists and against the policy of compromise.”
CENTRISTS IN THE WORKERS’ PARTY.
“The Workers’ party was organized to comprise not only Communists but also sympathizers who, although not yet clear-cut Communists, gravitate toward Communism and accept the moral and political leadership of the Communist International and the Communist party of America. From that point of view the decided non-Communists and anti-Communists (that is, opponents of the existing Comintern), especially when they belong to the caste of leaders, are not a desirable element in the Workers’ party, but are a disturbing and at times even a dangerous element. Even though at a certain period of development we are forced to accept such elements on account of their important following, we must do everything in our power to win this following for us as quickly as possible and to destroy the influence of the non-Communists. * * To the question of whether it would be better for us if they go sooner or if it were better they go later, we answer: at the present moment an open breach would mean a split, a weakening and compromising of the as yet extremely weak party. They may therefore remain; but even now already our Communist work within the Workers’ party must be doubled and trebled as well as our propaganda for the Workers’ party.
“Especially dangerous are the positions of power of the centrists and half-centrists in the daily papers. This condition must be remedied immediately. First by organizational measures to get this press absolutely in our control; secondly, by the open criticism of their mistakes in the official organ of the Worker’s party which latter organ must be absolutely in our control; thirdly, by the establishment as soon as possible of an English daily paper.”
The “Coordination of Communist Activity in the Americas’? was discussed at length as a thesis presented to the convention. The chief point made in this thesis was that the Communists of the United States must take the lead in all Communist activity in the Latin American republics because they brand the Latins as backward, lacking in intelligence and in no way strong enough to accomplish anything without the support of the organization in this country. The capitalists of the United States were condemned utterly because they have invested so much money in Latin America, but no credit, naturally, is given for the work of aiding the countries to the south of the United States by giving employment to the people and by developing the natural resources. This extension of capital for use in Latin America is called “imperialism” by the Communists and the warning is sounded that the American capitalists are thus extending their influence for the purpose of finding labor to import into the United States to break strikes. It is also stated in this thesis that:
“The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin American countries
1 This daily Communist paper was recently established in Chicago. 2 See Appendix A.
has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed bourgeoisie of the most powerful capitalistic nation in the world, with the military resources of the United States at its command. The fight is unequal. Isolated, the Latin American workers can not hope to defend their interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They need us as well as we need them. A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin America is well nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the United States. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars imperilled, would crush it immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, is the instrument of exploitation throughout the western world. In Latin America, as in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struggle against Wall Street.”
Throughout the minutes of the convention, and also in all Communist literature, the letter “X” is used to refer to the Trade Union Educational League, of which William Z. Foster is the head and organizer. This is done in order to aid Foster in his efforts to avoid conflict with the authorities and to make the American people and his opponents in labor union circles believe that it is not connected with the Cemmunist movement. Foster was a member of the committee which drew up the resolutions on the Relation of the Communist party to the Trade Union Educational League, adopted by the convention. These resolutions provide specifically that the illegal branch of the party must always be in control of the League. They read as follows:
“1.—The party recognizes the “X’ as one of the most important factors for the revolutionizing of the trade and industrial unions and therefore will take all the necessary measures in order to develop and strengthen it through the active participation of the membership of the party to its work.
“2.—The formulation of the trade union policies by the party must be based upon the closest contact of the party with the experiences of the trade union nuclei.
“3.—The general control of the Number One nuclei within X as within all other organizations must be in the hands of the party and not in the hands of the special committees.
*4.-Contact must be established between the executive committees of the party and the executive committees of the X.
“S.—Number One nuclei within the X must be made to function regularly.”
The most important event, in the eyes of the delegates, was the speech of Foster himself before the convention. His hostility to Samuel Gompers and to the American Federation of Labor, of which Foster is a member, was shown in his address. He told of the work done among the railroad workers and the miners leading up to the strikes of 1922. He counselled violence in overthrowing the Government of the United States. He told of his dealings in person with the authorities in Moscow and how the leaders in Russia understood the situation in this country. His speech in part follows:
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The end
You’ve reached the end of Reds in America; the present status of the revolutionary movement in the U.S. based on documents seized by the authorities in the raid upon the convention of the Communist party at Bridgman, Mich., Aug. 22, 1922, together with descriptions of numerous connections and associations of the Communists among the Radicals, Progressives, and Pinks.
